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Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, Vol. 2 by Samuel de Champlain

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accomplish the voyage we had undertaken. And we were unable to build
another; for time was pressing, and although there was another barque on
the stocks, yet it would have required too long to get it ready, and we
could scarcely have made use of it before the return from France of the
vessels we were daily expecting.

This was a great misfortune, and owing to the lack of foresight on the part
of the master, who was obstinate, but little acquainted with seamanship,
and trusting only his own head. He was a good carpenter, skilful in
building vessels, and careful in provisioning them with all necessaries,
but in no wise adapted to sailing them.

Pont Gravé, having arrived at the settlement, received the evidence against
Champdoré, who was accused of having run the barque on shore with evil
intent. Upon such information, he was imprisoned and handcuffed, with the
intention of taking him to France and handing him over to Sieur de Monts,
to be treated as justice might direct.

On the 15th of June, Pont Gravé, finding that the vessels did not return
from France, had the handcuffs taken off from Champdoré, that he might
finish the barque which was on the stocks, which service he discharged very

On the 16th of July, the time when we were to leave, in case the vessels
had not returned, as was provided in the commission which Sieur de Monts
had given to Pont Gravé, we set out from our settlement to go to Cape
Breton or to Gaspé in search of means of returning to France, since we had
received no intelligence from there.

Two of our men remained, of their own accord, to take care of the
provisions which were left at the settlement, to each of whom Pont Gravé
promised fifty crowns in money, and fifty more which he agreed to estimate
their pay at when he should come to get them the following year. [189]

There was a captain of the savages named Mabretou, [190] who promised to
take care of them, and that they should be treated as kindly as his own
children. We found him a friendly savage all the time we were there,
although he had the name of being the worst and most traitorous man of his


181. _Vide antea_, pp. 25, 26.

182. _La gangue_. This is the technical word for the matrix, or substance
containing the ore of metals.

183. For 1605, read 1606.

184. Florida, as then known, extended from the peninsula indefinitely to
the north.

185. Seal Cove, which makes up between the south-west end of the Grand
Manan and Wood Island, the latter being South of Manan and is plainly
the island referred to in the text. This cove is open to the South
wind and the sea in a storm. Wood Island has a sandy shore with
occasional rocks.

186. _Port aux Coquilles_, the harbor of shells. This port was near the
northeastern extremity of Campobello Island, and was probably Head
Harbor, which affords a good harbor of refuge.--_Vide_ Champlain's Map
of 1612, reference 9.

187. By "harbor" is here meant Annapolis Bay. This wreck of the barque took
place on the Granville side of Digby Strait, where the tides rise from
twenty-three to twenty-Seven feet.

188. North-east. The text has _norouest_, clearly a misprint for _nordest_.

189. These two men were M. La Taille and Miquelet, of whom Lescarbot speaks
in terms of enthusiastic praise for their patriotic courage in
voluntarily risking their lives for the good of New France. _Vide
Histoire Nouvelle France_, Paris, 1612, pp. 545, 546.

190. _Mabretou_, by Lescarbot written Membertou.



On the 17th of the month, in accordance with the resolution we had formed,
we set out from the mouth of Port Royal with two barques, one of eighteen
tons, the other of seven or eight, with the view of pursuing the voyage to
Cape Breton or Canseau. We anchored in the strait of Long Island,[191]
where during the night our cable broke, and we came near being lost, owing
to the violent tides which strike upon several rocky points in and about
this place. But, through the diligent exertions of all, we were saved, and
escaped once more.

On the 21st of the month there was a violent wind, which broke the irons of
our rudder between Long Island and Cape Fourchu, and reduced us to such
extremities that we were at a loss what to do. For the fury of the sea did
not permit us to land, since the breakers ran mountain high along the
coast, so that we resolved to perish in the sea rather than to land, hoping
that the wind and tempest would abate, so that, with the wind astern, we
might go ashore on some sandy beach. As each one thought by himself what
might be done for our preservation, a sailor said that a quantity of
cordage attached to the stern of our barque, and dragging in the water,
might serve in some measure to steer our vessel. But this was of no avail;
and we saw that, unless God should aid us by other means, this would not
preserve us from shipwreck. As we were thinking what could be done for our
safety, Champdoré, who had been again handcuffed, said to some of us that,
if Pont Gravé desired it, he would find means to steer our barque. This we
reported to Pont Gravé, who did not refuse this offer, and the rest of us
still less. He accordingly had his handcuffs taken off the second time,
and at once taking a rope, he cut it and fastened the rudder with it in
such a skilful manner that it would steer the ship as well as ever. In this
way, he made amends for the mistakes he had made leading to the loss of the
previous barque, and was discharged from his accusation through our
entreaties to Pont Gravé who, although Somewhat reluctantly, acceded to it.

The same day we anchored near La Baye Courante, [192] two leagues from Cape
Fourchu, and there our barque was repaired.

On the 23d of July, we proceeded near to Cape Sable.

On the 24th of the month, at two o'clock in the afternoon, we perceived a
shallop, near Cormorant Island, coming from Cape Sable. Some thought it was
savages going away from Cape Breton or the Island of Canseau. Others said
it might be shallops sent from Canseau to get news of us. Finally, as we
approached nearer, we saw that they were Frenchmen, which delighted us
greatly. When it had almost reached us, we recognized Ralleau, the
Secretary of Sieur de Monts, which redoubled our joy. He informed us that
Sieur de Monts had despatched a vessel of a hundred and twenty tons,
commanded by Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had come with fifty men to act as
Lieutenant-General, and live in the country; that he had landed at Canseau,
whence the above-mentioned vessel had gone out to sea, in order, if
possible, to find us, while he, meanwhile, was proceeding along the coast
in a shallop, in order to meet us in case we should have set out, supposing
we had departed from Port Royal, as was in fact the case: in so doing, they
acted very wisely. All this intelligence caused us to turn back; and we
arrived at Port Royal on the 25th of the month, where we found the
above-mentioned vessel and Sieur de Poutrincourt, and were greatly
delighted to see realized what we had given up in despair. [193] He told us
that his delay had been caused by an accident which happened to the ship in
leaving the boom at Rochelle, where he had taken his departure, and that he
had been hindered by bad weather on his voyage. [194]

The next day, Sieur de Poutrincourt proceeded to set forth his views as to
what should be done; and, in accordance with the opinion of all, he
resolved to stay at Port Royal this year, inasmuch as no discovery had been
made since the departure of Sieur de Monts, and the period of four months
before winter was not long enough to search out a site and construct
another settlement, especially in a large vessel, unlike a barque which
draws little water, searches everywhere, and finds places to one's mind for
effecting settlements. But he decided that, during this period, nothing
more should be done than to try to find some place better adapted for our
abode. [195]

Thus deciding, Sieur de Poutrincourt despatched at once some laborers to
work on the land in a spot which he deemed suitable, up the river, a league
and a half from the settlement of Port Royal, and where we had thought of
making our abode. Here he ordered wheat, rye, hemp, and several other kinds
of seeds to be sown, in order to ascertain how they would flourish. [196]

On the 22d of August, a small barque was seen approaching our settlement.
It was that of Des Antons, of St. Malo, who had come from Canseau, where
his vessel was engaged in fishing, to inform us that there were some
vessels about Cape Breton engaged in the fur-trade; and that, if we would
send our ship, we might capture them on the point of returning to
France. It was determined to do so as soon as some supplies, which were in
the ship, could be unloaded. [197]

This being done. Pont Gravé embarked, together with his companions, who had
wintered with him at Port Royal, excepting Champdoré and Foulgeré de Vitré.
I also stayed with De Poutrincourt, in order, with God's help, to complete
the map of the coasts and countries which I had commenced. Every thing
being put in order in the settlement. Sieur de Poutrincourt ordered
provisions to be taken on board for our voyage along the coast of Florida.

On the 29th of August, we set out from Port Royal, as did also Pont Gravé
and Des Antons, who were bound for Cape Breton and Canseau, to seize the
vessels which were engaging in the fur-trade, as I have before stated.
After getting out to sea, we were obliged to put back on account of bad
weather. But the large vessel kept on her course, and we soon lost sight of


191. Petit Passage, leading into St. Mary's Bay.

192. _La Baye Courante_, the bay at the mouth of Argyl or Abuptic River,
sometimes called Lobster Bay.--_Vide Campbell's Yarmouth County_.
N.S., p. 13. The anchorage for the repair of the barque near this bay,
two leagues from Cape Fourchu, was probably near Pinckney Point, or it
may have been under the lee of one of the Tusquet Islands.

193. Lescarbot, who with De Poutrincourt was in this vessel, the "Jonas,"
gives a very elaborate account of their arrival and reception at Port
Royal. It seems that, at Canseau, Poutrincourt, supposing that the
colony at Port Royal, not receiving expected succors, had possibly
already embarked for France, as was in fact the case, had despatched a
small boat in charge of Ralleau to reconnoitre the coast, with the
hope of meeting them, if they had already embarked. The "Jonas" passed
them unobserved, perhaps while they were repairing their barque at
Baye Courante. As Ralleau did not join the "Jonas" till after their
arrival at Port Royal, Poutrincourt did not hear of the departure of
the colony till his arrival. Champlain's dates do not agree with those
of Lescarbot, and the latter is probably correct. According to
Lescarbot, Poutrincourt arrived on the 27th, and Pont Gravé with
Champlain on the 31st of July. _Vide His. Nou. France_, Paris, 1612,
pp. 544, 547.

194. Lescarbot gives a graphic account of the accident which happened to
their vessel in the harbor of Rochelle, delaying them more than a
month: and the bad weather and the bad seamanship of Captain Foulques,
who commanded the "Jonas," which kept them at sea more than two months
and a half.--_Vide His. Nou. France_, Paris. 1612, p. 523, _et seq._

195. Before leaving France, Poutrincourt had received instructions from the
patentee, De Monts to seek for a good harbor and more genial climate
for the colony farther south than Mallebarre, as he was not satisfied
either with St. Croix or Port Royal for a permanent abode.--_Vide
Lescarbot's His. Nou. France_, Paris, 1612, p. 552.

196. By reference to Champlain's drawing of Port Royal, it will be seen
that the place of this agricultural experiment was on the southern
side of Annapolis River, near the mouth of Alien River, and on the
identical soil where the village of Annapolis now stands.

197. It appears that this fur-trader was one Boyer, of Rouen, who had been
delivered from prison at Rochelle by Poutrincourt's lenity, where he
had been incarcerated probably for the same offence. They did not
succeed in capturing him at Canseau.--_Vide His. Nou. France_, par
Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, p. 553.



On the 5th of September, we set out again from Port Royal.

On the 7th, we reached the mouth of the river St. Croix, where we found a
large number of savages, among others Secondon and Messamouët. We came
near being lost there on a rocky islet, on account of Champdoré's usual

The next day we proceeded in a shallop to the Island of St. Croix, where
Sieur de Monts had wintered, to see if we could find any spikes of wheat
and other seeds which we had planted there. We found some wheat which had
fallen on the ground, and come up as finely as one could wish; also a large
number of garden vegetables, which also had come up fair and large. It gave
us great satisfaction to see that the soil there was good and fertile.

After visiting the island, we returned to our barque, which was one of
eighteen tons, on the way catching a large number of mackerel, which are
abundant there at this season. It was decided to continue the voyage along
the coast, which was not a very well-considered conclusion, since we lost
much time in passing over again the discoveries made by Sieur de Monts as
far as the harbor of Mallebarre. It would have been much better, in my
opinion, to cross from where we were directly to Mallebarre, the route
being already known, and then use our time in exploring as far as the
fortieth degree, or still farther south, revisiting, upon our homeward
voyage, the entire coast at pleasure.

After this decision, we took with us Secondon and Messamouët, who went as
far as Choüacoet in a shallop, where they wished to make an alliance with
the people of the country, by offering them some presents.

