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A Century of Negro Migration by Carter G. Woodson

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was commonly reported that in trying to escape, the persons undertaking it
often fail and suffer death at the hands of the planter or of murderous
mobs, giving as their excuse, if any be required, that the Negro is a
desperado or some other sort of criminal.

Unfortunately this reaction extended also to education. Appropriations to
public schools for Negroes diminished from year to year and when there
appeared practical leaders with, their sane plan for industrial education
the South ignorantly accepted this scheme as a desirable subterfuge for
seeming to support Negro education and at the same time directing the
development of the blacks in such a way that they would never become the
competitors of the white people. This was not these educators' idea but
the South so understood it and in effecting the readjustment, practically
left the Negroes out of the pale of the public school systems.
Consequently, there has been added to the Negroes' misfortunes, in the
South, that of being unable to obtain liberal education at public expense,
although they themselves, as the largest consumers in some parts, pay most
of the taxes appropriated to the support of schools for the youth of the
other race.[15]

The South, moreover, has adopted the policy of a more general intimidation
of the Negroes to keep them down. The lynching of the blacks, at first for
assaults on white women and later for almost any offense, has rapidly
developed as an institution. Within the past fifty years [16] there have
been lynched in the South about 4,000 Negroes, many of whom have been
publicly burned in the daytime to attract crowds that usually enjoy such
feats as the tourney of the Middle Ages. Negroes who have the courage to
protest against this barbarism have too often been subjected to
indignities and in some cases forced to leave their communities or suffer
the fate of those in behalf of whom they speak. These crimes of white men
were at first kept secret but during the last two generations the culprits
have become known as heroes, so popular has it been to murder Negroes. It
has often been discovered also that the officers of these communities take
part in these crimes and the worst of all is that politicians like
Tillman, Blease and Vardaman glory in recounting the noble deeds of those
who deserve so well of their countrymen for making the soil red with the
Negroes' blood rather than permit the much feared Africanization of
southern institutions.[17]

In this harassing situation the Negro has hoped that the North would
interfere in his behalf, but, with the reactionary Supreme Court of the
United States interpreting this hostile legislation as constitutional in
conformity with the demands of prejudiced public opinion, and with the
leaders of the North inclined to take the view that after all the factions
in the South must be left alone to fight it out, there has been nothing to
be expected from without. Matters too have been rendered much worse
because the leaders of the very party recently abandoning the freedmen to
their fate, aggravated the critical situation by first setting the Negroes
against their former masters, whom they were taught to regard as their
worst enemies whether they were or not.

The last humiliation the Negroes have been forced to submit to is that of
segregation. Here the effort has been to establish a ghetto in cities and
to assign certain parts of the country to Negroes engaged in farming. It
always happens, of course, that the best portion goes to the whites and
the least desirable to the blacks, although the promoters of the
segregation maintain that both races are to be treated equally. The
ultimate aim is to prevent the Negroes of means from figuring
conspicuously in aristocratic districts where they may be brought into
rather close contact with the whites. Negroes see in segregation a settled
policy to keep them down, no matter what they do to elevate themselves.
The southern white man, eternally dreading the miscegenation of the races,
makes the life, liberty and happiness of individuals second to measures
considered necessary to prevent this so-called evil that this enviable
civilization, distinctly American, may not be destroyed. The United States
Supreme Court in the decision of the Louisville segregation case recently
declared these segregation measures unconstitutional.[18]

These restrictions have made the progress of the Negroes more of a problem
in that directed toward social distinction, the Negroes have been denied
the helpful contact of the sympathetic whites. The increasing race
prejudice forces the whites to restrict their open dealing with the blacks
to matters of service and business, maintaining even then the bearing of
one in a sphere which the Negroes must not penetrate. The whites,
therefore, never seeing the blacks as they are, and the blacks never being
able to learn what the whites know, are thrown back on their own
initiative, which their life as slaves could not have permitted to
develop. It makes little difference that the Negroes have been free a few
decades. Such freedom has in some parts been tantamount to slavery, and so
far as contact with the superior class is concerned, no better than that
condition; for under the old regime certain slaves did learn much by close
association with their masters.[19]

For these reasons there has been since the exodus to the West a steady
migration of Negroes from the South to points in the North. But this
migration, mainly due to political changes, has never assumed such large
proportions as in the case of the more significant movements due to
economic causes, for, as the accompanying map shows, most Negroes are
still in the South. When we consider the various classes migrating,
however, it will be apparent that to understand the exodus of the Negroes
to the North, this longer drawn out and smaller movement must be carefully
studied in all its ramifications. It should be noted that unlike some of
the other migrations it has not been directed to any particular State. It
has been from almost all Southern States to various parts of the North and
especially to the largest cities.[20]

What classes then have migrated? In the first place, the Negro
politicians, who, after the restoration of Bourbon rule in the South,
found themselves thrown out of office and often humiliated and
impoverished, had to find some way out of the difficulty. Some few have
been relieved by sympathetic leaders of the Republican party, who secured
for them federal appointments in Washington. These appointments when
sometimes paying lucrative salaries have been given as a reward to those
Negroes who, although dethroned in the South, remain in touch with the
remnant of the Republican party there and control the delegates to the
national conventions nominating candidates for President. Many Negroes of
this class have settled in Washington.[21] In some cases, the observer
witnesses the pitiable scene of a man once a prominent public functionary
in the South now serving in Washington as a messenger or a clerk.

The well-established blacks, however, have not been so easily induced to
go. The Negroes in business in the South have usually been loath to leave
their people among whom they can acquire property, whereas, if they go to
the North, they have merely political freedom with no assurance of an
opportunity in the economic world. But not a few of these have given
themselves up to unrelenting toil with a view to accumulating sufficient
wealth to move North and live thereafter on the income from their
investments. Many of this class now spend some of their time in the North
to educate their children. But they do not like to have these children who
have been under refining influences return to the South to suffer the
humiliation which during the last generation has been growing more and
more aggravating. Endeavoring to carry out their policy of keeping the
Negro down, southerners too often carefully plan to humiliate the
progressive and intelligent blacks and in some cases form mobs to drive
them out, as they are bad examples for that class of Negroes whom they
desire to keep as menials.[22]

There are also the migrating educated Negroes. They have studied history,
law and economics and well understand what it is to get the rights
guaranteed them by the constitution. The more they know the more
discontented they become. They cannot speak out for what they want. No one
is likely to second such a protest, not even the Negroes themselves, so
generally have they been intimidated. The more outspoken they become,
moreover, the more necessary is it for them to leave, for they thereby
destroy their chances to earn a livelihood. White men in control of the
public schools of the South see to it that the subserviency of the Negro
teachers employed be certified beforehand. They dare not complain too much
about equipment and salaries even if the per capita appropriation for the
education of the Negroes be one fourth of that for the whites.[23]

In the higher institutions of learning, especially the State schools, it
is exceptional to find a principal who has the confidence of the Negroes.
The Negroes will openly assert that he is in the pay of the reactionary
whites, whose purpose is to keep the Negro down; and the incumbent himself
will tell his board of regents how much he is opposed by the Negroes
because he labors for the interests of the white race. Out of such
sycophancy it is easily explained why our State schools have been so
ineffective as to necessitate the sending of the Negro youth to private
institutions maintained by northern philanthropy. Yet if an outspoken
Negro happens to be an instructor in a private school conducted by
educators from the North, he has to be careful about contending for a
square deal; for, if the head of his institution does not suggest to him
to proceed conservatively, the mob will dispose of the complainant.[24]
Physicians, lawyers and preachers, who are not so economically dependent
as teachers can exercise no more freedom of speech in the midst of this
triumphant rule of the lawless.

A large number of educated Negroes, therefore, have on account of these
conditions been compelled to leave the South. Finding in the North,
however, practically nothing in their line to do, because of the
proscription by race prejudice and trades unions, many of them lead the
life of menials, serving as waiters, porters, butlers and chauffeurs.
While in Chicago, not long ago, the writer was in the office of a graduate
of a colored southern college, who was showing his former teacher the
picture of his class. In accounting for his classmates in the various
walks of life, he reported that more than one third of them were settled
to the occupation of Pullman porters.

The largest number of Negroes who have gone North during this period,
however, belong to the intelligent laboring class. Some of them have
become discontented for the very same reasons that the higher classes have
tired of oppression in the South, but the larger number of them have gone
North to improve their economic condition. Most of these have migrated to
the large cities in the East and Northwest, such as Philadelphia, New
York, Indianapolis, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Columbus, Detroit and Chicago.
To understand this problem in its urban aspects the accompanying diagram
showing the increase in the Negro population of northern cities during the
first decade of this century will be helpful.

