Full Text Archive logoFull Text Archive — Books, poems, drama…

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VIII. by Robert Kerr

Part 10 out of 10

Adobe PDF icon
Download this document as a .pdf
File size: 1.3 MB
What's this? light bulb idea Many people prefer to read off-line or to print out text and read from the real printed page. Others want to carry documents around with them on their mobile phones and read while they are on the move. We have created .pdf files of all out documents to accommodate all these groups of people. We recommend that you download .pdfs onto your mobile phone when it is connected to a WiFi connection for reading off-line.

On the 24th I again demanded my money from the governor, and in very
angry terms, he having already put me off seven months beyond our
bargain. I also asked Mir Mahmud Rasa, why he did not help me, pursuant
to the orders of the court; on which he laughingly answered, that we
would talk of that at the custom-house, when my anger was over. To this
I replied, that I would no longer be fooled, but would shew myself a
captain under the king of England, as I had not been accustomed to such
knavish dealing. Going thence to the custom-house, I found the
governor's son there with a slender guard, the soldiers having set up
their pikes against the custom-house, as I expected, and it was now
high-water, so that every thing concurred to favour our project. I
immediately therefore sent home for Mr Skinner and the rest of my men,
who were waiting at the factory, as concerted, who presently came,
leaving three only to take care of the house. They immediately laid hold
of the pikes, and came into the custom-house, of which they shut the
door. By this time I had seized _Wencatadra_ by the arms, and held him
fast till two or three came forwards to my assistance, who carried him
immediately into our boat, which waited at the shore, into which I and
all the rest embarked as quickly as possible, pushed off, and rowed
away, so that before his father and Mir Mahmud could get down to the
custom-house, we were rowing off as hard as we could. Yet, as it blew
hard against us, and as we were forced to keep within two cables length
of the shore, on account of the channel, they came in all haste after
us, some even coming very near our boat, but we out-rowed them all. Some
met us in front, which put us in much danger of having our retreat
intercepted; but by firing three muskets they were so intimidated that
they gave way to us, and we carried off our prize in sight of at least
3000 people, being far past the bar before our pursuers could get to it,
and at length got safe aboard with our prisoner.

I had given orders to George Chancey to remain at the factory with three
of our men, to give notice of the reason of our procedure, and to
receive our debts; but he, contrary to my instructions, having gone out
of the house from curiosity, to see the success of our enterprize, was
assaulted by some unruly fellows, and heartily beaten. But on this
coming to the knowledge of the governor, he took him under his
protection, fearing lest his son might be made to pay for it. In the
afternoon, Werner Van Bercham, the Hollander, came off to our ship,
accompanied by the king's interpreter, to demand the reason of our
violent procedure. My answer was, that they knew my reason already well
enough, and that I had left my under-merchant on shore to explain every
thing: and when I was informed of the severe treatment he had undergone,
I pretended to be revenged on _Wencatadra_; but allowed myself to be
prevailed upon by Van Bercham to overlook it for the present; yet
threatened to hang him up at the yard-arm if any of my men were wronged,
which he wrote to his father. I also gave strict injunctions, that no
one should presume to come off to us in a boat without bringing me a
letter from George Chancey, otherwise I should turn them all before the
mast. Van Bercham and the secretary came off again on the 27th, offering
me payment of the governor's own debt, which, and that of Callopas, for
which he was surety, was all I demanded from him; but likewise that the
governor should send me on board all others who refused to pay, which I
said would satisfy me. Van Bercham made also a formal protest against me
for all damages they had sustained, or might sustain, through my
hostilities, to which protest I gave an answer in writing, shewing its
nullity; and that very night the Dutch ship set sail for Patane.

In the meantime Wencatadra remained aboard our ship, without eating or
drinking; for he, being a Bramin, might not eat or drink in any man's
house, excepting what he himself dressed or made ready. Owing to this, I
so pitied him that I offered to release him, if any two Moors of good
quality would come aboard in his place; but none would undertake this
for his release, so that he had to continue his fast. The governor at
length paid his own debt, and that of Callopas, and made all the rest
pay, except _Miriapeik_ and _Datapa_, who were in Golconda, on which I
sent back my prisoner on the 30th of November.[394]

[Footnote 394: There must be some inaccuracy in the dates of the text,
as Wencatadra could hardly have lasted from the 24th to the 30th, six
entire days.--E.]

After all was settled, several of the principal Moors came off to visit
me, promising to write a true statement of my proceedings to the king,
and requesting me not to injure any of the ships belonging to the Moors
that I might meet with. I told them that I was satisfied for this time,
but requested they would be careful in future not to give any such cause
of dissatisfaction, and that they would listen more attentively to the
complaints of the English. I also wrote letters for the king of Golconda
to the same purpose, that we might hereafter have quicker justice. I
then dispatched the ambassadors of Narsinga to Velore, not having fit
opportunity to essay the promised trade in that country, owing to my
short stay, and in respect of the troubles consequent upon the
succession: yet I left letters with them for the first English ships
that might come to the coast, giving them my best advice. The 7th
December, Mr Chancey came aboard with the rest, and next night I put to
sea, having first offered to come ashore and take a friendly leave: but
the governor, fearing I had written an account of his proceedings by the
Moors, refused my proffered visit, pretending that he was ashamed to
look me in the face, having of a good friend made me his enemy.

Sec. 4. _Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England_.

The 3d January, 1615, we arrived at Bantam, where we found the James,
come from Patane, together with the Concord and Hosiander. I went
ashore, and received from Mr John Jordain, principal factor at Bantam,
letters from Sir Thomas Smith, testifying that the company had joined in
one.[395] I likewise had letters from Mr Cochin, at Macasser, saying he
had received the cargo sent under the charge of William Ebert, with
other circumstances; also from Adam Denton and Mr Gourney, complaining
of the dead market, occasioned by the wars; and from Mr Lucas also, of
his fears on the same subject; but as the Darling is now gone thither, I
hope he may be comforted. We here agreed that the goods of the Hosiander
should be trans-shipped into the Globe, of which Edward Christian was
constituted captain by General Best, with Nathaniel Salmon as master,
while Mr Skinner should go master in the Hosiander. Fifty men were
appointed for the Globe, fifty-five for the James, and twenty for the
Hosiander, which was to stay at Bantam, and three or four to keep the
Concord.

[Footnote 395: Purchas has obviously here made large omissions, even
marking the present place with an &c. We learn from the Annals of the
Company, that at first each expedition was a separate adventure,
proceeding on a subscription for the occasion among the members of the
company, but that afterwards the whole was consolidated into a joint
stock.--E.]

On the 30th the James set sail, to go on a month before, and to stay at
the Cape or St Helena for us, that we might sail thence in company for
England. Seeing the Hosiander could not so quickly be made ready, it was
thought proper to send the Concord for Amboina, in which George Bale
went, and George Chancey was to stay in Macasser. The Dutch ship
Zelandia arrived from Japan, bringing letters from Mr Cox, advising that
Mr Peacock and the Hollanders were slain in Cochin-china, and that Mr
Adams, with four other Englishmen, were gone thence for Siam.

The 14th of February, Captain David Middleton arrived with the
Samaritan, Thomas, and Thomasin, all the crews being in health and good
condition. On being informed of the death of his brother Sir Henry, and
the loss of the Trades-increase, Captain David Middleton was much
distressed, and resolved to go home. On which account he called a
council, to consult and determine how best to station the ships, and
about manning the Hosiander. It was then thought fit to send home the
Samaritan among the first; the Thomas to Sumatra; the Thomasin to
Amboina, to aid the Concord; and the Hosiander to Patane and Japan to
visit the factories at these places, all of which was put in execution.
They set sail out of Bantam road on the 22d February.[396] They came
into Saldanha bay on the 30th of April, where they found the James,
which had only arrived the day before, though she left Bantam
twenty-three days before them. The Advice and Attendant were here
outward-bound. Weighing anchor from the road of Saldanha on the 17th of
May, they came to St Helena on the 1st of June.

[Footnote 396: Purchas mentions, in a side-note, that the concluding
paragraph of this article was supplied from the journal of Marten. But
in this hurried conclusion, we are left to conjecture whether the Globe
was the ship in which Floris returned to England.--E.]

* * * * *

_Note_. Following the narrative of Floris, in the Pilgrims of Purchas,
vol. I. p. 328--332, is given "A Journal of a Voyage in 1612 by the
Pearl to the East Indies, wherein went as Captain Mr Samuel Castleton of
London, and Captain George Bathurst as Lieutenant; the Narrative written
by John Tatton, Master." This ship was not fitted out by the Company;
but Purchas observes in a side-note, that he had inserted it, "For the
furtherance of marine knowledge," and that, though not directly
belonging to the East India Company, _yet holding society with the East
Indian society_. We suppose it to have been one of those Voyages of
which the annalist of the Company, John Bruce, Esq. so much complains,
as _licensed_ by King James I. in contradiction to the exclusive
charter, which that first king of Great Britain had granted to the
English East India Company.

This journal, as it is called, is so retrenched or abbreviated in many
parts, as to be almost throughout inconsequential, and often so obscured
by the unskilful abridgement of Purchas as to be nearly unintelligible.
We have not therefore deemed it necessary or proper to insert it in our
Collection, as not tending to any useful purpose, nor containing any
valuable or even amusing information. Almost the only circumstance it
contains worth notice is, that they procured refreshments in a nameless
bay on the western coast of Africa, to the north of the Cape of Good
Hope, in which they bought calves and sheep very cheap, but could get no
water. From many circumstances this appears to have been what is now
called _Saldenha_ bay; which name however in this voyage, is still given
to that now called _Table_ bay. The only water found in that nameless
bay was a dirty puddle; and though the boat went a mile up a fine river
at the bottom of the bay, they found it all salt, and the whole
adjoining country very barren.--E.

* * * * *

SECTION XV.

_Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in_ 1611, _by Captain
John Saris_.[397].

INTRODUCTION.

Purchas has chosen to place this, and the subsequent early voyages of
the English to the East, in a separate division of his Pilgrims, which
he entitles "English Voyages _beyond_ the East Indies, &c. In which
their just commerce was nobly vindicated against Turkish treachery;
victoriously defended against Portuguese hostility; gloriously advanced
against Moorish and Heathenish perfidy; hopefully recovering from Dutch
malignity; and justly maintained against ignorant and malicious
calumny."

[Footnote 397: Purch. Pilg. I. 884, Astl I. 451.]

The full title of this voyage in the Pilgrims is, "The _Eighth_ Voyage
set forth by the East Indian Society, wherein were employed three Ships,
the Clove, the Hector, and the Thomas, under the Command of Captain John
Saris: His Course and Acts to and in the Red Sea, Java, the Moluccas,
and Japan, by the Inhabitants called _Neffoon_, where also he first
began and settled an English Trade and Factory; with other remarkable
Rarities: The whole collected out of his own Journal." In the preface to
the _4th_ book of his Pilgrims, Purchas makes the following observations
respecting this voyage: "We here present the _East_ Indies made
_westerly_, by the illustrious voyage of Captain John Saris; who, having
spent some years before in the Indies, by observations to rectify
experience, and by experience to prepare for higher attempts, hath here
left the known coasts of Europe, compassed those more unknown coasts of
Africa from the Atlantic to the Erithrean Sea, and after commerce there,
_tum Marte quam Merurio_, compasseth the shores, and pierceth the seas,
to and beyond all just names of India and Asia, penetrating by a long
journey, the islands, cities, and court of the _Japonian_ empire, there
settleth an English factory; and after safe return, is ready to render
to the readers the pleasure of his pain, and [_why stay I thee any
longer_?] by a more pleasant discoursive way, to discover to thee the
rarities of that discovery, and by hand, by the eyes, to lead thee along
with him all the way: and then leave thee to those that shall tell thee
of after accidents and later occurrences in the Japonian, Indian, and
Asian affairs."--_Purch_.