On the 12th of September, we set out from the river St. Croix.

On the 21st, we arrived at Choüacoet, where we saw Onemechin, chief of the
river, and Marchin, who had harvested their corn. We saw at the Island of
Bacchus [198] some grapes which were ripe and very good, and some others
not yet ripe, as fine as those in France; and I am sure that, if they were
cultivated, they would produce good wine.

In this place. Sieur de Poutrincourt secured a prisoner that Onemechin had,
to whom Messamouët [199] made presents of kettles, hatchets, knives, and
other things. Onemechin reciprocated the same with Indian corn, squashes,
and Brazilian beans; which was not very satisfactory to Messamouët, who
went away very ill-disposed towards them for not properly recognizing his
presents, and with the intention of making war upon them in a short time.
For these nations give only in exchange for something in return, except to
those who have done them a special service, as by assisting them in their

Continuing our course, we proceeded to the Island Cape, [200] where we
encountered rather bad weather and fogs, and saw little prospect of being
able to spend the night under shelter, since the locality was not favorable
for this. While we were thus in perplexity, it occurred to me that, while
coasting along with Sieur de Monts, I had noted on my map, at a distance of
a league from here, a place which seemed suitable for vessels, but which we
did not enter, because, when we passed it, the wind was favorable for
continuing on our course. This place we had already passed, which led me
to suggest to Sieur de Poutrincourt that we should stand in for a point in
sight, where the place in question was, which seemed to me favorable for
passing the night. We proceeded to anchor at the mouth, and went in the
next day. [201]

Sieur de Poutrincourt landed with eight or ten of our company. We saw some
very fine grapes just ripe, Brazilian peas, [202] pumpkins, squashes, and
very good roots, which the savages cultivate, having a taste similar to
that of chards. [203] They made us presents of some of these, in exchange
for little trifles which we gave them. They had already finished their
harvest. We saw two hundred savages in this very pleasant place; and there
are here a large number [204] of very fine walnut-trees, [205] cypresses,
sassafras, oaks, ashes, and beeches. The chief of this place is named
Quiouhamenec, who came to see us with a neighbor of his, named Cohoüepech,
whom we entertained sumptuously. Onemechin, chief of Choüacoet, came also
to see us, to whom we gave a coat, which he, however, did not keep a long
time, but made a present of it to another, since he was uneasy in it, and
could not adapt himself to it. We saw also a savage here, who had so
wounded himself in the foot, and lost so much blood, that he fell down in a
swoon. Many others surrounded him, and sang some time before touching him.
Afterwards, they made some motions with their feet and hands, shook his
head and breathed upon him, when he came to himself. Our surgeon dressed
his wounds, when he went off in good spirits.

* * * * *


LE BEAU PORT. [Note: _Le Beau Port_ is Gloucester.]

_The figures indicate fathoms of water_.

_A_. Place where our barque was.
_B_. Meadows.
_C_. Small island. [Note: Ten-Pound Island. It is forty rods long and
thirty feet high. On it is a U. S. Light, fifty feet above the
_D_. Rocky cape.

_E_. Place where we had our shallop calked. [Note: This peninsula is now
called Rocky Neck. Its southern part and the causeway which connects
it with the main land are now thickly settled.]
_F_. Little rocky islet, very high on the coast. [Note: This is Salt
_G_. Cabins of the savages and where they till the soil.
_H_. Little river where there are meadows. [Note: This is the small stream
that flows into Fresh-Water Cove.]
_I_. Brook.
_L_. Tongue of land covered with trees, including a large number of
sassafras, walnut-trees, and vines. [Note: This is now called Eastern
Point, is three quarters of a mile long, and about half a mile in its
greatest width. At its southern extremity is a U. S. Light, sixty feet
above the sea-level. The scattering rocks figured by Champlain on its
western shore are now known as Black Bess.]
_M_. Arm of the sea on the other side of the Island Cape. [Note: Squam
River, flowing into Annisquam Harbor.]
_N_. Little River.
_O_. Little brook coming from the meadows.
_P_. Another little brook where we did our washing.
_Q_. Troop of savages coming to surprise us. [Note: They were creeping
along the eastern bank of Smith's Cove.]
_R_. Sandy strand. [Note: The beach of South-East Harbor.]
_S_. Sea-coast.
_T_. Sieur de Poutrincourt in ambuscade with some seven or eight
_V_. Sieur de Champlain discovering the savages.

NOTES: A comparison of his map with the Coast Survey Charts will exhibit
its surprising accuracy, especially when we make allowance for the fact
that it is merely a sketch executed without measurements, and with a very
brief visit to the locality. The projection or cape west of Ten-Pound
Island, including Stage Head, may be easily identified, as likewise Fort
Point directly north of the same island, as seen on our maps, but
north-west on that of Champlain, showing that his map is oriented with an
inclination to the west. The most obvious defect is the foreshortening of
the Inner Harbor, which requires much greater elongation.

* * * * *

The next day, as we were calking our shallop, Sieur de Poutrincourt in the
woods noticed a number of savages who were going, with the intention of
doing us some mischief, to a little stream, where a neck connects with the
main land, at which our party were doing their washing. As I was walking
along this neck, these savages noticed me; and, in order to put a good face
upon it, since they saw that I had discovered them thus seasonably, they
began to shout and dance, and then came towards me with their bows, arrows,
quivers, and other arms. And, inasmuch as there was a meadow between them
and myself, I made a sign to them to dance again. This they did in a
circle, putting all their arms in the middle. But they had hardly
commenced, when they observed Sieur de Poutrincourt in the wood with eight
musketeers, which frightened them. Yet they did not stop until they had
finished their dance, when they withdrew in all directions, fearing lest
some unpleasant turn might be served them. We said nothing to them,
however, and showed them only demonstrations of gladness. Then we returned
to launch our shallop, and take our departure. They entreated us to wait a
day, saying that more than two thousand of them would come to see us. But,
unable to lose any time, we were unwilling to stay here longer. I am of
opinion that their object was to surprise us. Some of the land was already
cleared up, and they were constantly making clearings. Their mode of doing
it is as follows: after cutting down the trees at the distance of three
feet from the ground, they burn the branches upon the trunk, and then plant
their corn between these stumps, in course of time tearing up also the
roots. There are likewise fine meadows here, capable of supporting a large
number of cattle. This harbor is very fine, containing water enough for
vessels, and affording a shelter from the weather behind the islands. It is
in latitude 43°, and we gave it the name of Le Beauport. [206]

The last day of September we set out from Beauport, and, passing Cap
St. Louis, stood on our course all night for Cap Blanc. [207] In the
morning, an hour before daylight we found ourselves to the leeward of Cap
Blanc, in Baye Blanche, with eight feet of water, and at a distance of a
league from the shore. Here we anchored, in order not to approach too near
before daylight, and to see how the tide was. Meanwhile, we sent our
shallop to make soundings. Only eight feet of water were found, so that it
was necessary to determine before daylight what we would do. The water sank
as low as five feet, and our barque sometimes touched on the sand, yet
without any injury, for the water was calm, and we had not less than three
feet of water under us. Then the tide began to rise, which gave us

When it was day, we saw a very low, sandy shore, off which we were, and
more to the leeward. A shallop was sent to make soundings in the direction
of land somewhat high, where we thought there would be deep water; and, in
fact, we found seven fathoms. Here we anchored, and at once got ready the
shallop, with nine or ten men to land and examine a place where we thought
there was a good harbor to shelter ourselves in, if the wind should
increase. An examination having been made, we entered in two, three, and
four fathoms of water. When we were inside, we found five and six. There
were many very good oysters here, which we had not seen before, and we
named the place Port aux Huistres. [208] It is in latitude 42°. Three
canoes of savages came out to us. On this day, the wind coming round in our
favor, we weighed anchor to go to Cap Blanc, distant from here five leagues
north a quarter north-east, and we doubled the cape.

On the next day, the 2d of October, we arrived off Mallebarre, [209] where
we stayed some time on account of the bad weather. During this time, Sieur
de Poutrincourt, with the shallop, accompanied by twelve or fifteen men,
visited the harbor, where some hundred and fifty savages, singing and
dancing according to their custom, appeared before him. After seeing this
place, we returned to our vessel, and, the wind coming favorable, sailed
along the coast towards the south.


198. Richmond Island.--_Vide antea_, note 123. The ripe grapes which he saw
were the Fox Grape. _Vitis labrusca_, which ripens in September. The
fruit is of a dark purple color, tough and musky. The Isabella, common
in our markets, is derived from it. It is not quite clear whether
those seen in an unripe state were another species or not. If they
were, they were the Frost Grape, _Vitis cardifolia_, which are found
in the northern parts of New England. The berry is small, black or
blue, having a bloom, highly acid, and ripens after frosts. This
island, so prolific in grapes, became afterward a centre of commercial
importance. On Josselyn's voyage of 1638, he says: "The Six and
twentieth day, Capt. _Thomas Cammock_ went aboard of a Barke of 300
Tuns, laden with Island Wine, and but 7 men in her, and never a Gun,
bound for Richmond's Island, Set out by Mr. _Trelaney, of Plimouth_"--
_Voyages_, 1675, Boston, Veazie's ed., 1865, p. 12.

199. Messamouët was a chief from the Port de la Hève, and was accompanied
by Secondon, also a chief from the river St. John. They had come to
Saco to dispose of a quantity of goods which they had obtained from
the French fur-traders. Messamouët made an address on the occasion, in
which he stated that he had been in France, and had been entertained
at the house of Mons. de Grandmont, governor of Bavonne.--_Vide
His. Nou. France_, par Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, p. 559, _et seq._

200. Cape Anne.

201. Gloucester Bay, formerly called Cape Anne Harbor, which, as we shall
see farther on, they named _Beauport_, the beautiful harbor.

202. Brazilian peas. This should undoubtedly read Brazilian beans. _Pois du
Brésil_ is here used apparently by mistake for _febues de Brésil_.--
Vide antea, note 127.

203. Chards, a vegetable dill, composed of the footstocks and midrib of
artichokes, cardoons, or white beets. The "very good roots," _des
racines qui font bonnes_, were Jerusalem Artichokes, _Helianthus
tuberofus_, indigenous to the northern part of this continent. The
Italians had obtained it before Champlain's time, and named it
_Girasole_, their word for sunflower, of which the artichoke is a
species. This word, _girasole_, has been singularly corrupted in
England into _Jerusalem_; hence Jerusalem artichoke, now the common
name of this plant. We presume that there is no instance on record of
its earlier cultivation in New England than at Nauset in 1605, _vide
antea_, p. 82, and here at Gloucester in 1606.

204. Under the word _noyers_, walnut-trees, Champlain may have comprehended
the hickories, _Carya alba_ and _porcina_, and perhaps the butternut,
_Juglans cinerea_, all of which might have been seen at Gloucester. It
is clear from his description that he saw at Saco the hickory, _Carya
porcina_, commonly known as the pig-nut or broom hickory. He probably
saw likewise the shag bark, _Carya alba_, as both are found growing
wild there even at the present day.--_Vide antea_, p. 67. Both the
butternut and the hickories are exclusively of American origin; and
there was no French name by which they could be more accurately
designated. _Noyer_ is applied in France to the tree which produces
the nut known in our markets as the English walnut. Josselyn figures
the hickory under the name of walnut.--_Vide New Eng. Rarities_,
Tuckerman's ed., p. 97. See also _Wood's New Eng. Prospect, 1634,
Prince Soc. ed., p. 18.

205. The trees here mentioned are such probably as appeared to Champlain
especially valuable for timber or other practical uses.