Some of these Negroes have migrated after careful consideration; others
have just happened to go north as wanderers; and a still larger number on
the many excursions to the cities conducted by railroads during the summer
months. Sometimes one excursion brings to Chicago two or three thousand
Negroes, two thirds of whom never go back. They do not often follow the
higher pursuits of labor in the North but they earn more money than they
have been accustomed to earn in the South. They are attracted also by the
liberal attitude of some whites, which, although not that of social
equality, gives the Negroes a liberty in northern centers which leads them
to think that they are citizens of the country.[25]

This shifting in the population has had an unusually significant effect on
the black belt. Frederick Douglass advised the Negroes in 1879 to remain
in the South where they would be in sufficiently large numbers to have
political power,[26] but they have gradually scattered from the black belt
so as to diminish greatly their chances ever to become the political force
they formerly were in this country. The Negroes once had this possibility
in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana and, had
the process of Africanization prior to the Civil War had a few decades
longer to do its work, there would not have been any doubt as to the
ultimate preponderance of the Negroes in those commonwealths. The
tendencies of the black population according to the censuses of the United
States and especially that of 1910, however, show that the chances for the
control of these State governments by Negroes no longer exist except in
South Carolina and Mississippi.[27] It has been predicted, therefore,
that, if the same tendencies continue for the next fifty years, there will
be even few counties in which the Negroes will be in a majority. All of
the Southern States except Arkansas showed a proportionate increase of the
white population over that of the black between 1900 and 1910, while West
Virginia and Oklahoma with relatively small numbers of blacks showed, for
reasons stated elsewhere, an increase in the Negro population. Thus we see
coming to pass something like the proposed plan of Jefferson and other
statesmen who a hundred years ago advocated the expansion of slavery to
lessen the evil of the institution by distributing its burdens.[28]

The migration of intelligent blacks, however, has been attended with
several handicaps to the race. The large part of the black population is
in the South and there it will stay for decades to come. The southern
Negroes, therefore, have been robbed of their due part of the talented
tenth. The educated blacks have had no constituency in the North and,
consequently, have been unable to realize their sweetest dreams of the
land of the free. In their new home the enlightened Negro must live with
his light under a bushel. Those left behind in the South soon despair of
seeing a brighter day and yield to the yoke. In the places of the leaders
who were wont to speak for their people, the whites have raised up Negroes
who accept favors offered them on the condition that their lips be sealed
up forever on the rights of the Negro.

This emigration too has left the Negro subject to other evils. There are
many first-class Negro business men in the South, but although there were
once progressive men of color, who endeavored to protect the blacks from
being plundered by white sharks and harpies there have arisen numerous
unscrupulous Negroes who have for a part of the proceeds from such jobbery
associated themselves with ill-designing white men to dupe illiterate
Negroes. This trickery is brought into play in marketing their crops,
selling them supplies, or purchasing their property. To carry out this
iniquitous plan the persons concerned have the protection of the law, for
while Negroes in general are imposed upon, those engaged in robbing them
have no cause to fear.

[Footnote 1: Pike, _The Prostrate State_, pp. 3, 4.]

[Footnote 2: _Spectator_, LXVI, p. 113.]

[Footnote 3: Frederick Douglass pointed out this difficulty prior to the
Civil War.--See John Lobb's _Life and Times of Frederick Douglass_,
p. 250.]

[Footnote 4: Labor was then cheap in the South because of its abundance
and the foreign laborer had not then been tried.]

[Footnote 5: During these years Senator Morgan of Alabama was endeavoring
to arouse the people of the country so as to make this a matter of
national concern.]

[Footnote 6: _Public Opinion_, XVIII, p. 371.]

[Footnote 7: _Ibid._, XVIII, p. 371.]

[Footnote 8: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 817.]

[Footnote 9: _Public Opinion_, XVIII, pp. 370-371.]

[Footnote 10: Because of these conditions the last fifty years has been
considered by some writers as a "dark age," for the South.]

[Footnote 11: The Negroes are now said to be worth more than a billion
dollars. Most of this property is in the hands of southern Negroes.]

[Footnote 12: _American Law Review_, XL, pp. 29, 52, 205, 227, 354,
381, 547, 590, 695, 758, 865, 905.]

[Footnote 13: No. 300.--Original, October Term, 1910.]

[Footnote 14: Hershaw, _Peonage_, pp. 10-11.]

[Footnote 15: These facts are well brought out by Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones'
recent report on Negro Education.]

[Footnote 16: This is based on reports published annually in the
_Chicago Tribune_.]

[Footnote 17: This is the boast of southern men of this type when speaking
to their constituents or in Congress.]

[Footnote 18: _Report_, October Term, 1917.]

[Footnote 19: This danger has been often referred to when the Negroes were
first emancipated.--See _Spectator_, LXVI, p. 113.]

[Footnote 20: Compare the Negro population of Northern States as given in
the census of 1800 with the same in 1900.]

[Footnote 21: Hart, _Southern South_, pp. 171, 172.]

[Footnote 22: This is based on the experience of the writer and others
whom he has interviewed.]

[Footnote 23: In his report on Negro education Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones has
shown this to be an actual fact.]

[Footnote 24: Negroes applying for positions in the South have the
situation set before them so as to know what to expect.]

[Footnote 25: The _American Journal of Political Economy_, XXV, p.

[Footnote 26: The _Journal of Social Science_, XI, p. 16.]

[Footnote 27: _American Economic Review_, IV, pp. 281-292.]

[Footnote 28: Ford edition of _Jefferson's Writings_, X, p. 231.]



Within the last two years there has been a steady stream of Negroes into
the North in such large numbers as to overshadow in its results all other
movements of the kind in the United States. These Negroes have come
largely from Alabama, Tennessee, Florida, Georgia, Virginia, North
Carolina, Kentucky, South Carolina, Arkansas and Mississippi. The given
causes of this migration are numerous and complicated. Some untruths
centering around this exodus have not been unlike those of other
migrations. Again we hear that the Negroes are being brought North to
fight organized labor,[1] and to carry doubtful States for the
Republicans.[2] These numerous explanations themselves, however, give rise
to doubt as to the fundamental cause.

Why then should the Negroes leave the South? It has often been spoken of
as the best place for them. There, it is said, they have made unusual
strides forward. The progress of the Negroes in the South, however, has in
no sense been general, although the land owned by Negroes in the country
and the property of thrifty persons of their race in urban communities may
be extensive. In most parts of the South the Negroes are still unable to
become landowners or successful business men. Conditions and customs have
reserved these spheres for the whites. Generally speaking, the Negroes are
still dependent on the white people for food and shelter. Although not
exactly slaves, they are yet attached to the white people as tenants,
servants or dependents. Accepting this as their lot, they have been
content to wear their lord's cast-off clothing, and live in his
ramshackled barn or cellar. In this unhappy state so many have settled
down, losing all ambition to attain a higher station. The world has gone
on but in their sequestered sphere progress has passed them by.

What then is the cause? There have been _bulldozing_, terrorism,
maltreatment and what not of persecution; but the Negroes have not in
large numbers wandered away from the land of their birth. What the
migrants themselves think about it, goes to the very heart of the trouble.
Some say that they left the South on account of injustice in the courts,
unrest, lack of privileges, denial of the right to vote, bad treatment,
oppression, segregation or lynching. Others say that they left to find
employment, to secure better wages, better school facilities, and better
opportunities to toil upward.[3] Southern white newspapers unaccustomed to
give the Negroes any mention but that of criminals have said that the
Negroes are going North because they have not had a fair chance in the
South and that if they are to be retained there, the attitude of the
whites toward them must be changed. Professor William O. Scroggs, of
Louisiana State University, considers as causes of this exodus "the
relatively low wages paid farm labor, an unsatisfactory tenant or
crop-sharing system, the boll weevil, the crop failure of 1916, lynching,
disfranchisement, segregation, poor schools, and the monotony, isolation
and drudgery of farm life." Professor Scroggs, however, is wrong in
thinking that the persecution of the blacks has little to do with the
migration for the reason that during these years when the treatment of the
Negroes is decidedly better they are leaving the South. This does not mean
that they would not have left before, if they had had economic
opportunities in the North. It is highly probable that the Negroes would
not be leaving the South today, if they were treated as men, although
there might be numerous opportunities for economic improvement in the

The immediate cause of this movement was the suffering due to the floods
aggravated by the depredations of the boll weevil. Although generally
mindful of our welfare, the United States Government has not been as ready
to build levees against a natural enemy to property as it has been to
provide fortifications for warfare. It has been necessary for local
communities and State governments to tax themselves to maintain them. The
national government, however, has appropriated to the purpose of
facilitating inland navigation certain sums which have been used in doing
this work, especially in the Mississippi Valley. There are now 1,538 miles
of levees on both sides of the Mississippi from Cape Girardeau to the
passes. These levees, of course, are still inadequate to the security of
the planters against these inundations. Carrying 406 million tons of mud a
year, the river becomes a dangerous stream subject to change, abandoning
its old bed to cut for itself a new channel, transferring property from
one State to another, isolating cities and leaving once useful levees
marooned in the landscape like old Indian mounds or overgrown

This valley has, therefore, been frequently visited with disasters which
have often set the population in motion. The first disastrous floods came
in 1858 and 1859, breaking many of the levees, the destruction of which
was practically completed by the floods of 1865 and 1869. There is an
annual rise in the stream, but since 1874 this river system has fourteen
times devastated large areas of this section with destructive floods. The
property in this district depreciated in value to the extent of about 400
millions in ten years. Farmers from this section, therefore, have at times
moved west with foreigners to take up public lands.

The other disturbing factor in this situation was the boll weevil, an
interloper from Mexico in 1892. The boll weevil is an insect about one
fourth of an inch in length, varying from one eighth to one third of an
inch with a breadth of about one third of the length. When it first
emerges it is yellowish, then becomes grayish brown and finally assumes a
black shade. It breeds on no other plant than cotton and feeds on the
boll. This little animal, at first attacked the cotton crop in Texas. It
was not thought that it would extend its work into the heart of the South
so as to become of national consequence, but it has, at the rate of forty
to one hundred sixty miles annually, invaded all of the cotton district
except that of the Carolinas and Virginia. The damage it does, varies
according to the rainfall and the harshness of the winter, increasing with
the former and decreasing with the latter. At times the damage has been to
the extent of a loss of 50 per cent. of the crop, estimated at 400,000
bales of cotton annually, about 4,500,000 bales since the invasion or
$250,000,000 worth of cotton.[6] The output of the South being thus cut
off, the planter has less income to provide supplies for his black tenants
and, the prospects for future production being dark, merchants accustomed
to give them credit have to refuse. This, of course, means financial
depression, for the South is a borrowing section and any limitation to
credit there blocks the wheels of industry. It was fortunate for the Negro
laborers in this district that there was then a demand for labor in the
North when this condition began to obtain.