"What Purchas has called _collected out_ of the Journal of Captain
Saris, means probably _abbreviated_ by himself from that source. Saris
was factor at Bantam in 1608, at the time of the third voyage of the
East India Company, and has given an account of occurrences there from
the time Scott left off, as contained in _Section_ II. of this chapter
of our Collection. In this voyage, he went farther eastwards than any
English navigator had gone before, being the first of our nation that
sailed to Japan in an English ship. William Adams indeed had been there
some years earlier, having been carried there in a Dutch ship, by a
western course. The remarks of Captain Saris are generally curious,
judicious, and full of variety. As already noticed in the extended title
by Purchas, Captain Saris had three ships under his command, the Clove,
in which he sailed as general, the Hector, and the Thomas."--_Astl_.

This journal occupies _fifty_ pages in the Pilgrims of Purchas, besides
_eleven_ pages more of observations on various occurrences at Bantam,
during the residence of Saris there from October 1605 to October 1609,
and other circumstances respecting the English affairs in the East,
which will be noticed in the sequel. In the present edition, while we
scrupulously adhere to that of Purchas, we have used the freedom of
abridging even his abridgement, particularly respecting the nautical
remarks, courses, distances, winds, currents, &c. which are now much
better understood by navigators, and which would be quite uninteresting
and tedious to most of our readers.--E.

* * * * *

Sec. 1. _Incidents of the Voyage from England to Socotora_.

We sailed from the Downs on the 18th April, 1611, passed the equator on
the 6th June, and arrived at Saldanha bay on the 1st of August. Having
well refreshed ourselves there for eight days, we set sail on the 9th
August. The 3d September we made the land of Madagascar, near the bay of
St Augustine. The 10th we made the island of Primeiras; and the 17th we
made the islands of Angoza to the southwards of Mosambique. Finding a
dangerous shoal and bad anchoring ground, with a lee shore and westerly
current, we stood off on the 21st for Madagascar. In the chart we found
these islands of Angoza laid down in lat. 15 deg. 40' S. but by our
observation they are in 16 deg. 20' S.[398] The 24th, in lat. 16 deg. 16', our
course being N.E. we unexpectedly saw land bearing N. by W. five leagues
off, while expecting the island of Juan de Nova to the eastwards, and
being becalmed, we feared the current might set us upon it in the night.
When day-light appeared next morning, we found it to be the northernmost
island of Angoza, whence we had departed on the 21st, to the great
amazement and discouragement of our mariners.

[Footnote 398: The town of Angoza is in lat. 15 deg. 50', and the most
southerly island in the bay of that name is in 16 deg. 30' S.--E.]

The 3d October, after much trouble by currents, we came to anchor
between Mosambique and Sofala, in lat. 16 deg. 32' S. and long. 76 deg. 10'
E.[399] Our anchorage was in thirteen and fourteen fathoms, under an
island near the main, upon which were no people, neither could we find
fresh water, though we dug very deep for it in the sand. We weighed on
the 10th, and stood over E. by N. for Madagascar, in hopes of getting
out of the currents, and on the 26th came to anchor under Moyella,
[Mohilla] one of the Comoro islands, in lat. 12 deg. 13' S.[400] We here
refreshed for eight days, procuring bullocks, goats, poultry, lemons,
cocoas, pine-apples, passaws, plantains, pomgranates, sugar-canes,
tamarinds, rice, milk, roots, eggs, and fish, in exchange for small
haberdashery wares and some money, and had kind usage and plenty of
fresh water, yet stood much on our guard for fear of any treachery. I
invited the king of Moyella, being a Mahometan, aboard the Clove, and
entertained him with a banquet, and with trumpets and other music; but
he refused to eat, as it was then their Lent or Rammadan, yet he carried
off the best part of the banquet for the queen his mother, saying that
they would eat it after sunset. The name of the queen was _Sultana
Mannungalla_, and the king's was _Sharif Abubekr_.[401] He requested me
to give him a letter of recommendation for those who might come
afterwards to his island, having formerly procured one to that effect
from Stephen Verhagen, the admiral of twelve Dutch ships, in 1604, which
he shewed me. I complied with his desire, yet left this caution at the
end, that they ought not to repose too much confidence in this people,
but stand well on their guard, as oft-times weapons preserve peace.

[Footnote 399: The longitude of that part of the coast of Africa, in the
latitude indicated in the text, is 38 deg. 30' E. from Greenwich. It does
not appear what might have been the first meridian referred to by
Saris.--E]

[Footnote 400: Mohilla is in 13 deg. 40'. The latitude in the text is nearly
that of Johanna or Hinzuan.--E.]

[Footnote 401: In Purchas Sarriffoo Booboocarree, and afterwards
Sharefoo Boobackar, which comes near the true name.--Astl. I. 454. a.]

The inhabitants are negroes, having short curled hair, and wear painted
cloths round their middles, some having white caps, and others turbans,
by which we knew them to be Mahometans. The king wore a white cotton
coat, with a turban on his head, and a painted calico of Guzerat about
his middle, being little whiter than the rest. He was very lean, with a
round thin black beard and large eyes. His stature was short, and he was
a man of few words, having some knowledge of Arabic, which he had learnt
when on a pilgrimage to Mecca, on which account he had the name or title
of _Sharif_.[402] At this place they chiefly desire money, or Spanish
dollars, rather than commodities. Yet, for crimson broad-cloth, red
caps, Cambaya, or Guzerat cloths, and sword-blades, you may purchase any
commodities that the island produces, which indeed are only fit for
refreshments, and not for traffic. He gave me a note of friendship under
his hand.[403]

[Footnote 402: Haji is the title acquired by the pilgrimage, while
Sharif signifies noble, and denotes being of the posterity of
Mahomet.--Astl. I. 454. c.]

[Footnote 403: This note, in Arabic characters, is inserted in Purchas,
consisting only of two lines, under which the name of John Sarris is
written in the same characters. By this writing, the name of the king
appears to have been as we have put it in the text.--Astl. I. 454. d.]

We sailed from the island of Moyella on the 4th of November, and on the
17th in the morning made the main land of Africa on the coast of
Melinda, the bay or gulf of _Formosa_ being N.W. four leagues distant.
The 29th, in lat. 4 deg. 44', being, as we supposed, twelve leagues off the
shoals called _Baxos de Malhina_, we had a great rippling and over-fall
of water, as if it had been a shoal, yet found no ground with 100
fathoms. The 1st December, in 3 deg. 40', we had a fearful rippling, much
like the fall at London bridge, being then not in sight of land, and
still had no ground with a line of 100 fathoms. When we stood in towards
the land it left us, but standing off again, and when fifty leagues from
the land, we found it very terrible. The 2d, in lat. 2 deg. 55', the rippling
still continued. The 6th, in lat. 5 deg. 5', steering S.E. by E. we had at
times still more fearful ripplings than before, and still no ground at
100 fathoms. These ripplings shewed like shelves or ledges of rocks, not
being always alike, but sometimes more, sometimes less, occurring many
times each day, making as great a noise by the ship's sides as if she
ran at the rate of five leagues in a watch, even when she hardly made
any way a-head. We were much alarmed by them, not knowing whence they
proceeded, and seeing no land. We now supposed ourselves near the
easternmost of the islands which are off the northern end of Madagascar.
[The Maha or Sechelles, to the eastwards of the Almirante islands.] We
had here much rain, with thunder and lightening, and sudden gusts of
wind, which did not continue long.

On the 25th of December, it was just a month and five days since we
reached the equator, having been one minute north close to the shore,
since which we have been forced back to 5 deg. 25' S. Wherefore, those bound
for Socotora at this time of the year must hold 200 leagues to the
eastwards of Pemba, which will enable them to get to the northward.

The 1st of January, 1612, in lat. 3 deg. 58' N. we made the land, being the
main of Magadoxa, Cape das Baxas bearing N.N.E. eight leagues
distant.[404] The whole coast seemed low, sandy, and barren. The 18th,
in lat. 6 deg. 27' N. we again got sight of the main land of Africa called
_Doara_, at about eight leagues distance, seemingly not high, but sandy
and barren. The 1st February we made Cape _Dorfuy_[405] about seven
leagues off, having soundings in twenty-seven and twenty-eight fathoms,
soft sand. The land at this cape is very high and barren close to the
sea. The 10th, in lat. 11 deg. 20', about eight leagues off the high land of
Cape _Gardafui_,[406] we had ground in forty-five fathoms on small black
sand, and found the current setting N. by E. Towards evening we had
sight of Abdal Kuria, bearing E.N.E. about ten leagues off, being high
land rising in two parts, so as to seem two islands at a distance. The
17th at night we came to anchor on the coast of Socotora, one and a half
league to the westwards of the king's town called Tammarin, two miles
from shore, in twenty fathoms water, small white sand. The 18th we came
to anchor in nine fathoms on fine sand in the road of Tammarin, a league
from shore, and right over against the king's house.

[Footnote 404: Cape das Baxas, on the coast of Samhar, is in lat. 5 deg. N.
so that the latitude in the text must be too short by about thirty-eight
minutes.--E.]

[Footnote 405: Cape Orfui is in lat. 11 deg. N.]

[Footnote 406: Cape Guardafui is in lat. 12 deg. 24' N.]

Sec. 2. _Occurrences at Socotora and in the Red Sea._

I sent ashore Mr Richard Cockes, our cape merchant, well accompanied, to
wait upon the king of Socotora, to acquaint him who we were and the
cause of our coming, and to procure cattle and fish to refresh our men.
Mr Cockes was received and entertained in a friendly manner, and came
back with a present of fresh provisions, together with a letter left
there by Sir Henry Middleton, dated 1st September, 1611, aboard the
Trades-increase in Delisha road, the original of which I retained, and
returned an accurate copy for the information of future ships.[407] The
19th we went ashore in state, and were welcomed by the king, who feasted
the whole company. He was superbly dressed in crimson velvet, richly
decorated with gold lace. His house was built of freestone, in the
fashion of a castle, and he had above an hundred attendants, fifty of
whom were well clothed according to the Moorish fashion, the rest being
natives of the island. His name was _Sultan Amur Bensaid,_[408] being
the son of the king of Cushin [Caixem, Caxem, Kushem, or Kessem] on the
coast of Arabia. After many compliments and courtesies, we took our
leave of him at night, and returned on board. At this place we paid for
cattle twelve dollars each, three shillings for sheep, and a dollar for
goats; which, though dear, were hardly fit for men's meat, being so
vilely and in a more than beastly manner abused by the people, that they
were quite loathsome to see when opened. For rice we paid three-pence a
pound, and the same price for dates. Hens a shilling each. Tobacco 700
leaves for a dollar. Eggs a penny each. And the king, who is universal
merchant, would only take Spanish dollars, refusing our English money.

[Footnote 407: This letter was a brief summary of the disadventures of
Sir Henry in the Red Sea by Turkish perfidy; as in his own journal has
already appeared, with a caveat to all English ships, and notice of the
road of Assab.--_Purch._]

[Footnote 408: The editor of Astley's Collection, who appears to have
been an orientalist, gives this name and title, _Soltan Amor
Ebensayd._--E.]

The 27th, I called a meeting of the merchandizing council, to whom I
read the company's instructions, and the letter from Sir Henry
Middleton, received from the king of Socotora. By the instructions, we
were led to expect good store of aloes at this place, but the king was
quite unprovided, and could not furnish any before next August. And as
we were appointed to go from hence to Aden and Mokha, in the Red-sea, in
case the monsoon did not serve for Surat, which we were now strongly
dissuaded from by an account of the wrongs done there by treachery to
Sir Henry, I represented that we should find it very chargeable to
remain here or in Delisha roads for six months waiting the monsoon, as
there was no getting to the coast of Guzerat until the end of September.
My opinion was therefore, notwithstanding the bad tidings from Sir
Henry, that we should proceed for Mokha, having with us the pass of the
Grand Signior, which the former ships had not; by which means we would
be able to certify to the company of what avail the pass might be,
taking, care, however, to stand well on our guard, and not to trust any
one ashore without a sufficient pledge. In this way we might ride
securely, and might obtain trade aboard, if not on shore, our force
being able to defend us, or to offend, upon occasion, against any force
that port could fit out. If therefore we found no means of commerce, we
could then avail ourselves of his majesty's commission, in respect of
the violence used against Sir Henry and his company, and so enforce the
vent of our English commodities, or make spoil of their trade and
custom, by not permitting the entry of the Indian ships which were
expected there on the 5th of March; but, till then, I should be very
unwilling to deal with them by force. I considered this to be our best
plan of procedure, as by it our fleet might remain together, and go in
company to Surat when the monsoon would permit, according to our
instructions, our joint force being better able to resist any inimical
attempts. The council agreed to my proposal, so that we concluded to
keep company together, and to proceed for the Red Sea.