The cypress, _cyprès_, has been already referred to in note 168. It is
distinguished for its durability, its power of resisting the usual
agencies of decay, and is widely used for posts, and sleepers on the
track of railways, and to a limited extent for cabinet work, but less
now than in earlier times. William Wood says of it: "This wood is more
desired for ornament than substance, being of color red and white,
like Eugh, smelling as sweet as Iuniper; it is commonly used for
seeling of houses, and making of Chests, boxes and staves."--_Wood's
New Eng. Prospect_, 1634, Prince Soc. ed., p. 19.

The sassafras, _Sassafras officinate_, is indigenous to this
continent, and has a spicy, aromatic flavor, especially the bark and
root. It was in great repute as a medicine for a long time after the
discovery of this country. Cargoes of it were often taken home by the
early voyagers for the European markets; and it is said to have sold
as high as fifty livres per pound. Dr. Jacob Bigelow says a work
entitled "Sassafrasologia" was written to celebrate its virtues; but
its properties are only those of warm aromatics. Josselyn describes
it, and adds that it does not "grow beyond Black Point eastward,"
which is a few miles north-east of Old Orchard Beach, near Saco, in
Maine. It is met with now infrequently in New England; several
specimens, however, may be seen in the Granary Burial Ground in

Oaks, _chesnes_, of which several of the larger species may have been
seen: as, the white oak, _Quercus alba_; black oak, _Quercus
tinfloria_; Scarlet oak, _Quercus coccinea_; and red oak, _Quercus

Ash-trees, _fresnes_, probably the white ash, _Fraxinus Americana_,
and not unlikely the black ash, _Fraxinus sambucifolia_, both valuable
as timber.

Beech-trees, _hestres_, of which there is but a single Species, _Fagus
ferruginca_, the American beech, a handsome tree, of symmetrical
growth, and clean, smooth, ash-gray bark: the nut, of triangular
shape, is sweet and palatable. The wood is brittle, and used only for
a few purposes.

206. Le Beauport. The latitude of Ten-Pound Island, near where the French
barque was anchored in the Harbor of Gloucester, is 42° 36' 5".

207. The reader may be reminded that Cap St. Louis is Brant Point; Cap
Blanc is Cape Cod; and Baye Blanche is Cape Cod Bay.

208. _Le Port aux Huistres_, Oyster Harbor. The reader will observe, by
looking back a few sentences in the narrative, that the French
coasters, after leaving Cap St. Louis, that is, Brant Point, had aimed
to double Cape Cod, and had directed their course, as they supposed,
to accomplish this purpose. Owing, however, to the strength of the
wind, or the darkness of the night, or the inattention of their pilot,
or all these together, they had passed to the leeward of the point
aimed at, and before morning found themselves near a harbor, which
they subsequently entered, in Cape Cod Bay. It is plain that this
port, which they named Oyster Harbor, was either that of Wellfleet or
Barnstable. The former, it will be remembered, Champlain, with De
Monts, entered the preceding year, 1605, and named it, or the river
that flows into it, St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc.--_Vide antea_, note
166. It is obvious that Champlain could not have entered this harbor
the second time without recognizing it: and, if he had done so, he
would not have given to it a name entirely different from that which
he had given it the year before. He was too careful an observer to
fall into such an extraordinary mistake. We may conclude, therefore,
that the port in question was not Wellfleet, but Barnstable. This
conclusion is sustained by the conditions mentioned in the text. They
entered, on a flood-tide, in twelve, eighteen, and twenty-four feet of
water, and found thirty or thirty-six when they had passed into the
harbor. It could hardly be expected that any harbor among the shifting
sands of Cape Cod would remain precisely the same, as to depth of
water, after the lapse of two hundred and fifty years. Nevertheless,
the discrepancy is so slight in this case, that it would seem to be
accidental, rather than to arise from the solidity or fixedness of the
harbor-bed. The channel of Barnstable Harbor, according to the Coast
Survey Charts, varies in depth at low tide, for two miles outside of
Sandy Neck Point, from seven to ten feet for the first mile, and for
the next mile from ten feet to thirty-two on reaching Beach Point,
which may be considered the entrance of the bay. On passing the Point,
we have thirty-six and a half feet, and for a mile inward the depth
varies from twelve to twenty feet. Add a few feet for the rise of the
tide on which they entered, and the depth of the water in 1606 could
not have been very different from that of to-day. The "low sandy
coast" which they saw is well represented by Spring Hill Beach and
Sandy Neck; the "land somewhat high," by the range of hills in the
rear of Barnstable Harbor. The distance from the mouth of the harbor
to Wood End light, the nearest point on Cape Cod, does not vary more
than a league, and its direction is about that mentioned by
Champlain. The difference in latitude is not greater than usual. It is
never sufficiently exact for the identification of any locality. The
substantial agreement, in so many particulars with the narrative of
the author, renders it quite clear that the _Port aux Huistres_ was
Barnstable Harbor. They entered it on the morning of the 1st of
October, and appear to have left on the same day. Sandy Neck light, at
the entrance of the harbor, is in latitude 41° 43' 19".

209. Nauset Harbor.



When we were some six leagues from Mallebarre, we anchored near the coast,
the wind not being fair, along which we observed columns of smoke made by
the savages, which led us to determine to go to them, for which purpose the
shallop was made ready. But when near the coast, which is sandy, we could
not land, for the swell was too great. Seeing this, the savages launched a
canoe, and came out to us, eight or nine of them, singing and making signs
of their joy at seeing us, and they indicated to us that lower down there
was a harbor where we could put our barque in a place of security. Unable
to land, the shallop came back to the barque; and the savages, whom we had
treated civilly, returned to the shore.

On the next day, the wind being favorable, we continued our course to the
north [210] five leagues, and hardly had we gone this distance, when we
found three and four fathoms of water at a distance of a league and a half
from the shore. On going a little farther, the depth suddenly diminished
to a fathom and a half and two fathoms, which alarmed us, since we saw the
sea breaking all around, but no passage by which we could retrace our
course, for the wind was directly contrary.

Accordingly being shut in among the breakers and sand-banks, we had to go
at hap-hazard where there seemed to be the most water for our barque, which
was at most only four feet: we continued among these breakers until we
found as much as four feet and a half. Finally, we succeeded, by the grace
of God, in going over a sandy point running out nearly three leagues
seaward to the south-south-east, and a very dangerous place. [211] Doubling
this cape, which we named Cap Batturier, [212] which is twelve or thirteen
leagues from Mallebarre, [213] we anchored in two and a half fathoms of
water, since we saw ourselves surrounded on all sides by breakers and
shoals, except in some places where the sea was breaking to go to a place,
which, we concluded to be that which the savages had indicated. We also
thought there was a river there, where we could lie in security.

When our shallop arrived there, our party landed and examined the place,
and, returning with a savage whom they brought off, they told us that we
could enter at full tide, which was resolved upon. We immediately weighed
anchor, and, under the guidance of the savage who piloted us, proceeded to
anchor at a roadstead before the harbor, in six fathoms of water and a good
bottom; [214] for we could not enter, as the night overtook us.

On the next day, men were sent to set stakes at the end of a sand-bank
[215] at the mouth of the harbor, when, the tide rising, we entered in two
fathoms of water. When we had arrived, we praised God for being in a place
of safety. Our rudder had broken, which we had mended with ropes; but we
were afraid that, amid these shallows and strong tides, it would break
anew, and we should be lost. Within this harbor [216] there is only a
fathom of water, and two at full tide. On the east, there is a bay
extending back on the north some three leagues, [217] in which there is an
island and two other little bays which adorn the landscape, where there is
a considerable quantity of land cleared up, and many little hills, where
they cultivate corn and the various grains on which they live. There are,
also, very fine vines, many walnut-trees, oaks, cypresses, but only a few
pines. [218] All the inhabitants of this place are very fond of
agriculture, and provide themselves with Indian corn for the winter, which
they store in the following manner:--

They make trenches in the sand on the slope of the hills, some five to six
feet deep, more or less. Putting their corn and other grains into large
grass sacks, they throw them into these trenches, and cover them with sand
three or four feet above the surface of the earth, taking it out as their
needs require. In this way, it is preserved as well as it would be possible
to do in our granaries. [219]

* * * * *



_The figures indicate fathoms of water_.

_A_. Pond of salt water. [Note: This is now called Oyster Pond.]
_B_. Cabins of the Savages and the lands they cultivate.
_C_. Meadows where there are two little brooks.
_C_. Meadows on the island, that are covered at every tide. [Note: The
letter _C_ appears twice in the index, but both are wanting on the
map. The former seems to point to the meadows on the upper left-hand
corner: the other should probably take the place of the _O_ on the
western part of the island above _F_.]
_D_. Small mountain ranges on the island, that are covered with trees,
vines, and plum-trees. [Note: This range of hills is a marked feature
of the island.]
_E_. Pond of fresh water, where there is plenty of game. [Note: This pond
is still distinguished for its game, and is leased by gentlemen in
Boston and held as a preserve.]
_F_. A kind of meadow on the island. [Note: This is known as Morris Island;
but the strait on the north of it has been filled up, and the island
is now a part of the main land.]
_G_. An island covered with wood in a great arm of the sea. [Note: This
island has been entirely obliterated, and the neck on the north has
likewise been swept away, and the bay now extends several leagues
farther north. The destruction of the island was completed in 1851, in
the gale that swept away Minot's Light. In 1847, it had an area of
thirteen acres and an elevation of twenty feet.--_Vide Harbor
Com. Report, 1873.]
_H_. A sort of pond of salt water, where there are many shell-fish, and,
among others, quantities of oysters. [Note: This is now called the
Mill Pond.]
_I_. Sandy downs on a narrow tongue of land.
_L_. Arm of the sea.
_M_. Roadstead before the harbor where we anchored. [Note: Chatham Roads,
or Old Stage Harbor.]
_N_. Entrance to the harbor.
_O_. The harbor and place where our barque was.
_P_. The cross we planted.
_Q_. Little brook.
_R_. Mountain which is seen at a great distance. [Note: A moderate
elevation, by no means a mountain in our sense of the word.]
_S_. Sea-shore.
_T_. Little river.
_V_. Way we went in their country among their dwellings: it is indicated by
small dots. [Note: The circuit here indicated is about four or five
miles. Another path is indicated in the same manner on the extreme
northern end of the map, which shows that their excursions had been
_X_. Banks and shoals.
_Y_. Small mountain seen in the interior. [Note: This is now called the
Great Chatham Hill, and is a conspicuous landmark.]
_Z_. Small brooks.
_9_. Spot near the cross where the savages killed our men. [Note: This is a
creek up which the tide sets. The other brook figured on the map a
little south of the cross has been artificially filled up, but the
marshes which it drained are still to be seen. These landmarks enable
us to fix upon the locality of the cross within a few feet.]

* * * * *

We saw in this place some five to six hundred savages, all naked except
their sexual parts, which they cover with a small piece of doe or
seal-skin. The women are also naked, and, like the men, cover theirs with
skins or leaves. They wear their hair carefully combed and twisted in
various ways, both men and women, after the manner of the savages of
Choüacoet. [220] Their bodies are well-proportioned, and their skin
olive-colored. They adorn themselves with feathers, beads of shell, and
other gewgaws, which they arrange very neatly in embroidery work. As
weapons, they have bows, arrows, and clubs. They are not so much great
hunters as good fishermen and tillers of the land.

In regard to their police, government, and belief, we have been unable to
form a judgment; but I suppose that they are not different in this respect
from our savages, the Souriquois and Canadians, who worship neither the
moon nor the sun, nor any thing else, and pray no more than the beasts.
[221] There are, however, among them some persons, who, as they say, are in
concert with the devil, in whom they have great faith. They tell them all
that is to happen to them, but in so doing lie for the most part. Sometimes
they succeed in hitting the mark very well, and tell them things similar to
those which actually happen to them. For this reason, they have faith in
them, as if they were prophets; while they are only impostors who delude
them, as the Egyptians and Bohemians do the simple villagers. They have
chiefs, whom they obey in matters of war, but not otherwise, and who engage
in labor, and hold no higher rank than their companions. Each one has only
so much land as he needs for his support.