This demand was made possible by the cutting off of European immigration
by the World War, which thereby rendered this hitherto uncongenial section
an inviting field for the Negro. The Negroes have made some progress in
the North during the last fifty years, but despite their achievements they
have been so handicapped by race prejudice and proscribed by trades unions
that the uplift of the race by economic methods has been impossible. The
European immigrants have hitherto excluded the Negroes even from the
menial positions. In the midst of the drudgery left for them, the blacks
have often heretofore been debased to the status of dependents and
paupers. Scattered through the North too in such small numbers, they have
been unable to unite for social betterment and mutual improvement and
naturally too weak to force the community to respect their wishes as could
be done by a large group with some political or economic power. At
present, however, Negro laborers, who once went from city to city, seeking
such employment as trades unions left to them, can work even as skilled
laborers throughout the North.[7] Women of color formerly excluded from
domestic service by foreign maids are now in demand. Many mills and
factories which Negroes were prohibited from entering a few years ago are
now bidding for their labor. Railroads cannot find help to keep their
property in repair, contractors fall short of their plans for failure to
hold mechanics drawn into the industrial boom and the United States
Government has had to advertise for men to hasten the preparation for war.

Men from afar went south to tell the Negroes of a way of escape to a more
congenial place. Blacks long since unaccustomed to venture a few miles
from home, at once had visions of a promised land just a few hundred miles
away. Some were told of the chance to amass fabulous riches, some of the
opportunities for education and some of the hospitality of the places of
amusement and recreation in the North. The migrants then were soon on the
way. Railway stations became conspicuous with the presence of Negro
tourists, the trains were crowded to full capacity and the streets of
northern cities were soon congested with black laborers seeking to realize
their dreams in the land of unusual opportunity.

Employment agencies, recently multiplied to meet the demand for labor,
find themselves unable to cope with the situation and agents sent into the
South to induce the blacks by offers of free transportation and high wages
to go north, have found it impossible to supply the demand in centers
where once toiled the Poles, Italians and the Greeks formerly preferred to
the Negroes.[8] In other words, the present migration differs from others
in that the Negro has opportunity awaiting him in the North whereas
formerly it was necessary for him to make a place for himself upon
arriving among enemies. The proportion of those returning to the South,
therefore, will be inconsiderable.

Becoming alarmed at the immensity of this movement the South has
undertaken to check it. To frighten Negroes from the North southern
newspapers are carefully circulating reports that many of them are
returning to their native land because of unexpected hardships.[9] But
having failed in this, southerners have compelled employment agents to
cease operations there, arrested suspected employers and, to prevent the
departure of the Negroes, imprisoned on false charges those who appear at
stations to leave for the North. This procedure could not long be
effective, for by the more legal and clandestine methods of railway
passenger agents the work has gone forward. Some southern communities
have, therefore, advocated drastic legislation against labor agents, as
was suggested in Louisiana in 1914, when by operation of the Underwood
Tariff Law the Negroes thrown out of employment in the sugar district
migrated to the cotton plantations.[10]

One should not, however, get the impression that the majority of the
Negroes are leaving the South. Eager as these Negroes seem to go, there is
no unanimity of opinion as to whether migration is the best policy. The
sycophant, toady class of Negroes naturally advise the blacks to remain in
the South to serve their white neighbors. The radical protagonists of the
equal-rights-for-all element urge them to come North by all means. Then
there are the thinking Negroes, who are still further divided. Both
divisions of this element have the interests of the race at heart, but
they are unable to agree as to exactly what the blacks should now do.
Thinking that the present war will soon be over and that consequently the
immigration of foreigners into this country will again set in and force
out of employment thousands of Negroes who have migrated to the North,
some of the most representative Negroes are advising their fellows to
remain where they are. The most serious objection to this transplantation
is that it means for the Negroes a loss of land, the rapid acquisition of
which has long been pointed to as the best evidence of the ability of the
blacks to rise in the economic world. So many Negroes who have by dint of
energy purchased small farms yielding an increasing income from year to
year, are now disposing of them at nominal prices to come north to work
for wages. Looking beyond the war, however, and thinking too that the
depopulation of Europe during this upheaval will render immigration from
that quarter for some years an impossibility, other thinkers urge the
Negroes to continue the migration to the North, where the race may be
found in sufficiently large numbers to wield economic and political power.

Great as is the dearth of labor in the South, moreover, the Negro exodus
has not as yet caused such a depression as to unite the whites in inducing
the blacks to remain in that section. In the first place, the South has
not yet felt the worst effects of this economic upheaval as that part of
the country has been unusually aided by the millions which the United
States Government is daily spending there. Furthermore, the poor whites
are anxious to see the exodus of their competitors in the field of labor.
This leaves the capitalists at their mercy, and in keeping with their
domineering attitude, they will be able to handle the labor situation as
they desire. As an evidence of this fact we need but note the continuation
of mob rule and lynching in the South despite the preachings against it of
the organs of thought which heretofore winked at it. This terrorism has
gone to an unexpected extent. Negro farmers have been threatened with
bodily injury, unless they leave certain parts.

The southerner of aristocratic bearing will say that only the shiftless
poor whites terrorize the Negroes. This may be so, but the truth offers
little consolation when we observe that most white people in the South are
of this class; and the tendency of this element to put their children to
work before they secure much education does not indicate that the South
will soon experience that general enlightenment necessary to exterminate
these survivals of barbarism. Unless the upper classes of the whites can
bring the mob around to their way of thinking that the persecution of the
Negro is prejudicial to the interests of all, it is not likely that mob
rule will soon cease and the migration to this extent will be promoted
rather than retarded.

It is unfortunate for the South that the growing consciousness of the
Negroes has culminated at the very time they are most needed. Finally
heeding the advice of agricultural experts to reconstruct its agricultural
system, the South has learned in the school of bitter experience to depart
from the plan of producing the single cotton crop. It is now raising
food-stuffs to make that section self-supporting without reducing the
usual output of cotton. With the increasing production in the South,
therefore, more labor is needed just at the very time it is being drawn to
centers in the North. The North being an industrial and commercial section
has usually attracted the immigrants, who will never fit into the economic
situation in the South because they will not accept the treatment given
Negroes. The South, therefore, is now losing the only labor which it can
ever use under present conditions.

Where these Negroes are going is still more interesting. The exodus to the
west was mainly directed to Kansas and neighboring States, the migration
to the Southwest centered in Oklahoma and Texas, pioneering Negro laborers
drifted into the industrial district of the Appalachian highland during
the eighties and nineties and the infiltration of the discontented
talented tenth affected largely the cities of the North. But now we are
told that at the very time the mining districts of the North and West are
being filled with blacks the western planters are supplying their farms
with them and that into some cities have gone sufficient skilled and
unskilled Negro workers to increase the black population more than one
hundred per cent. Places in the North, where the black population has not
only not increased but even decreased in recent years, are now receiving a
steady influx of Negroes. In fact, this is a nation-wide migration
affecting all parts and all conditions.

Students of social problems are now wondering whether the Negro can be
adjusted in the North. Many perplexing problems must arise. This movement
will produce results not unlike those already mentioned in the discussion
of other migrations, some of which we have evidence of today. There will
be an increase in race prejudice leading in some communities to actual
outbreaks as in Chester and Youngstown and probably to massacres like that
of East St. Louis, in which participated not only well-known citizens but
the local officers and the State militia. The Negroes in the North are in
competition with white men who consider them not only strike breakers but
a sort of inferior individuals unworthy of the consideration which white
men deserve. And this condition obtains even where Negroes have been
admitted to the trades unions.

Negroes in seeking new homes in the North, moreover, invade residential
districts hitherto exclusively white. There they encounter prejudice and
persecution until most whites thus disturbed move out determined to do
whatever they can to prevent their race from suffering from further
depreciation of property and the disturbance of their community life.
Lawlessness has followed, showing that violence may under certain
conditions develop among some classes anywhere rather than reserve itself
for vigilance committees of primitive communities. It has brought out too
another aspect of lawlessness in that it breaks out in the North where the
numbers of Negroes are still too small to serve as an excuse for the
terrorism and lynching considered necessary in the South to keep the
Negroes down.

The maltreatment of the Negroes will be nationalized by this exodus. The
poor whites of both sections will strike at this race long stigmatized by
servitude but now demanding economic equality. Race prejudice, the fatal
weakness of the Americans, will not so soon abate although there will be
advocates of fraternity, equality and liberty required to reconstruct our
government and rebuild our civilization in conformity with the demands of
modern efficiency by placing every man regardless of his color wherever he
may do the greatest good for the greatest number.

The Negroes, however, are doubtless going to the North in sufficiently
large numbers to make themselves felt. If this migration falls short of
establishing in that section Negro colonies large enough to wield economic
and political power, their state in the end will not be any better than
that of the Negroes already there. It is to these large numbers alone that
we must look for an agent to counteract the development of race feeling
into riots. In large numbers the blacks will be able to strike for better
wages or concessions due a rising laboring class and they will have enough
votes to defeat for reelection those officers who wink at mob violence or
treat Negroes as persons beyond the pale of the law.