We accordingly weighed anchor on the 1st March, and made sail for the
Red Sea. The road of Tammarin has good anchorage in four fathoms, a
musket-shot from the shore; and farther in are three, and three and
a-half fathoms all along the bay, keeping two cables length from shore,
all fair sand, with some stones, the coast being all bold. A
demi-culverin shot may reach the castle from the anchorage, and the
castle is of no strength. The latitude of Tamniarin bay is 12 deg. 35'
N.[409] The king of Socotora advised us, in sailing for the Red Sea, to
keep to the south of Abdal Kuria, as, if we went to the north of that
island, we should be forced over to the Arabian coast, and would find
great difficulty to fetch Cape Guardafui; and, indeed, by experience, we
found it best to keep the Abyssinian, or African shore aboard. The 4th,
we saw Cape Guardafui, bearing west eight or nine leagues, being in lat.
12 deg. 1' N. [12 deg. 28'.] In the evening, standing in along the land to find
the bay of Feluk, [Filek or Felix] our depths were twenty-six, eighteen,
and seventeen fathoms. We here resolved to go for Mokha, not Aden,
because the latter is merely a garrison town, and has little trade,
besides other inconvenience, such as the exaction of heavy customs, and
the like, as appeared by the _sixth_ voyage under Sir Henry Middleton.
Here, off Feluk, we took good store of mullets with our sein, and other
large and excellent fish with hooks and lines. At this place there are
several sorts of gums, very sweet in burning, as also fine mats, much in
request at Aden, Mokha, and the Indies. Ordinarily the India ships touch
here both going to the Red Sea and returning, purchasing there mats and
gums, as likewise provisions, such as sheep and butter, which are far
cheaper here than at Mokha. Boats from hence go daily with provisions to
sell at Mokha and Aden, but they will only barter for linen-cloth
[cotton.] At Feluk there is plenty of wood and water to be had, but not
in the bottom of the bay. The passage up to the town is so large, that
three ships may go up a-breast without danger. The entry is between a
high hummock and a low sandy point. The masters proposed to steer from
Feluk W. by N. along the African shore, to the island of _Demiti_ or
_Mete,_ and then to shape a course for Aden.

[Footnote 409: In reality, 13 deg. 30' N. in Arrowsmith's great Chart of the
World. In Astley's Collection, V.I. chart vii. it is placed only in 12 deg.
20'.--E.]

The 10th, in the morning, we had sight of two small islands off the high
land of Demiti, about a league from the coast, and about four leagues
distant from each other, the eastermost bearing S. by W. seven leagues,
and the westermost S.W. the same distance. We now stood over for the
high land of Aden, N.W. by N. and N.W. the wind at E. and E. by N. a
stiff breeze, and the current easterly, lat. 11 deg. 58' N.[410] The 11th we
had sight of the high land of Arabia, being that of Darsina, and having
a strong easterly current in coming over, though we steered between
N.N.W. and N.W. we were so carried to the eastwards, that we only made
our course N. by W. But after we were shot about twelve leagues off the
African shore, we found no current, being broken off, as we supposed, by
the point, or head-land of Aden. I now sent instructions to Captain
Towerson and Mr Davis for their conduct on our arrival at Mokha roads,
that our ships and people might be guarded against the treachery of the
Turks. The 12th we were in sight of the high land of Aden, bearing W. by
S. ten leagues off. The 13th, in the evening, we were fourteen leagues
eastwards of the entry of the straits, and sixteen leagues west from
Aden, and came here to anchor on a fine sandy bottom. The 14th, we
weighed in the morning, steering for the straits, having a small gale at
W. by N. with rain, being the first we had seen for four months. In the
evening, believing ourselves off the straits, we stood off and on under
easy sail all night, constantly heaving the lead, being eight or nine
leagues off the Arabian coast. About noon of the 15th we opened the
straits, and at night anchored in fifteen and a half fathom, on black
oose, three leagues from the Arabian, and ten from the Abyssinian shore,
the weather being so clear that we could distinctly see both.

[Footnote 410: The island or islands of Demiti or Mete, are in lat. 11 deg.
45' N.--E.]

The 16th we weighed in the morning, and stood for Mokha, where we came
to anchor in five and a half fathoms. Not long after anchoring, the
governor sent off a poor old slave in a small canoe, to know the cause
of our coming. I used this man kindly, who told me the English had been
lately here, and were ill used by _Regib aga_, then governor, who was
therefore cashiered, and the government was now in the hands of _Ider_
[Hayder] _aga_, a Greek by birth, who was the friend of strangers and
merchants. Giving him a present of two dollars, I sent him back to his
master to tell him we were Englishmen, and friends to the Grand Signior,
and, upon sending us a worthy person, we should acquaint him farther of
the cause of our coming. Soon afterwards there came off an Italian
renegado, well dressed, with a similar message, and to know if we had
the Grand Signior's pass. I told him we had not only such a pass, but
letters from the king of Great Britain to the pacha, which the Italian
desired to see; but, holding him a base fellow for changing from the
Christian religion, I refused,[411] and desired him to acquaint the
governor with these things, and that we were appointed, in honour of the
said pass, to fire fifty-one pieces of artillery on our arrival in these
roads, which we meant presently to do. The Italian requested he might be
allowed in the first place to inform his master of our intended salute,
which was granted, and the purser directed to give him five dollars, and
one to his boat's crew. His name was _Mustafa Trudgeman_.[412] We shot
off nineteen pieces from the Clove, seventeen from the Hector, and
fifteen from the Thomas, which the town answered with five pieces of
excellent ordnance, and three each from two gallies. These were stout
vessels, having twenty-five oars of a side, and were well fitted, having
their yards up. The name of the captain of these gallies was Mami, and
that of the captain of the town was Mahomet Bey.

[Footnote 411: He might have overthrown his affairs by this preposterous
proceeding, which was the effect of religious malice, not zeal.--Astl.
I. 459. a.]

[Footnote 412: Astley corrects this name to _Tarjiman_; but that word,
variously written, is merely what is usually called _Dragoman_,
linguist, or interpreter.--E.]

The 17th, I received a present from Hayder Aga of three bullocks, twenty
hens, two baskets of plantains, and two of lemons, with many
compliments, together with an invitation to come on shore. I sent back a
handsome fowling-piece, desiring the messenger to say that I would come
ashore to visit the governor if a sufficient pledge were given for my
safe return, and that my reasons for this caution could not be unknown.
The governor at this time sent his secretary aboard with a letter to me,
desiring to know what message I had formerly sent by Mustafa Tarjiman,
for he having, by much entreaty, procured a bottle of wine, had got so
drunk before his return, that he could not speak. On the 18th, Mr
Cockes, our chief merchant, and Bolton, our linguist, went ashore to
inform the governor that the purpose of our coming was to enter into
trade; and whenever the governor thought proper to send a person of
equal rank to remain as a pledge in the ship for my security and safe
return, I was willing to visit him in person, and to say farther, that I
was not ignorant of the wrongs formerly done by Regib Aga to Sir Henry
Middleton and his people; yet, if we might now have quiet trade, all
past matters should be overlooked, and we would treat with him of such
business as the Grand Signior had permitted by his pass or licence,
which we had, which we hoped might extend to the sale of all our goods.
The secretary remained on board as pledge for Mr Cockes and Mr Bolton,
and eat freely of our victuals, which, however, he had cooked for him by
his own people. They returned at night, having been feasted and kindly
used, being carried through the town dressed in silver tissue robes,
with music before them, by way of giving the people to know that we were
made welcome; but, on coming away, they were divested of their robes.
The secretary was now dismissed, with a present of half a piece of
violet-coloured kersey. He was very desirous to learn if I were related
to Sir Henry Middleton, which question was likewise put to Mr Cockes
when ashore.

Mr Cockes brought off a letter from the governor, stating how
handsomely he had treated the messengers; inviting Mr Saris on shore,
with promises of good entertainment, without guile or deceit, offering
to send his secretary, or any other person required, to remain in
pledge; informing him that he had written to Jaffar Pacha, from whom he
expected an answer in fourteen or fifteen days; and that, in the
meantime, any of the English should be made welcome a-shore to buy fresh
provisions, or any thing else the place could afford for their use; as
also to sell any thing they pleased without molestation. This letter,
dated at Mokha, the 25th of Moharem, _ann_. 1021 of the Hejeira, has the
following singular subscription:

_Dus como bono amco_,
Haydar Aga, aga de Mokha.

"This letter seems to have been inserted by Parchas, who informs us
likewise, that he possessed divers letters from Mami, captain of the
gallies at Mokha, to Captain Saris, which he omits, as he says, to avoid
prolixity, being similar to that of Haydar aga. In the Pilgrims he has
inserted figures of three of their seals, by way of novelty, stating
that these seals were stamps in ink, not on wax. He likewise adds a
piece of a letter in the _Banian_ language and character, commonly used
in a great part of India, written to Captain Saris by the sabandar of
Mokha. He likewise gives a facsimile of the Grand Signior's seal, or
superscription rather, together with two lines and a half of the pass,
or licence, in the Turkish language and character, stating that, in the
original, all the larger strokes are gold, the rest being azure,
intermixed here and there with red, the whole very beautifully executed.
After which follows the letters patent, pass, or licence, rendered into
English, of which the following is the substance:"

"You, who are my most laudable, fortunate, wealthy, and great beglerbeys
or viceroys, both by sea and land, under the authority of my most happy
and imperial throne, &c. Hereby you shall understand, that the
ambassador of the king of Great Britain, residing at our most high
_port_, hath informed us by his supplications, that some of the subjects
of his master have discovered, with great cost and labour, a trade in
the East Indies, &c. We do therefore command and charge you all and each
of you, our before-mentioned officers and subjects, kindly to receive
and entertain the said merchants and subjects of the king of Great
Britain, coming to, or passing through, any of our dominions, intending
to trade, especially in our dominions of Yaman, Aden, and Mokha, and the
parts adjoining; assisting and relieving them, their men and ships, in
all things needful; and also freely to permit them, by land or sea, to
go or sail outwards or inwards, as their occasions may require, without
let, hindrance, injury, or molestation. And if, contrary to the
capitulations and league of amity between us and the king of Great
Britain, you offer them the least wrong, or any way molest and trouble
the said merchants in their traffic or otherwise in any respect, you
shall not only incur our high displeasure, but shall be punished for
example to others. Therefore, take care you carry yourselves conformably
to this our imperial command, and give entire credit to this our
imperial ensign. Given at our mansion in Constantinople, this 15th of
Zulhajjeh, in the year of the Hejirah, 1019."[413]

[Footnote 413: The abbreviated passages, marked in the text by inverted
commas, were too long for insertion in a note; and the circumstances
they detail appeared too long and uninteresting in the original for
being given at full length.--E.]

The 20th of March, according to agreement made the day before, the
governor sent aboard Mahomet aga, admiral of the shore and commander of
the roads, for receiving the Turkish customs and anchorage,[414]
together with a grave old man, named Nasuf and two attendants, to
remain as pledges of my safety. I went accordingly on shore, with all
the merchants, in three skiffs, or boats, well fitted, and had a salute
of fifty-one pieces of cannon fired off at our departure. We were
received at the landing-place by the captain of the gallies and other
principal persons, with music, drums, and trumpets, which played before
us, while the inhabitants followed in such crowds that we could hardly
pass; at the same time several cannon were fired as a salute from the
castle. After passing two guards of very proper men, well clothed, we
were conducted into the governor's house, all built of freestone, having
large handsome stairs, by which we were led to a room spread with rich
carpets, having a bow-window at the upper end, where a silken quilt was
laid on the floor, with two cushions of cloth of silver, on which I was
desired to sit down. Presently the governor entered from another
chamber, himself dressed in a gown of cloth of silver, faced with rich
fur, and accompanied by five or six persons richly apparelled. After
taking me by the hand, he kissed his own hand, and put it to his head,
in token of respect. He then led me to the bow-window, where we sat
down, and, after some compliments, I delivered to him our king's letter,
which was read by Mr Cockes, and interpreted by our linguist, Mr Bolton,
to the captain of the gallies; who repeated it to the aga, such being
their custom by way of state or ceremony. I then gave him the pass, or
licence of the Grand Signior, which was read aloud by the secretary,
after which he kissed it, and laid it on his head, giving it to his
secretary to take a copy of it, after which, it was returned.