Their dwellings are separate from each other, according to the land which
each one occupies. They are large, of a circular shape, and covered with
thatch made of grasses or the husks of Indian corn. [222] They are
furnished only with a bed or two, raised a foot from the ground, made of a
number of little pieces of wood pressed against each other, on which they
arrange a reed mat, after the Spanish style, which is a kind of matting two
or three fingers thick: on these they sleep. [223] They have a great many
fleas in summer, even in the fields. One day as we went out walking, we
were beset by so many of them that we were obliged to change our clothes.

All the harbors, bays, and coasts from Choüacoet are filled with every
variety of fish, like those which we have before our habitation, and in
such abundance that I can confidently assert that there was not a day or
night when we did not see and hear pass by our barque more than a thousand
porpoises, which were chasing the smaller fry. There are also many
shell-fish of various sorts, principally oysters. Game birds are very

It would be an excellent place to erect buildings and lay the foundations
of a State, if the harbor were somewhat deeper and the entrance safer.
Before leaving the harbor, the rudder was repaired; and we had some bread
made from flour, which we had brought for our subsistence, in case our
biscuit should give out. Meanwhile, we sent the shallop with five or six
men and a savage to see whether a passage might be found more favorable for
our departure than that by which we had entered.

After they had gone five or six leagues and were near the land, the savage
made his escape [224], since he was afraid of being taken to other savages
farther south, the enemies of his tribe, as he gave those to understand who
were in the shallop. The latter, upon their return, reported that, as far
as they had advanced, there were at least three fathoms of water, and that
farther on there were neither shallows nor reefs.

We accordingly made haste to repair our barque, and make a supply of bread
for fifteen days. Meanwhile, Sieur de Poutrincourt, accompanied by ten or
twelve arquebusiers, visited all the neighboring country, which is very
fine, as I have said before, and where we saw here and there a large number
of little houses.

Some eight or nine days after, while Sieur de Poutrincourt was walking out,
as he had previously done, [225] we observed the Savages taking down their
cabins and sending their women, children, provisions, and other necessaries
of life into the woods. This made us suspect some evil intention, and that
they purposed to attack those of our company who were working on shore,
where they stayed at night in order to guard that which could not be
embarked at evening except with much trouble. This proved to be true; for
they determined among themselves, after all their effects had been put in a
place of security, to come and surprise those on land, taking advantage of
them as much as possible, and to carry off all they had. But, if by chance
they should find them on their guard, they resolved to come with signs of
friendship, as they were wont to do, leaving behind their bows and arrows.

Now, in view of what Sieur de Poutrincourt had seen, and the order which it
had been told him they observed when they wished to play some bad trick,
when we passed by some cabins, where there was a large number of women, we
gave them some bracelets and rings to keep them quiet and free from fear,
and to most of the old and distinguished men hatchets, knives, and other
things which they desired. This pleased them greatly, and they repaid it
all in dances, gambols, and harangues, which we did not understand at all.
We went wherever we chose without their having the assurance to say any
thing to us. It pleased us greatly to see them; show themselves so simple
in appearance.

We returned very quietly to our barque, accompanied by some of the savages.
On the way, we met several small troops of them, who gradually gathered
together with their arms, and were greatly astonished to see us so far in
the interior, and did not suppose that we had just made a circuit of nearly
four or five leagues about their territory. Passing near us, they trembled
with fear, lest harm should be done them, as it was in our power to do. But
we did them none, although we knew their evil intentions. Having arrived
where our men were working, Sieur de Poutrincourt inquired if every thing
was in readiness to resist the designs of this rabble.

He ordered every thing on shore to be embarked. This was done, except that
he who was making the bread stayed to finish a baking, and two others with
him. They were told that the savages had some evil intent, and that they
should make haste to embark the coming evening, since they carried their
plans into execution only at night, or at daybreak, which in their plots is
generally the hour for making a surprise.

Evening having come, Sieur de Poutrincourt gave orders that the shallop
should be sent ashore to get the men who remained. This was done as soon as
the tide would permit, and those on shore were told that they must embark
for the reason assigned. This they refused in spite of the remonstrances
that were made setting forth the risks they ran and the disobedience to
their chief. They paid no attention to it, with the exception of a servant
of Sieur de Poutrincourt, who embarked. Two others disembarked from the
shallop and went to the three on shore, who had stayed to eat some cakes
made at the same time with the bread.

But, as they were unwilling to do as they were told, the shallop returned
to the vessel. It was not mentioned to Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had
retired, thinking that all were on board.

The next day, in the morning, the 15th of October, the savages did not fail
to come and see in what condition our men were, whom they found asleep,
except one, who was near the fire. When they saw them in this condition,
they came, to the number of four hundred, softly over a little hill, and
sent them such a volley of arrows that to rise up was death. Fleeing the
best they could towards our barque, shouting, "Help! they are killing us!"
a part fell dead in the water; the others were all pierced with arrows, and
one died in consequence a short time after. The savages made a desperate
noise with roarings, which it was terrible to hear.

* * * * *



The figures indicate fathoms of water.

_A_. Place where the French were making bread.
_B_. The savages surprising the French, and shooting their arrows at them.
_C_. French burned by the Savages.
_D_. The French fleeing to the barque, completely covered with arrows.
_E_. Troops of savages burning the French whom they had killed.
_F_. Mountain bordering on the harbor.
_G_. Cabins of the savages.
_H_. French on the shore charging upon the Savages.
_I_. Savages routed by the French.
_L_. Shallop in which were the French.
_M_. Savages around our shallop, who were surprised by our men.
_N_. Barque of Sieur de Poutrincourt.
_O_. The harbor.
_P_. Small brook.
_Q_. French who fell dead in the water as they were trying to flee to the
_R_. Brook coming from certain marshes.
_S_. Woods under cover of which the savages came.

* * * * *

Upon the occurrence of this noise and that of our men, the sentinel, on our
vessel, exclaimed, "To arms! They are killing our men!" Consequently, each
one immediately seized his arms; and we embarked in the shallop, some
fifteen or sixteen of us, in order to go ashore. But, being unable to get
there on account of a sand-bank between us and the land, we threw ourselves
into the water, and waded from this bank to the shore, the distance of a
musket-shot. As soon as we were there, the savages, seeing us within arrow
range, fled into the interior. To pursue them was fruitless, for they are
marvellously swift. All that we could do was to carry away the dead bodies
and bury them near a cross, which had been set up the day before, and then
to go here and there to see if we could get sight of any of them. But it
was time wasted, therefore we came back. Three hours afterwards, they
returned to us on the sea-shore. We discharged at them several shots from
our little brass cannon; and, when they heard the noise, they crouched down
on the ground to avoid the fire. In mockery of us, they beat down the cross
and disinterred the dead, which displeased us greatly, and caused us to go
for them a second time; but they fled, as they had done before. We set up
again the cross, and reinterred the dead, whom they had thrown here and
there amid the heath, where they kindled a fire to burn them. We returned
without any result, as we had done before, well aware that there was
scarcely hope of avenging ourselves this time, and that we should have to
renew the undertaking when it should please God.

On the 16th of the month, we set out from Port Fortuné, to which we had
given this name on account of the misfortune which happened to us there.
This place is in latitude 41° 20', and some twelve or thirteen leagues from
Mallebarre. [226]


210. Clearly a mistake. Champlain here says they "continued their course
north," whereas, the whole context shows that they must have gone

211. "The sandy point" running out nearly three leagues was evidently the
island of Monomoy, or its representative, which at that time may have
been only a continuation of the main land. Champlain does not
delineate on his map an island, but a sand-bank nearly in the shape of
an isosceles triangle, which extends far to the south-east. Very great
changes have undoubtedly taken place on this part of the coast since
the visit of Champlain. The sand-bar figured by him has apparently
been swept from the south-east round to the south-west, and is perhaps
not very much changed in its general features except as to its
position. "We know from our studies of such shoals," says
Prof. Mitchell, Chief of Physical Hydrography, U. S. Coast Survey,
"that the relative order of banks and beaches remains about the same,
however the system as a whole may change its location."--_Mass.
Harbor Commissioners' Report_. 1873, p. 99.

212. _Batturier_. This word is an adjective, formed with the proper
termination from the noun, _batture_, which means a bank upon which
the sea beats, reef or sand-bank. _Cap Batturier_ may therefore be
rendered sand-bank cape, or the cape of the sand-banks. _Batturier_
does not appear in the dictionaries, and was doubtless coined by
Champlain himself, as he makes, farther on, the adjective _truitière_,
in the expression _la rivière truitière_, from the noun, _truite_.

213. The distances here given appear to be greatly overstated. From Nauset
to the southern point of Monomoy, as it is to-day, the distance is not
more than six leagues. But, as the sea was rough, and they were
apparently much delayed, the distance might naturally enough be

214. The anchorage was in Chatham Roads, or Old Stage Harbor.

215. Harding's Beach Point.

216. They were now in Stage Harbor, in Chatham, to which Champlain, farther
on gives the name of Port Fortuné.

217. This is the narrow bay that stretches from Morris Island to the north,
parallel with the sea, separated from it only by a sand-bank, and now
reaching beyond Chatham into the town of Orleans. By comparing
Champlain's map of Port Fortuné with modern charts, it will be seen
that the "bay extending back on the north some three leagues"
terminated, in 1606, a little below Chatham Old Harbor. The island on
Champlain's map marked G. was a little above the harbor, but has been
entirely swept away, together with the neck north of it, represented
on Champlain's map as covered with trees. The bay now extends, as we
have stated above, into the town of Orleans. The island G, known in
modern times as Ram Island, disappeared in 1851, although it still
continued to figure on Walling's map of 1858: The two other little
bays mentioned in the text scarcely appear on Champlain's map; and he
may have inadvertently included in this bay the two that are farther
north, viz. Crow's Pond and Pleasant Bay, although they do not fall
within the limits of his map.

218. _Vide antea_, notes 168, 204, 205.

219. Indian corn, _Zea mays_, is a plant of American origin. Columbus saw
it among the natives of the West Indies, "a sort of grain they call
Maiz, which was well tasted, bak'd, or dry'd and made into flour."--
_Vide History of the Life and Actions of Chris. Columbus by his Son
Ferdinand Columbus, Churchill's Voyages_, Vol. II. p. 510.

It is now cultivated more or less extensively in nearly every part of
the world where the climate is suitable. Champlain is the first who
has left a record of the method of its cultivation in New England,
_vide antea_, p. 64, and of its preservation through the winter. The
Pilgrims, in 1620, found it deposited by the Indians in the ground
after the manner described in the text. Bradford says they found
"heaps of sand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging up,
found in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne, and some
in eares, faire and good, of diverce collours, which seemed to them a
very goodly sight, haveing never seen any such before:"--_His. Plym.
Plantation_, p. 82. Squanto taught the English how to "set it, and
after how to dress and tend it"--_Idem_, p. 100.

"The women," says Roger Williams, "set or plant, weede and hill, and
gather and barne all the corne and Fruites of the field," and of
drying the corn, he adds, "which they doe carefully upon heapes and
Mats many dayes, they barne it up, covering it up with Mats at night,
and opening when the Sun is hot"

The following are testimonies as to the use made by the natives of the
Indian corn as food:--

"They brought with them in a thing like a Bow-case, which the
principall of them had about his wast, a little of their Corne
powdered to Powder, which put to a little water they eate."--_Mourts
Relation_, London, 1622, Dexter's ed., p. 88.

"Giving us a kinde of bread called by them _Maizium_."--_Idem_,
p. 101.

"They seldome or never make bread of their _Indian_ corne, but seeth
it whole like beanes, eating three or four cornes with a mouthfull of
fish or flesh, sometimes eating meate first and cornes after, filling
chinckes with their broth."--_Wood's New Eng. Prospect_, London, 1634.
Prince Society's ed., pp. 75, 76.

"Nonkekich. _Parch'd meal_, which is a readie very wholesome, food,
which they eate with a little water hot or cold: ... With _spoonfull_
of this _meale_ and a spoonfull of water from the _Brooke_, have I
made many a good dinner and supper."--_Roger Williams's Key_, London,
1643, Trumbull's ed., pp. 39, 40.

"Their food is generally boiled maize, or Indian corn, mixed with
kidney beans or Sometimes without.... Also they mix with the said
pottage several sorts of roots, as Jerusalem artichokes, and ground
nuts, and other roots, and pompions, and squashes, and also several
sorts of nuts or masts, as oak-acorns, chesnuts, walnuts: These husked
and dried, and powdered, they thicken their pottage therewith."--
_Historical Collections of the Indians_, by Daniel Gookin, 1674,
Boston, 1792. p. 10.

220. The character of the Indian dress, as here described, does not differ
widely from that of a later period.--_Vide Mourt's Relation_, 1622,
Dexter's ed., p. 135: _Roger Williams's Key_, 1643, Trumbull's ed.,
p. 143, _et seq.; History of New England_, by Edward Johnson, 1654,
Poole's ed., pp. 224, 225.

Champlain's observations were made in the autumn before the approach
of the winter frosts.

Thomas Morton, writing in 1632, says that the mantle which the women
"use to cover their nakednesse with is much longer then that which the
men use; for as the men have one Deeres skinn, the women haue two soed
together at the full length, and it is so lardge that it trailes after
them, like a great Ladies trane, and in time," he sportively adds, "I
thinke they may have their Pages to beare them up."--_New Eng.
Canaan_, 1632, in Force's Tracts, Vol. II, p. 23.

221. This conclusion harmonizes with the opinion of Thomas Morton, who says
that the natives of New England are "_sine fide, sine lege, et sine
rege_, and that they have no worship nor religion at all."--_New Eng.
Canaan_, 1632, in Force's Tracts, Vol. II. p. 21.

Winslow was at first of the same opinion, but afterward saw cause for
changing his mind.--_Vide Winslow's Relation_, 1624, in Young's
Chronicles, P 355. See also _Roger Williams's Key_, Trumbull's ed.,
p. 159.

222. "Their houses, or wigwams," says Gookin, "are built with small poles
fixed in the ground, bent and fastened together with barks of trees,
oval or arborwise on the top. The best sort of their houses are
covered very neatly, tight, and warm with the bark of trees, stripped
from their bodies at such seasons when the sap is up; and made into
great flakes with pressures of weighty timbers, when they are green;
and so becoming dry, they will retain a form suitable for the use they
prepare them for. The meaner sort of wigwams are covered with mats
they make of a kind of bulrush, which are also indifferent tight and
warm, but not so good as the former."--_Vide Historical Collections_,
1674, Boston, 1792, p. 9.

223. The construction of the Indian couch, or bed, at a much later period
may be seen by the following excerpts: "So we desired to goe to rest:
he layd us on the bed with himselfe and his wife, they at one end and
we at the other, it being only plancks layd a foot from the ground,
and a thin mat upon them."--_Mourt's Relation_, London. 1622, Dexter's
ed., pp. 107, 108. "In their wigwams, they make a kind of couch or
mattresses, firm and strong, raised about a foot high from the earth;
first covered with boards that they split out of trees; and upon the
boards they spread mats generally, and sometimes bear skins and deer
skins. These are large enough for three or four persons to lodge upon:
and one may either draw nearer or keep at a more distance from the
heat of the fire, as they please; for their mattresses are six or
eight feet broad."--_Gookin's Historical Collections_, 1674, Boston,
1792, p. 10.

224. This exploration appears to have extended about as far as Point
Gammon, where, being "near the land," their Indian guide left them, as
stated in the text.

225. On the map of Port Fortuné, or Chatham, the course of one of these
excursions is marked by a dotted line, to which the reader is
referred.--_Vide_ notes on the map of Port Fortuné.

226. _Port Fortuné_, perhaps here used, to signify the port of chance or
hazard; referring particularly to the dangers they encountered in
passing round Monomoy to reach it. The latitude of Stage Harbor in
Chatham is 41° 40'. The distance from Mallebarre or Nauset to Port
Fortuné, or Stage Harbor, by water round the Southern point of Monomoy
is at the present time about nine leagues. The distance may possibly
have been greater in 1606, or Champlain may have increased the
distance by giving a wide berth to Monomoy in passing round it.



After having gone some six or seven leagues, we sighted an island, which we
named La Soupçonneuse, [227] because in the distance we had several times
thought it was not an island. Then the wind became contrary, which caused
us to put back to the place whence we had set out, where we stayed two or
three days, no savage during this time presenting himself to us.

On the 20th, we set out anew and coasted along to the south-west nearly
twelve leagues, [228] where we passed near a river which is small and
difficult of access in consequence of the shoals and rocks at its mouth,
and which I called after my own name. [229] This coast is, so far as we
saw, low and sandy. The wind again grew contrary and very strong, which
caused us to put out to sea, as we were unable to advance on one tack or
the other; it, however, finally abated a little and grew favorable. But all
we could do was to return again to Port Fortuné, where the coast, though
low, is fine and good, yet difficult of access, there being no harbors,
many reefs, and shallow water for the distance of nearly two leagues from
land. The most that we found was seven or eight fathoms in some channels,
which, however, continued only a cable's length, when there were suddenly
only two or three fathoms; but one should not trust the water who has not
well examined the depth with the lead in hand.

Some hours after we had returned to port, a son of Pont Gravé, named
Robert, lost a hand in firing a musket, which burst in several pieces, but
without injuring any one near him.

Seeing now the wind continuing contrary, and being unable to put to sea, we
resolved meanwhile to get possession of some savages of this place, and,
taking them to our settlement, put them to grinding corn at the hand-mill,
as punishment for the deadly assault which they had committed on five or
six of our company. But it was very difficult to do this when we were
armed, since, if we went to them prepared to fight, they would turn and
flee into the woods, where they were not to be caught. It was necessary,
accordingly, to have recourse to artifice, and this is what we planned:
when they should come to seek friendship with us, to coax them by showing
them beads and other gewgaws, and assure them repeatedly of our good faith;
then to take the shallop well armed, and conduct on shore the most robust
and strong men we had, each one having a chain of beads and a fathom of
match on his arm; [230] and there, while pretending to smoke with them
(each one having an end of his match lighted so as not to excite suspicion,
it being customary to have fire at the end of a cord in order to light the
tobacco), coax them with pleasing words so as to draw them into the
shallop; and, if they should be unwilling to enter, each one approaching
should choose his man, and, putting the beads about his neck, should at the
same time put the rope on him to draw him by force. But, if they should be
too boisterous, and it should not be possible to succeed, they should be
stabbed, the rope being firmly held; and, if by chance any of them should
get away, there should be men on land to charge upon them with swords.
Meanwhile, the little cannon on our barque were to be kept ready to fire
upon their companions in case they should come to assist them, under cover
of which firearms the shallop could withdraw in security. The plan
above-mentioned was well carried out as it had been arranged.

Some days after these events had transpired, there came savages by threes
and fours to the shore, making signs to us to go to them. But we saw their
main body in ambuscade under a hillock behind some bushes, and I suppose
that they were only desirous of beguiling us into the shallop in order to
discharge a shower of arrows upon us, and then take to flight.
Nevertheless, Sieur de Poutrincourt did not hesitate to go to them with ten
of us, well equipped and determined to fight them, if occasion offered. We
landed at a place beyond their ambuscade, as we thought, and where they
could not surprise us. There three or four of us went ashore together with
Sieur de Poutrincourt: the others did not leave the shallop, in order to
protect it and be ready for an emergency. We ascended a knoll and went
about the woods to see if we could not discover more plainly the ambuscade.
When they saw us going so unconcernedly to them, they left and went to
other places, which we could not see, and of the four savages we saw only
two, who went away very slowly. As they withdrew, they made signs to us to
take our shallop to another place, thinking that it was not favorable for
the carrying out of their plan. And, when we also saw that they had no
desire to come to us, we re-embarked and went to the place they indicated,
which was the second ambuscade they had made, in their endeavor to draw us
unarmed to themselves by signs of friendship. But this we were not
permitted to do at that time, yet we approached very near them without
seeing this ambuscade, which we supposed was not far off. As our shallop
approached the shore, they took to flight, as also those in ambush, after
whom we fired some musket-shots, since we saw that their intention was only
to deceive us by flattery, in which they were disappointed; for we
recognized clearly what their purpose was, which had only mischief in view.
We retired to our barque after having done all we could.

On the same day, Sieur de Poutrincourt resolved to return to our settlement
on account of four or five sick and wounded men, whose wounds were growing
worse through lack of salves, of which our surgeon, by a great mistake on
his part, had brought but a small provision, to the detriment of the sick
and our own discomfort, as the stench from their wounds was so great, in a
little vessel like our own, that one could scarcely endure it. Moreover, we
were afraid that they would generate disease. Also we had provisions only
for going eight or ten days farther, however much economy might be
practised; and we knew not whether the return would last as long as the
advance, which was nearly two months.

At any rate, our resolution being formed, we withdrew, but with the
satisfaction that God had not left unpunished the misdeeds of these
barbarians. [231] We advanced no farther than to latitude 41° 30', which
was only half a degree farther than Sieur de Monts had gone on his voyage
of discovery. We set out accordingly from this harbor. [232]

On the next day, we anchored near Mallebarre, where we remained until the
28th of the month, when we set sail. On that day the air was very cold,
and there was a little snow. We took a direct course for Norumbegue or
Isle Haute. Heading east-north-east, we were two days at sea without
seeing land, being kept back by bad weather. On the following night, we
sighted the islands, which are between Quinibequy and Norumbegue. [233]
The wind was so strong that we were obliged, to put to sea until daybreak;
but we went so far from land, although we used very little sail, that we
could not see it again until the next day, when we saw Isle Haute, of which
we were abreast.

On the last day of October, between the Island of Monts Déserts and Cap
Corneille, [234] our rudder broke in several pieces, without our knowing
the reason. Each one expressed his opinion about it. On the following
night, with a fresh breeze, we came among a large number of islands and
rocks, whither the wind drove us; and we resolved to take refuge, if
possible, on the first land we should find.

We were for some time at the mercy of the wind and sea, with only the
foresail set. But the worst of it was that the night was dark, and we did
not know where we were going; for our barque could not be steered at all,
although we did all that was possible, holding in our hands the sheets of
the foresail, which sometimes enabled us to steer it a little. We kept
continually sounding, to see if it were possible to find a bottom for
anchoring, and to prepare ourselves for what might happen. But we found
none. Finally, as we were going faster than we wished, it was recommended
to put an oar astern together with some men, so as to steer to an island
which we saw, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind. Two other oars
also were put over the sides in the after part of the barque, to assist
those who were steering, in order to make the vessel bear up on one tack
and the other. This device served us so well, that we headed where we
wished, and ran in behind the point of the island we had seen, anchoring in
twenty-one fathoms of water until daybreak, when we proposed to reconnoitre
our position and seek for a place to make another rudder. The wind abated.
At daybreak, we found ourselves near the Isles Rangées, [235] entirely
surrounded by breakers, and we praised God for having preserved us so
wonderfully amid so many perils.

On the 1st of November, we went to a place which we deemed favorable for
beaching our vessel and repairing our helm. On this day, I landed, and saw
some ice two inches thick, it having frozen perhaps eight or ten days
before. I observed also that the temperature of the place differed very
much from that of Mallebarre and Port Fortuné; for the leaves of the trees
were not yet dead, and had not begun to fall when we set out, while here
they had all fallen, and it was much colder than at Port Fortuné.

On the next day, as we were beaching our barque, a canoe came containing
Etechemin savages, who told the savage Secondon in our barque that
Iouaniscou, with his companions, had killed some other savages, and carried
off some women as prisoners, whom they had executed near the Island of
Monts Déserts.

On the 9th of the month, we set out from near Cap Corneille, and anchored
the same day in the little passage [236] of Sainte Croix River.

On the morning of the next day, we landed our savage with some supplies
which we gave him. He was well pleased and satisfied at having made this
voyage with us, and took away with him some heads of the savages that had
been killed at Port Fortuné. [237] The same day we anchored in a very
pretty cove [238] on the south of the Island of Manan.

On the 12th of the month, we made sail; and, when under way, the shallop,
which we were towing astern, struck against our barque so violently and
roughly that it made an opening and stove in her upper works, and again in
the recoil broke the iron fastenings of our rudder. At first, we thought
that the first blow had stove in some planks in the lower part, which would
have sunk us; for the wind was so high that all we could do was to carry
our foresail. But finding that the damage was slight, and that there was no
danger, we managed with ropes to repair the rudder as well as we could, so
as to serve us to the end of our voyage. This was not until the 14th of
November, when, at the entrance to Port Royal, we came near being lost on a
point; but God delivered us from this danger as well as from many others to
which we had been exposed. [239]


227. _La Soupçonneuse_, the doubtful, Martha's Vineyard. Champlain and
Poutrincourt, in the little French barque, lying low on the water,
creeping along the shore from Chatham to Point Gammon, could hardly
fail to be doubtful whether Martha's Vineyard were an island or a part
of the main land. Lescarbot, speaking of it, says, _et fut appelée
l'Ile Douteuse_.

228. Nearly twelve leagues in a southwesterly direction from their
anchorage at Stage Harbor in Chatham would bring them to Nobska Point,
at the entrance of the Vineyard Sound. This was the limit of
Champlain's explorations towards the south.

229. "Called after my own name." viz. _Rivière de Champlain_.--_Vide_ map,
1612. This river appears to be a tidal passage connecting the Vineyard
Sound and Buzzard's Bay, having Nouamesset and Uncatena Islands on the
south-west, and Nobska Point, Wood's Boll, and Long Neck on the
north-east. On our Coast Survey Charts, it is called Hadley River. Its
length is nearly two miles, in a winding course. The mouth of this
passage is full of boulders, and in a receding tide the current is
rough and boisterous, and would answer well to the description in the
text, as no other river does on the coast from Chatham to Wood's
Holl. On the small French barque, elevated but a little above the
surface of the water, its source in Buzzard's Bay could not be
discovered, especially if they passed round Nobska Point, under the
lee of which they probably obtained a view of the "shoals, and rocks"
which they saw at the mouth of the river.

230. _A fathom of match on his arm_. This was a rope, made of the tow of
hemp or flax, loosely twisted, and prepared to retain the fire, so
that, when once lighted, it would burn till the whole was consumed. It
was employed in connection with the match-lock, the arm then in common
use. The wheel-lock followed in order of time, which was discharged by
means of a notched wheel of steel, so arranged that its friction, when
in motion, threw sparks of fire into the pan that contained the
powder. The snaphance was a slight improvement upon the wheel-lock.
The flint-lock followed, now half a century since superseded by the
percussion lock and cap.

231. They did not capture any of the Indians, to be reduced to a species of
slavery, as they intended; but, as will appear further on, inhumanly
butchered several of them, which would seem to have been an act of
revenge rather than of punishment. The intercourse of the French with
the natives of Cape Cod was, on the whole, less satisfactory than that
with the northern tribes along the shores of Maine, New Brunswick, and
Nova Scotia. With the latter they had no hostile conflicts whatever,
although the Indians were sufficiently implacable and revengeful
towards their enemies. Those inhabiting the peninsula of Cape Cod, and
as far north as Cape Anne, were more suspicious, and had apparently
less clear conceptions of personal rights, especially the rights of
property. Might and right were to them identical. Whatever they
desired, they thought they had a right to have, if they had the power
or wit to obtain it. The French came in contact with only two of the
many subordinate tribes that were in possession of the peninsula;
viz., the Monomoyicks at Chatham, and the Nausets at Eastham. The
conflict in both instances grew out of an attempt on the part of the
natives to commit a petty theft. But it is quite possible that the
invasion of their territory by strangers, an unpardonable offence
among civilized people, may have created a feeling of hostility that
found a partial gratification in stealing their property; and, had not
this occasion offered, the stifled feeling of hostility may have
broken out in some other form. In general, they were not subsequently
unfriendly in their intercourse with the English. The Nausets were,
however, the same that sent a shower of arrows upon the Pilgrims in
1620, at the place called by them the "First Encounter," and not more
than three miles from the spot where the same tribe, in 1605, had
attacked the French, and Slain one of De Monts's men. It must,
however, be said that, beside the invasion of their country, the
Pilgrims had, some days before, rifled the granaries of the natives
dwelling a few miles north of the Nausets, and taken away without
leave a generous quantity of their winter's supply of corn; and this
may have inspired them with a desire to be rid of visitors who helped
themselves to their provisions, the fruit of their summer's toil,
their dependence for the winter already upon them, with so little
ceremony and such unscrupulous selfishness; for such it must have
appeared to the Nausets in their savage and unenlightened state. It is
to be regretted that these excellent men, the Pilgrims, did not more
fully comprehend the moral character of their conduct in this
instance. They lost at the outset a golden opportunity for impressing
upon the minds of the natives the great practical principle enunciated
by our Lord, the foundation of all good neighborhood, [Greek: Panta
oun osa an thelaete ina poiosin hymin hoi anthropoi, houto kai hymeis
poieite autois. Matth]. vii 12.--_Vide Bradford's Hist. Plym.
Plantation_, pp. 82, 83; _Mourt's Relation_, London, 1622, Dexter's
ed., pp. 21, 22, 30, 31, 55.

232. The latitude of Nobska Point, the most southern limit of their voyage,
is 41° 31', while the latitude of Nauset Harbor, the southern limit of
that of De Monts on the previous year, 1605, is 41° 49'. They
consequently advanced but 18', or eighteen nautical miles, further
south than they did the year before. Had they commenced this year's
explorations where those of the preceding terminated, as Champlain had
advised, they might have explored the whole coast as far as Long
Island Sound. _Vide antea_, pp. 109, 110.

233. Between the Kennebec and Penobscot.

234. _Vide antea_, note 177.

235. _Isles Rangées_, the small islands along the coast south-west of
Machias. _Vide_ map of 1612.

236. _Petit passage de la Rivière Saincte Croix_, the southern strait
leading into Eastport Harbor. This anchorage appears to have been in
Quoddy Roads between Quoddy Head and Lubeck.

237. In reporting the stratagem resorted to for decoying the Indians into
the hands of the French at Port Fortuné, Champlain passes over the
details of the bloody encounter, doubtless to spare himself and the
reader the painful record; but its results are here distinctly
stated. Compare _antea_, pp. 132, 133.

238. Sailing from Quoddy Head to Annapolis Bay, they would in their course
pass round the northern point of the Grand Manan; and they probably
anchored in Whale Cove, or perhaps in Long Island Bay, a little
further south. Champlain's map is so oriented that both of these bays
would appear to be on the south of the Grand Manan. _Vide_ map of

239. Champlain had now completed his survey south of the Bay of Fundy. He
had traced the shore-line with its sinuosities and its numberless
islands far beyond the two distinguished headlands, Cape sable and
Cape Cod, which respectively mark the entrance to the Gulf of Maine.
The priority of these observations, particularly with reference to the
habits, mode of life, and character of the aborigines, invests them
with an unusual interest and value. Anterior to the visits of
Champlain, the natives on this coast had come in contact with
Europeans but rarely and incidentally, altogether too little
certainly, if we except those residing on the southern coast of Nova
Scotia, to have any modifying effect upon their manners, customs, or
mode of life. What Champlain reports, therefore, of the Indians, is
true of them in their purely savage state, untouched by any influences
of European civilization. This distinguishes the record, and gives to
it a special importance.



Upon our arrival, Lescarbot, who had remained at the settlement, assisted
by the others who had stayed there, welcomed us with a humorous
entertainment. [240]

Having landed and had time to take breath, each one began to make little
gardens, I among the rest attending to mine, in order in the spring to sow
several kinds of seeds which had been brought from France, and which grew
very well in all the gardens.

Sieur de Poutrincourt, moreover, had a water-mill built nearly a league and
a half from our settlement, near the point where grain had been planted.
This mill [241] was built at a fall, on a little river which is not
navigable on account of the large number of rocks in it, and which falls
into a small lake. In this place, there is such an abundance of herring in
their season that shallops could be loaded with them, if one were to take
the trouble to bring the requisite apparatus. The savages also of this
region come here sometimes to fish. A quantity of charcoal was made by us
for our forge. During the winter, in order not to remain idle, I undertook
the building of a road along the wood to a little, river or brook, which we
named La Truitière, [242] there being many trout there. I asked Sieur de
Poutrincourt for two or three men, which he gave me to assist in making
this passage-way. I got along so well that in a little while I had the road
through. It extends through to trout-brook, and measures nearly two
thousand paces. It served us as a walk under the shelter of the trees,
which I had left on both sides. This led Sieur de Poutrincourt to determine
to make another through the woods, in order that we might go straight to
the mouth of Port Royal, it being a distance of nearly three leagues and a
half by land from our settlement. He had this commenced and continued for
about half a league from La Truitière; but he did not finish it, as the
undertaking was too laborious, and he was occupied by other things at the
time more necessary. Some time after our arrival, we saw a shallop
containing savages, who told us that a savage, who was one of our friends,
had been killed by those belonging to the place whence they came, which was
Norumbegue, in revenge for the killing of the men of Norumbegue and
Quinibequy by Iouaniscou, also a savage, and his followers, as I have
before related; and that some Etechemins had informed the savage Secondon,
who was with us at that time.

The commander of the shallop was the savage named Ouagimou, who was on
terms of friendship with Bessabez, chief of the river Norumbegue, of whom
he asked the body of Panounias, [243] who had been killed. The latter
granted it to him, begging him to tell his friends that he was very sorry
for his death, and assuring him that it was without his knowledge that he
had been killed, and that, inasmuch as it was not his fault, he begged him
to tell them that he desired they might continue to live as friends. This
Ouagimou promised to do upon his return. He said to us that he was very
uneasy until he got away from them, whatever friendship they might show
him, since they were liable to change; and he feared that they would treat
him in the same manner as they had the one who had been killed.
Accordingly, he did not tarry long after being dismissed. He took the body
in his shallop from Norumbegue to our settlement, a distance of fifty

As soon as the body was brought on shore, his relatives and friends began
to shout by his side, having painted their entire face with black, which is
their mode of mourning. After lamenting much, they took a quantity of
tobacco and two or three dogs and other things belonging to the deceased,
and burned them some thousand paces from our settlement on the
sea-shore. Their cries continued until they returned to their cabin.

The next day they took the body of the deceased and wrapped it in a red
covering, which Mabretou, chief of this place, urgently implored me to give
him, since it was handsome and large. He gave it to the relatives of the
deceased, who thanked me very much for it. After thus; wrapping up the
body, they decorated it with several kinds of _matachiats_; that is,
strings of beads and bracelets of diverse colors. They painted the face,
and put on the head many feathers and other things, the finest they had.
Then they placed the body on its knees between two sticks, with another
under the arms to sustain it. Around the body were the mother, wife, and
others of the relatives and friends of the deceased, both women and girls,
howling like dogs.