The Negroes in the North, however, will get little out of the harvest if,
like the blacks of Reconstruction days, they unwisely concentrate their
efforts on solving all of their problems by electing men of their race as
local officers or by sending a few members even to Congress as is likely
in New York, Philadelphia and Chicago within the next generation. The
Negroes have had representatives in Congress before but they were put out
because their constituency was uneconomic and politically impossible.
There was nothing but the mere letter of the law behind the Reconstruction
Negro officeholder and the thus forced political recognition against
public opinion could not last any longer than natural forces for some time
thrown out of gear by unnatural causes could resume the usual line of

It would be of no advantage to the Negro race today to send to Congress
forty Negro Representatives on the pro rata basis of numbers, especially
if they happened not to be exceptionally well qualified. They would remain
in Congress only so long as the American white people could devise some
plan for eliminating them as they did during the Reconstruction period.
Near as the world has approached real democracy, history gives no record
of a permanent government conducted on this basis. Interests have always
been stronger than numbers. The Negroes in the North, therefore, should
not on the eve of the economic revolution follow the advice of their
misguided and misleading race leaders who are diverting their attention
from their actual welfare to a specialization in politics. To concentrate
their efforts on electing a few Negroes to office wherever the blacks are
found in the majority, would exhibit the narrowness of their oppressors.
It would be as unwise as the policy of the Republican party of setting
aside a few insignificant positions like that of Recorder of Deeds,
Register of the Treasury and Auditor of the Navy as segregated jobs for
Negroes. Such positions have furnished a nucleus for the large, worthless,
office-seeking class of Negroes in Washington, who have established the
going of the people of the city toward pretence and sham.

The Negroes should support representative men of any color or party, if
they stand for a square deal and equal rights for all. The new Negroes in
the North, therefore, will, as so many of their race in New York,
Philadelphia and Chicago are now doing, ally themselves with those men who
are fairminded and considerate of the man far down, and seek to embrace
their many opportunities for economic progress, a foundation for political
recognition, upon which the race must learn to build. Every race in the
universe must aspire to becoming a factor in politics; but history shows
that there is no short route to such success. Like other despised races
beset with the prejudice and militant opposition of self-styled superiors,
the Negroes must increase their industrial efficiency, improve their
opportunities to make a living, develop the home, church and school, and
contribute to art, literature, science and philosophy to clear the way to
that political freedom of which they cannot be deprived.

The entire country will be benefited by this upheaval. It will be helpful
even to the South. The decrease in the black population in those
communities where the Negroes outnumber the whites will remove the fear of
_Negro domination_, one of the causes of the backwardness of the
South and its peculiar civilization. Many of the expensive precautions
which the southern people have taken to keep the Negroes down, much of the
terrorism incited to restrain the blacks from self-assertion will no
longer be considered necessary; for, having the excess in numbers on their
side, the whites will finally rest assured that the Negroes may be
encouraged without any apprehension that they may develop enough power to
subjugate or embarrass their former masters.

The Negroes too are very much in demand in the South and the intelligent
whites will gladly give them larger opportunities to attach them to that
section, knowing that the blacks, once conscious of their power to move
freely throughout the country wherever they may improve their condition,
will never endure hardships like those formerly inflicted upon the race.
The South is already learning that the Negro is the most desirable laborer
for that section, that the persecution of Negroes not only drives them out
but makes the employment of labor such a problem that the South will not
be an attractive section for capital. It will, therefore, be considered
the duty of business men to secure protection to the Negroes lest their
ill-treatment force them to migrate to the extent of bringing about a
stagnation of their business.

The exodus has driven home the truth that the prosperity of the South is
at the mercy of the Negro. Dependent on cheap labor, which the bulldozing
whites will not readily furnish, the wealthy southerners must finally
reach the position of regarding themselves and the Negroes as having a
community of interests which each must promote. "Nature itself in those
States," Douglass said, "came to the rescue of the Negro. He had labor,
the South wanted it, and must have it or perish. Since he was free he
could then give it, or withhold it; use it where he was, or take it
elsewhere, as he pleased. His labor made him a slave and his labor could,
if he would, make him free, comfortable and independent. It is more to him
than either fire, sword, ballot boxes or bayonets. It touches the heart of
the South through its pocket."[11] Knowing that the Negro has this silent
weapon to be used against his employer or the community, the South is
already giving the race better educational facilities, better railway
accommodations, and will eventually, if the advocacy of certain southern
newspapers be heeded, grant them political privileges. Wages in the South,
therefore, have risen even in the extreme southwestern States, where there
is an opportunity to import Mexican labor. Reduced to this extremity, the
southern aristocrats have begun to lose some of their race prejudice,
which has not hitherto yielded to reason or philanthropy.

Southern men are telling their neighbors that their section must abandon
the policy of treating the Negroes as a problem and construct a program
for recognition rather than for repression. Meetings are, therefore, being
held to find out what the Negro wants and what may be done to keep them
contented. They are told that the Negro must be elevated not exploited,
that to make the South what it must needs be, the cooperation of all is
needed to train and equip the men of all races for efficiency. The aim of
all then must be to reform or get rid of the unfair proprietors who do not
give their tenants a fair division of the returns from their labor. To
this end the best whites and blacks are urged to come together to find a
working basis for a systematic effort in the interest of all.

To say that either the North or the South can easily become adjusted to
this change is entirely too sanguine. The North will have a problem. The
Negroes in the northern city will have much more to contend with than when
settled in the rural districts or small urban centers. Forced by
restrictions of real estate men into congested districts, there has
appeared the tendency toward further segregation. They are denied social
contact, are sagaciously separated from the whites in public places of
amusement and are clandestinely segregated in public schools in spite of
the law to the contrary. As a consequence the Negro migrant often finds
himself with less friends than he formerly had. The northern man who once
denounced the South on account of its maltreatment of the blacks gradually
grows silent when a Negro is brought next door. There comes with the
movement, therefore, the difficult problem of housing.

Where then must the migrants go? They are not wanted by the whites and are
treated with contempt by the native blacks of the northern cities, who
consider their brethren from the South too criminal and too vicious to be
tolerated. In the average progressive city there has heretofore been a
certain increase in the number of houses through natural growth, but owing
to the high cost of materials, high wages, increasing taxation and the
inclination to invest money in enterprises growing out of the war, fewer
houses are now being built, although Negroes are pouring into these
centers as a steady stream. The usual Negro quarters in northern centers
of this sort have been filled up and the overflow of the black population
scattered throughout the city among white people. Old warehouses, store
rooms, churches, railroad cars and tents have been used to meet these

A large per cent of these Negroes are located in rooming houses or
tenements for several families. The majority of them cannot find
individual rooms. Many are crowded into the same room, therefore, and too
many into the same bed. Sometimes as many as four and five sleep in one
bed, and that may be placed in the basement, dining-room or kitchen where
there is neither adequate light nor air. In some cases men who work during
the night sleep by day in beds used by others during the night. Some of
their houses have no water inside and have toilets on the outside without
sewerage connections. The cooking is often done by coal or wood stoves or
kerosene lamps. Yet the rent runs high although the houses are generally
out of repair and in some cases have been condemned by the municipality.
The unsanitary conditions in which many of the blacks are compelled to
live are in violation of municipal ordinances.

Furthermore, because of the indiscriminate employment by labor agents and
the dearth of labor requiring the acceptance of almost all sorts of men,
some disorderly and worthless Negroes have been brought into the North. On
the whole, however, these migrants are not lazy, shiftless and desperate
as some predicted that they would be. They generally attend church, save
their money and send a part of their savings regularly to their families.
They do not belong to the class going North in quest of whiskey. Mr.
Abraham Epstein, who has written a valuable pamphlet setting forth his
researches in Pittsburgh, states that the migrants of that city do not
generally imbibe and most of those who do, take beer only.[12] Out of four
hundred and seventy persons to whom he propounded this question, two
hundred and ten or forty-four per cent of them were total abstainers.
Seventy per cent of those having families do not drink at all.

With this congestion, however, have come serious difficulties. Crowded
conditions give rise to vice, crime and disease. The prevalence of vice
has not been the rule but tendencies, which better conditions in the South
restrained from developing, have under these undesirable conditions been
given an opportunity to grow. There is, therefore, a tendency toward the
crowding of dives, assembling on the corners of streets and the commission
of petty offences which crowd them into the police courts. One finds also
sometimes a congestion in houses of dissipation and the carrying of
concealed weapons. Law abiding on the whole, however, they have not
experienced a wave of crime. The chief offences are those resulting from
the saloons and denizens of vice, which are furnished by the community

Disease has been one of their worst enemies, but reports on their health
have been exaggerated. On account of this sudden change of the Negroes
from one climate to another and the hardships of more unrelenting toil,
many of them have been unable to resist pneumonia, bronchitis and
tuberculosis. Churches, rescue missions and the National League on Urban
Conditions Among Negroes have offered relief in some of these cases. The
last-named organization is serving in large cities as a sort of clearing
house for such activities and as means of interpreting one race to the
other. It has now eighteen branches in cities to which this migration has
been directed. Through a local worker these migrants are approached,
properly placed and supervised until they can adjust themselves to the
community without apparent embarrassment to either race. The League has
been able to handle the migrants arriving by extending the work so as to
know their movements beforehand.

The occupations in which these people engage will throw further light on
their situation. About ninety per cent of them do unskilled labor. Only
ten per cent of them do semi-skilled or skilled labor. They serve as
common laborers, puddlers, mold-setters, painters, carpenters,
bricklayers, cement workers and machinists. What the Negroes need then is
that sort of freedom which carries with it industrial opportunity and
social justice. This they cannot attain until they be permitted to enter
the higher pursuits of labor. Two reasons are given for failure to enter
these: first, that Negro labor is unstable and inefficient; and second,
that white men will protest. Organized labor, however, has done nothing to
help the blacks. Yet it is a fact that accustomed to the easy-going toil
of the plantation, the blacks have not shown the same efficiency as that
of the whites. Some employers report, however, that they are glad to have
them because they are more individualistic and do not like to group. But
it is not true that colored labor cannot be organized. The blacks have
merely been neglected by organized labor. Wherever they have had the
opportunity to do so, they have organized and stood for their rights like
men. The trouble is that the trades unions are generally antagonistic to
Negroes although they are now accepting the blacks in self-defense. The
policy of excluding Negroes from these bodies is made effective by an
evasive procedure, despite the fact that the constitutions of many of them
specifically provide that there shall be no discrimination on account of
race or color.