[Footnote 414: Probably the person called formerly Mahomet bey, captain
of the town-E. This person seems to have been the person styled Lord of
the Sea, or Amir al Bahr, in the voyage of Sir Henry Middleton, a
different officer from the Shah bandar.--Astl. 1.460. a.]

The governor now bid us heartily welcome, desiring that what had
formerly taken place with Sir Henry Middleton might be forgotten for
that quarrel had originated between two drunken men, and had been
improperly followed up by the former aga, for which he had now been five
months displaced. In regard to trade, he could not permit any great
matter till he received directions from his master, Jaffar Pacha, to
whom he had written, and expected an answer in ten or twelve days;
desiring me to allow my people in the meantime to come ashore freely, to
buy what they wanted, and to sell small matters, that the inhabitants
might see we were in peace and amity, and that the past was forgotten.
These speeches made good what I had formerly suspected, concerning the
doubts the India ships might entertain of our being here, unless they
understood we were friends; and their staying away would prove a great
injury to every officer of the port. Besides, we were purposely so
placed at anchor, that no laden ship could come into the port but must
ride under our guns; by which I reckoned we were sure of trade, either
ashore or aboard, and by thus holding the town in awe, I might venture
our boats and people the more freely on shore, to procure any thing our
ships might need.

We were royally feasted by the governor, the dinner consisting of all
sorts of wild fowl, poultry, goat's-flesh, mutton, cream, custards,
various made dishes, and sundry confections, all served in vessels of
tin, different from our pewter, made goblet-fashion, with feet, and so
placed in piles, one above the other, that they reached a yard high, yet
each dish could be served from without removing the others. All these
meats were served up at once, before we sat down. Our drink was simple
water, or boiled with an herb called _Cauhaw_,[415] giving it a somewhat
bitter taste. Dinner being over, the governor led me into an inner room,
where he was attended by four little boys, who were his catamites. Being
here seated on a crimson velvet carpet, all the rest of the room covered
with rich carpets, one of these boys, having in his hand a linen napkin,
ushered in two other boys, one of whom carried a silver chaffing-dish,
with burning coals, and the other a dish with sundry rich perfumes, as
ambergris, lignum aloes, and others. The governor desired me to permit
the boy to cover my head close with the napkin, after which the other
boy held the chaffing-dish with perfumes under my head, that I might
receive the perfume, which was very pleasant. The governor, and two
principal persons who were with him, then did the like, which seemed a
ceremony much used among them.

[Footnote 415: It ought to be called _Kahwah_, that is, coffee, which
every one knows is a berry; but perhaps it was made of the husk, which
the French say is most delicious, and never exported. See _Voy. de
l'Arabie Heureuse_, p. 243, et seq.--Astl. I.461. d.]

After conversing for some time, three of the boys came in again, one
carrying a vest, or gown, of cloth of gold, wrapped in a covering of
taffety, which was dyed with saffron to preserve the colour of the gold;
another had a sash, or turban, twenty-two yards long, all striped with
gold; and the third bore a _damaskeen_, or Turkish sword, richly mounted
in silver gilt, both hilt and scabbard. The governor himself put the
vest, or gown, upon me, and girt the sword to my side, telling me that
they were not presents from himself, but ordered by the Grand Signior,
whose gifts they were. He then entreated me to ride about the town,
along with the cadi, or chief justice, and the captain of the gallies,
that the people might see the amity there was between us. A horse was
brought for this purpose, very richly caparisoned, all the metal of the
bridle being of silver; but I chose rather to go on foot, that I might
the better see the town, which was agreed to. So, having walked with
these officers all about the town, and having viewed the house proposed
for our factory, I was conducted to the house of the captain of the
gallies, where another costly banquet was prepared. From thence I
returned to the house of the governor, who met me on the stairs, and who
again earnestly entreated, that all the injuries done to Sir Henry
Middleton might be forgotten, and that our perfect amity might be
apparent by my frequent coming or sending ashore. Then taking leave, I
was accompanied to the sea-side by a large train of the principal people
of the town, and I returned on board under a salute of fifteen guns. The
Turks who had remained as pledges were now gratified with sundry
presents, and sent ashore in a friendly manner, giving them likewise a
salute of fifteen guns.

The 21st, I sent Mr Cockes and others ashore, with a present to the aga
of a case of bottles of _rosa solis_, which he had earnestly desired,
and that it should be so wrapped up as not to be known. They were also
directed to make enquiry into the amount of the customs, both inwards
and outwards; the weights, measures, value of coins, and prices of
indigos, calicos, cotton-yarn, and other commodities fit for us to lade
with; also to endeavour to get the Jew to come aboard who was in the
Ascension when cast away near the bar of Surat, who could give us
certain intelligence respecting Sir Henry Middleton. It is to be noted,
that this road of Mokha is very open and dangerous, with very shoal
water a mile off, the town being built on low land, almost even with the
sea. At this time the wind blew strong from the S.S.W. causing so high a
sea that we did not _send_ less than seven feet with every billow,
riding in five fathoms. When the wind is at west there is no shelter;
but the people told us, that when that wind prevails, which begins in
the end of May, the heat is so extreme as to dull the wind, at which
season there is much sickness.

The 31st, I understood from the captain of the town, that letters had
come the night before from the pacha to the governor, ordering him to
allow us free trade, both on shore and with the India ships, and to
furnish us with all we might need, as he should answer at his peril to
the contrary. I was very doubtful of the truth of these good news, as Mr
Cockes had been with the governor only half an hour before, and had not
heard a word of the matter. The captain said, that the reason why the
governor had not mentioned it was, that there was a _jelba_ in the port
bound for Mecca, and ready to depart, and that the governor was
unwilling it should be known the pacha had granted us free trade, lest
on its coming to the ears of the sharif of Mecca, he might write to the
Grand Signior and have the grant revoked. But our opinion rather is,
that the pacha has returned a harsh answer, with directions for the aga
to do with us what he cannot yet effect, by reason of our being so
watchful over him, and therefore conceals his having an answer from
Zenan till a more favourable opportunity. At this time, one _Ashraf_,
who had secretly sent a letter of Mr Femell's, testifying their
treacherous conduct here, gave notice to our linguist, that I ought to
beware of coming on shore myself unless with good pledges, when I might
come boldly, otherwise to put no trust in them, even though the governor
should swear upon the Alcoran; for all the Turks here were soldiers, who
cared little for oaths, and he had heard that the news from the pacha
did not tend to our benefit, as the copy of the Grand Signior's pass had
not yet reached him: After which, it would be seen fully what was meant
to be done, and that would now be in other six days.

The 2d April, the caravan from Grand Cairo in Egypt arrived at Mokha,
and on the 3d two ships arrived from India, one of Chaul and the other
of Cananor, laden with indigo, calicos, chintzes, ambergris, and
cotton-yarn, and at the least 400 passengers, who had much wealth along
with them. We saluted them with nine pieces of cannon from our fleet,
which they returned with three _chambers_ each, being all they had. I
sent my skiff aboard one of them to enquire what were the news on the
coast of Surat, and got back word that three English ships were trading
there; but they knew nothing more. This day the captain of the town came
aboard with five chiefs of the janisaries, being sent by the governor to
inform me that the pacha had sent orders to use us kindly, and give us a
free trade; and desiring me therefore to come ashore next morning, when
I should learn the particulars: But, remembering the caution given by
Ashraf, I begged to be excused. Yet, as Captain Towerson wished to go on
shore, I requested Mahomet Bey to tell the aga, that I would send my
brother on shore next morning, on good pledge for his safety. Mahomet
took this well, and being feasted with his retinue, besides giving them
several presents, I saluted him when he went ashore with twenty pieces
of cannon; on which he sent me word that he was so much gratified by my
attention, I might rely on his best assistance at all times.

Though the pledges did not come off next morning, the 4th of April, yet
Captain Towerson was so desirous of learning the orders of the pacha
that he went ashore, considering that the two India ships, being
absolutely in our power, were sufficient pledges if any injury should be
offered. The governor used him kindly, and presented him with a handsome
vesture; but nothing was effected in the business on which he went, the
Turks not performing their promise. The governor however sent word, that
it would be proper to send two of our men of consequence to wait upon
the pacha at Zenan, with the king's letter and a present; after which we
might depend upon speedy dispatch to our entire satisfaction. I approved
of this, and even intended next day to have looked out a proper present;
but next day, being the 5th April, the captain of the gallies sent
aboard three letters, which the governor had received the night before,
written by Sir Henry Middleton and Captain Sharpey, who were then at
anchor at Bab-al-Mondub. The purport of these was, that Sir Henry had
come from Surat, where he had little or no trade: That Captain Hawkins,
disgusted with Agra, was aboard with his wife; and that Sir Henry had
brought all the English away, except one man who had gone for England by
land: And, finally, that Sir Henry was come back to be revenged of the
Turk, and wished me to get off my people and goods in all haste. I
therefore altered my determination of last night, and immediately sent
off one of my merchants with a letter to Sir Henry, giving an account of
the proceedings of my voyage, and of our entertainment here; and if he
had not come thus to the Red Sea, I meant to have sent two of my
principal men up to Zenan.

It may be proper to note, that the two India ships, formerly mentioned,
discharged the following goods at Mokha. Lignum aloes, 60 quintals:
Indigo, 600 _churles,_ out of both ships: Sashes of all sorts, or Jong
narrow cloths for turbans, a great quantity: Cinnamon of Ceylon, 150
_bahars_, each bahar being three churles and a half: _Osfar_, which is a
red dye, a large quantity: A great store of cloves: A great quantity of
_bastas,_ or white calicos, from 20 to 40 dollars the _corge_, a corge
being twenty pieces. The price of indigo was from as low as 30, to 35,
40, and 50 dollars the _churle._

I wrote on the 7th to the captain of the town, Mahomet Bey, desiring him
to induce the India merchants to barter with me at reasonable rates, for
such commodities as suited us, so as to load one of our ships; by which
Sir Henry Middleton would be satisfied they now meant to deal in a
friendly manner with us, and would be induced to forbear hostilities. At
this time there was a report in the town, that Sir Henry had taken a
_jelba_ or two, coming over with provisions from the Abyssinian side, so
that we durst hardly venture our skiff and gang on shore. This day I had
a letter from the _Mami_, or captain of the gallies, saying that the
answer from the pacha to the governor was in these words: "Haydar Aga,
You write me that three English ships are come to Mokha for trade,
having the pass of the Grand Signior. Give them from me a faithful
promise to come on shore, to take a house, and to buy and sell till the
monsoon be past. You likewise write, that they mean to send up two men
to me: Give them all things fit for their journey, &c." The Captain
_Mami_ said farther, that whatever I chose to propose, the aga and he
would underwrite; and that as for traffic and bartering, they would do
much for love, but nothing for force, and were as willing to load all
our three ships as one of them.

We were informed that the weight in use at Mokha is called _Incu_, which
is two _rotulas_. Ten _incus_, or twenty rotulas, make 23 pounds English
_haberepoize_, sometimes 24, as the weigher chuses to befriend you. A
_churle_ of indigo is 150 _rotulas_, and of our weight between 166 and
170 pounds. Cotton-wool is sold by the _bahar_, which is 300 rotulas, or
between 332 and 334 English pounds averdupois, and is sold very good and
clean at 18 dollars the _bahar_. Their measure of length is called a
pike, containing 27 inches, or 3/4 of our yard. According to the report
made by the governor to Mr Cockes, the custom of this port of Mokha is
worth yearly to the Grand Signior, 150,000 chekins; which, at five
shillings each, amount to L37,500 sterling.[416]

[Footnote 416: It is proper to mention, that in Purchas it is said, _The
customs are worth fifteen hundred thousand chicqueens yearly, which, at
five shillings each, are thirty-seven thousand five hundred pounds
sterling_.--In our correction we have used the most moderate rate, by
reducing the 1,500,000 chequins to 150,000, to correspond with the rated
sterling money; which otherwise must have been increased to L.375,000
sterling; assuredly immensely too much.--E.]

