The book on celestial phenomena by
Aristoteles, in Italian [Footnote 25: _Meteora_. By this Leonardo means no doubt the four books *. He must refer
here to a MS. translation, as no Italian translation is known to have been published (see No. 1477 note).],–
_Libreria di Pavia_. One of the most famous of Italian libraries. After the victory of Novara in April 1500, Louis XII had it conveyed to France, ‘_come trofeo di vittoria_’!] and which treats of Mathematics,–He had a master [learned] in waterworks and get him to explain the repairs and the costs, and a lock and a canal and a mill in the Lombard fashion.
Giuliano Condi[*1],–Tomaso Ridolf1,– Tomaso Paganelli,–Nicolo delNero,–Simone Zasti,–Nasi,–the heir of Lionardo Manelli, –Guglielmo di Ser Martino,–Bartolomeo
del Tovaglia,–Andrea Arrigucci,–
Nicolo Capponi,–Giovanni Portinari.
[Footnote: I. _Guiliano Gondi_. Ser Piero da Vinci, Leonardo’s father, lived till 1480, in a house belonging to Giuliano Gondi. In 1498 this was pulled down to make room for the fine Palazzo built on the Piazza San Firenze by Giuliano di San Gallo, which still exists. In the _Riassunto del Catasto di Ser Piero da Vinci_, 1480, Leonardo is not mentioned; it is evident therefore that he was living elsewhere. It may be noticed incidentally that in the _Catasto di Giuliano Gondi_ of the same year the following mention is made of his four eldest sons:
He himself was a merchant of gold filigree (_facciamo lavorare una bottegha d’arte di seta … facciamo un pocho di trafico a Napoli_}, As he was 59 years old in 1480, he certainly would not have been alive at the time of Leonardo’s death. But Leonardo must have been on intimate terms with the family till the end of his life, for in a letter dated June 1. 1519, in which Fr. Melzi, writing from Amboise, announces Leonardo’s death to Giuliano da Vinci at Florence (see p. 284), he says at the end “_Datemene risposta per i Gondi_” (see UZIELLI, _Ricerche_, passim).
[Footnote: In July 1506 Pope Julius II gave Donna Lucrezia della Rovere, the daughter of his sister Lucchina, in marriage to the youthful Marcantonio Colonna, who, like his brothers Prospero and Fabrizio, became one of the most famous Captains of his family. He gave to him Frascati
and made him a present of the palazzo he had built, when Cardinal, near the church of Santi Apostoli which is now known as the Palazzo Colonna (see GREGOROVIUS, _Gesch. der Stadt Rom._ Vol. VIII, book XIV I, 3. And COPPI, _Mem. Colonnesi p. 251).]
A box, a cage,–
A square, to make the bird [Footnote 2: Vasari states that Leonardo invented mechanical birds which moved through the air. Compare No. 703.],–
Pandolfino’s book, mortar [?],–
Small knives, Venieri for the
Piero di Cosino [Footnote 16: _Pier di Cosimo_ the well known Florentine painter 1462-1521. See VASARI, _Vite_ (Vol. IV, p. 134 ed. Sansoni 1880) about Leonardo’s influence on Piero di Cosimo’s style of painting.], the wings,–
Filippo and Lorenzo [Footnote 17: _Filippo e Lorenzo_; probably the painters Filippino
Lippi and Lorenzo di Credi. L. di Credi’s pictures and Vasari’s history of that painter bear ample evidence to his intimate relations with Leonardo.],–A ruler-,– Spectacles,–to do the….. again,–To-
maso’s book,–Michelagnolo’s chain,–The multiplication of roots,–Of the bow and strinch,–The map of the world from Benci,– Socks,–The clothes from the custom-house officier,–Cordova leather,–Market books,
–the caps,–Rosso’s mirror; to see him make it,–1/3 of which I have 5/6,–on the celestial phenomena, by Aristotle [Footnote 36: _Meteora_. See No. 1448, 25.],–boxes of Lorenzo di Pier Francesco [Footnote 37: _Lorenzo di Pier Francesco_ and his brother _Giovanni_ were a lateral branch of the _Medici_ family and changed their name for that of Popolani.],–Maestro Piero of the Borgo,–To have my book
bound,–Show the book to Serigatto,– and get the rule of the clock [Footnote 41: Possibly this refers to the clock on the tower of the Palazzo Vecchio at Florence. In February 1512 it had been repaired, and so arranged as to indicate the hours after the French manner (twelve hours a. m. and as many p. m.).],–
ring,–nutmeg,–gum,–the square,–Giovan’ Batista at the piazza, de’ Mozzi,–Giovanni Benci has my book and jaspers,–brass for the spectacles.
[Footnote: This note occurs on a pen and ink drawing made by Leonardo as a sketch for the celebrated large cartoon in the possession of the Royal Academy of Arts, in London. This cartoon is commonly supposed to be identical with that described and lauded by Vasari, which was exhibited in Florence at the time and which now seems to be lost. Mr. Alfred Marks, of Long Ditton, in his valuable paper (read before the Royal Soc. of Literature, June 28, 1882) “On the St. Anne of Leonardo da Vinci”, has adduced proof that the cartoon now in the Royal Academy was executed earlier at Milan. The note here given, which is written on the sheet containing the study for the said cartoon, has evidently no reference to the drawing on which it is written but is obviously of the same date. Though I have not any opening here for discussing this question of the cartoon, it seemed to me important to point out that the character of the writing in this note does not confirm the opinion hitherto held that the Royal Academy cartoon was the one described by Vasari, but, on the contrary, supports the hypothesis put forward by Mr. Marks.]