Because of this tendency some of the representatives of trades unions have
asked why Negroes do not organize unions of their own. This the Negroes
have generally failed to do, thinking that they would not be recognized by
the American Federation of Labor, and knowing too that what their union
would have to contend with in the economic world would be diametrically
opposed to the wishes of the men from whom they would have to seek
recognition. Organized labor, moreover, is opposed to the powerful
capitalists, the only real friends the Negroes have in the North to
furnish them food and shelter while their lives are often being sought by
union members. Steps toward organizing Negro labor have been made in
various Northern cities during 1917 and 1918.[18] The objective of this
movement for the present, however, is largely that of employment.

Eventually the Negro migrants will, no doubt, without much difficulty
establish themselves among law-abiding and industrious people of the North
where they will receive assistance. Many persons now see in this shifting
of the Negro population the dawn of a new day, not in making the Negro
numerically dominant anywhere to obtain political power, but to secure for
him freedom of movement from section to section as a competitor in the
industrial world. They also observe that while there may be an increase of
race prejudice in the North the same will in that proportion decrease in
the South, thus balancing the equation while giving the Negro his best
chance in the economic world out of which he must emerge a real man with
power to secure his rights as an American citizen.

[Footnote 1: _New York Times_, Sept. 5, 9, 28, 1916.]

[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., Oct. 18, 28; Nov. 5, 7, 12, 15; Dec. 4, 9,

[Footnote 3: _The Crisis_, July, 1917.]

[Footnote 4: _American Journal of Political Economy_, XXX, p. 1040.]

[Footnote 5: _The World's Work_, XX, p. 271.]

[Footnote 6: _The World's Work_, XX, p. 272.]

[Footnote 7: _New York Times_, March 29, April 7, 9, May 30 and 31,

[Footnote 8: _Survey_, XXXVII, pp. 569-571 and XXXVIII, pp. 27, 226,
331, 428; _Forum_, LVII, p. 181; _The World's Work_, XXXIV, pp.
135, 314-319; _Outlook_, CXVI, pp. 520-521; _Independent_, XCI,
pp. 53-54.]

[Footnote 9: _The Crisis_, 1917.]

[Footnote 10: _The New Orleans Times Picayune_, March 26, 1914.]

[Footnote 11: _American Journal of Social Science_, XI, p. 4.]

[Footnote 12: Epstein, _The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh_.]

[Footnote 13: Epstein, _The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh_.]


As the public has not as yet paid very much attention to Negro History,
and has not seen a volume dealing primarily with the migration of the race
in America, one could hardly expect that there has been compiled a
bibliography in this special field. With the exception of what appears in
Still's and Siebert's works on the _Underground Railroad_ and the
records of the meetings of the Quakers promoting this movement, there is
little helpful material to be found in single volumes bearing on the
antebellum period. Since the Civil War, however, more has been said and
written concerning the movements of the Negro population. E.H. Botume's
_First Days Among the Contrabands_ and John Eaton's _Grant, Lincoln
and the Freedmen_ cover very well the period of rebellion. This is
supplemented by J.C. Knowlton's _Contrabands_ in the _University
Quarterly_, Volume XXI, page 307, and by Edward L. Pierce's _The
Freedmen at Port Royal_ in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Volume XII,
page 291. The exodus of 1879 is treated by J.B. Runnion in the _Atlantic
Monthly_, Volume XLIV, page 222; by Frederick Douglass and Richard T.
Greener in the _American Journal of Social Science_, Volume XI, page
1; by F.R. Guernsey in the _International Review_, Volume VII, page
373; by E.L. Godkin in the _Nation_, Volume XXVIII, pages 242 and 386;
and by J.C. Hartzell in the _Methodist Quarterly_, Volume XXXIX,
page 722. The second volume of George W. Williams's _History of the
Negro Race_ also contains a short chapter on the exodus of 1879. In
Volume XVIII, page 370, of _Public Opinion_ there is a discussion of
_Negro Emigration and Deportation_ as advocated by Bishop H.M. Turner
and Senator Morgan of Alabama during the nineties. Professor William O.
Scroggs of Louisiana University has in the _Journal of Political
Economy_, Volume XXV, page 1034, an article entitled _Interstate
Migration of Negro Population_. Mr. Epstein has published a helpful
pamphlet, _The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh_. Most of the material for
this work, however, was collected from the various sources mentioned


Brissot de Warville, J. P. _New Travels in the United States of America:
including the Commerce of America with Europe, particularly with Great
Britain and France_. Two volumes. (London, 1794.) Gives general
impressions, few details.

Buckingham, J.S. _America, Historical, Statistical, and Descriptive_.
Two volumes. (New York, 1841.)--_Eastern and Western States of
America_. Three volumes. (London and Paris, 1842.) Contains useful

Olmsted, Frederick Law. _A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, with
Remarks on their Economy_. (New York, 1859.)--_A Journey in the Back
Country_. (London, 1860.)

--_Journeys and Explorations in the Cotton Kingdom_. (London, 1861.)
Olmsted was a New York farmer. He recorded a few important facts about the
Negroes immediately before the Civil War.

Woolman, John. _Journal of John Woolman, with an Introduction by John G.
Whittier_. (Boston, 1873.) Woolman traveled so extensively in the
colonies that he probably knew more about the Negroes than any other
Quaker of his time.


Boyce, Stanbury. _Letters on the Emigration of the Negroes to

Jefferson, Thomas. _Letters of Thomas Jefferson to Abbe Gregoire, M.A.
Julien, and Benjamin Banneker. In Jefferson's Works, Memorial Edition_,
xii and xv. He comments on Negroes' talents.

Madison, James. _Letters to Frances Wright_. In _Madison's
Works_, vol. iii, p. 396. The emancipation of Negroes is discussed.

May, Samuel Joseph. _The Right of the Colored People to Education_.
(Brooklyn, 1883.) A collection of public letters addressed to Andrew T.
Judson, remonstrating on the unjust procedure relative to Miss Prudence

McDonogh, John. "_A Letter of John McDonogh on African Colonization
addressed to the Editor of the New Orleans Commercial Bulletin_."
McDonogh was interested in the betterment of the colored people and did
much to promote their mental development.


Birney, William. _James G. Birney and His Times_. (New York, 1890.) A
sketch of an advocate of Negro uplift.

Bowen, Clarence W. _Arthur and Lewis Tappan_. A paper read at the
fiftieth anniversary of the New York Anti-Slavery Society, at the Broadway
Tabernacle, New York City, October 2, 1883. An honorable mention of two
friends of the Negro.

Drew, Benjamin. _A North-side View of Slavery. The Refugee: or the
Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada. Related by themselves, with an
Account of the History and Condition of the Colored Population of Upper
Canada_. (New York and Boston, 1856.)

Frothingham, O.B. _Gerritt Smith: A Biography_. (New York, 1878.)

Garrison, Francis and Wendell P. _William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879. The
Story of his Life told by his Children_. Four volumes. (Boston and New
York, 1894.) Includes a brief account of what he did for the colored

Hammond, C.A. _Gerritt Smith, The Story of a Noble Man's Life_.
(Geneva, 1900.)

Johnson, Oliver. _William Lloyd Garrison and his Times_. (Boston,
1880. New edition, revised and enlarged, Boston, 1881.)

Mott, A. _Biographical Sketches and Interesting Anecdotes of Persons of
Color; with a Selection of Pieces of Poetry_. (New York, 1826.) Some of
these sketches show how ambitious Negroes succeeded in spite of

Simmons, W.J. _Men of Mark; Eminent, Progressive, and Rising, with an
Introductory Sketch of the Author by Reverend Henry M. Turner_.
(Cleveland, Ohio, 1891.) Accounts for the adverse circumstances under
which many antebellum Negroes made progress.


Coffin, Levi. _Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, reputed President of the
Underground Railroad_. Second edition. (Cincinnati, 1880.) Contains
many facts concerning Negroes.

Douglass, Frederick. _Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, as an
American Slave_. Written by himself. (Boston, 1845.) Gives several
cases of secret Negro movements for their own good.

--_The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass from 1817 to 1882_.
(London, 1882.) Written by himself. With an Introduction by the Eight
Honorable John Bright, M.P. Edited by John Loeb, F.R.G.S., of the
_Christian Age_. Editor of _Uncle Tom's Story of his Life_.


Bancroft, George. _History of the United States_. Ten volumes.
(Boston, 1857-1864.)

Brackett, Jeffrey R. _The Negro in Maryland_. Johns Hopkins
University Studies. (Baltimore, 1889.)

Collins, Lewis. _Historical Sketches of Kentucky_. (Maysville, Ky.,
and Cincinnati, Ohio, 1847.)

Dunn, J.P. _Indiana; A redemption from Slavery_. (In the American
Commonwealths, vols. XII, Boston and New York, 1888.)

Evans, W.E. _A History of Scioto County together with a Pioneer Record
of Southern Ohio_. (Portsmouth, 1903.)

Farmer, Silas. _The History of Detroit and Michigan or the Metropolis
Illustrated_. A chronological encyclopedia of the past and the present
including a full record of territorial days in Michigan and the annals of
Wayne County. Two volumes. (Detroit, 1899.)

Harris, N.D. _The History of Negro Servitude in Illinois and of the
Slavery Agitation in that State, 1719-1864,_. (Chicago, 1904.)

Hart, A.B. _The American Nation; A History, etc_. Twenty-seven
volumes. (New York, 1904-1908.) The volumes which have a bearing on the
subject treated in this monograph are W.A. Dunning's _Reconstruction_,
F.J. Turner's _Rise of the New West_, and A.B. Hart's _Slavery and

Hinsdale, B.A. _The Old Northwest; with a view of the thirteen colonies
as constituted by the royal charters_. (New York, 1888.)