While the women and girls were shrieking, the savage named Mabretou made an
address to his companions on the death of the deceased, urging all to take
vengeance for the wickedness and treachery committed by the subjects of
Bessabez, and to make war upon them as speedily as possible. All agreed to
do so in the spring.

After the harangue was finished and the cries had ceased, they carried the
body of the deceased to another cabin. After smoking tobacco together,
they wrapped it in an elk-skin likewise; and, binding it very securely,
they kept it until there should be a larger number of savages present, from
each one of whom the brother of the deceased expected to receive presents,
it being their custom to give them to those who have lost fathers, mothers,
wives, brothers, or sisters.

On the night of the 26th of December, there was a southeast wind, which
blew down several trees. On the last day of December, it began to snow,
which continued until the morning of the next day. On the both of January
following, 1607, Sieur de Poutrincourt, desiring to ascend the river
Équille, [244] found it at a distance of some two leagues from our
settlement sealed with ice, which caused him to return, not being able to
advance any farther. On the 8th of February, some pieces of ice began to
flow down from the upper part of the river into the harbor, which only
freezes along the shore. On the both of May following, it snowed all night;
and, towards the end of the month, there were heavy hoar-frosts, which
lasted until the 10th or 12th of June, when all the trees were covered with
leaves, except the oaks, which do not leaf out until about the 15th. The
winter was not so severe as on the preceding years, nor did the snow
continue so long on the ground. It rained very often, so that the savages
suffered a severe famine, owing to the small quantity of snow. Sieur de
Poutrincourt supported a part of them who were with us; namely, Mabretou,
his wife and children, and some others.

We spent this winter very pleasantly, and fared generously by means of the
ORDRE DE BON TEMPS, which I introduced. This all found useful for their
health, and more advantageous than all the medicines that could have been
used. By the rules of the order, a chain was put, with some little
ceremonies, on the neck of one of our company, commissioning him for the
day to go a hunting. The next day it was conferred upon another, and thus
in succession. All exerted themselves to the utmost to see who would do the
best and bring home the finest game. We found this a very good arrangement,
as did also the savages who were with us. [245]

There were some cases of _mal de la terre_ among us, which was, however,
not so violent as in the previous years. Nevertheless, seven died from it,
and another from an arrow wound, which he had received from the savages at
Port Fortuné. [246]

Our surgeon, named Master Estienne, opened some of the bodies, as we did
the previous years, and found almost all the interior parts affected. Eight
or ten of the sick got well by spring.

At the beginning of March and of April, all began to prepare gardens, so as
to plant seeds in May, which is the proper time for it. They grew as well
as in France, but were somewhat later. I think France is at least a month
and a half more forward. As I have stated, the time to plant is in May,
although one can sometimes do so in April; yet the seeds planted then do
not come forward any faster than those planted in May, when the cold can no
longer damage the plants except those which are very tender, since there
are many which cannot endure the hoar-frosts, unless great care and
attention be exercised.

On the 24th of May, we perceived a small barque [247] of six or seven tons'
burthen, which we sent men to reconnoitre; and it was found to be a young
man from St. Malo, named Chevalier, who brought letters from Sieur de Monts
to Sieur de Poutrincourt, by which he directed him to bring back his
company to France. [248] He also announced to us the birth of Monseigneur,
the Duke of Orleans, to our delight, in honor of which event we made
bonfires and chanted the _Te Deum_. [249]

Between the beginning and the 20th of June, some thirty or forty savages
assembled in this place in order to make war upon the Almouchiquois, and
revenge the death of Panounias, who was interred by the savages according
to their custom, who gave afterwards a quantity of peltry to a brother of
his.[250] The presents being made, all of them set out from this place on
the 29th of June for Choüacoet, which is the country of the Almouchiquois,
to engage in the war.

Some days after the arrival of the above Chevalier, Sieur de Poutrincourt
sent him to the rivers St. John [251] and St. Croix [252] to trade for
furs. But he did not permit him to go without men to bring back the barque,
since some had reported that he desired to return to France with the vessel
in which he had come, and leave us in our settlement. Lescarbot was one of
those who accompanied him, who up to this time had not left Port Royal.
This is the farthest he went, only fourteen or fifteen leagues beyond Port

While awaiting the return of Chevalier, Sieur de Poutrincourt went to the
head of Baye Françoise in a shallop with seven or eight men. Leaving the
harbor and heading northeast a quarter east for some twenty-five leagues
along the coast, we arrived at a cape where Sieur de Poutrincourt desired
to ascend a cliff more than thirty fathoms high, in doing which he came
near losing his life. For, having reached the top of the rock which is very
narrow, and which he had ascended with much difficulty, the summit trembled
beneath him. The reason was that, in course of time, moss had gathered
there four or five feet in thickness, and, not being solid, trembled when
one was on top of it, and very often when one stepped on a stone three or
four others fell down. Accordingly, having gone up with difficulty, he
experienced still greater in coming down, although some sailors, men very
dexterous in climbing, carried him a hawser, a rope of medium size, by
means of which he descended, This place was named Cap de Poutrincourt,
[253] and is in latitude 45° 40'.

We went as far as the head of this bay, but saw nothing but certain white
stones suitable for making lime, yet they are found only in small
quantities. We saw also on some islands a great number of gulls. We
captured as many of them as we wished. We made the tour of the bay, in
order to go to the Port aux Mines where I had previously been, [254] and
whither I conducted Sieur de Poutrincourt, who collected some little pieces
of copper with great difficulty. All this bay has a circuit of perhaps
twenty leagues, with a little river at its head, which is very sluggish and
contains but little water. There are many other little brooks, and some
places where there are good harbors at high tide, which rises here five
fathoms. In one of these harbors three or four leagues north of Cap de
Poutrincourt, we found a very old cross all covered with moss and almost
all rotten, a plain indication that before this there had been Christians
there. All of this country is covered with dense forests, and with some
exceptions is not very attractive. [255]

From the Port aux Mines [256] we returned to our settlement. In this bay
there are strong tidal currents running in a south-westerly direction.

On the 12th of July, Ralleau, secretary of Sieur de Monts, arrived with
three others in a shallop from a place called Niganis, [257] distant from
Port Royal some hundred and sixty or hundred and seventy leagues,
confirming the report which Chevalier had brought to Sieur de Poutrincourt.

On the 3d of July, [258] three barques were fitted out to send the men and
supplies, which were at our settlement, to Canseau, distant one hundred and
fifteen leagues from our settlement, and in latitude 45° 20', where the
vessel [259] was engaged in fishing, which was to carry us back to France.

Sieur de Poutrincourt sent back all his companions, but remained with eight
others at the settlement, so as to carry to France some grain not yet quite
ripe. [260]

On the 10th of August, Mabretou arrived from the war, who told us that he
had been at Choüacoet, and had killed twenty savages and wounded ten or
twelve; also that Onemechin, chief of that place, Marchin, and one other,
had been killed by Sasinou, chief of the river of Quinibequy, who was
afterwards killed by the companions of Onemechin and Marchin. All this war
was simply on account of the savage Panounias, one of our friends who, as I
have said above, had been killed at Norumbegue by the followers of
Onemechin and Marchin. At present, the chiefs in place of Onemechin,
Marchin, and Sasinou are their sons: namely, for Sasinou, Pememen; Abriou
for his father, Marchin; and for Onemechin, Queconsicq. The two latter were
wounded by the followers of Mabretou, who seized them under pretence of
friendship, as is their fashion, something which both sides have to guard
against. [261]


240. Lescarbot, the author of a History of New France often referred to in
our notes, published a volume entitled "LES MUSES DE LA NOUVELLE
FRANCE," in which may be found the play entitled LE THEATRE DE
NEPTUNE, which he composed to celebrate the return of this expedition.

241. The mill is represented on Champlain's map of Port Royal as situated
on the stream which he calls _Rivière du Moulin_, the River of the
Mill. This is Allen River; and the site of the mill was a short
distance south-east of the "point where corn had been planted," which
was on the spot now occupied by the village of Annapolis.

242. _Vide antea_, note 212. see also the map of Port Royal, where the road
is delineated, p. 24.

243. This Indian Panounias and his wife had accompanied De Monts in 1605,
on his expedition to Cape Cod.--_Vide_ antea, p. 55.

244. Now the Annapolis River.

245. The conceit of this novel order was a happy one, as it served to
dispel the gloom of a long winter in the forests of La Cadie, as well
as to improve the quality and variety of their diet. The _noblesse_,
or gentlemen of the party, were fifteen, who served in turn and for a
single day as caterer or steward, the turn of each recurring once in
fifteen days. It was their duty to add to the ordinary fare such
delicate fish or game as could be captured or secured by each for his
particular day. They always had some delicacy at breakfast; but the
dinner was the great banquet, when the most imposing ceremony was

246. Champlain does not inform us how many of Poutrincourt's party were
killed in the affray at Chatham. He mentions one as killed on the
spot. He speaks of carrying away the "dead bodies" for burial. He also
says they made a "deadly assault" upon "five or six of our company;"
and another appears to have died of his wounds after their return to
Port Royal, as stated in the text.

247. _Une petite barque_. The French barque was a small vessel or large
boat, rigged with two masts; and those employed by De Monts along our
coast varied from six to eighteen tons burden, and must not be
confounded with our modern bark, which is generally much larger.

The _vaisseau_, often mentioned by Champlain, included all large
vessels, those used for fishing, the fur-trade, and the transportation
of men and supplies for the colony.

The _chaloupe_ was a row-boat of convenient size for penetrating
shallow places, was dragged behind the barque in the explorations of
our coast, and used for minor investigations of rivers and estuaries.

The _patache_, an advice-boat, is rarely used by Champlain, and then
in the place of the shallop.

248. It Seems that young Chevalier had come out in the "Jonas," the same
ship that had brought out Poutrincourt, Lescarbot, and others, the
year before. It had stopped at Canseau to fish for cod. It brought the
unwelcome news that the company of De Monts had been broken up; that
the Hollanders, conducted by a "French traitor named La Jeunesse," had
destroyed the fur-trading establishments on the St. Lawrence, which
rendered it impracticable to sustain, as heretofore, the expenses of
the company. The monopoly of the fur-trade, granted to De Monts for
ten years, had been rescinded by the King's Council. "We were very
sad," says Lescarbot, "to see so fine and holy an undertaking broken
off, and that so many labors and perils endured had resulted in
nothing: and that the hope of establishing there the name of God and
the Catholic Faith had disappeared. Notwithstanding, after M. de
Poutrincourt had a long while mused hereupon, he said that, although
he should have none to come with him, except his family, he would not
forsake the enterprise."--_His. Nou. France_, par M. Lescarbot.
Paris, 1612. pp. 591-2.

249. On the 16th of April, 1607, was born the second son of Henry IV. by
Marie de Medicis, who received the title, Le Duc d'Orléans. In France,
public rejoicings were universal. On the 22d of the month, he was
invested with the insignia of the Order of St. Michael and the Holy
Ghost with great pomp, on which occasion a banquet was given by the
King in the great hall at Fontainebleau, and in the evening the park
was illuminated by bonfires and a pyrotechnic display, which was
witnessed by a vast concourse of people. The young prince was baptized
privately by the Cardinal de Gondy, but the state ceremonies of his
christening were delayed, and appear never to have taken place: he
died in the fifth year of his age, never having received any Christian
name.--_Vide the Life of Marie de Medicis_, by Miss Pardoe, London,
1852, Vol. I. p. 416; _Memoirs of the Duke of Sully_, Lennox, trans.,
Phila., 1817, Vol. IV. p. 140. In New France, the little colony at
Port Royal attested their loyalty by suitable manifestations of
joy. "As the day declined," Says Lescarbot, "we made bonfires to
celebrate the birth of Monseigneur le Duc d'Orléans, and caused our
cannon and falconets to thunder forth again, accompanied with plenty
of musket-shots, having before for this purpose chanted a _Te Deum_."
--_Vide His. Nou. France_, Paris, 1612, p.594.

250. Lescarbot says that about four hundred set out for the war against the
Almouchiquois, at Choüacoet, or Saco. The savages were nearly two
months in assembling themselves together. Mabretou had sent out his
two sons, Actaudin and Actaudinech, to summon them to come to Port
Royal as a rendezvous. They came from the river St. John, and from the
region of Gaspé. Their purpose was accomplished, as will appear in the

251. At St. John, they visited the cabin of Secondon, the Sagamore, with
whom they bartered for some furs. Lescarbot, who was in the
expedition, says, "The town of Ouïgoudy was a great enclosure upon a
hill, compassed about with high and small trees, tied one against
another; and within it many cabins, great and small, one of which was
as large as a market-hall, wherein many households resided." In the
cabin of Secondon. they saw some eighty or a hundred savages, all
nearly naked. They were celebrating a feast which they call _Tabagie_.
Their chief made his warriors pass in review before his guests.--_Vide
His. Nou. France_, par M. Lescarbot. Paris, 1612. p. 598.

252. They found sack at St. Croix that had been left there by De Monts's
colony three years before, of which they drank. Casks were still lying
in the deserted court-yard: and others had been used as fuel by
mariners, who had chanced to come there.

253. De Laet's map has C. de Poutrincourt; the map of the English and
French Commissaries, C. Fendu or split Cape. Halliburton has Split
Cape, so likewise has the Admiralty map of 1860.

It is situated at the entrance of the Basin of Mines, and about eight
miles southwest of Parrsborough. The point of this cape is in latitude
45° 20'.

254. _Vide antea_, p. 26.

255. The author is here speaking of the country about the Basin of Mines.
The river at the head of the bay is the Shubenacadie. It is not easy
to determine where the moss-covered cross was found. The distance from
Cap de Poutrincourt is indefinite, and the direction could not have
been exactly north. There is too much uncertainty to warrant even a
conjecture as to its locality.

256. The port aux Mines is Advocate's Harbor.--_Vide antea_, p. 26, and
note 67.

257. Niganis is a small Bay in the Island of Cape Breton, south of Cape
North: by De Laet called _Ninganis_; English, and French Commissaries,
_Niganishe_; modern maps, _Niganish_.

258. The _3d of July_ was doubtless an error of the printer for the 30th,
as appears from the later date in the preceding paragraph, and the
statement of Lescarbot, that he left on the 30th of July. He says they
had one large barque, two small ones, and a shallop. One of the small
ones was sent before, while the other two followed on the 30th; and he
adds that Poutrincourt remained eleven days longer to await the
ripening of their grain, which agrees with Champlain's subsequent
statement, that he left with Poutrincourt on the 11th of
August.--_Vide His. Nou. France_, 1612, p. 603.

259. The "Jonas."--_Vide antea_, p. 146.

260. _Vide antea_, note 258.

261. The implacable character of the American Indian is well illustrated in
this skirmish which took place at Saco. The old chief Mabretou, whose
life had been prolonged through several generations, had inspired his
allies to revenge, and had been present at the conflict. The Indian
Panounias had been killed in an affray, the particular cause of which
is not stated. To avenge his death, many lives were lost on both
sides. The two chiefs of Saco were slain, and in turn the author of
their death perished by the hand of their friends. Lescarbot informs
us that Champdoré, under Poutrincourt, subsequently visited Saco, and
concluded a formal peace between the belligerent parties, emphasizing
its importance by impressive forms, and ceremonies.



On the 11th of August, we set out from our settlement in a shallop, and
coasted along as far as Cape Fourchu, where I had previously been.

Continuing our course along the coast as far as Cap de la Hève, where we
first landed with Sieur de Monts, on the 8th of May, 1604, [262] we
examined the coast from this place as far as Canseau, a distance of nearly
sixty leagues. This I had not yet done, and I observed it very carefully,
making a map of it as of the other coasts.

Departing from Cap de la Hève, we went as far as Sesambre, an island so
called by some people from St. Malo, [263] and distant fifteen leagues from
La Hève. Along the route are a large number of islands, which we named Les
Martyres, [264] since some Frenchmen were once killed there by the savages.
These islands lie in several inlets and bays. In one of them is a river
named St. Marguerite, [265] distant seven leagues from Sesambre, which is
in latitude 44° 25'. The islands and coasts are thickly covered with pines,
firs, birches, and other trees of inferior quality. Fish and also fowl are

After leaving Sesambre, we passed a bay which is unobstructed, of seven or
eight leagues in extent, with no islands except at the extremity, where is
the mouth of a small river, containing but little water. [266] Then,
heading north-east a quarter east, we arrived at a harbor distant eight
leagues from Sesambre, which is very suitable for vessels of a hundred or a
hundred and twenty tons. At its entrance is an island from which one can
walk to the main land at low tide. We named this place Port Saincte
Helaine, [267] which is in latitude 44° 40' more or less.

From this place we proceeded to a bay called La Baye de Toutes Isles, [268]
of some fourteen or fifteen leagues in extent, a dangerous place on account
of the presence of banks, shoals, and reefs. The country presents a very
unfavorable appearance, being filled with the same kind of trees which I
have mentioned before. Here we encountered bad weather.

Hence we passed on near a river, six leagues distant, called Rivière de
l'Isle Verte,[269] there being a green island at its entrance. This short
distance which we traversed is filled with numerous rocks extending nearly
a league out to sea, where the breakers are high, the latitude being 45°

Thence we went to a place where there is an inlet, with two or three
islands, and a very good harbor, [270] distant three leagues from l'Isle
Verte. We passed also by several islands near and in a line with each
other, which we named Isles Rangées, [271] and which are distant six or
seven leagues from l'Isle Verte. Afterwards we passed by another bay [272]
containing several islands, and proceeded to a place where we found a
vessel engaged in fishing between some islands, which are a short distance
from the main land, and distant four leagues from the Rangées. This place
we named Port de Savalette, [273] the name of the master of the vessel
engaged in fishing, a Basque, who entertained us bountifully; and was very
glad to see us, since there were savages there who purposed some harm to
him, which we prevented. [274]

Leaving this place, we arrived on the 27th of the month at Canseau, distant
six leagues from Port de Savalette, having passed on our way a large number
of islands. At Canseau, we found that the three barques had arrived at port
in safety. Champdoré and Lescarbot came out to receive us. We also found
the vessel ready to sail, having finished its fishing and awaiting only
fair weather to return. Meanwhile, we had much enjoyment among these
islands, where we found the greatest possible quantity of raspberries.

All the coast which we passed along from Cape Sable to this place is
moderately high and rocky, in most places bordered by numerous islands and
breakers, which extend out to sea nearly two leagues in places, and are
very unfavorable for the approach of vessels. Yet there cannot but be good
harbors and roadsteads along the coasts and islands, if they were explored.
As to the country, it is worse and less promising than in other places
which we had seen, except on some rivers or brooks, where it is very
pleasant; but there is no doubt that the winter in these regions is cold,
lasting from six to seven months.

The harbor of Canseau [275] is a place surrounded by islands,
to which the approach is very difficult, except in fair weather, on account
of the rocks and breakers about it. Fishing, both green and dry, is carried
on here.

From this place to the Island of Cape Breton, which is in latitude 45° 45'
and 14° 50' of the deflection of the magnetic needle, [276] it is eight
leagues, and to Cape Breton twenty-five. Between the two there is a large
bay, [277] extending Some nine or ten leagues into the interior and making
a passage between the Island of Cape Breton and the main land through to
the great Bay of St. Lawrence, by which they go to Gaspé and Isle Percée,
where fishing is carried on. This passage along the Island of Cape Breton
is very narrow. Although there is water enough, large vessels do not pass
there at all on account of the strong currents and the impetuosity of the
tides which prevail. This we named Le Passage Courant, [278] and it is in
latitude 45° 45'.

The Island of Cape Breton is of a triangular shape, with a circuit of about
eighty leagues. Most of the country is mountainous, yet in some parts very
pleasant. In the centre of it there is a kind of lake, [279] where the sea
enters by the north a quarter north-west, and also by the south a quarter
Southeast. [280] Here are many islands filled with plenty of game, and
shell-fish of various kinds, including oysters, which, however, are not of
very good flavor. In this place there are two harbors, where fishing is
carried on; namely, Le Port aux Anglois, [281] distant from Cape Breton
some two or three leagues, and Niganis, eighteen or twenty leagues north a
quarter north-west. The Portuguese once made an attempt to settle this
island, and spent a winter here; but the inclemency of the season and the
cold caused them to abandon their settlement.

On the 3rd of September, we set out from Canseau. On the 4th, we were off
Sable Island. On the 6th, we reached the Grand Bank, where the catching of
green fish is carried on, in latitude 45° 30'. On the 26th, we entered the
sound near the shores of Brittany and England, in sixty-five fathoms of
water and in latitude 49° 30'. On the 28th, we put in at Roscou, [282] in
lower Brittany, where we were detained by bad weather until the last day of
September, when, the wind coming round favorable, we put to sea in order to
pursue our route to St. Malo, [283] which formed the termination of these
voyages, in which God had guided us without shipwreck or danger.



262. _Vide antea_, p. 9 and note 22.

263. Sesambre. This name was probably suggested by the little islet,
_Cézembre_, one of several on which are military works for the defence
of St. Malo. On De Laet's map of 1633, it is written _Sesembre_; on
that of Charlevoix. 1744, _Sincenibre_. It now appears on the
Admiralty maps corrupted into Sambro. There is a cape and a harbor
near this island which bear the same name.

264. The islands stretching along from Cap de la Hève to Sambro Island are
called the _Martyres Iles_ on De Laet's map, 1633.

265. The bay into which this river empties still retains the name of
St. Margaret.

266. Halifax Harbor. Its Indian name was Chebucto, written on the map of
the English and French Commissaries _Shebûctû_. On Champlain's map,
1612, as likewise on that of De Laet, 1633, it is called "_Baye
Senne_," perhaps from _saine_, signifying the unobstructed bay.

267. Eight leagues from the Island Sesambre or Sambro Island would take
them to Perpisawick Inlet, which is doubtless _Le Port Saincte
Helaine_ of Champlain. The latitude of this harbor is 44° 41',
differing but a single minute from that of the text, which is
extraordinary, the usual variation being from ten to thirty minutes.

268. Nicomtau Bay is fifteen leagues from Perpisawick Inlet, but _La Baye
de Toutes Isles_ is, more strictly speaking, an archipelago, extending
along the coast, say from Clam Bay to Liscomb Point, as may be seen by
reference to Champlain's map, 1612, and that of De Laet, 1633,
Cruxius, 1660, and of Charlevoix, 1744. The north-eastern portion of
this archipelago is now called, according to Laverdière, Island Bay.

269. _Rivière de l'Isle Verte_, or Green Island River, is the River
St. Mary; and Green Island is Wedge Island near its mouth. The
latitude at the mouth of the river is 45° 3'. This little island is
called _I. Verte_ on De Laet's map, and likewise on that of
Charlevoix; on the map of the English and French Commissaries, Liscomb
or Green Island.

270. This inlet has now the incongruous name of Country Harbor: the three
islands at its mouth are Harbor, Goose, and Green Islands. The inlet
is called Mocodome on Charlevoix's map.

271. There are several islets on the east of St. Catharine's River, near
the shore, which Laverdière suggests are the _Isles Rangées_. They
are exceedingly small, and no name is given them on the Admiralty

272. Tor Bay.

273. _Le Port de Savalette_. Obviously White Haven, which is four leagues
from the Rangées and six from Canseau, as stated in the text.

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