Giacomo came to live with me on St.-Mary Magdalen’s[*1] day, 1490, aged 10 years. The second day I had two shirts cut out for him, a pair of hose, and a jerkin, and when I put aside some money to pay for these things he stole 4 _lire_
the money out of the purse; and I could never make him confess, though I was quite certain of the fact.–Thief, liar, obstinate, glutton.
Item: on the 7th day of September he
stole a silver point of the value of 22 soldi from Marco [Footnote 6: _Marco_, probably Leonardo’s pupil Marco d’Oggionno; 1470 is supposed to be the date of his
birth and 1540 of his death.
_Che stava con meco._ We may infer from this that he left the master shortly after this, his term of study having perhaps expired.] who was living with me, 4 _lire_ this being of silver; and he took it from his studio, and when the said Marco had searched for it a long while he found it hidden
in the said Giacomo’s box 4 _lire_.
[Footnote: _Il di della Maddalena._ July 22.] Item: on the 26th January following,
I, being in the house of Messer Galeazzo da San Severino [Footnote 9: Galeazza. See No. 718 note.], was arranging the festival for his jousting, and certain footmen having undressed to try on some costumes of wild men for the said festival, Giacomo went to the purse of one of them which lay on the bed with other clothes, 2 lire 4 S, and took out such money as was in it.
Item: when I was in the same house,
Maestro Agostino da Pavia gave to me a Turkish hide to have 2 lire.
a pair of short boots made of it; this Giacomo stole it of me within a month and sold it to a cobbler for 20 soldi, with
which money, by his own confession, he bought anise comfits.
Item: again, on the 2nd April, Giovan Antonio [Footnote 16:Giovan Antonio, probably Beltraffio, 1467 to 1516.] having left a silver point on a drawing of his, Giacomo stole it, and this was of the value of 24 soldi 1 lira 4 S.
A cloak, 2 lire,
6 shirts, 4 lire,
3 jerkins, 6 lire,
4 pairs of hose, 7 lire 8 soldi,
1 lined doublet, 5 lire,
24 pairs of shoes, 6 lire 5 soldi,
A cap, l lira,
laces, 1 lira.
[Footnote: Leonardo here gives a detailed account not only of the loss he and others incurred through Giacomo but of the wild tricks of the youth, and we may therefore assume that the note was not made merely as a record for his own use, but as a report to be forwarded to the lad’s father or other responsible guardian.]
Thursday the 27th day of September
Maestro Tommaso came back and worked for himself until the last day but one of February. On the 18th day of March, 1493, Giulio, a German, came to live with me,–Lucia, Piero, Leonardo.
On the 1st day of November we settled accounts. Giulio had to pay 4 months;
and Maestro Tommaso 9 months; Maestro Tommaso afterwards made 6 candlesticks,
10 days’ work; Giulio some fire-tongs 15 days work. Then he worked for himself till the 27th May, and worked for me at a lever till the 18th July; then for himself till the 7th of August, and for one day, on the fifteenth, for a lady. Then again for me at 2 locks until the 20th of August.
Benedetto carne on the 17th of October; he stayed with me two months and 13 days of last year [*4], in which time he earned 38 lire, 18 soldi and 8 dinari; he had of this 26 lire and 8 soldi, and there remains to be paid for the past year 12 lire 10 soldi.
Giodatti (?) came on the 8th day of September, at 4 soldi a month, and stayed with
me 3 months and 24 days, and earned 59 lire 14 soldi and 8 dinari; he has had 43 lire, 4 soldi, there remains to pay 16 lire, 10 soldi and 8 dinari.
*1465. 2. _Giovan;_ it is not likely that Leonardo should have called Giovan’ Antonio Beltraffio at one time Giovanni, as in this note and another time Antonio, as in No. 1464 while in No. 1458 l. 16 we find _Giovan’Antonio_, and in No. 1436, l.6 _Beltraffio_. Possibly the Giovanni here spoken of is Leonardo’s less known pupil Giovan Pietrino (see No. 1467, 5).
4. _Lorenzo_. See No. 1351, l. 10 (p. 408). Amoretti gives the following note in _Mem. Stor. XXIII:_ 1505. _Martedi-sera a di 14 d’aprile. Venne Lorenzo a stare con mecho: disse essere d’eta d’anni 17 .. a di 15 del detto aprile ebbi scudi 25 d’oro dal chamerlingo di Santa Maria nuova._ This, he asserts is derived from a MS. marked S, in quarto. This MS. seems to have vanished and left no trace behind; Amoretti himself had not seen it, but copied from a selection of extracts made by Oltrocchi before the Leonardo MSS. were conveyed to Paris on the responsibility of the first French Republic. Lorenzo, by this, must have been born in 1487. The sculptor Lorenzetto was born in 1490. Amoretti has been led by the above passage to make the following absurd observations:
_Cotesto Lorenzo, che poi gli fu sempre compagno, almeno sin che stette in Italia, sarebb’ egli Lorenzo Lotto bergamasco? Sappiamo essere stato questo valente dipintore uno de’ bravi scolari del Vinci_ (?).