On the 9th the governor sent off a canoe, entreating me to send ashore
next morning, when I should both have the pacha's answer, and a warrant
to detain all such junks as might pass Sir Henry, or be forced to Mokha,
and to trade with them for such goods as we desired, &c.; and entreating
that I would allow my people to come ashore, as the merchants were
become fearful in consequence of Sir Henry having detained some of the
ships. The 10th, Mr Cockes went ashore, and had a conference with the
governor and Captain _Mami_, who said they could not now perform what
they had formerly promised, as the cadi said their lives would be in
danger by so doing. They said likewise, that neither merchant nor broker
would come aboard our ships, as I had requested, they were all so
disconcerted by the conduct of Sir Henry: That the merchants of Cairo
had their factors resident in Mokha, who purposely lay by to engross
indigos and other Indian commodities, which they refused to purchase
till they saw what quantities might come to market this season; and that
the _Banians_, or Indian residents, who held all the indigos, and other
commodities, refused to sell, under the impression of a scarcity in the
market this season. He also brought word that those ashore were resolved
not to buy any of our goods, unless we landed them in the first place.

* * * * *

Sec. 3. _Adventures along with Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, and
other Observations in those Parts, with our Arrival at Bantam_.[417]

The 13th May, 1612, understanding that Sir Henry Middleton was very
desirous to confer with me, I resolved to go to him at the Bab, for
which place I desired the master to sail with the first fair wind; and
wishing to keep still on friendly terms with the Turks at Mokha, I gave
information of this intention to the aga, from whom I took a letter for
Sir Henry. The 14th, in the morning, we arrived at the Bab, where we
found the Trades-increase riding, with four ships, or junks, of India,
which she had detained. I went that day on board Sir Henry's ship, and
remained with him till night, but no agreement could be formed between
us that day. The 15th Sir Henry spent with me aboard the Clove. Seeing
Sir Henry determined to proceed in a hostile manner with the Turks, I
called a meeting of our commercial council on the 16th, and informed
them, that owing to these disputes between Sir Henry and the Turks and
Cambayans, our hopes of trade at Surat was now as small as what we had
hitherto experienced at Mokha, for which reason our best plan would be
to join Sir Henry in his intentions of forcing trade with the India
ships. Wherefore I proposed that the Hector and Thomas should ply
between Aden and the Bab, while the Clove kept the Abyssinian channel to
take care that no vessels should pass that way in the night, by which
means we might intercept as many India ships as possible, to which we
might put off our broad-cloth, lead, tin, iron, and elephants teeth, the
commodities we had provided for those parts, receiving in barter such
articles as we knew would answer for those countries where we intended
afterwards to proceed; besides, if we should procure indigo, that would
answer towards our home investment. I informed the council that I had
intelligence of two great ships expected daily, called the _Rhemi_ and
the _Hassam_; the smallest of which, by report, was able to load the
Hector with suitable commodities.

[Footnote 417: As the adventures with Sir Henry Middleton have been
already narrated with sufficient amplitude, these are here only slightly
mentioned, to avoid prolixity and unnecessary repetition.--E.]

My proposals being agreed to, I went aboard the Trades-increase, where I
agreed with Sir Henry that our two fleets should unite in trading with
as many of the India ships as we could intercept, making exchange of our
English commodities for such as they had suitable for us; Sir Henry to
dispose of two-thirds of all the goods that should be bartered from this
day forwards, and I to have the other third, paying, however, the
customs to the Grand Signior. Accordingly, the Hector and Thomas were
directed to ply between the north end of the island of Bab-al-Mondub and
the Habesh shore, to intercept all ships that came that way, but with
strict charges that no one should take from them the value of a penny,
or offer them the slightest violence or injury.

The 18th I set sail for Mokha, where we arrived in five hours. The 20th
the governor desired a list of our commodities, which Mr Cockes carried
him. He picked several colours of our broad-cloth, promising to purchase
to the extent of 1000 dollars, besides some quantity of lead and tin.
Many others desired to have lead and iron, wherefore the governor
requested some quantity might be brought ashore next morning, saying,
that when he once began to trade with us, the merchants would certainly
follow. He sent three samples of indigo, but none of the Lahore kind,
which is round, and the best. The price asked was 100 dollars the
_churle_, or 127 _rotulas_ of Mokha, or about 150 pounds English. This
price was quite unreasonable, as we estimated the three sorts to be only
worth respectively thirty, forty, and forty-five dollars the _churle_.
The 21st, we sent ashore eight pieces of cloth, one ton of iron, a ton
of lead, and two chests of tin, of six cwt. For four of the best cloths
they offered one and a half dollar the _pike_, which ought to be
twenty-seven inches, but proposed to measure by a pike of thirty-one
inches. They likewise offered 120 dollars for the _bahar_ of tin, twelve
for the bahar of iron, and fifteen for the lead, prices which we could
not accept, and therefore our merchants returned aboard with their
commodities at night.

The 25th we went for Assab, where, on the 27th, we found the
Trades-increase and the Hector, with eleven sail of junks, or India
ships, from various parts. On coming into the road, or harbour of Assab,
it is proper to keep the northern shore aboard, leaving a little rock or
hummock on the starboard side, when we have twelve, eleven, ten, nine,
eight, and seven fathoms, on a sandy bottom. We anchored in seven
fathoms, about half a mile from the shore. The 30th, the _nakhadas_, or
Indian ship-masters, requested that such of their goods as we wanted
might be sorted immediately, that they might not lose the monsoon for
returning to India, offering to bring aboard our ships any packages we
pleased, to be there examined, and to carry back what we refused. The
9th May, I caused two large India ships to be measured, which were of
the following scantlings:--The _Rhemi_ from stem to stern-port, was 153
feet long, her rake aft from the post being seventeen feet, the top of
her sides in breadth forty-two, and her depth thirty-one feet. The
Mahamudi was 136 feet long, her rake aft twenty, her breadth forty-one,
her depth twenty-nine and a half, and her main-yard 132 feet.

The 15th May, the king of Rahayta, a petty prince on the African coast
of the Red Sea, came to Assab to visit Sir Henry and me, riding upon a
cow. He had a turban on his head, from which a piece of periwinkle shell
hung down on his forehead instead of a jewel. He was entirely naked,
except a piece of painted cloth about his loins, and was attended by 150
men, armed with darts, bows and arrows, swords and targets. Sir Henry
and I went ashore, taking with us a guard of 100 men, shot and pikes, to
prevent treachery, lest the Turks might have planned any trick through
his means, under cover of courtesy, and we were loth to let him go back
without an interview, lest we might lose his friendship, and the
refreshments we procured at the port of Assab, which is in his
dominions. We gave him several presents, and, at his particular
entreaty, gave him his fill of aquavitae, so that he could hardly stand.
These people are Mahometans, being black and hard-favoured, with crisp
hair. The king presented us with five bullocks, and promised every
assistance in his power.

This day I got a note of the prices of commodities, as lately bought and
sold at Surat, of the following tenor:--Broad-cloth of twenty pounds
each piece, of several colours, twenty _mahmudies_ the _conido_, of
thirty-five inches; five _mahmudies_ being equal to one rial of eight,
or Spanish dollar. Kersies, eighty-four mahmudies the piece, being less
than ours cost in England. Lead; the _great maund_, of thirty-three
pounds, seven one-third _mahmudies_. Tin, the _small maund_, of
twenty-five pounds, five and a half dollars. At Dabul, iron sold for
twenty-one dollars the _bahar_, of 360 pounds. Damasked pieces,[418]
from twelve to eighteen dollars each. Elephants teeth, sixty-five
mahmudies the great maund, of thirty-three pounds. Indigo
_cirkesa_,[419] three sorts, the best at fourteen rupees, each worth
half a dollar; the second sort, twelve rupees, and the third, eight
rupees for the great maund, of thirty-three pounds. Three sorts of
Lahore indigo, being the best of all, the best, thirty-six, the second,
thirty, and the third, twenty-four rupees for a maund weighing
fifty-five pounds. Charges of bringing it to the water-side, ten in the
100 for the _cirkesa_, and twenty in the 100 custom for the _lahore_
indigo.

[Footnote 418: Perhaps these were damasked gun-barrels.--E.]

[Footnote 419: Cirkesa, by others named Serkes and Sherkes, is a village
near Ahmedabab, the capital of Cambaya, or Guzerat, where indigo is
made.--Astl. 466. d.]

The 23d May, the Thomas, having forty-nine men all in health, set sail
for Socotora for aloes, and to go thence for Priaman and Tekoo in
Sumatra, for pepper. The 8th August the Hector sailed for Priaman and
Tekoo, having eighty-eight Englishmen aboard in perfect health, the
monsoon being now favourable. The 10th and 11th all reckonings were
cleared between us and the junks Hassani, Caderi, Mahmudi, Rehemi, and
Salameti. Our whole cargo, including commodities and dollars, bartered
for at this place, did not exceed 46,174 dollars. The two following
acquittances on this occasion will enable the reader the better to
understand the nature of the dealings at this place, in this forced
trade with the India ships.[420]

[Footnote 420: These appear to have been translated by or for Purchas,
the former from Arabic, and the latter from Malabar, as the one has a
subscription and seal in Arabic, and the other a subscription in some
Indian character, yet considerably different from that formerly inserted
in Purchas under the name of Banian.--E.]

_In Mokha Roads, in the Red Sea, 10th August, 1612._

Be it remembered, that I, _Mahomed Hassan Comal Adin Ashen_, captain of
the _Hassani_ of Surat, have bartered and sold to Captain John Saris,
general of the eighth voyage to the East Indies, for the sum of
7400-11/48 rials of eight, in the following goods, viz.

Indigos of all sorts, 86 bales, amounting, with profit,
to rials 3046-7/48
Cambaya cloth, 316 _corges_, 7-1/2 pieces, amount, &c. 4136
Three carpets, valued at 20
Two cotton quilts, at 80 rials a _corge_, 8
Rice, butter, ginger, and sugar, amount 53-7/24
For 18 yds. broad cloth, received back in account, 96
Four bales gum-lac, with profit 40-10/24
----------
Sum total of merchandise sold, Rials 7400-11/48

And I have received in payment these following goods,
viz.

Broad cloths, 28-1/2 pieces, amounting, in rials, 4574-30/48
Ten pieces of kersies, 501-1/3
Thirty _bahars_ of lead, 720
Twenty bahars of iron, 480
Four and a half bahars of tin, 679-1/2
Fifteen fowling-pieces, 445
----------
Sum total of these goods received, Rials 7400-11/48

* * * * *

_In Mokha Road, in the Red Sea, the 12th August, 1612._

Be it remembered, that I, Nakhada Hassan, captain of the good ship
Caderi of Diu, have bartered and sold to Captain John Saris, &c. for the
sum of 2947-9/10 rials of eight, in these following goods, _viz_.

Indigo of both sorts, 31 bales, amounting, with profit,
to rials 1694-11/16
Brought over, Rials 1694-13/16

Spikenard, one bale; turbith,[421] one bale; cinnamon,
five bales; amount, with profit, 64-1/4

Cambaya cloth, 137 _corges_ and 3 pieces, amount,
with profit, 1188-1/2
________________
Sum total, Rials 2947-9/16

And I have received in payment these goods following,
viz.

Broad cloths, six pieces, amounting, in rials, 890-2/3
Kersies, ten pieces, 477-1/3
Lead, 31-3/4 bahars, 762-17/48
Iron, 10 bahars, 240
Tin, 1-1/2 bahar, 226-2/3
Fowling-pieces, fourteen, 350
Received in money to balance 0-17/24

Sum total of goods received, Rials 2947-9/16

The 13th of August, 1612, we set sail from Mokha in the Clove, having on
board seventy-five men, all in perfect health. The 14th we got sight of
the _Bab,_ but the wind being large at N.W. we steered through the great
channel on the Abyssinian side, having 18 fathoms water about one league
from the island of _Babo,_ where is a good and safe harbour for
shipping, but the place is barren. The 3d September we arrived at
Socotora in Delisha road; when we understood the Thomas had been here
three months before, but made no stay, as they could not agree for the
aloes. The 4th the merchant and linguist went ashore, and were kindly
treated by the king, but could not agree in the price, as he asked 40
dollars the quintal of 104 pounds, saying he had only 25 quintals, and
was much solicited for it by the Portuguese. At length we agreed to give
30 dollars for one parcel, and 38 for another, and he delivered us 4067
pounds, which cost 1418-1/2 rials of eight, or dollars. On this occasion
we found the king false both in his weights and word, yet we treated him
well for the good of future voyages. We sailed for Bantam on the 8th
September.