Howe, Henry. _Historical Collections of Ohio_. Contains a collection
of the most interesting facts, traditions, biographical sketches,
anecdotes, etc., relating to its general and local history with
descriptions of its counties, principal towns and villages. (Cincinnati,

Jones, Charles Colcook, Jr. _History of Georgia_. (Boston, 1883.)

McMaster, John B. _History of the United States_. Six volumes. (New
York, 1900.)

Rhodes, J.F. _History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850
to the Final Restoration of Home Rule in the South_. (New York and
London, Macmillan & Company, 1892-1906.)

Steiner, B.C. _History of Slavery in Connecticut_. (Johns Hopkins
University Studies, 1893.)

Stuve, Bernard, and Alexander Davidson. _A Complete History of Illinois
from 1673 to 1783_. (Springfield, 1874.)

Tremain, Mary M.A. _Slavery in the District of Columbia_. (University
of Nebraska Seminary Papers, April, 1892.)

_History of Brown County, Ohio_. (Chicago, 1883.)


Garrison, William Lloyd. _An Address Delivered before the Free People of
Color in Philadelphia, New York and other Cities during the Month of June,
1831_. (Boston, 1831.)

Griffin, Edward Dore. _A Plea for Africa,_. (New York, 1817.) A Sermon
preached October 26, 1817, in the First Presbyterian Church in the City of
New York before the Synod of New York and New Jersey at the Request of the
Board of Directors of the African School established by the Synod. The aim
was to arouse interest in colonization.


_Special Report of the Commissioner of Education on the Improvement of
Public Schools in the District of Columbia_, containing M. B. Goodwin's
"History of Schools for the Colored Population in the District of
Columbia." (Washington, 1871.)

_Report of the Committee of Representatives of the New York Yearly
Meeting of Friends upon the condition and wants of the Colored
Refugees_, 1862.

Clarke, J. F. _Present Condition of the Free Colored People of the
United States_. (New York and Boston, the American Antislavery Society,
1859.) Published also in the March number of the _Christian

_Condition of the Free People of Color in Ohio. With interesting
anecdotes_. (Boston, 1839.)

_Institute for Colored Youth_. (Philadelphia, 1860-1865.) Contains a
list of the officers and students.

Jones, Thomas Jesse. _Negro Education: A study of the private and higher
schools for colored people in the United States. Prepared in cooperation
with the Phelps-Stokes Fund_. In two volumes. (Bureau of Education,
Washington, 1917.)

_Official Records of the War of Rebellion_.

_Report of the Condition of the Colored People of Cincinnati_, 1835.
(Cincinnati, 1835.)

_Report of a Committee of the Pennsylvania Society of Abolition on
Present Condition of the Colored People, etc_., 1838. (Philadelphia,

_Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the People of Color of the
City and Districts of Philadelphia_. (Philadelphia, 1849.)

_Statistics of the Colored People of Philadelphia in 1859_, compiled
by Benj. C. Bacon. (Philadelphia, 1859.)

_Statistical Abstract of the United States_, 1898. Prepared by the
Bureau of Statistics. (Washington, D. C., 1899.)

_Statistical View of the Population of the United States, A_
1790-1830. (Published by the Department of State in 1835.)

_Trades of the Colored People_. (Philadelphia, 1838.)

_United States Censuses_.

_A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the Testimony of Friends
against Slavery and the Slave Trade_. Published by direction of the
Yearly Meeting held in Philadelphia in the Fourth Month, 1843. Shows the
action taken by various Friends to elevate the Negroes.

_A Collection of the Acts, Deliverances and Testimonies of the Supreme
Judicatory of the Presbyterian Church, from its Origin in America to the
Present Time_. By Samuel J. Baird. (Philadelphia, 1856.)

American Convention of Abolition Societies. _Minutes of the Proceedings
of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies established in
different Parts of the United States_. From 1794-1828.

_The Annual Reports of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Societies,
presented at New York, May 6, 1847, with the Addresses and
Resolutions_. From 1847-1851.

_The Annual Reports of the American Anti-Slavery Society_. From 1834
to 1860.

_The Third Annual Report of the Managers of the New England Anti-Slavery
Society presented June 2, 1835_. (Boston, 1835.)

_Annual Reports of the Massachusetts (or New England) Anti-Slavery
Society, 1831-end_.

_Reports of the National Anti-Slavery Convention, 1833-end_.

_Reports of the American Colonisation Society_, 1818-1832.

_Report of the New York Colonisation Society_, October 1, 1823. (New
York, 1823.)

_The Seventh Annual Report of the Colonization Society of the City of
New York_. (New York, 1839.)

_Proceedings of the New York State Colonization Society_, 1831.
(Albany, 1831.)

_The Eighteenth Annual Report of the Colonization Society of the State
of New York_. (New York, 1850.)

_Minutes and Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the People of
Color. Held by Adjournment in the City of Philadelphia, from the sixth to
the eleventh of June, inclusive_, 1831. (Philadelphia, 1831.)

_Minutes and Proceedings of the Second Annual Convention for the
Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held by
Adjournments in the City of Philadelphia, from the 4th to the 13th of
June, inclusive_, 1832. (Philadelphia, 1832.)

_Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention for the
Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held by
Adjournments in the City of_ _Philadelphia, in 1833_. (New York,
1833.) These proceedings were published also in the _New York Commercial
Advertiser_, April 27, 1833.

_Minutes and Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
Improvement of the Free People of Color in the United States. Held by
Adjournments in the Asbury Church, New York, from the 2nd to the 12th of
June, 1834_. (New York, 1834.)

_Proceedings of the Convention of the Colored Freedmen of Ohio at
Cincinnati, January 14, 1852_. (Cincinnati, Ohio, 1852.)


Adams, Alice Dana. _The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery in America_.
Radcliffe College Monographs No. 14._ (Boston and London, 1908) Contains
some valuable facts about the Negroes during the first three decades of
the nineteenth century.

Agricola (pseudonym). _An Impartial View of the Real State of the Black
Population in the United States_. (Philadelphia, 1824.)

Alexander, A. _A History of Colonisation on the Western Continent of
Africa_. (Philadelphia, 1846.)

Ames, Mary. _From a New England Woman's Diary in 1865_, (Springfield,

_An Address to the People of North Carolina on the Evils of Slavery, by
the Friends of Liberty and Equality, 1830_. (Greensborough, 1830.)

_An Address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky proposing a Plan for the
Instruction and Emancipation of their Slaves by a Committee of the Synod
of Kentucky_. (Newburyport, 1836.)

Baldwin, Ebenezer. _Observations on the Physical and Moral Qualities of
our Colored Population with Remarks on the Subject of Emancipation and
Colonization_. (New Haven, 1834.)

Bassett, J. S. _Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North
Carolina_. (Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and
Political Science. Fourteenth Series, iv-v. Baltimore, 1896.)

------_Slavery in the State of North Carolina_. (Johns Hopkins
University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Series XVII., Nos.
7-8. Baltimore, 1899.)

------_Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina_. (Johns Hopkins
University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Series XVI., No.
6. Baltimore, 1898.)

Benezet, Anthony. _A Caution to Great Britain and Her Colonies in a
Short Representation of the calamitous State of the enslaved Negro in the
British Dominions_. (Philadelphia, 1784.)

------_The Case of our Fellow-Creatures, the oppressed Africans,
respectfully recommended to the serious Consideration of the Legislature
of Great Britain, by the People called Quakers_. (London, 1783.)

------_Observations on the enslaving, Importing and Purchasing of
Negroes; with some Advice thereon, extracted from the Epistle of the
Yearly-Meeting of the People called Quakers, held at London in the Year
1748_. (Germantown, 1760.)

------_The Potent Enemies of America laid open: being some Account of
the baneful Effects attending the Use of distilled spirituous Liquors, and
the Slavery of the Negroes_. (Philadelphia.)

------_A Short Account of that Part of Africa, inhabited by the Negroes.
With respect to the Fertility of the Country; the good Disposition of many
of the Natives, and the Manner by which the Slave Trade is carried on_.
(Philadelphia, 1792)

------_Short Observations on Slavery, introductory to Some Extracts from
the Writings of the Abbe Raynal, on the Important Subject_.

------_Some Historical Account of Guinea, its Situation, Produce, and
the General Disposition of its Inhabitants. With an Inquiry into the Rise
and Progress of the Slave Trade, its Nature and Lamentable Effects_.
(London, 1788.)

Birney, James G. _The American Churches, the Bulwarks of American
Slavery, by an American_. (Newburyport, 1842.)

Birney, William. _James G. Birney and his Times. The Genesis of the
Republican Party, with Some Account of the Abolition Movements in the
South before 1828_. (New York, 1890.)

Brackett, Jeffery B. _The Negro in Maryland. A Study of the Institution
of Slavery_. (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University, 1889.)

Brannagan, Thomas. _A Preliminary Essay on the Oppression of the Exiled
Sons of Africa, Consisting of Animadversions on the Impolicy and Barbarity
of the Deleterious Commerce and Subsequent Slavery of the Human
Species_. (Philadelphia: Printed for the Author by John W. Scott,

Brannagan, T. _Serious Remonstrances Addressed to the Citizens of the
Northern States and their Representatives, being an Appeal to their
Natural Feelings and Common Sense; Consisting of Speculations and
Animadversions, on the Recent Revival of the Slave Trade in the American
Republic_. (Philadelphia, 1805.)

Campbell, J. V. _Political History of Michigan_. (Detroit, 1876.)