1466. This seems to be an account for two assistants. The name of the second is scarcely legible. The year is not given. The note is nevertheless of chronological value. The first line tells us the date when the note was registered, January 3d, and the* C.A.F. 279a; 855a]
Book on Arithmetic [Footnote 1: “La nobel opera de arithmethica ne la qual se tracta tute cosse amercantia pertinente facta & compilata per Piero borgi da Veniesia”, in-40. In fine: “Nela inclita cita di Venetia a corni. 2 augusto. 1484. fu imposto fine ala presente opera.” Segn. a–p. quaderni. V’ha pero
un’ altra opera simile di Filippo Calandro, 1491. E da consultarsi su quest’ ultimo, Federici: Memorie Trevigiane, Fiore di virtu: pag. 73. “Libricciuolo composto di bello stile verso il 1320 e piu volte impresso nel secolo XV (ristampato poi anche piu tardi). Gli accademici della Crusca lo ammettono nella serie dei testi di lingua. Vedasi Gamba, Razzolini, Panzer, Brunet, Lechi, ecc. (G. D’A.)] ‘Flowers of Virtue’,
Pliny, [Footnote 2: “Historia naturale di C. Plinio Secondo, tradocta di lingua latina in fiorentina per Christophoro Laudino & Opus Nicolai Jansonis gallici imp. anno salutis M. CCCC.LXXVI.Venetiis” in-fol.-Diogene Laertio. Incomincia: “El libro de la vita de philosophi etc.: Impressum Venetiis” per Bernardinum Celerium de Luere, 1480″, in-40(G. D’A.).] ‘Lives of the Philosophers’,
The Bible, [Footnote 3:”La Bibia volgare historiata (per Nicolo di Mallermi) Venecia … M.CCCC.LXXI in kalende di Augusto (per Vindelino de Spira)” 2 vol. in-fol. a 2 col. di 50 lin,; od altra ediz. della stessa versione del Mallermi, Venetia 1471, e sempre: “Venecia per Gabriel de Piero 1477,” in-fol.; 2 vol.; Ottavio Scotto da Modoetia 1481,” “Venetia 1487 per Joan Rosso Vercellese,” “1490 Giovanni Ragazo di Monteferato a instantia di Luchanthonio di Giunta, ecc.”–Lapidario Teofrasto? Mandebille: “Le grand lapidaire,” versioneitaliana ms.?… Giorgio Agricola non puo essere, perche nato nel 1494, forse Alberto Magno: de mineralibus. * Potrebbe essere una traduzione del poema latino (Liber lapidum seu de gemmis) di Marbordio Veterio di Rennes (morto nel II23 da lui stesso tradotto in francese dal greco di Evao re d’Arabia celebre medico che l’aveva composto per l’imperatore Tiberio. Marbodio scrisse il suo prima per Filippo Augusto re di Francia. Vi sono anche traduzioni in prosa. “Il lapidario o la forza e la virtu delle pietre preziose, delle Erbe e degli Animali.” (G. D’A.)] ‘Lapidary’,
‘On warfare’ [Footnote 4:Il Vegezio?… Il Frontino?,.. Il Cornazzano?… Noi crediamo piuttosto il Valturio. Questo libro doveva essere uno de’favoriti di Leonardo poiche libro di scienza e d’arte nel tempo stesso.]’Epistles of Filelfo’,
[Footnote: The late Marchese Girolamo d’Adda published a highly valuable and interesting disquisition on this passage under the title: Leonardo da Vinci e la sua Libreria, note di un bibliofilo (Milano 1873. Ed. di soli 75 esemplari; privately printed). In the autumn of 1880 the Marchese d’Adda showed me a considerable mass of additional notes prepared for a second edition. This, as he then intended, was to come out after the publication of this work of mine. After the much regretted death of the elder Marchese, his son, the Marchese Gioachino d’Adda was so liberal as to place these MS. materials at my disposal for the present work, through the kind intervention of Signor Gustavo Frizzoni. The following passages, with the initials G. d’A. are prints from the valuable notes in that publication, the MS. additions I have marked*. I did not however think myself justified in reproducing here the acute and interesting observations on the contents of most of the rare books here enumerated.]
****below must belong to previous page’s footnotes*** observations that follow refer to events of the previous month ‘of last year’ (dell’ anno passato). Leonardo cannot therefore have written thus in Florence where the year was, at that period, calculated as beginning in the month of March (see Vol. I, No. 4, note 2). He must then have been in Milan. What is more important is that we thus learn how to date the beginning of the year in all the notes written at Milan. This clears up Uzielli’s doubts: A Milano facevasi cominciar l’anno ab incarnatione, cioe il 25 Marzo e a nativitate, cioe il 25 Decembre. Ci sembra probabile che Leonardo dovesse prescegliere lo stile che era in uso a Firenze. (Ricerche, p. 84, note.)
The first decade,  ‘On the preservation of health’, The third decade,  Ciecho d’Ascoli,
The fourth decade,  Albertus Magnus, Guido,  New treatise on rhetorics,
Piero Crescentio,  Cibaldone,
‘Quadriregio’,  AEsop,
*** IGNORE FOOTNOTES FOR THIS PAGE – Project Manager *** Donato, [Footnote 11: “_Donatus latine & italice: Impressum Venetiis impensis Johannis Baptistae de Sessa anno_ 1499, _in_-4°*”.– “El Psalterio de David in lingua volgare (da Malermi Venetia nel M.CCCC.LXXVI,” in-fol. s. n._ (G. D’A.)] Psalms,
Justinus, [Footnote 12:
Compare No. 1210, 48.–_La versione di Girolamo Squarzafico: “Il libro di Justino posto diligentemente in materna lingua. Venetia ale spesse (sic) di Johane de Colonia & Johane Gheretze_ … l477,” _in-fol._–“_Marsilii Ficini, Theologia platonica, sive de animarum immortalitate, Florentine, per Ant. Misconimum_ 1482,” _in-fol., ovvero qualche versione italiana di questo stesso libro, ms._ (G. D’A.)] ‘On the immortality of
Guido [Footnote 13:
_Forse “la Historia Trojana Guidonis” od il “manipulus” di “Guido da Monterocherii” ma piu probabilmente “Guido d’Arezzo” il di cui libro: “Micrologus, seu disciplina artis musicae” poteva da Leonardo aversi ms.; di questi ne esistono in molto biblioteche, e fu poi impresso nel 1784 dal Gerbert._
_Molte sono le edizione dei sonetti di Burchiello Fiorentino, impresse nel secolo XV. La prima e piu rara e recercata: “Incominciano li sonetti, ecc. (per Christoforo Arnaldo)”, in_-4°* _senza numeri, richiami o segnature, del_ 1475, _e fors’ anche del_ 1472, _secondo Morelli e Dibdin, ecc._ (G. D’A.)]