[Footnote 421: Perhaps turmeric is here meant--E.]

The 22d, in lat. 8 deg. 12' N. by the stars, steering E. by S. with the
wind W.S.W. we fell at midnight into the strangest and most terrifying
shining water that any of us had ever seen, the water throwing so great
a glare about the ship that we could discern the letters in a book
perfectly, whereas it had been so dark only half an hour before, that we
could not see half the length of our ship any way. We doubted it had
been the breach of some sunken ground, and thought to have cast about;
but after sailing in it half an hour without any alteration, we held on
our course, and at length it proved to be cuttle-fish that made this
fearful show.

We got sight of the island of Ceylon on the 27th in the morning, bearing
N.E. by E. about 7 leagues off, being very high land up the country, but
very low near the sea. The 29th we saw Cape Comorin about 14 leagues
off, being very high land. This cape is in the latitude of 7 deg. 42' [more
accurately 7 deg. 57' N.] whereas our charts lay it down in 6 deg. 10'. During
our course we did not fall in with any of the islands laid down in our
charts, neither did we see any of the Maldive islands, which are said to
be so numerous.

The 15th October, when in lat. 4 deg. 49' S. we got sight of Sumatra, where
we found a strong current setting us from the land. Such as are bound
for the straits of Sunda, must keep the coast of Sumatra on board after
they get into lat. 1 deg. 30' S. as the current begins there. It is proper
to keep thirty leagues off the coast of that island and with a good
look-out, as there are many _cayos_[422] fifteen or twenty leagues out
at sea, but which we did not see, as we were kept farther out by the
current. The 24th we came to anchor in the road of Bantam, all our
people being in as good health, or better, than when we left England.
Contrary to our expectation, we here found the Hector, which had arrived
only the day before, in company with the James and several Dutch ships.
The arrival of all these ships, and the daily expectation of the
Trades-increase, Pepper-corn, Darling, and Thomas, occasioned a great
and sudden alteration in the prices of commodities. Such as were in
considerable request, were raised nearly to three times the price for
which they sold the day before the Hector arrived. Cloves, which the
people of the Hector and James had bought the day before at sixteen
dollars the pekul, were now risen to forty dollars and upwards. Pepper,
which was ten dollars for ten sacks, rose upon our coming to twelve and
a half dollars; and so of other commodities.

[Footnote 422: Keys, islands and rocks.--E.]

We went to court on the 26th, accompanied by our merchants, and gave
divers presents to _Pangran Chamarra_, who enjoyed the entire authority
of government as protector, although the king was now of full age. From
him we procured a licence to land our goods, providing the royal
officers were made acquainted with all that were brought on shore, that
the king might not be wronged of his duties. The 28th a letter from Mr
William Adams, written from Japan, was read in presence of all our
merchants, that they might consider what hopes there were of trade in
that country. It was now concluded in a council of commerce, considering
the power of the Dutch in the Moluccas and Banda, where they were almost
absolute masters, and that Bantam was exceedingly unhealthy, where
besides our people injured themselves greatly on shore with drink and
loose women, that the Hector should be dispatched in all speed to
England, and that 14,000 sacks of pepper should be provided for her and
the Thomas without delay, fearing that pepper might be raised still
higher when the natives got news of the other expected ships. We
accordingly bargained with _Lackmoy_ for 2000 sacks of pepper, at
127-1/2 dollars the 100 sacks; and with _Keewee_ for 1000 sacks at 125
dollars the 100 sacks, and for 3000 more at 150 dollars the 100. We now
tried ashore what was the weight of a pekul of cloves, which we found to
be 132 pounds English.

The 9th November, Sir Henry Middleton arrived at Bantam in the
Pepper-corn. The 15th, at the earnest request of _Chamarra_ the
protector, we mustered before the palace eighty of our men in arms from
our different ships, to assist in celebrating the breaking up of the
Mahometan Lent, which gave him much content, more especially as the
Dutch refused to gratify him. The 16th we agreed with _Keewee_ for 4000
sacks of pepper at 160 dollars the 100 sacks, with an allowance of three
in the hundred _basse_. The 18th eleven large Dutch ships arrived, the
Thomas being in their company. She had only got at Priaman 312 bahars of
pepper, and twenty _tael_ of gold. On the 22d, 100 Dutchmen, armed with
firelocks and pikes, all in brave array, marched to the front of the
palace, where they drew up in a ring and gave three vollies. The
protector sent word in the king's name to thank them, saying they had
done enough, and might depart with their iron hats; for so the Javanese
call head-pieces. The 28th, three Dutch ships sailed homewards bound,
mostly laden with pepper and mace, and five more of their ships sailed
for Banda and the Moluccas.

The 4th December, a Dutch ship arrived from Coromandel, from which we
had intelligence that the Globe was at Patane bound for Siam. The 11th,
the Hector, having taken in her lading, sailed from Bantam to the
watering-place called _Morough,_ where the air is good and healthy, and
where refreshment of oranges is to be had in abundance, besides other
wholesome fruits, intending to wait there till the Thomas was fully
laden. The 22d, the Trades-increase and Darling arrived from Priaman.
The 25th, in honour of the birth-day of the Saviour, certain chambers
were discharged at our English factory, which were answered by ordnance
from our ships. The 28th, _Keewee,_ the chief China merchant, invited
Sir Henry Middleton and me, with all our merchants, to dinner at his
house, where he had a play acted by Chinese actors on a stage erected
for the purpose, which they performed with good pronunciation and
gesture. The 12th January, 1613, the Thomas set sail for England, having
a crew of thirty-six English and three Indians.

Sec. 4. _The Voyage of Captain Saris, in the Clove, towards Japan, with
Observations respecting the Dutch and Spaniards at the Molucca
Islands._[423]

In the morning of the 4th January, 1613, we weighed anchor from the road
of Bantam for Japan, having taken in 700 sacks of pepper to make trial
of trade at that place. Our crew consisted of seventy-four Englishmen,
one Spaniard, one Japanese, and five _Swarts,_ [blacks] or Indians. The
15th, in the morning, having little wind, we hauled off into fourteen
fathoms, and steered E. by S. and E.S.E. leaving _Pulo Lack_ on our
starboard, and eleven or twelve small islands on our larboard; our depth
shoaling from, fourteen to ten fathoms us we passed between two islands
to the east of _Palo Lack._ In this fair way there is a shoal which has
not above six feet water, and does not exceed half a cable's length in
extent either way. Close in with it there are ten fathoms water, and the
very next cast is on ground, as we had sad experience, having lain three
hours beating on it with a reasonably stiff gale, but got off through
God's mercy, and the extraordinary exertions of the crew. Our ship
sprung a leak, which kept every man at the pump, myself only excepted,
during the whole night, and till ten o'clock next day. Every one took
his spell in turn, and little enough to keep the leak from increasing,
so that we were all doubtful of being obliged to put back for Bantam, to
the great risk of losing our men by sickness, and disappointing our
voyage to Japan; but, thank God, our carpenter found the leak, and made
it tight. To avoid this shoal it is necessary to keep close to the
islands, as the main of Java is shoally.

[Footnote 423: In this voyage, being one not now usual, we have followed
the course minutely along with Captain Saris--E.]

The 16th, we anchored at a watering-place called _Tingo Java,_ fourteen
leagues from Bantam, and about three and a half leagues westwards of
_Jacatra._ We rode between two islands, which are about five miles off
the point, having nine and ten fathoms close to the islands, but towards
the main land is shoally. I sent presents to the king of Jacatra and to
his sabandar and admiral, requesting leave to purchase such necessaries
as we wanted; and on the 18th the king sent his chief men aboard,
thanking me for the presents, and offering me every thing his country
afforded. The 21st we set sail, steering near the eastermost of the two
islands that are over against the watering-place, having nine and ten
fathoms, and so to seawards of all the islands E.N.E. from the
watering-place. The outwardmost of them beareth E. by N. northerly; and
off its northern point is a shoal half a league distant, on which the
sea is seen to break, at which time the east point of Jacatra bears
east-southerly, depth seventeen and eighteen fathoms, and all the way
out from twenty to fourteen fathoms. You will here find a current
setting E.S.E. for which you must allow according as you have the wind.
In the evening, having little wind at N. by W. and the current setting
us to the S.E. upon the shore, we came to anchor in, thirteen fathoms,
having shot three leagues to the eastward of the east point of Jacatra,
with the wind at N.W.

We weighed on the 22d, with the wind at S.W. and steered E.N.E. to get
into deep water, and had fourteen fathoms, when the high hill over
Bantam bore W.S.W. half a point westerly. The morning of the 23d _we
deckt up our sails_, the wind being at S.E. and had sight of an island
off Cheribon, with three of those high-peaked hills of Java, the
easternmost of which bore S.E. while Cheribon bore S. by E. Our latitude
at noon was 6 deg. 10' S. The wind at N.N.W. and the island bearing E. by N.
three and a half leagues off. You may boldly keep in twenty-three or
twenty-four fathoms water in the offing, and in twenty fathoms upon Java
in the darkest night that is, and during the day upon Java in any depth
you please. The 24th, in the morning, we had sight of the three
high-peaked hills, and of three others farther eastwards, that looked
like islands. Our depth was twenty fathoms, the point of Japara bearing
S.E. by S. and the island [_Carimon Java_] bearing S.E. and N.W. about
nine leagues off. We steered E. by S. and E.S.E. latitude 6 deg. 10' and
made our course twenty leagues E.

At day-break of the 26th, we had sight of _Pulo Lubek_, bearing N.E. by
E. eight leagues off, wind at W. by N. We steered E. by S. in
thirty-four and thirty-five fathoms; and about nine a.m. saw land
bearing S.E. and S.E. by S. the before-named island now bearing N.E. by
N. At noon our latitude was 6 deg. 12' S. and our course twenty-two leagues
E. and E. by N. By four p.m. _Pulo Lubek_ bore W. by N. nine leagues
off, and our depth was thirty-four fathoms. Noon of the 27th our
latitude was 6 deg. 4' S. our course twenty-eight leagues E. northerly,
depth thirty-eight fathoms; and by three p.m. we had sight of an island
N.N.E. seven leagues off. At five p.m. we had thirty-four fathoms.

At four a.m. of the 20th, we had twenty-five fathoms, steering E. till
noon, when our latitude was 5 deg. 55' S. our course having been twenty
leagues E. northerly, and our depth was now thirty-five fathoms. From
noon we steered E. by S. Early in the morning of the 29th, having the
wind at W. by N. we steered E. by S. and had no ground with forty
fathoms line; but at noon we found fifty-two fathoms, with many
_overfalls_. Our latitude was this day at noon 6 deg. 9' S. our course
twenty-eight leagues E. by S. the wind W. and W. by N. and a current
setting to the westwards. We steered E. and in the afternoon had no
ground with 100 fathoms.

The 30th, in the morning, our latitude was 5 deg. 57' S. our longitude from
Bantam 224 leagues E. our course E. northerly twenty-eight leagues, the
_overfalls_ continuing, but had no ground at 100 fathoms. At three p.m.
we had sight from the topmast-head of a low flat island, bearing N.E. by
N. five or six leagues off, full of trees. We had eighteen fathoms
water, and the next cast eighty-five fathoms. We steered E. by S. and at
four p.m. the island bore N. by E. half a point N. three or four leagues
off. We then had sight of two other low flat islands, one opening to the
eastwards, and the other to the westwards, so that the first seen lay in
the middle between them. At six p.m. that first seen island bearing N.
half a point E. we sounded, and had no ground at eighty fathoms. We
steered E. by S. constantly throwing the lead, in regard to the
_overfalls_ or ripplings, which were very fearful, yet had no ground at
sixty fathoms.