_Code Noir ou Recueil d'edits, declarations et arrets concernant la
Discipline et le commerce des esclaves Negres des isles francaises de
l'Amerique (in Recueils de reglemens, edits, declarations et arrets,
concernant le commerce, l'administration de la justice et la police des
colonies francaises de l'Amerique, et les engages avec le Code Noir, et
l'addition audit code)_. (Paris, 1745.)

Coffin, Joshua. _An Account of Some of the principal Slave Insurrections
and others which have occurred or been attempted in the United States and
elsewhere during the last two Centuries. With various Remarks. Collected
from various Sources_. (New York, 1860.)

Columbia University _Studies in History, Economics and Public Law_.
Edited by the faculty of political science. The useful volumes of this
series for this field are:

W.L. Fleming's _Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama_, 1905.

W.W. Davis's _The Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida_, 1913.

Clara Mildred Thompson's _Reconstruction in Georgia, Economic, Social,
Political_, 1915.

J.G. de R. Hamilton's _Reconstruction in North Carolina_, 1914.

C.W. Ramsdell. _Reconstruction in Texas_, 1910.

_Connecticut, Public Acts passed by the General Assembly of_.

Cromwell, J.W. _The Negro in American History: Men and Women Eminent in
the Evolution of the American of African Descent_. (Washington, 1914.)

Davidson, A., and Stowe, B. _A Complete History of Illinois from 1673 to
1873_. (Springfield, 1874.) It embraces the physical features of the
country, its early explorations, aboriginal inhabitants, the French and
British occupation, the conquest of Virginia, territorial condition and
subsequent events.

Delany, M.R. _The Condition, Elevation, Emigration and Destiny of the
Colored People of the United States: politically considered_.
(Philadelphia, 1852.)

DuBois, W.E.B. _The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study. Together with a
special report on domestic service by Isabel Eaton_. (Philadelphia,

------Atlanta University Publications, _The Negro Common School_.
(Atlanta, 1901.)

------_The Negro Church_. (Atlanta, 1903.)

------and Dill, A.G. _The College-Bred Negro American_. (Atlanta,

------_The Negro American Artisan_. (Atlanta, 1912.)

De Toqueville, Alexis Charles Henri Maurice Clerel De. _Democracy in
America_. Translated by Henry Reeve. Four volumes. (London, 1835,

Eaton, John. _Grant, Lincoln and the Freedmen: reminiscences of the
Civil War with special reference to the work for the Contrabands, and the
Freedmen of the Mississippi Valley_. (New York, 1907.)

Epstein. _The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh_. (Pittsburgh, 1917.)

_Exposition of the Object and Plan of the American Union for the Belief
and Improvement of the Colored Race_. (Boston, 1835.)

Fee, John G. _Anti-Slavery Manual_. (Maysville, 1848.)

Fertig, James Walter. _The Secession and Reconstruction of
Tennessee_. (Chicago, 1898.)

Frost, W.G. "Appalachian America." (In vol. i of _The Americana_.)
(New York, 1912.)

Garnett, H.H. _The Past and Present Condition and the Destiny of the
Colored Race_. (Troy, 1848.)

Greely, Horace. _The American Conflict_. A history of the great
rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-64, its causes, incidents
and results: intended to exhibit especially its moral and political
phases, with the drift of progress of American opinion respecting human
slavery from 1776 to the close of the war for its union. (Chicago, 1864.)

Hammond, M.B. _The Cotton Industry: an Essay in American Economic
History_. It deals with the cotton culture and the cotton Trade. (New
York, 1897.)

Hart, A.B. _The Southern South_. (New York, 1906.)

Henson, Josiah. _The Life of Josiah Henson_. (Boston, 1849.)

Hershaw, L.M. _Peonage in the United States_. This is one of the
American Negro Academy Papers. (Washington, 1912.)

Hickok, Charles Thomas. _The Negro in Ohio, 1802-1870_. (Cleveland,

Hodgkin, Thomas A. _Inquiry into the Merits of the American Colonization
Society and Reply to the Charges brought against it with an Account of the
British African Colonization Society_. (London, 1833.)

Howe, Samuel G. _The Refugees from Slavery in Canada West. Report to the
Freedmen's Inquiry Committee_. (Boston, 1864.)

Hutchins, Thomas. _An Historical Narrative and Topographical Description
of Louisiana and West Florida, comprehending the river Mississippi with
its principal Branches and Settlements and the Rivers Pearl and
Pescagoula_. (Philadelphia, 1784.)

_Illinois, Laws of, passed by the General Assembly of_.

_Indiana, Laws passed by the State of_.

Jay, John. _The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay. First
Chief Justice of the United States and President of the Continental
Congress, Member of the Commission to negotiate the Treaty of
Independence, Envoy to Great Britain, Governor of New York, etc.,
1782-1793. (New York and London, 1801.) Edited by Henry P. Johnson,
Professor of History in the College of the City of New York.

Jay, William. _An Inquiry into the Character and Tendencies of the
American Colonisation and American Anti-Slavery Societies_. Second
edition. (New York, 1835.)

Jefferson, Thomas. _The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Memorial Edition.
Autobiography, Notes on Virginia, Parliamentary Mannual, Official Papers,
Messages and Addresses, and other writings Official and Private, etc._
(Washington, 1903.)

_Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political
Science_. H.B. Adams, Editor. (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press.) Among
the useful volumes of this series are: J.R. Ficklen's _History of
Reconstruction in Louisiana_, 1910.

H.J. Eckenrode's _The Political History of Virginia during
Reconstruction_, 1904.

Langston, John M. _From the Virginia Plantation to the National Capital;
or, The First and Only Negro Representative in Congress from The Old
Dominion_. (Hartford, 1894.)

Locke, M.S. _Anti-Slavery in America from the Introduction of African
Slaves to the Prohibition of the Slave Trade, 1619-1808_. Radcliffe
College Monographs, No. ii. (Boston, 1901.) A valuable work.

Lynch, John R. _The Facts of Reconstruction_. (New York, 1913.)

Madison, James. _Letters and Other Writings of James Madison Published
by Order of Congress_. Four volumes. (Philadelphia, 1865.)

May, S.J. _Some Recollections of our Anti-Slavery Conflict_.

Monroe, James. _The Writings of James Monroe, including a Collection of
his public and private Papers and Correspondence now for the first time
printed_. Edited by S. M. Hamilton. (Boston, 1900.)

Moore, George H. _Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts_.
(New York, 1866.)

Needles, Edward. _Ten Years' Progress or a Comparison of the State and
Condition of the Colored People in the City of and County of Philadelphia
from 1837 to 1847_. (Philadelphia, 1849.)

_New Jersey, Acts of the General Assembly of_.

_Ohio, Laws of the General Assembly of_.

Ovington, M.W. _Half-a-Man_. (New York, 1911.) Treats of the Negro in
the State of New York. A few pages are devoted to the progress of the
colored people.

Parrish, John. _Remarks on the Slavery of the Black People; Addressed to
the Citizens of the United States, particularly to those who are in
legislative or executive Stations, particularly in the General or State
Governments; and also to such Individuals as hold them in Bondage_.
(Philadelphia, 1806.)

Pearson, E.W. _Letters from Port Royal, written at the Time of the Civil
War_. (Boston, 1916.)

Pearson, C.C. _The Readjuster Movement in Virginia_. (New Haven,

_Pennsylvania, Laws of the General Assembly of the State of_.

Pierce, E.L. _The Freedmen of Port Royal, South Carolina, Official
Reports_. (New York, 1863.)

Pike, James S. _The Prostrate State: South Carolina under Negro
Government_. (New York, 1874.)

Pittman, Philip. _The Present State of European Settlements on the
Mississippi with a geographic description of that river_. (London,

Quillen, Frank U. _The Color Line in Ohio_. A History of Race
Prejudice in a typical northern State. (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1913.)

Reynolds, J.S. _Reconstruction in South Carolina_. (Columbia, 1905.)

_Rhode Island, Acts and Resolves of_.

Rice, David. _Slavery inconsistent with Justice and Good Policy: proved
by a Speech delivered in the Convention held at Danville, Kentucky_.
(Philadelphia, 1792, and London, 1793.)

Scherer, J.A.B. _Cotton as a World Power_. (New York, 1916.) This is
a study in the economic interpretation of History. The contents of this
book are a revision of a series of lectures at Oxford and Cambridge
universities in the Spring of 1914 with the caption on Economic Causes in
the American Civil War.

Siebert, Wilbur H. _The Underground Railroad from Slavery_ _to
Freedom_, by W.H. Siebert, Associate Professor of History in the Ohio
State University, with an Introduction by A.B. Hart. (New York, 1898.)

Starr, Frederick. _What shall be done with the people of color in the
United States?_ (Albany, 1862.) A discourse delivered in the First
Presbyterian Church of Penn Yan, New York, November 2, 1862.

Still, William. _The Underground Railroad_. (Philadelphia, 1872.)
This is a record of facts, authentic narratives, letters and the like,
giving the hardships, hair-breadth escapes and death struggles of the
slaves in their efforts for freedom as related by themselves and others or
witnessed by the author.

_The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Travels and Explorations of
the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1619-1791. The Original French,
Latin, and Italian Texts with English Translations and Notes illustrated
by Portraits, Maps, and Facsimiles_. Edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites,
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. (Cleveland, 1896.)

Thompson, George. _Speech at the Meeting for the Extension of Negro
Apprenticeship_. (London, 1838.)