_Di Pulci Luigi, benche nell’ edizione:_ “_Florentiae_ 1479” _in_-4°* si dica: “Il Driadeo composto in rima octava per Lucio Pulcro” Altre ediz, del secolo XV, “Florentie Miscomini_ 1481, _in_-40*, _Firenze, apud S. Jacob, de Ripoli,_ 1483,” _in_-4°* _e “Antoni de Francesco,_ 1487,” _in_-4°* _e Francesco di Jacopo_ 1489,_in_-4°* _ed altre ancora di Venezia e senza alcuna nota ecc._ (G. D’A.)]
John de Mandeville [Footnote 16:
_Sono i viaggi del cavaliere_ “_Mandeville_” _gentiluomo inglese. Scrisse il suo libro in lingua francese. Fu stampato replicatamente nel secolo XV in francese, in inglese ed in italiano * ed in tedesco; del secolo XV ne annoverano forse piu di 27 edizioni, di cui ne conosciamo_ 8 _in francese, quattro in latino, sei in tedesco e molte altre in volgare._ (G. D’A.)]
‘On honest recreation’ [Footnote 17:
_Il Platina (Bartolomeo Sacchi) la versione italiana_ “_de la honesta voluptate, & valetudine (& de li obsonnii) Venetia (senza nome di tipografo)_ 1487,” _piccolo in_-4°* _gotico._ (G. D’A.)–Compare No. 844, 21.]
Manganello, [Footnote 18:
_Il Manganello: Satira eccessivamente vivace contro le donne ad imitazione della Sesta di Giovenale. Manganello non e soltanto il titolo del libricino, sua ben anche il nome dell’autore ch’era un_ “_milanese_”. _Di questo libercolo rarissimo, che sembra impresso a Venezia dallo Zoppino (Nicolo d’Aristotile detto il), senza data, ma dei primissimi anni del secolo XVI, e forse piu antico, come vedremo in appresso, non se ne conoscono fra biblioteche pubbliche e private che due soli esemplari in Europa._ (G. D’A.)]
The Chronicle of Isidoro, [Footnote 19: “_Cronica desidero_”, _sembra si deggia leggere piuttosto_ “_cronico disidoro_”_; ed in questo caso s’intenderebbe la_ “_cronica d’Isidoro_” _tanto in voga a quel tempo_ “_Comenza la Cronica di Sancto Isidoro menore con alchune additione cavate del testo & istorie de la Bibia & del libro di Paulo Oroso …. Impresso in Ascoli in casa del reverendo misser Pascale ….. per mano di Guglielmo de Linis de Alamania M.CCCC.LXXVII_” _in_-40* _di_ 157 _ff. E il primo libro impresso ad Ascoli e l’edizione principe di questa cronica in oggi assai rara. Non lo e meno l’edizione di Cividal del Friuli_, 1480, _e quella ben anche di Aquila_, 1482, _sempre in-_40. _Vedasi Panzer, Hain, Brunet e P. Dechamps._ (G. D’A.)]
The Epistles of Ovid, [Footnote 20:
“_Le pistole di Ovidio tradotte in prosa. Napoli Sixt. Riessinger_”, _in_-40*, _oppure:_ “_Epistole volgarizzate_ 1489,” _in_-40* _a due col._ “_impresse ne la cita (sic) di Bressa per pre: Baptista de Farfengo,_” _(in ottave) o:_ “_El libro dele Epistole di Ovidio in rima volgare per messere Dominico de Monticelli toschano. Brescia Farfengo_,” _in_-4°* _got. (in rima volgare)_, 1491, _ed anche la versione di Luca Pulci. Firenze, Mischomini_, 1481, _in_-4°*. (G. D’A.) ]
*_nello da Streno,_ 1497, _in_-4°*, _ecc., o piu probabilmente: “Aesopi” vita & fabula’ latine cum versione italica & allegoriis Fr. Tuppi impressae, Napoli,_ 1483,” _in-fol., rara edizione ornata di belle vignette incise in legno. Questo Esopo e anche libro di novelle. Nel Catalogo Cicognara abbiamo una minuta descrizione di questo rarissimo volume._ (G. D’A.) The Jests of Poggio [Footnote 23:
_Tre edizioni delle facezie del Poggio abbiamo in lingua italiana della fine del secolo XV, tutte senza data._ “_Facetie de Poggio fiorentino traducte de latino in vulgare ornatissimo,_” _in_-4°*, _segn. a–e in caratteri romani; l’altra: “_Facetie traducte de latino in vulgare,_” _in_-4°*, _caratteri gotici, ecc._ (G. D’A.)
Chiromancy, [Footnote 24:
*”_Die Kunst Cyromantia etc, in tedesco._ 26 _ff. di testo e figure il tutte eseguito su tavole di legno verso la fine del secolo XV da Giorgio Schapff_”. _Dibdin, Heinecken, Sotheby e Chatto ne diedero una lunga descrizione; i primi tre accompagnati da fac-simili. La data_ 1448 _che si legge alla fine del titolo si riferisce al periodo della composizione del testo, non a quello della stampa del volume benche tabellario. Altri molti libri di Chiromanzia si conoscono di quel tempo e sarebbe opera vana il citarli tutti._ (G. D’A.)]
Formulary of letters, [Footnote 25:
_Miniatore Bartolomeo._ “_Formulario de epistole vulgare missive e responsive, & altri fiori de ornali parlamenti al principe Hercule d’Esti ecc. composto ecc. Bologna per Ugo di Rugerii,_” _in_-4°*, _del secolo XV, Altra edizione di “Venetia Bernardino di Novara_, 1487″ _e _”_Milano per Joanne Angelo Scinzenzeler_ 1500,” _in_-4°*. (G. D’A.)
[Footnote: Nonius Marcellus and Sextus Pompeius Festus were Roman grammarians of about the fourth century A. D. Early publications of the works of Marcellus are: _De proprietate sermonis, Romae_ (about 1470), and 1471 (place of publication unknown). _Compendiosa doctrina, ad filium, de proprietate sermonum._ Venice, 1476. BRUNET, _Manuel du libraire_ (IV, p. 97) notes: _Le texte de cet ancien grammairien a ete reimprime plusieurs fois a la fin du XVe siecle, avec ceux de Pomponius Festus et de Terentius Varro. La plus ancienne edition qui reunisse ces trois auteurs est celle de Parme_, 1480 … _Celles de Venise_, 1483, 1490, 1498, _et de Milan_, 1500, _toutes in-fol,, ont peli de valeur._]
See ‘On Ships’ Messer Battista, and Frontinus ‘On Acqueducts’ [Footnote 2: 2. _Vitruvius de Arch., et Frontinus de Aquedoctibus._ Florence, l5l3.–This is the earliest edition of Frontinus.–The note referring to this author thus suggests a solution of the problem of the date of the Leicester Manuscript.].
Anaxagoras: Every thing proceeds from every thing, and every thing becomes every thing, and every thing can be turned into every thing else, because that which exists in the elements is composed of those elements. **Wrong text!
Archimedes gave the quadrature of a poly- gonal figure, but not of the circle. Hence Archimedes never squared any figure with curved sides. He squared the circle minus the smallest portion that the intellect can conceive, that is the smallest point visible.
If any man could have discovered the
utmost powers of the cannon, in all its various forms and have given such a secret to the Romans, with what rapidity would
they have conquered every country and have vanquished every army, and what reward could have been great enough for such a service! Archimedes indeed, although he had greatly damaged the Romans in the siege of Syra- cuse, nevertheless did not fail of being offered great rewards from these very Romans; and when Syracuse was taken, diligent search was made for Archimedes; and he being found
dead greater lamentation was made for him by the Senate and people of Rome than if they had lost all their army; and they
did not fail to honour him with burial and with a statue. At their head was Marcus
Marcellus. And after the second destruction of Syracuse, the sepulchre of Archimedes was found again by Cato, in the ruins of a temple. So Cato had the temple restored and the sepulchre he so highly honoured….
Whence it is written that Cato said that he was not so proud of any thing he had done as of having paid such honour to Archimedes.
1476. Where Leonardo found the statement that Cato had found and restored the tomb of Archi- medes, I do not know. It is a merit that Cicero claims as his own (Tusc. V, 23) and certainly with a full right to it. None of Archimedes’ biographers -not even the diligent Mazzucchelli, mentions any version in which Cato is named. It is evidently a
slip of the memory on Leonardo’s part. Besides, according to the passage in Cicero, the grave was not found ‘nelle mine ffun tempio’-which is highly improbable as relating to a Greek-but in an open spot (H. MULLER-STROBING).–See too, as to Archi- medes, No. 1417.
On the increase of the Nile, a small book by Aristotle.
[Footnote: _De inundatione Nili_, is quoted here and by others as a work of Aristotle. The Greek original is lost, but a Latin version of the beginning exists (Arist. Opp. IV p. 213 ed. Did. Par.).
In his quotations from Aristotle Leonardo possibly refers to one of the following editions: _Aristotelis libri IV de coelo et mundo; de anima libri III; libri VIII physi- corum; libri de generatione et corruptione; de sensu et sensato… omnia latine, interprete Averroe, Venetiis 1483_ (first Latin edition). There is also a separate edition of _Liber de coelo et mundo_, dated 1473.]
The highest good is wisdom, the chief evil is suffering in the body. Because, as we are composed of two things, that is soul and body, of which the first is the better, the body is the inferior; wisdom belongs to the better part, and the chief evil belongs to the worse part and is the worst of all. As the best thing of all in the soul is
wisdom, so the worst in the body is suf- fering. Therefore just as bodily pain is the chief evil, wisdom is the chief good of the soul, that is with the wise man; and nothing else can be compared with it.
[Footnote: Aulus Cornelius Celsus, a Roman physician, known as the Roman Hippocrates, probably contemporary with Augustus. Only his eight Books ‘De Medicina”, are preserved. The earliest editions are: Cornelius Celsus, de medicina libr. VIII., Milan 1481 Venice 1493 and 1497.]
Demetrius was wont to say that there was no difference between the speech and words of the foolish and ignorant, and the noises and rumblings of the wind in an inflated stomach. Nor did he say so without reason, for he saw no difference between the parts whence the noise issued; whether their lower parts or their mouth, since one and the
other were of equal use and importance. [Footnote: Compare Vol. I, No. 10.]
Hippocrates says that the origin of men’s sperm derives from the brain, and from the lungs and testicles of our parents, where the final decocture is made, and all the other limbs transmit their substance to this sperm by means of expiration, because there are no channels through which they might come to the sperm.
[Footnote: The works of Hippocrates were printed first after Leonardo’s death.] Ash.II. IIb]
They also use for a standard a bunch of grass tied to a pole (167).
[Footnote: Lucretius, de rerum natura libri VI were printed first about 1473, at Verona in 1486, at Brescia in 1495, at Venice in 1500 and in 1515, and at Florence in 1515. The numbers 165 and 167 noted by Leonardo at the end of the two passages seem to indicate pages, but if so, none of the editions just mentioned can here be meant, nor do these numbers refer to the verses in the poems of Lucretius.]
Ammianus Marcellinus asserts that seven hundred thousand volumes of books were
burnt in the siege of Alexandria in the time of Julius Cesar.
[Footnote: Ammiani Marcellini historiarum libri qui extant XIII, published at Rome in 1474.]
Mondino says that the muscles which
raise the toes are in the outward side of the thigh, and he adds that there are no muscles in the back [upper side] of the feet, because nature desired to make them light, so as to move with ease; and if they had been fleshy they would be heavier; and here
experience shows …
[Footnote: “Mundini anatomia. Mundinus, Anothomia (sic). Mundini praestantissimorum doctorum almi studit ticiensis (sic) cura diligentissime emendata. Impressa Papiae per magistrum Antonium de Carfano 1478,” in-fol.; ristampata: “Bononiae Johan. de Noerdlingen, 1482,” in-fol.; “Padova
per Mattheum Cerdonis de Vuindischgretz, 1484,” in-40; “Lipsia, 1493,” in-40; “Venezia, 1494,” in-40 e ivi “1498,”
con fig. Queste figure per altro non sono, come si e preteso, le prime che fossero introdotte in un trattato di Notamia. Nel ‘fasciculus Medicinae’ di Giovanni Ketham, che riproduce F’Anatomia’ del Mundinus, impresso pure a Venezia da J. e G. de Gregoriis, 1491, in-fol., contengosi intagli in legno (si vogliono disegnati non gia incisi da Andrea Mantegna) di grande dimensione, e che furono piu volte riprodotti negli anni successivi. Quest’ edizione del “fasciculus” del 1491, sta fra nostri libri e potrebbe benissimo essere il volume d’Anatomia notato da Leonardo. (G. D’A.)]
I have found in a history of the Spaniards that in their wars with the English Archimedes of Syracuse who at that time was living
at the court of Ecliderides, King of the Cirodastri. And in maritime warfare he ordered that the ships should have tall masts, and that on their tops there should be a spar fixed [Footnote 6: Compare No. 1115.] of 40 feet long and one third of a foot thick. At one end of this was a small grappling iron and at the other a counterpoise; and there was also attached 12 feet of chain; and, at the end of this chain, as much rope as would reach from the chain to the base of the top, where it was fixed with a small rope; from this base it ran down to the bottom of the mast where a
very strong spar was attached and to this was fastened the end of the rope. But to go on to the use of his machine; I say that below this grappling iron was a fire [Footnote 14: Compare No. 1128.] which, with tremendous noise, threw down its rays and a shower of burning pitch; which, pouring down on the [enemy’s] top, compelled the men who were in it to abandon the top
to which the grappling-iron had clung. This was hooked on to the edges of the top
and then suddenly the cord attached at the base of the top to support the cord which went from the grappling iron, was cut, giving way and drawing in the enemy’s ship; and if the anchor–was cast …
[Footnote: Archimedes never visited Spain, and the names here mentioned cannot be explained. Leonardo seems to quote here from a book, perhaps by some questionable mediaeval writer. Prof. C. Justi writes to me from Madrid, that Spanish savants have no knowledge of the sources from which this story may have been derived.]
Theophrastus on the ebb and flow of the tide, and of eddies, and on water.
[Footnote: The Greek philosophers had no opportunity to study the phenomenon of the ebb and flow of the tide and none of them wrote about it. The movement of the waters in the Euripus however was to a few of them a puzzling problem.]
Tryphon of Alexandria, who spent his life at Apollonia, a city of Albania (163).
[Footnote: Tryphon of Alexandria, a Greek Grammarian of the time of Augustus. His treatise *TtaOY Aeijecu* appeared first at Milan in 1476, in Constantin Laskaris’s Greek Grammar.]
Vitruvius says that small models are of no avail for ascertaining the effects of large ones; and I here propose to prove that
this conclusion is a false one. And chiefly by bringing forward the very same argument which led him to this conclusion; that is, by an experiment with an auger. For he proves that if a man, by a certain exertion of
strength, makes a hole of a given diameter, and afterwards another hole of double the diameter, this cannot be made with only
double the exertion of the man’s strength, but needs much more. To this it may very well be answered that an auger
of double the diameter cannot be
moved by double the exertion, be-
cause the superficies of a body of
the same form but twice as large has four times the extent of the superficies of the smaller, as is shown in the two
figures a and n.
Vitruvius, measuring miles by means of the repeated revolutions of the wheels which move vehicles, extended over many Stadia the lines of the circumferences of the circles of these wheels. He became aware of them by the animals that moved the vehicles. But he did not discern that this was a means of finding a square equal to a circle. This was first done by Archimedes of Syracuse, who by multiplying the second diameter of a circle by half its circumference produced a rectangular quadrilateral equal figure to the circle. [Footnote: Vitruvius, see also Nos. 1113 and 343. 10. Compare No. 1475.]
In Vitolone there are 805 conclusions [problems] in perspective.
[Footnote: _(Witelo, Vitellion, Vitellon) Vitellione. *E da vedersi su questo ottico prospettico del secolo XIII Luca Pacioli, Paolo Lomazzo, Leonardo da Vinci, ecc. e fra i moderni il Graesse, il Libri, il Brunet, e le Memorie pubblicate dal principe Boncompagni, e ‘Sur l’ orthographe du nom et sur la patrie de Witelo (Vitellion) note de Maximilien Curtze, professeur *a Thorn’, ove sono descritti i molti codici esistenti nelle biblioteche d’ Europa. Bernardino Baldi nelle sue ‘Vite de’matematici’, manoscritto presso il principe Boncompagni, ha una biografia del Vitellione. Questo scritto del Baldi reca la data 25 agosto 1588. Discorsero poi di lui Federigo Risnerio e Giovanni di Monteregio nella prefazione dell’ Alfagrano, Giovanni Boteone, Girolamo Cardano, ‘De subtilitate’, che nota gli errori di Vitellione. Visse, secondo il Baldi, intorno all’ anno 1269, ma secondo il Reinoldo fioriva nel 1299, avendo dedicata la sua opera ad un frate Guglielmo di Monteca, che visse di que’ tempi.
Intorno ad un manoscritto dell’ ottica di Vitellione, citato da Luca Pacioli v’ ha un secondo esemplare del Kurlz, con aggiunte del principe Boncompagni, e le illustrazioni del cav. Enrico Narducci. Nel ‘Catalogo di manoscritti’ posseduti da D. Baldassare de’ principi Boncompagni, compilato da esso Narducci, Roma, 1862, sotto al n. 358, troviamo citato: Vitellio, ‘Perspectiva’, manoscritto del secolo XIV. La ‘Prospettiva di Vitelleone’ (sic) Thuringo-poloni *e citata due volte da Paolo Lomazzo nel Trattato dell’ arte della pittura. Vitellio o Vitello o Witelo. Il suo libro fu impresso in foglio a Norimberga nel 1535; la secondo edizione *e del 1551, sempre di Norimberga, ed una terza di Basilea, 1572._ (See _Indagini Storiche … sulla Libreria–Visconteo–Sforzesca del Castello di Pavia … per cura di G. D’A., Milano 1879. P. I. Appendice p. 113. 114).]
Vitolone, at Saint Mark’s.
[Footnote: _Altro codice di cotesta ‘Prospettiva’ del Vitolone troviamo notato nel ‘Canone bibliographico di Nicol*o V’, conservato alla, Magliabecchiana, in copia dell’ originale verosimilmente inviato dal Parentucelli a Cosimo de’ Medici (Magliab. cod. segn. 1 VII, 30 carte da 193 a 198). Proviene dal Convento di San Marco e lo aveva trascritto frate Leonardo Scruberti fiorentino, dell’ ordine dei predicatori che fu anche bibliotecario della Medicea pubblica in San Marco_ (See _Indagini Storiche … per cura di G. D’A. Parte I, p. 97).]
How this proposition of Xenophon is false. If you take away unequal quantities from unequal quantities, but in the same
[Footnote: Xenophon’s works were published several times during Leonardo’s lifetime.]
On the 28th day of April I received from the Marchesino 103 lire and 12 dinari.
[Footnote: Instead of the indication of the year there is a blank space after d’aprile.–Marchesino Stange was one of Lodovico il Moro’s officials.–Campare No. 1388.]
Parsley 10 parts
mint 1 part
thyme 1 part
Vinegar … and a little salt two pieces of canvas for Salai.
[Footnote: This note, of about the year 1494, is the earliest
mention of Salai, and the last is of the year 1513 (see No. 1465, 3). From the various notes in the MSS. he seems to have been Leonardo’s assistant and keeper only, and scarcely himself a painter. At any rate no signed or otherwise authenticated picture by him is known to exist. Vasari speaks somewhat doubtfully on this point.]
On Tuesday I bought wine for morning [drinking]; on Friday the 4th day of September the same. [Footnote: This note enables us to fix the date of the Manuscript, in which it is to be found. In 1495 the 4th of September fell on a Friday; the contents of the Manuscript do not permit us to assign it to a much earlier or later date (Compare No. 1522, and Note).]
For the 3 Ibs of tapers 27 S
For the bier 8 S
A pall over the bier 12 S
For bearing and placing the cross 4 S For bearing the body 8 S
For 4 priests and 4 clerks 20 S Bell, book and sponge 2 S
For the gravediggers 16 S
To the senior 8 S
For a license from the authorities__ 1 S 106 S
The doctor 2 S
Sugar and candles __ 12 S
Salai’s cloak, the 4th of April 1497. 4 braccia of silver cloth l. 15 S 4
green velvet to trim it l. 9 S —
binding l.– S 9
loops l.– S 12
the making l. 1 S 5
binding for the front l.– S 5
here are 13 grossoni of his l. 26 S 5 Salai stole the soldi.
Memorandum. That on the 8th day of
April 1503, I, Leonardo da Vinci, lent to Vante, miniature painter 4 gold ducats, in gold. Salai carried them to him and gave them into his own hand, and he said he would repay within the space of 40 days.
Memorandum. That on the same day I
paid to Salai 3 gold ducats which he said he wanted for a pair of rose-coloured
hose with their trimming; and there remain 9 ducats due to him-excepting that he owes me 20 ducats, that is 17 I lent him at Milan, and 3 at Venice.
[Footnote: With regard to Vante or Attavante, the miniature painter (not Nanni as I formerly deciphered this name, which is difficult to read; see _Zeitschrift fur Bild. Kunst_, 1879, p. 155), and Vasari, Lives of Frate Giovanni da Fiesole, of Bartolommeo della Gatta, and of Gherardo, _miniatore._ He, like Leonardo, was one of the committee of artists who, in 1503, considered the erection and placing of Michel Angelo’s David. The date of his death is not known; he was of the same age as Leonardo. Further details will be found in ‘_Notizie di Attavante miniatore, e di alcuni suoi lavori_’ (Milanese’s ed. of Vasari, III, 231-235).]