At day-break of the 31st, we had sight of Celebes, its western extremity
rising like an island, and the outermost high land bearing E. by N. six
leagues off, our latitude 5 deg. 52' S. our course E. northerly sixteen
leagues, and a current setting N.W. At sun-set we took in our sails,
that we might not overshoot the straits of _Desalon_, called _Solore_ by
the natives.[424] Keeping our lead going all night, while under easy
sail, we had first twenty fathoms, the high land being then north, and
drove thence into thirty-three and forty-seven fathoms, fearing a shoal
about two-thirds of a league from Celebes, on which the sea breaks at
low-water. The passage, or straits, on the Celebes side, is very
dangerous, and full of sunken ground, wherefore we hauled off to the
_Desalon_ side, giving it a good birth, having a peaked hill next the
sea-side, rising like an island. When you are to the westward, this hill
bears N.N.E. When it bears north, then you are athwart the west end of
the shoal, and then will the island on your starboard-hand bear E.N.E.
so that you may boldly steer through in the middle between the two
islands. When the peaked hill bears N. by W. then you are athwart the
east end. This east end of Desalon shews like an island, and will
deceive you till you come to it; but when you have brought the north end
of the point E.N.E. you may be bold, as being now clear of the
before-mentioned shoal. It is about four leagues between these islands,
and we came within half a mile of the island on our starboard. While
going through, the wind took us suddenly short, but on sounding, we had
no ground at fifty-five fathoms.

[Footnote 424: The passage between the S.W. extremity of Celebes and the
Sallyee islands seems here meant.--E.]

The afternoon of the 1st February we were abreast the point of the
island, bearing S. of us, and the two islands which make the straits lay
from each other N. and S. distant five small leagues. The morning of the
2d we had sight of the south part of _Desalon_, S.W. by S. and the north
part W. by N. eight leagues off. We steered E. by N. the wind at N. by
E. Our latitude being 5 deg. 52' S. and Desalon ten leagues off. The morning
of the 3d the south end of the isle of _Cambyna_ bore N.E. by E. and a
small island or hummock N.E. eight or nine leagues off. In the morning
of the 4th we were in latitude 5 deg. S. with the wind at N.E. and at 3 p.
m. we saw land E. by N. which we made to be _Boeton_ or_ Botun._ The 5th,
being three or four leagues off Cambyna, we found the current carrying
us to the northwards. The 7th at day-break we neared Botun, and the 8th
saw another island called _Tingabasse_, or _Tockan Bessy_, rising round
and flat.

The 9th we had sight of two _Curra-Curras_ between us and Botun, on
which we sent the skiff to one of them, which brought one Mr Welden, who
had formerly belonged to the Expedition, and a Dutchman, both of them
being bound for Banda. Mr Welden was in the employment of the king of
Botun, in the trade between that place and Banda, and had the command of
these two curra-curras. Our latitude was 5 deg. 20'. We had the wind at
E.N.E. and steered north. At night the wind came southerly, and we
steered N.N.E. From the east point of Botun the land falls away
suddenly, forming two great bays to the N.N.W. and with three great
islands which lie to the northward of Botun, forms the straits of that
name. The strait of Botun is not above a league broad, the entrance
being on the north side of the island. If you come from the westwards,
when abreast the north-west point, the proper course is E.N.E. and E. by
N. up to the road, with no danger but what may be seen; but you must
leave the three great islands to the north of your course, not going
between any of them; and on falling in with the west end of Botun, go
not between and the island lying off it. There are two long islands, but
leave both to starboard, as there is broken ground between them and
Botun. If the wind serve, haul to the northward of all the islands,
going either between Botun and Cambyna, or else to the northward of
Cambyna likewise, and so you may keep the shore of Celebes, for it is
bold.

The morning of the 13th we had sight of the island of _Buro_ or _Boero_,
being high land; and the 14th, in the morning, we bore up with the east
point of the island, to seek for some place where we might anchor. At
noon of the 18th, we were within a mile of an island called _Sula_, and
sent our skiff ashore to speak with the natives. We had fifteen fathoms
only the ship's length from shore, and no ground a mile off with 100
fathoms line. The west part of Boero bore S. 1/2 a point W. and N. 1/2 a
point E. fourteen leagues one from the other, the land stretching N.N.E.
The morning of the 21st we were four or five leagues off an island
called by our sailors _Haleboling_, being a high-capped round island,
different in shape from all the islands in sight, the point of this
island of _Haleboling_, or _Boa de Bachian_, bearing N.E. by N. four
leagues off. The 22d, in the morning, we had sight of land N. by E.
being the island of _Machian_, which is very high land. The 23d, in the
morning, we were three leagues from the land, having the wind at N.E.
and were in search of a place wherein to anchor. Within a quarter of a
mile from the shore we had forty fathoms, wherefore we bore up to the
south part of the island, where we had twenty and nineteen fathoms for a
few casts, and then no ground. We steered from this point E.S.E. for so
the land lieth open, off the point of the high round island, being four
leagues between the two points; but the western point is an island, with
three or four others to the eastwards of it, which cannot be perceived
till very near them. The land then falls away N.E. having a large and
round bay or sound, very deep, with land on both sides of it. This round
hill is _Bachian_, and yields great abundance of cloves; but by reason
of the wars they are wasted, and as the people are not allowed the
advantages of the cloves, they are not gathered, but are left to drop
from the trees upon the ground to absolute waste. The natives are
oppressed by the Hollanders and Spaniards, and induced by them to spoil
and waste each other in civil wars; while both of these, their
oppressors, remain secure in strong-holds, and look on till they can
snatch, the bone from he who can wrest it from his fellow. Finding no
ground on which to anchor, and being unable to get to the northwards, we
stood off and on all night, hoping to get a shift of wind to carry us to
Machian.

The morning of the 24th; the high land of the island, laying from us S.
by E. ten or twelve leagues, had a rugged appearance. We stood in,
however, and when a league from the point, sent off the skiff to look
for water, and to sound for an anchorage. She returned on board, having
neither found water nor place to anchor in; wherefore we stood into the
bay, and presently got sight of a town and fort belonging to the
Hollanders, called Boa de Bachian. The pinnace a-head found water in
several places, which were all very steep and in the bottom of the bay,
near to which is the Dutch fort very artificially built, and warlike,
with a town hard by. We came here to anchor, a sacker shot from the
fort, having very irregular soundings in going up, as seventy, sixty,
eight, and ten fathoms, the ground all ooze. The Dutch saluted us with
five pieces, which I returned with a like number. A messenger being on
board of my ship from the king of the island, I told him our salute was
in honour of his master; who indeed had sent me word by this person,
that he would have come aboard to visit me, but was hindered by the
Dutch. In this fort there were thirteen pieces of artillery, one being a
brass demi-culverine, the others sackers and minions. The Hollanders
here are more feared than loved by the natives, which yet is the cause
of their greater profit; for, as soon as we arrived, the natives told
us, they durst not for their lives bring us a _catty_ of cloves.

At our anchorage here, the outermost point bore S.S.W. and the other
S.W. distant from us four leagues. The king sent his admiral and others
of his nobles aboard to bid me welcome, saying that they knew what
nation we were of by our flag. They used many ceremonious compliments,
wishing we were seated among them instead of the Dutch, that they might
get clear of them, as they had almost ruined their country by civil
wars. I entertained them in a friendly manner, saying we had come among
them for trade, and would leave a factory with them, if their king were
so inclined. They answered, that such a thing would please them much,
but could not now be granted; yet they would acquaint their king with
what I said. The captain of the Dutch fort made me a visit on board,
from whom I understood that his force consisted of thirty men, most of
whom were married, some to natives of the country, and some to Dutch
women; eleven of whom, as he told me, were able to do military duty even
against the Spaniards or any other nation, being large and strong
viragoes, with few other good qualities. No sooner was the captain on
board but he was followed by this Amazonian band, who complained that
they suffered great misery, and readily sat down along with our sailors
to partake of such as our ship afforded; after which they returned
ashore with the captain.

The 3d March we sent our skiff to sound the east side of the bay, and at
an opening or entrance near a little island, she found an anchorage in
twelve, sixteen, and twenty fathoms on coral ground, out from under the
command of the fort; but having a shoal to the southwards, the length of
three cables. This is in latitude 0 deg. 50'. The 4th, the king of Ternate
sent me a present by his priest. The 5th, at sun-rise, we observed the
variation to be 4 deg. 48' easterly. This day a Moor came aboard with a
sample of cloves, and offered to sell us some quantity if we would go
for them to Machian; being sent on this errand by his master, who was
now on this island of Bachian. For this reason we deemed it proper to
stay a day longer to have some conference with this person, whose name
was Key Malladaia, being brother to the old king of Ternate. The 6th he
came aboard, and promised to go with us to Machian, and to bring us to a
place there called Tahannee.[425] He accordingly left two of his chief
men with me as pilots, desiring us to go before and wait for him at an
island by the way, where he promised to be with us in two days, giving
great encouragement to hope for abundance of cloves. He told us that the
Dutch gave 50 dollars the bahar, but they would cost us 60, which I very
readily promised to give. The 7th we weighed from this anchorage or
road, called _Amascan_; and, by direction of our new pilots, steered W.
and W. by N. for Machian, leaving two islands to larboard, four or five
miles from Amascan; we had twenty-two, thirty, and even forty fathoms,
two cables length only off the island. The 10th we had sight of
_Machian_, being a high and capped island, bearing N.E. and the island
of _Tidore_ opening like a sugar-loaf on its western side, but not such
high land as Machian. We anchored in twenty-three fathoms, a mile from a
little island in the mouth of a strait or passage among islands five
leagues from the straits of _Namorat_, and fourteen leagues from the
road of Amascan, where is the Dutch fort we had been near in Bachian.
The 11th in the morning, we weighed with the wind at S.S.E. and the
current setting to the northwards, enabled us to pass the straits. The
wind then veered to N.W. by N. on which we stood east till noon, when we
tackt to westwards, and had sight of _Gilolo_, a long land. Our depth
going out of the strait was from twenty-nine to thirty-four fathoms, and
we had many islands to the E. and E.S.E. The point of old Bachian was
three or four leagues north of the strait, leaving four islands to
starboard. The island which makes that side of the strait is called
_Tavally Backar_, where we anchored and remained till the 12th, waiting
for Key Malladaia, being the place where he appointed to come to us,
being ten leagues from Machian. In this island of Tavally we had plenty
of wood, but no water. The 13th our coopers provided themselves with
_rattans_, which make excellent hoops, and of which there was abundance
to be had here of all sizes.

[Footnote 425: Tahannee is a town on the island of Machian, where the
Portuguese formerly had a fort, but there is none now, neither for them
nor the Hollanders. There is here the best anchorage in the whole
island, and though very near the shore, yet perfectly safe.--_Purchas._]

As Key Malladaia did not make his appearance on the 14th, his people
doubted that the Dutch had detained him, on seeing us making our way
among the islands, and suspecting he was in treaty with us. Wherefore we
set sail with the wind at N.W. and plied up towards Machian. The channel
between Bachian, Machian, Tidore, and Ternate, stretches N. by W. and S.
by E. and is six leagues across in its narrowest part. In the morning of
the 15th, we passed between Gilolo, otherwise called Batta-china and
Caia, our latitude at noon being 0 deg. 17' N. so that Machian was not truly
placed on our chart, in which the equator is made to pass through its
middle, whereas we found it five leagues more to the northwards. The
16th in the morning we were close by the island of Caia, and had sight
of a sail to the northwards, which we learnt from a fisherman to be a
Dutch vessel, bound from. Machian to Tidore with _sago_, of which the
natives make use instead of bread.[426] In the morning of the 17th we
were near a fort of the Hollanders, called _Tabalda_; and at four p.m.
we came to anchor in the road of _Pelebere_, hard by _Tahanue_, in fifty
fathoms water, so near the shore as to be within call;, having one point
of land to the S.S.W. two miles off, another N.E. by N. one and a half
mile off, and the island of _Caia_ five leagues distant. This night some
small quantities of cloves were brought to us, and a price fixed at
sixty dollars the bahar of 200 _cattees_, each _cattee_ being three
pounds five ounces English.[427] I received a letter from Key Malladaia
at Bachian, excusing his absence, promising to be with me shortly, and
saying he had sent orders to his people to supply me with all the cloves
they could procure.