------_The Free Church Alliance with Manstealers. Send back the Money.
Great Anti-Slavery Meeting in the City Hall, Glasgow, containing the
Speeches delivered by Messrs. Wright, Douglass, and Buffum from America,
and by George Thompson of London, with a Summary Account of a Series of
Meetings held in Edinburgh by the above named Gentlemen._ (Glasgow,

Torrey, Jesse, Jr. _A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery in the United
States with Reflections on the Practicability of restoring the Moral
Rights of the Slave, without impairing the legal Privileges of the
Possessor, and a Project of a Colonial Asylum for Free Persons of Color,
including Memoirs of Facts on the Interior Traffic in Slaves and on
Kidnapping, Illustrated with Engravings by Jesse Torrey, Jr., Physician,
Author of a Series of Essays on Morals and the Diffusion of Knowledge_.
(Philadelphia, 1817.)

------_American Internal Slave Trade; with Reflections on the project
for forming a Colony of Blacks in Africa_. (London, 1822.)

Turner, E.R. _The Negro in Pennsylvania_. (Washington, 1911.)

_Tyrannical Libertymen: a Discourse upon Negro Slavery in the United
States, composed at ------ in New Hampshire: on the Late Federal
Thanksgiving Day_. (Hanover, N. H., 1795.)

Walker, David. _Walker's Appeal in Four Articles, together with a
Preamble to the Colored Citizens of the World, but in particular and very
expressly to those of the United States of America, Written in Boston,
State of Massachusetts, September 28, 1829_. Second edition. (Boston,
1830.) Walker was a Negro who hoped to arouse his race to self-assertion.

Ward, Charles. _Contrabands_. (Salem, 1866.) This suggests an
apprenticeship, under the auspices of the government, to build the Pacific

Washington, B.T. _The Story of the Negro_. Two volumes. (New York,

Washington, George. _The Writings of George Washington, being his
Correspondence, Addresses, Messages, and other papers, official and
private, selected and published from the original Manuscripts with the
Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by Jared Sparks_. (Boston,

Weeks, Stephen B. _Southern Quakers and Slavery. A Study in
Institutional History_. (Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1896.)

------_The Anti-Slavery Sentiment in the South; with Unpublished Letters
from John Stuart Mill and Mrs. Stowe_. (Southern History Association
Publications, Volume ii, No. 2, Washington, D.C., April, 1898.)

Williams, G.W. _A History of the Negro Troops in the War of the
Rebellion, 1861-1865, preceded by a Review of the military Services of
Negroes in ancient and modern Times_. (New York, 1888.)

------_History of the Negro Race in the United States from 1619-1880.
Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens: together with a
preliminary Consideration of the Unity of the Human Family, an historical
Sketch of Africa and an Account of the Negro Governments of Sierra Leone
and Liberia_. (New York, 1883.)

Woodson, C.G. _The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861_. (New York
and London, 1915.) This is a history of the Education of the Colored
People of the United States from the beginning of slavery to the Civil

Woolman, John. _The Works of John Woolman. In two Parts, Part I: A
Journal of the Life, Gospel-Labors, and Christian Experiences of that
faithful Minister of Christ, John Woolman, late of Mount Holly in the
Province of New Jersey_. (London, 1775.)

------_Same, Part Second. Containing his last Epistle and other
Writings_. (London, 1775.)

------_Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes. Recommended to the
Professors of Christianity of every Denomination_. (Philadelphia,

------_Considerations on Keeping Negroes; Recommended to the Professors
of Christianity of every Denomination. Part the Second_. (Philadelphia,

Wright, R.R., Jr. _The Negro in Pennsylvania_. (Philadelphia, 1912.)


_The African Methodist Episcopal Church Review_. The following articles:

_The Negro as an Inventor_. By R. R. Wright, vol. ii, p. 397.

_Negro Poets_, vol. iv, p. 236.

_The Negro in Journalism_, vols. vi, p. 309, and xx, p. 137.

_The African Repository_; Published by the American Colonization
Society from 1826 to 1832. A very good source for Negro history both in
this country and Liberia. Some of its most valuable articles are:

_Learn Trades or Starve_, by Frederick Douglass, vol. xxix,
p. 137. Taken from Frederick Douglass's Paper.

_Education of the Colored People_, by a highly respectable
gentleman of the South, vol. xxx, pp. 194, 195 and 196.

_Elevation of the Colored Race_, a memorial circulated in
North Carolina, vol. xxxi, pp. 117 and 118.

_A lawyer for Liberia_, a sketch of Garrison Draper, vol.
xxxiv, pp. 26 and 27.

_The American Economic Review_.

_The American Journal of Social Science_.

_The American Journal of Political Economy_.

_The American Law Review_.

_The American Journal of Sociology_.

_The Atlantic Monthly_.

_The Colonizationist and Journal of Freedom_. The author has been
able to find only the volume which contains the numbers for the year 1834.

_The Christian Examiner_.

_The Cosmopolitan_.

_The Crisis_. A record of the darker races published by the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

_Dublin Review_.

_The Forum_.

_The Independent_.

_The Journal of Negro History_.

_The Maryland Journal of Colonization_. Published as the official
organ of the Maryland Colonization Society. Among its important articles
are: _The Capacities of the Negro Race_, vol. iii, p. 367; and _The
Educational Facilities of Liberia_, vol. vii, p. 223.

_The Nation_.

_The Non-Slaveholder_. Two volumes of this publication are now found
in the Library of Congress.

_The Outlook_.

_Public Opinion_.

_The Southern Workman_. Volume xxxvii contains Dr. R. R. Wright's
valuable dissertation on _Negro Rural Communities in India_.

_The Spectator_.

_The Survey_.

_The World's Work_.


District of Columbia.
_The Daily National Intelligencer_.

_The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin_.
_The New Orleans Times-Picayune_.

_The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_.
_The Maryland Gazette_.
_Dunlop's Maryland Gazette or The Baltimore Advertiser_.

_The Liberator_.

_The Vicksburg Daily Commercial_.

New York.
_The New York Daily Advertiser_.
_The New York Tribune_.
_The New York Times_.


Adams, Henry,
leader of the exodus to Kansas,

friends of fugitives in,

Alton Telegraph,
comment of,

promoter of settling of Negroes in Jamaica,

leaders of the movement, became more helpful to the refugees,

Anti-slavery sentiment,
of two kinds,

American Federation of Labor,
attitude of, toward Negro labor,

Appalachian highland,
settlers of, aided fugitives;
exodus of Negroes to,

drain of laborers to,

Ball, J.P.,
a contractor,

Ball, Thomas,
a contractor,

interest of, in the sending of Negroes to Jamaica,

Barrett, Owen A.,
discoverer of a remedy,

owner of slaves at St. Genevieve,

owner of slaves, Upper Louisiana,

Benezet, Anthony,
plan of, to colonize Negroes in West;
interest of, in settling Negroes in the West,

Berlin Cross Roads,
Negroes of,

Bibb, Henry,
interest of, in colonization,

Birney, James G.,
promoter of the migration of the Negroes;
press of, destroyed by mob in Cincinnati,

Black Friday,
riot of, in Portsmouth,

Blackburn, Thornton,
a fugitive claimed in Detroit,

Boll weevil,
a cause of migration,

friends of fugitives in,

Boyce, Stanbury,
went with his father to Trinidad in the fifties,

Boyd, Henry,
a successful mechanic in Cincinnati,

Brannagan, Thomas,
advocate of colonizing the Negroes in the West;
interest of, in settling Negroes in the West,

Brissot de Warville,
observations of, on Negroes in the West,

British Guiana,
attractive to free Negroes,

Brooklyn, Illinois,
a Negro community,

Brown, John,
in the Appalachian highland,

Brown County, Ohio,
Negroes in,

friends of fugitives in,

Butler, General,
holds Negroes as contraband;
policy of, followed by General Wood and General Banks,

Cairo, Illinois,
an outlet for the refugees

Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan,
a Negro community;
note on progress of

Campbell, Sir George,
comment on condition of Negroes in Kansas City

Canaan, New Hampshire,
break-up of school of, admitting Negroes,

the migration of Negroes to;
settlements in,

supply of slaves of;
prohibited the importation of slaves,

Canterbury, people of,
imprison Prudence Crandall because she taught Negroes,

Cardoza, F.L.,
return of from Edinburgh to South Carolina,

Cassey, Joseph C.,
a lumber merchant,

Cassey, Joseph,
a broker in Philadelphia,

Chester, T. Morris,
went from Pittsburgh to settle in Louisiana,

friends of fugitives in;
successful Negroes of,

Clark, Edward V.,
a jeweler,

Clay, Henry,
a colonizationist,

Code for indentured servants in West,

Coffin, Levi,
comment on the condition of the refugees,

Coles, Edward,
moved to Illinois to free his slaves;
correspondence with Jefferson on slavery,

Colgate, Richard,
master of James Wenyam who escaped to the West,

Collins, Henry M.,
interest of, in colonization;
a real estate man in Pittsburgh,

Corbin, J.C.,
return of, from Chillicothe to Arkansas,

Colonization proposed as a remedy for migration,
in the West;
organization of society of;
failure to remove free Negroes;
opposed by free people of color;
meetings of, in the interest of the West Indies;
impeded by the exodus to the West Indies;
a remedy for migration,

Colonization Society,
organization of;
renewed efforts of,

opposition of, to the migration to the West Indies,

Columbia, Pa.,
friends of fugitives in,

Compagnie de l'Occident in control of Louisiana,

Condition of fugitives in contraband camps,

Congested districts in the North,

exterminated slavery;
law of;
against teaching Negroes,

Conventions of Negroes,

Cook, Forman B.,
a broker,

Crandall, A.W.,
interest in checking the exodus to Kansas,

Crandall, Prudence,
imprisoned because she taught Negroes,

Credit system,
a cause of unrest,

Crozat, Antoine,
as Governor of Louisiana,

Cuffe, Paul,
an actual colonizationist,

comment on freedmen's vagrancy,

De Baptiste, Richard,
father of, in Detroit,

Debasement of the blacks after Reconstruction,

Delany, Martin R.,
interest of, in colonization,

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