On the 9th day of August, 1504, I took 10 florins in gold[*2] …. [*3] on Friday the 9th day of August fifteen grossoni that is fl. 5 S 5 …. given to me 1 florin in gold on the l2th day of August [*4] ….. on the 14th of August, 32 grossoni to Tommaso. On the l8th of the same 5 grossoni to Salai. On the 8th of September 6 grossoni to the workman to spend; that is on the day of
our Lady’s birth. On the 16th day of September I gave 4 grossoni to Tommaso: on
[Footnote: In the original, the passage given as No. 1463 is written between lines 2 and 3 of this text, and it is possible that the entries in lines 3 and 4 refer to the payments of Jacopo Tedesco, who is there mentioned. The first words of these lines are very illegible.
*7. _Al fattore._ Il Fattore, was, as is well known, the nick-name of Giovanni Franceso Penni, born in Florence in 1486, and subsequently a pupil of Raphael’s. According to Vasari he was known by it
even as a boy. Whether he is spoken of in this passage, or whether the word Fattore should be translated literally, I will not undertake to decide. The latter seems to me more probably right.
Section Title: Inventories and accounts.
Memorandum of the money I have had
from the King as my salary from July 1508 till April next 1509. First 100 scudi, then 70, then 50, then 20 and then 200 florins at 48 soldi the florin.
[Footnote: Compare No. 1350 and 1561.]
Saturday the 2nd day of March I had from Santa Maria Novella 5 gold ducats, leaving 450. Of these I gave 2 the same day to
Salai, who had lent them to me.
[Footnote: See _’Conto corrente di Leonardo da Vinci con lo Spedale di S. Maria Nuova’ [1500 a 1507, 1513–1520]_ published by G. UZIELLI, _Ricerche intorno a Leonardo da Vinci, Firenze,_ 1872, pp. 164, 165, 218 and 219. The date here given by Leonardo does not occur in either of the accounts.]
New tin-ware 3 pairs of sheets
6 small bowls, each of 4 breadths, 6 bowls, 2 small sheets,
2 large dishes, 2 tablecloths and J/2, 2 dishes medium size, 16 coarse cloths,
2 small ones 8 shirts,
Old tin-ware 9 napkins,
3 small bowls, 2 hand-towels.
3 square stones,
2 small bowls,
1 large bowl,
1 small candlestick.
meat S 10 d
wine S 12 d
bran S 5 d 4
herbs S 10 d
buttermilk S 4 d 4
melon S 3 d
bread S 3 d 1
Monday S 9 8
….. S 6 d
wine S 12 d
bran S 9 d 4
buttermilk S 4 d 4
herbs S 8 d
____________________ Tuesday S d meat S 0 d 8
wine S 12 d
bread S 3 d
meal S 5 d 4
herbs S 8 d
wine S 5 d
melon S 2 d
meal S 5 d 4
vegetables S 8
Miseracione divina sacro sancte Romane ecclesie tituli n cardinalis 2wulgariter nuncupatus venerabili religioso fratri Johanni Mair d’Nustorf 3ordinis praedicatorum provintie teutonie (?) conventus Wiennensis capellano 4 nostro commensali salutem in dno sempi- ternam Religione zelus rite ac in [ferite?] 5honestas aliarumque laudabilium probitatis et virtutum merita quibus apud nos fide 6digno commendationis testimonio Magistri videlicet ordinis felicis recordacionis Leonardi de 7Mansuetis de Perusio sigillo suo … us dans tibi ad … opera virtutum comen(salem)? 8 locum et tempus success(ores) cujus simi- liter officium ministratus qui praedecessoris sui donum (?) 9confirmavit et de novo dedit aliorumque plurima [laudatis] qui opera tua laudant 10nos inducunt ut tibi (?) reddamus ad gratiam liberalem hinc est quod nos cupientes. [Footnote: The meaning of this document, which is very difficult to decipher, and is written in unintelligible
Latin, is, that Leonardo di Mansuetis recommends the Rev. Mair of Nusdorf, chaplain at Vienna, to some third person; and says also that something, which had to be proved, has been proved. The rest of the passages on the same leaf are undoubtedly in Leonardo’s hand. (Nos. 483, 661, 519, 578, 392, 582, 887 and 894.)]
Johannes Antonius di Johannes Ambro-
sius de Bolate. He who lets time pass and does not grow in virtue, the more I think of it the more I grieve. No man has it in him to be virtuous who will give up honour for gain. Good fortune is valueless to him who knows not toil. The man becomes
happy who follows Christ. There is no perfect gift without great suffering. Our glories and our triumphs pass away. Foul lust, and dreams, and luxury, and sloth have banished every virtue from the world; so that our Nature, wandering and perplexed, has almost lost the old and better track. Henceforth it were well to rouse thyself from sleep. The master said that lying in down will not bring thee to Fame; nor staying beneath the quilts. He who, without Fame, burns his life to waste, leaves no more vestige of himself on earth than wind-blown smoke, or the foam upon the sea. [Footnote: From the last sentence we may infer that this text is by the hand of a pupil of Leonardo’s.– On the same sheet are the notes Nos.1175 and 715 in Leonardo’s own handwriting.]
Section Title: Miscellaneous notes.
On the morning of Santo Zanobio the
29th of May 1504, I had from Lionardo Vinci 15 gold ducats and began to spend them.
to Mona Margarita S 62 d 4
to remake the ring S 19 d 8
clothes S 13
good beef S 4
eggs S 6
debt at the bank S 7
velvet S 12
wine S 6 d 4
meat S 4
mulberries S 2 d 4
mushrooms S 3 d 4
salad S 1
fruit S 1 d 4
candles S 3
…. S 1
flour S 2
Sunday 198 8
bread S 6
wine S 9 d 4
meat S 7
soup S 2
fruit S 3 d 4
candles S 3 d
bread S 6 d 4
meat S 10 d 8
wine S 9 d 4
fruit S 4
soup S 1 d 8