[Footnote 426: In the test of the Pilgrims, Captain Sons calls sago a
root, while Purchas, in a marginal note, informs us that some say it is
the tops of certain trees. Sago is a granulated dried paste, prepared
from the pith of certain trees that grow in various of the eastern
islands of India, and of which a bland, mucilaginous, and nutritive
jell; is made by maceration and boiling in water.--E.]

[Footnote 427: The bahar in this instance may be called 662 pounds, and
the agreed price for the cloves rather below 5d the pound.--E.]

A _Samaca_ came aboard on the 18th, who made great offers of kindness.
He was accompanied by two Dutchmen, who were very inquisitive to know
who had directed us into this road, saying it must have been one of the
natives, and if they knew him, they would cut him in pieces before our
faces. To this they added, that we did wrong in coming into these parts,
as the country belonged to the Dutch by right of conquest. I ordered
them back to their fort, desiring them to tell their captains, that I
was ready to let them have any thing I could spare, at reasonable rates,
before all others, because we acknowledged them as our neighbours and
brethren in Christ; but that we could not acknowledge the country to be
their property, and would therefore continue to ride there while we
thought proper, and would trade with whoever was pleased to come to us.
The two Dutchmen then departed, threatening the natives then aboard,
that they would all be put to death if they brought us any cloves. The
natives made light of this threat, saying they looked on us as friends,
and would come aboard in spite of the Dutch; and this day we bought 300
cattees of cloves in exchange for Cambaya cloth, and some sold for
ready money.

Next day the two Dutchmen came again on board, and immediately begun to
write down in their table books the names of all the natives which came
aboard our ship, on which I made our boatswain turn them out of the
ship, with orders not to return. Several of our men were sent ashore, to
see what entertainment the natives would give them; and on going to the
towns of Tahanne and Pelebere, they were hospitably used. The natives
told our men, that the Dutch had so wrought with _Key Chillisadang_, son
to the king of Ternate, who was newly come to this island, that he had
prohibited them from selling us any cloves on pain of death, otherwise
we should have had them in preference to the Dutch, who greatly
oppressed them. Towards night that prince passed by our ship in his
curracurra, and I sent our pinnace to him, handsomely fitted with a fine
Turkey carpet awning, and curtains of crimson silk and gold, requesting
he would come aboard. He seemed to take this message kindly, but excused
himself; saying he would visit me in the morning.

The 21st an _Orankey_ came aboard, telling us that a curracurra
belonging to the Dutch had searched three or four proas, or canoes,
bringing cloves to us, which they had confiscated, and threatened to put
the natives to death for the next offence. He told us likewise, that the
Dutch, since our arrival, had dispersed the whole garrison of their
forts round about the island, to prevent the natives from bringing us
any more spice; and had sent a message to Tidore, for two large ships to
come and anchor beside us, one a-head and the other a-stern, that they
might force us away without trade or refreshments. The 22d, we saw one
of these ships coming round the point, after which we had little trade,
as the natives were afraid to come near us; and they waited to see what
we might do, as the Dutch reported we would run away at the sight of
their ship. This vessel was the Red Lion, carrying thirty guns, which
came to anchor astern Of our ship. I this day received a present from
Key Malladaia, who was not yet come to the island.

The 24th, _Key Chillisadang_, prince of Ternate, sent to tell me that he
was coming to make me a visit, on which I made preparations to give him
a handsome reception. He came attended by several great curracurras, and
rowed thrice round the ship before coming aboard. On entering, we fired
five guns, and immediately conducted him to the cabin, where I had
prepared a banquet that might have been set before the king of Ternate,
with a concert of music, with which he was much delighted. He promised
to give the people leave to bring us cloves, but requested me to have
patience for a day or two, till he had advice from his brother, who was
then at Tidore. At parting, I gave him several presents, and saluted him
with seven pieces of cannon.

In the morning of the 25th, a curracurra of the Dutch rowed past our
ship, scoffing at our people, and singing a song which they had made to
deride us, which they often repeated, to the great displeasure of our
people, who were likewise much offended by their rowing several times
over our _can-bodies_, endeavouring to sink them. Thereupon I ordered
the pinnace to be well manned and armed, and directed, if the Dutch on
their return continued their scoffs, to run aboard and sink their
curracurra. They accordingly came back, singing and scoffing as before,
on which the pinnace ran aboard them with such violence, that the water
came through her sides. There were on board this curracurra two Dutch
captains of their forts, and plenty of men armed with shot and darts;
but our pinnace was well provided, and had two good _fowlers_[428] at
her head. She lay a good space aboard the curracurra, desiring the
Dutchmen to take this for a warning to leave off their impertinent
scoffs, or we should teach them better manners in a worse way the next
time. So they went away, promising to do so no more.

[Footnote 428: Probably some species of ordnance, as swivels or
musquetoons.--E.]

Towards evening the Dutch sent one of their merchants to me, with a
writing from their _doctor-of-laws_, who was their chief in the absence
of De Bot, or Blocke, who had come from Holland as general over eleven
ships. The purport of this writing was, that all the inhabitants of the
Moluccas had entered into a perpetual contract with the Dutch for all
their cloves, at fifty dollars the bahar, of 200 cattees, in reward for
having freed them from the Spanish yoke, at great expence of blood and
treasure; and required therefore, that I should not excite the people to
disobedience, to their great disadvantage, as the country was certainly
theirs by right of conquest. He added, that the islanders were indebted
in large sums to the Dutch, advanced on promise of repayment in cloves.
I answered, that I had no intention to interfere in any of the concerns
of the Dutch, and had only come for the purpose of trading with whoever
might be inclined to trade with us.

The 27th, the Dutch made the prince Key Chillisadang moor his curracurra
astern of us, to prevent the natives from coming aboard of us; and, in
our sight, we saw him stop a canoe, which we thought was bringing us
spice, and obliged it to go back to the land: yet, towards night, two of
the natives brought us off some refreshments. Next day, understanding
that we were dissatisfied with his proceedings, the prince removed
behind a point at some distance, which much displeased the Dutch. In the
afternoon, I went with the skiff, well manned, to endeavour to bargain
with the prince for a parcel of cloves, but found him gone to another
place. Seeing my skiff going into the bay, Captain Blocke followed in
his curracurra, and would have landed where I was, but I would not
suffer him. On the natives seeing this, and that Captain Blocke went
back to his ship without landing, many of the better sort came down to
us with much respect, and sent for cocoas and other fruits, which they
distributed to the boat's crew. When the master of my ship saw Captain
Blocke following me in great haste, he manned our long-boat to assist us
in case of need, but on a signal to that effect from me, he returned on
board.

On the 30th, the Dutch brought the prince to ride in his old place, and
towards evening another Dutch ship came into the roads, called the Moon,
having thirty-two pieces of good cannon, but not more than fifty men.
She came to anchor a-head of us, and so near, that we could hardly swing
clear of each other. The prince sent an apology for coming back, but we
now saw that he was forced to do as the Dutch thought proper. On the
31st, several harsh dealings and discourtesies passed between us and the
Dutch. The 1st of April, 1613, the Dutch mustered about 120 men ashore,
gathered from their ships and forts, and every morning and evening
relieved guard with drum and fife, and displayed ensign. On the 2d,
seeing no appearance of Key Malladaia, according to his promise, I
ordered our water-casks to be filled, and every thing to be in readiness
for setting sail with the first fair wind. At noon this day, we found
the latitude of this road of _Pelebre_, or _Pelabry_, to be 26' N. of
the equator, the variation being 3 deg. 28', and the highest land in the
island of Machian bearing W.N.W. half a point westerly.

On the 5th of April we weighed anchor with little wind, and the current
setting to the southwards, we drove to sea under our foresail, passing
a-head of the Moon, the larger of the Dutch ships, which made a fair
shot under our stern, which we presently answered close a-head of his
admiral, expecting farther, but heard no more of them. At noon they both
weighed and followed us; but having the wind at S.W. we were far to
windward, so that the natives came aboard of us with cloves for a time,
as fast as we could weigh and pay for them, the Dutch being unable to
hinder. There came also an Orankey aboard, who promised us a good parcel
of cloves, if we could come near the shore in the evening. The 6th,
about fifty cattees of cloves were brought to us in several canoes.
Towards evening; stood rather nearer the shore than I wished, in
consequence of seeing a weft, on which I sent a skiff to the Orankey,
who said his cloves were ready, and should be brought aboard in the
dark. But in consequence of a Dutch curracurra passing by, he was in
such fear, that though our people offered to guard him, he durst not
venture aboard.

In the morning of the 16th, we were abreast of _Mootiere_, four leagues
from the western point of Machian, N. by E. half a point easterly; and
three leagues from it to the north is the island of _Marro_, two leagues
beyond which is _Tidore_, between and around all which islands is clear
passage on all sides, without any danger. Our latitude at noon was 0 deg.
25'; and we could see the two Dutch ships to the southwards, plying
after us. In sailing from _Marro_ to Tidore, it is proper to keep a
sharp look-out, as there is a long shoal in the fair way, quite even
with the sea at high-water, close to which the water has a whitish look.
This shoal stretches N.E. and S.W. between _Marro_ and _Battachina_. It
is seen at low-water, the ebb being six feet, the tide setting six hours
to the north, and six to the south; but if you keep close to the
islands, there is no fear.

The Spanish fort is on the east side of Tidore, where there is deep
water close in shore; and, while off that place, the wind suddenly fell
quite calm, so that the current set us in upon the land, when the fort
made a shot at us, but willingly sent it short, to which we made answer
by one shot to seawards. The fort then fired other two guns, which were
meant to strike us, one being aimed between the mizen and ancient staff,
and the other between the main and foremasts. They then fired one gun
without shot, to which we answered in like manner; on which they sent
off a boat with a flag of truce, the current still setting us towards
the shore, there being no wind to fill our sails, and no ground at 100
fathoms, so that we could in no way keep off. There were two gallies
riding under the fort, which, on their boat putting off, fired two blank
shots. The boat came and made fast to our stern, having two Spaniards of
some rank, who were known to Hernando, the Spaniard we brought from
Bantam. These Spaniards were sent from Don Fernand Byseere, the
captain-general of Tidore, to enquire who we were, what we came for, and
why we did not come to anchor under the fort. Being requested to come
aboard, they said they were enjoined to the contrary, wherefore I made
wine and bread be handed down to them from the poop, which they fell to
lustily, although under the heaviest rain I ever saw, yet would not come
aboard. I told them we were subjects of the king of Great Britain, as
they might well see by our colours; but they said the Dutch had often
passed by scot-free by shewing British colours, which was the reason
they had fired the second sharp-shot at us, thinking we were Dutch. I
sent word to the Spanish commandant, that I had every inclination to
serve the subjects of the king of Spain, as far as in my power, but
meant to anchor farther on, where, if Don Fernando pleased to come
aboard, I should give him the best welcome I could.

The Spaniards went away well satisfied with this answer, and as a fine
breeze immediately sprung up, we stood along shore. The captain-general
sent off to me the pilot-major of the gallies, Francisco Gomez, a man of
good presence, to bid me welcome, offering his assistance to bring my
ship into the best anchorage under the fort; or any where else about the
island. Being dark, he brought us to an anchorage, about a league and a
half from the fort, at a place where he said there was no force; and,
after supper, he entreated to be set ashore, as the captain-general
meant to dispatch letters to Don Jeronimo de Sylva, the _maestre del
campo_ at Ternate, for instructions concerning our visit. On the morning
of the 9th, before sun-rise, we found ourselves within command of a
battery of eight cannon, wherefore we hoisted our anchor, and removed a
league farther to the southwards, where we again anchored in thirty-five
fathoms. The pilot Gomez came aboard soon after, accompanied by other
two Spaniards of good family, whom I received with such welcome, that
they took their lodging on board. They brought me a present of eatables
from their general, to whom I sent back a suitable return; offering to
supply his wants with any thing in my ship he desired, taking cloves in
payment, and desiring a speedy answer, as I could not tarry long. The
two Dutch ships continued to ply after us, as if they would have
anchored beside us, but they afterwards went to anchor at their new fort
of _Maracco_, or _Marieca_.

END OF THE EIGHTH VOLUME.

Book of the day: