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Voyage Of H.M.S. Rattlesnake, Vol. 2 (of 2) by John MacGillivray

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593 : Both : ipal, ipel : -.
594 : Blue : mal-tha gamule (29) : -.
595 : Cold : sumai : -.
596 : Cooked : giung (641, 629) : -.
597 : Cylindrical : sam (125) : -.
598 : Dead : uma : etora, etolma.
599 : Deaf : wate kowrare (582, 455) : -.
600 : Dirty : tumitalle (812) : -.
601 : Drowned : sarupa : -.
602 : Dry, dried up : watang : -.
603 : Dumb : keigalein : -.
604 : Faced, pretty : kape parure (612, 439) : -.
605 : Faced, ugly : wate parure (582, 439) : -.
606 : Female : madale (500) : -.
607 : First : kul : -.
608 : Flat : attang : -.
609 : Flooded : budaman : ankgera.
610 : Forbidden, as food : adzar : -.
611 : Forious, vindictive : kerketale (806) : -.
612 : Good, pretty : kape : -.
613 : Good, perfect : min-na : -.
614 : Gorged : kekedi : murko.
615 : Greedy : ubile (816) : -.
616 : Green* : nis-thung (232, 629) : -.

(*Footnote. There are two forms of each adjective denoting colour, except
grey and white. Thus, black is rendered either kubi-kubi thung, or,
kubi-kubi tha gamule, both meaning like, or, the colour of the charcoal
procured from kubi-kubi = touchwood. Blue, green, and red, are denoted by
compounds signifying resemblance to deep water, a leaf, and blood,
respectively.)

617 : Grey, any light tint : miakula : -.
618 : Half, part of : tapi : -.
619 : Heavy : mapule (828) : -.
620 : Hollow : muile (685) : -.
621 : How many? : mida kubi (694) : -.
622 : Hungry : weragi (514) : awora, awura.
623 : Itchy : gamuji (807 ?) : -.
624 : Lame : wate ngarare (582, 482) : -.
625 : Large, very : keinga* : intonya.

(*Footnote. Generally used in its contracted form, as ke or kei : it is
also employed as a prefix to denote the superlative degree: thus, ke'
kamanale = very warm.)

626 : Last : wagel (22) : -.
627 : Left : kida : etamuna.
628 : Light : turong : -.
629 : Like, the same as : thung* : -.

(*Footnote. As an example of one of the modes of using this, I find,
gariga thung = like the sun, or, as bright as if daylight.

630 : Long, high, tall : kulalle, kotalle : -.
631 : Male : inile (497) : -.
632 : Many, plenty : putage, kubi : -.
633 : Noisy : nurile (822) : -.
634 : New, little used : kaining : -.
635 : Painful : kikire : -.
636 : Pregnant : maitaleg (474) : netari.
637 : Putrid : utzai : -.
638 : Quiet : nurage (822, 804) : -.
639 : Red : kulk-thung (511, 629) : -.
640 : Right : mina : metagoma.
641 : Ripe : gi : -.
642 : Rotten, full of holes : - : opera.
643 : Sharp : gizule (824, 802) : ung-garung-gare.
644 : Short, low : tawpei : -.
645 : Sick : soka, sali* : -.

(*Footnote. These two words appear to have the same meaning, but are used
differently: sok' atchin = sali mizzi, and both express having been
sick.)

646 : Silent : arage* : -.

(*Footnote. Arage atzir = become silent, hold your tongue.)

647 : Small, a few, a portion of : muggingh : embowa.
648 : Soft, spongy, swampy : pirung : -.
649 : Sore-producing : badalle (530, 802) : -.
650 : Sorry : watekum : -.
651 : Sour : terari : -.
652 : Stony : kulalle (54, 802) : -.
653 : Sweet-smelling : kape ganule (612, 826) : -.
654 : Sweet-tasted : g'ru tha mitalle (244, 827) : -.
655 : Thirsty : nuk' enei (38) : -.
656 : Unable : karaweg : -.
657 : Unripe, uncooked : kobaris : -.
658 : Wanton : danule : -.
659 : Warm : kamanalle : imandinya.
660 : Wet : uleig, urge : -.
661 : White : uru : -.
662 : Withered : raji : -.
663 : Worn, old from use : kulbang : -.

9. ADVERBS, ETC.

664 : Now, immediately : kaibu : -.
665 : Presently, by-and-bye : tuma-tuma : -.
666 : To-morrow : batteingh : achunya.
667 : Two or three days hence : bang-al : ayere.
668 : A week (or so) hence : mata bang-al (675) : -.
669 : Yesterday : ngul : -.
670 : Two or three days ago : kul : narama.
671 : A week (or so) ago : mata kul (675) : -.
672 : A long time ago : korrekida* : -.

(*Footnote. Also denotes duration of time, and is = for a long time; it
may also be used as an adjective, as, korrekida gul ina = this is a very
old canoe.)

673 : Quickly : tari : -.
674 : Slowly : taregi (674, 804) : -.
675 : Constantly, always, only, still : mata* : -

(*Footnote. Expresses a continuance of the action: gul mata pongeipa =
the canoe is still under sail.)

676 : Morning : muggi' batteingh : -.
677 : About noon : kei gariga (625, 2) : -.
678 : Afternoon : kut : -.
679 : Hereabouts : kareki : -.
680 : Here : ina* : -.
681 : There : chena* : -.

(*Footnote. Both are also pronouns: perhaps, when translated as adverbs,
the term equivalent to place is omitted, rendering ina = (in) this
(place) and chena = (in) that (place.))

682 : Above, upwards : nakareipa : -.
683 : Below, downwards : malupa (29) : -.
684 : Below, (a very long way) : kara malupa : -.
685 : Inside : muye : -.
686 : Thus, in this manner : keda : keda.
687 : A long way off : kapi taig : -.
688 : Near, close to : logi : -.
689 : Again : laka : -.
690 : Completely, into pieces, etc. : palge : -.
691 : Well, much, etc. : purke : -.
692 : Where? : anaga : -.
693 : Why? : mipa : -.
694 : How, in what manner? : mida : -.
695 : Yes : wa, ua : ia.
696 : No : long-a, giure : untamo.
697 : Don't : wan-nur,* maige (804) : -.

(*Footnote. I suspect, from the termination, that this is the present
tense of the imperative mood of some verb = to do, to perform, etc.)

698 : Stop! enough! : china : -.
699 : Exclamation of surprise : ka! ka! ka! : -.
700 : Exclamation to arrest attention : qualli! qualli! (= I say!) : -.
701 : Exclamation of pity : igur (= poor thing!) : -.
702 : And* : ia.

(*Footnote. Example: uleip' Aburdia, Salallaia, Wagelia, Mania = Aburde
and Salalle and Wagel and Manu are approaching.)

10. VERBS.*

(*Footnote. After tabulating 100 Kowrarega verbs in all the different
forms in which they had occurred to me, I yet failed in arriving at a
knowledge of their mode of formation, owing to the deficiency of data on
one hand, and the presence of some apparently defective and irregular
verbs on the other. Still some of the results are worth recording.
Leaving out the consideration of the irregular verbs, I can speak with
certainty of only two Moods, the Indicative and the Subjunctive, of the
Present and the Past (probably really further divisible) Tenses of the
former, and the Present of the latter. As an example I may give the verb
to strike, of which the root is assumed to be matum = a stroke.

Indicative Present : nudu ngatu : matumeipa = I am striking him.
Indicative Perfect : nudu ngatu : matnmina = I struck him.
Indicative Future : nudu ngatu : matumeipakai = I shall strike him.
Imperative Present : nudu ngidu : matumur = strike him.

Assuming a root to each, I find 94 of the verbs under examination to
agree in having the present tense of the indicative terminating in pa: of
these 70 end in aipa, 14 in ipa, 6 in epa, and 1 in aipa.

The perfect tense (setting aside some inexplicable irregularities)
exhibits a great variety of terminations for the formation of which no
rule can yet be given: these are an, ana, ani; in, ina, ima: em, ema;
eima, eiun; and un.

The future tense alone is perfectly regular; it is simply formed by
adding kai to the present.

The present tense of the imperative mood in those verbs having the
present of the indicative ending in ipa terminates (with one exception in
i) in ir: in the others the terminations of this tense are ur (the most
frequent); ar (the next in order of frequency), ara, ari; ada, eada; e,
eio, eir, erur; and o.

After all I am inclined to suppose that the Kowrarega verb, although
apparently complicated, is of simple construction; and that its various
modifications are caused by the mere addition to its root of various
particles, the exact meaning of which (with one exception) is yet
unknown. That exception is the particle aige or ge (804) the mode of
employment of which is shown by the following examples :

Wawp' yinu ngai purteipaige = I am not eating your fish.
Wawp' yinu ngai purteiunaige = I did not eat your fish.
Wawp' yinu ngai purteipakaige = I shall not eat your fish.
Wawp' nanu ngi purtaige = Don't eat his fish.

A few examples may be given in illustration of the preceding remarks.

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: PRESENT.
COLUMN 3: PAST.
COLUMN 4: FUTURE.
COLUMN 5: IMPERATIVE.

Eat : purteipa : purteiun : purteipakai : purtar.
Bite : mapeipa : mapana : mapeipakai : mapur.
Take away : meipa : mani : meipakai : mari.
Tell : mulepa : mulem : mulepakai : muleada.
Lie down : yuneipa : yunum : yuneipakai : yunur.
Leave behind : yuneipa : yunem : yuneipakai : yunur.
Shoot : uteipa : utun : uteipakai : utur.
Enter : uteipa : utema : uteipakai : uterur.)

703 : Word implying motion : ngapa* : -.

(*Footnote. This is a word which from the variety of its modes of
application long puzzled me. Careful examination of sentences in which it
occurred led to the following results. 1. It may be used as an
independent word to denote motion towards the speaker, the pronoun which
would otherwise be required being omitted. Example: adur = go out, but
ngap' adur = come out (towards the speaker), lak' ngapa = to come again,
to return. 2. It is also used as a postfix to denote motion towards the
object to which it is joined. Example: laga' p'(ngapa) aiyewel = come to
the hut, mue' pa teir = throw it into the fire. 3. It is used in a third
sense. Example: wawpi 'pa = to go fishing, kaba 'pa = to go to a dance.
4. It is often used as an equivalent to give me, the hand being held out
at the same time, Example: ngapa = let it come to me.)

704 : Bail : salpumeipa : -.
705 : Be affected with : ameipa* : -.

(*Footnote. Apparently a contraction of ana and meipa. Example: ana
kobaki ameipa = (literally) me cough affects, or I have a cough. The word
mizzi, the exact meaning of which is unknown to me, is also used to
express the same thing. Example: quiku kikire ana mizzi = I have a sick
head, or a headache.)

706 : Become : atzipa : -.
707 : Bite : mapeipa : -.
708 : Bore a hole : tartepaleipa (817, 722) : -.
709 : Break (as a stick) : tideipa aterumbanya.
710 : Break wind backwards : - : penyaka.
711 : Build (as a hut) : mideipa (369 ?) : -.
712 : Bury, plant, sow : maramateipa (40, 791) : -.
713 : Call for : tureipa : untandurra.
714 : Carry, hold : ang-eipa : -.
715 : Choose, select : yapepa : -.
716 : Climb : waleipa : oquagamurra.
717 : Come here : pateipa, aiyewel : -.
718 : Come, approach : uleipa : impebino.
719 : Cook : gia paleipa (641 ?) : -.
720 : Copulate : lameipa : erorunya.
721 : Cover over : abeipa : -.
722 : Crush, pound with a stone : paleipa : akelgurra.
723 : Cry, howl like a dog : maierchipa : rong-gung-ga-murra.
724 : Cut : labaipa : utedung-gurra.
725 : Dance : kaba mineipa (811) : unchigulkamurra.
726 : Die : dadeipa : -.
727 : Dig : pideipa : -.
728 : Dive : penneipa : -.
729 : Dream : piki lalkeipa* (813, 755) : -.

(*Footnote. The pronoun ana is always used with this. Example: ana piki
lalkar = I had a dream.)

730 : Drink : wanipa : ung-gen-ga.
731 : Drown : delupeipa : -.
732 : Dry up : wata' pateipa (602) : -.
733 : Eat : purteipa, pratipa : atedurra.
734 : Enter (going out of sight) : uteipa : -.
735 : Fall down : pudeipa : -.
736 : Fill (with solids) : wangepa : -.
737 : Fill (with fluids) : maleipa (29) : -.
738 : Find : imeipa : angkanya.
739 : Finish (men's work) : min' atzipa (613, 706) : -.
740 : Finish (women's work) : palpagipa : -.
741 : Feces, to void : - : anabichung-ar.
742 : Forget : kekochipa : -.
743 : Get up : winipa : amamung-i.
744 : Give : pibeipa, wiepa* : utera.

(*Footnote. Ana is used with pibeipa only; the exact meaning of both is
to bestow, or cause the transfer of ownership; the actual HANDING OVER of
anything would be asked for by ngapa = let it come here, holding out the
hand at the same time, but this last may presume merely inspection or
temporary use of the article.)

745 : Go away : udzaripa : einpira.
746 : Go out, perforate : adeipa : -.
747 : Go out (as a fire) : utsimeipa : -.
748 : Hear, understand : krangipa : -.
749 : Hide, conceal : muye teipa (685, 791) : -.
750 : Jump, leap : katapulgipa : ralkagamurra.
751 : Kick : kukuna mapeipa (485, 707) : -.
752 : Kill : dadeima matameipa (598, 786) : -.
753 : Laugh : gi waleipa (819) : ung-garung-gari.
754 : Leave behind : yuneipa : -.
755 : Lie : lalkeipa (820) : -.
756 : Lie down : yuneipa : -.
757 : Make (men's work) : tatureipa : -.
758 : Make (women's work) : umeipa : -.
759 : Make a fire : muekemeipa : -.
760 : Paddle : karaba tapeipa (343, 787) : untyendyurra : -.
761 : Pull, drag : yuteipa : -.
762 : Rain : ari pudeipa (18, 735) : -.
763 : Return : mang-epa : -.
764 : Rise (as the sun) daneipa : -.
765 : Run* : - : ringa.

(*Footnote. In Kowrarega, the action of running is expressed by the
adverb tari = quickly, and the verb uleipa = to approach: Example: ngapa
tari uleipa expresses quick motion TOWARDS the speaker, and tari uleipa
quick motion FROM the speaker.)

766 : Sail : pong-eipa : reng-gamurra.
767 : Scold : ideipa : inyamung-urra.
768 : Scrape hands* : getapudeipa (465, 735) : -.

(*Footnote. A mode of salutation practised throughout Torres Strait, and
occasionally at Cape York.)

769 : Scratch, pinch : musiteipa : -.
770 : See, look after, watch : yaweipa : -.
771 : Sew : tarpeipa : belkagur.
772 : Shake : lupeipa : -.
773 : Sharpen : gizu paleipa (824, 722) : -.
774 : Shave : piniteipa : angkarung-gurra (449, 450).
775 : Shoot (with gun or bow) : uteipa : -.
776 : Seize, press, squeeze : gasumeipa : gipaburra.
777 : Sing : sagul piyepa (818) : -.
778 : Sleep : ute-ipa (825) : eremadin.
779 : Smoke : suguba wanipa (323, 730) : -.
780 : Sit down : tanureipa : engka.
781 : Speak, tell : mulepa : ekalkamurra.
782 : Spear, sting : pageipa : -.
783 : Stand : kadi (irregular) : -.
784 : Stand up : kadi tanure (783) : -.
785 : Steal : krameipa : -.
786 : Strike : matumeipa : untondunya.
787 : Swim : tapeipa : rolma, rulma.
788 : Take away : meipa : -.
789 : Tear : ladeipa : -.
790 : Thirst : nukineipa (655) : -.
791 : Throw into : teipa : umpanya.
792 : Tie : kunumeipa : -.
793 : Touch : tareipa : abeang-gang-urra.
794 : Turn over : tarteipa : -.
795 : Unloose, untie : ideipa : -.
796 : Waken : welmeipa : -.
797 : Wash : garwulgeipa : -.
798 : Water, make : ing-uje (irregular) : -.
799 : Wound : umaliza matumeipa (598, 786) : -.
800 : Wrap round, coil, twist : nureipa : -.

11. MISCELLANEOUS.

801 : Affix expressing article spoken of : dza* : -.

(*Footnote. Example: Nabi'dza = this thing.)

802 : Affix expressing possession : leg* : -.

(*Footnote. Leg or le, is to be possessed of, and, when used
independently, is placed after the noun which it refers to: ngai 'quassur
daje leg = I have two petticoats; ngi kutai leg? = have you (any) yams?)

803 : ---- : ki* : -.

(*Footnote. The meaning of this is to a certain extent doubtful; however
it enforces an affirmation: Example: ina muggi' ki = this is VERY little
: it is frequently used after pronouns: Example: arri ki kabspakai = we
SHALL go to the dance.)

804 : Affix of negation : aige* : -.

(*Footnote. Being the negative of leg, or le, as formerly stated, aige,
or ge = to have not: Example: ngai kalak' aige = I have no spears; nga
ajir'ge = she has no shame.)

805 : Any small article : zapu (fish-hook, etc.) : -.
806 : Anger, rage : kerket : -.
807 : Body of any creature : gamu : -.
808 : Cold : sumein : ekanba (? to shiver).
809 : Cough : kobaki : ulgene.
810 : Crack : pis : -.
811 : Dance : kaba : -.
812 : Dirt : tumit : -.
813 : Dream : piki : -.
814 : Dust in the eye : - : lopicha.
815 : Food : aidu* : -.

(*Footnote. As examples of various forms of this word, I may give, ana
pibur aidu = give me (some) food: ina aio? = is this eatable? ai = it is
eatable.)

816 : Greediness : ubi : -.
817 : Hole : tarte : apandya.
818 : Joke : sagul : -.
819 : Laughter : gi (641) : -.
820 : Lie : lalkai : -.
821 : Name : nel : -.
822 : Noise : nur : -.
823 : Shame : ajir : -.
824 : Sharpness : gizu : -.
825 : Sleep : ute : -.
826 : Smell : ganu : -.
827 : Taste : mita : -.
828 : Weight : mapu : -.

12. NAMES OF PERSONS.

Males, Number 1 : Piaquai : Paida.
Males, Number 2 : Manu : Tumagugu.
Males, Number 3 : Wagel (626) : Waga.
Males, Number 4 : Salalle : Kuri.
Males, Number 5 : Boruto : Chamida (444).
Males, Number 6 : Gabua : Puroma.
Females, Number 1 : Aburde : Mamulla.
Females, Number 2 : Seibai : Ganulle.
Females, Number 3 : Yeza : Baki.

...

NATIVE NAMES OF PLACES IN TORRES STRAIT AND NEIGHBOURHOOD OF CAPE YORK.

Mount Adolphus Island : Morilaga.
Mount Adolphus Hill : Begunkutche.
Small island to northward : Quiquichaga.
Island North-West from Mount Adolphus, larger : Wagilwane.
Island North-West from Mount Adolphus, smaller : Budye.
Rock South-East from ditto : Akoine.
Rock a : Kolapitchum.
The Brothers : Kurobi.
North Brother : Tarakar.
Albany Island : Pabaju.
Albany Island, north point : Tarung-i.
Bush Island : Marte.
Tree Island : Moebamunne.
North-East Point of Albany Island : Tolodinya.
Albany Rock : Manurre.
Albany Rock, islet East by South : Takunya.
Albany Rock, South-East : Eikoa.
York Island (Cape York) : Wamilag.
Eborac Island : Dyara.
Mount Bremer : Charua.
Evans Point : Maodinya.
Sextant Rock : Delua.
Beach at Evans Bay : Podaga.
Bramble Hill : Duyemil-pada.
South-East point of Evans Bay : Chechuri.
Ida Island : Robumo.
Beach East from Mew River : Paiera.
Beach East from Mew River, hill behind : Pochinya.
Bishop Point : Qualulga.
Osnaburg Point : Kalalurri.
Beach West from Cape York : Eintrang-o.
Islet West by South : Purang-i.
Peak Point : Karubowra.
Possession Island : Bedanug.
Woody Island, larger : Kei' Yellubi.
Woody Island, smaller : Muggi' Yellubi.
Entrance Island : Juna.
Entrance Island, islet to North-West : Cheruko.
Entrance Island, islet to West-South-West : Pipa.
Islet on East side of Port Lihou : Tarilug.
Islet off Port Lihou : Dumaralug.
West Prince of Wales Island : Muralug.
Cape Cornwall and neighbourhood : Morurpure.
Beach on West side of Port Lihou : Daaka.
Creek opposite Pipa and vicinity : Yet.
Beach on North-East side of Muralug : Marin.
Thursday Island : Gealug.
Black Rock : Gi'omanalug.
Green Island : Piwer.
Goode Island : Peilalug.
Goode Island, rocks on reef near this : Ipile.
Hammond Island : Keiriri.
Hammond Island, Rock : Adi.
Friday Island : Weibene.
East Prince of Wales Island : Narupai.
Horned Hill : Dyugubai.
Wednesday Island : Mowrurra.
Strait Island, larger : Kei Kudulug.
Strait Island, smaller : Muggi Kudulug.
Travers Island : Mukunaba.
Double Island : Nellgi.
Mount Ernest : Nagir.
Mount Ernest, islet next this : Pinakar.
Pole Island : Getullai.
Burke Island : Suaraji.
Banks Island, high portion : Mua.
Banks Island, low : Ita.
Mulgrave Island : Badu.
Hawkesbury Island : Warara.
Tobin, or North Possession Island : Kulbi.
Sue Island : Waraber.
Murray Island, largest : Mer.
Murray Island, middle : Dowar.
Murray Island, smallest : Wayer.
Darnley Island : Errub.
Nepean Island : Eddugor.
Stephens Island : Ugar.
Campbell Island : Zapker.
Dalrymple Island : Dzamud.
Keats Island : Umagur.
York Island, larger : Massid.
York Island, smaller : Kudala.
Bourke Isles, westernmost : Owrid.
Bourke Isles, northernmost : Purem.

...

APPENDIX 2.

COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF THREE OF THE LANGUAGES OF THE SOUTH-EAST COAST
OF NEW GUINEA AND THE LOUISIADE ARCHIPELAGO.

The materials composing the following Vocabulary are arranged in three
columns, according to the localities where they were obtained.

1. Redscar Bay (on the South-East coast of New Guinea, in latitude 9
degrees 17 minutes South and longitude 146 degrees 53 minutes East) and
its neighbourhood.

2. Brumer Island (on the South-East coast of New Guinea, in latitude 10
degrees 45 minutes South and longitude 150 degrees 22 minutes East) and
its neighbourhood; also Dufaure Island (about 40 miles to the westward).
When the same word was given at both these places, I have indicated this
circumstance by the letter b placed after the word; those procured at
Dufaure Island only are marked by the letter D.

3. Brierly Island (Louisiade Archipelago, in latitude 11 degrees 20
minutes South and longitude 153 degrees 9 minutes East); also a few
words, distinguished by the letter D, procured at the Duchateau Isles
from natives of some neighbouring islands of the Calvados Group.

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: REDSCAR BAY.
COLUMN 3: BRUMER ISLANDS.
COLUMN 4: LOUISIADE.

1. NATURAL OBJECTS.

Sky : - : garewa : buru-buru.
Sun : diina* : mahana (b) : parai, parei.

(*Footnote. Since reading Dr. Latham's remarks, I am inclined to suppose
that in this vocabulary the common termination na is often no part of the
word, but merely a contraction of the relative pronoun = this (is).)

Cloud : - : budi-budi : -.
Moon : - : nowarai : -.
Wind : - : - : wiego.
Salt water : dawara, davara : arita (b) : soga.
Surf : - : bagodu : -.
Fresh water : ranu : goila (b) : wawei (D).
Sand : - : gera-gera : kera-kera.
Earth : - : batan : -.
Stone, rock : nati : weu, veu (b) : pak.
Cliff : - : padi-padi : -.
Quartz : - : karitao : -.
Obsidian : - : nabuka (b) : -.
Fire : lahi, rahi : kaiwa (b) : hiwo.

a. Mammalia.

Tail (of a dog) : - : derena : -.
Dog : sisia : wanuhe, daiasi : geiwo.
Pig : buroma : tuana, bawa (D) : bobo.
Opossum (Cuscus) : mowra, bowra : - : -.

b. Birds.

Bird : - : - : maan.
Wing : - : mabena, pepena : -.
Bill : - : esuna, kawana : -.
Feather : iduar : daguri : sao-sa.
Hornbill : pawporo : - : -.
White cockatoo : karai : rorowa : -.
Nicobar pigeon : - : korauto : -.
Cassowary : - : tyuaburo : -.
Noddy : - : maga : -.

c. Reptiles.

Green turtle : matabudi : wawnu : -.
Eggs : momo : - : -.
Shell : nakeme : - : -.
Hind flipper : ai : - : -.
Tortoise-shell : kipore, gebore : koma-koma : -.
Large lizard : - : makara : -.
Water-snake : - : mata : -.

d. Fishes.

Fish : - : yama : yeimai.
Bone : - : - : bebai.
Fry of a Caranx : - : - : muwota.
Mailed-perch : - : beirawa : -.

e. Insects, etc.

Sand-crab (Ocypoda) : - : gagaruki : -.
Small crab (Grapsus etc.) : - : karagi : wallo-quallo.
Fly : - : wuro-uro : -.
Butterfly : - : bebi : bebi (= moth).

f. Shells, etc.

Cuttle-fish bone : - : - : weinaga.
Nautilus : - : were-werigwa : -.
Ear-shell : - : woka-woka : -.
Snail : - : nin-nu : -.
Scarabus : - : wadiwa : -.
Small cowrie : - : - : dinga-dinga.
Small cowrie, white : - : mawto : -.
Egg-cowrie : lokol : dunari (b), dunai : du-ong-a.
Cypraea mauritiana : - : guna : -.
Arca : - : - : emoyamo.
Cyrena : keva : kiwai : -.
Cockle : - : kasepin.
Donax : - : bogadob (D) : -.
Pearl-oyster : meili : kepo, immaro : kepo.
Barnacle : - : - : tuwaraga.
Coral : - : puduri, buduri : sangoken = branched.

g. Vegetable Productions.

Wood : au : kaiwa : hiwo.
Charcoal, black paint : uma : dum : -.
Leaf : - : - : taiyu = yam leaf.
Grass : - : yawa-yawada : wirmwir.
Sea-weed : - : - : baan.
Tree : - : madyu : -.
Scented-herb : mura-mura : mura (b), kamura : -.
Yellow-flowered plant : - : - : tao-ta.
Erythrina indica : - : yowra : -.
Casuarina : - : - : dai.
Mangrove : - : - : tu-onga.
Coconut and tree : niu : niu (b) : pogia, niu (D).
Pandanus : - : duya : elegeli.
Areca-nut : - : beda (b) : ereka.
Banana : ani : kassaig, betu and beta (D) : pai-pai (D).
Bread-fruit : kunune : -.
Calladium esculentum ? : - : abaiya : piya = plant, poya = tuber, pihia
(D).
Yam : - : quateya : daha.
Nodulated tuber : - : - : saiwe.
Small yam-like tuber : - : nare : -.
Betel pepper : - : gugu, rugu = fruit, peipai = leaf (D) : -.
Mango : waiwai : gishoa : -.
Yellow plum : - : baowyobi : -.
Fig : - : baware : -.
Sugar-cane : - : garu : mon-mon (D).
Ginger : - : monewa : -.
Amaranth : - : popori : -.
Flax : - : yimone, taoc (D).

2. ARTICLES OF FOREIGN ORIGIN.

Iron : - : ropo-ropo (b) : kellumai.
Clothing : - : quama : -.

3. UTENSILs, ORNAMENTS, WEAPONS, ETC.

Catamaran : - : daow, raow : -.
Catamaran, lashing : - : owisu : -.
Canoe : wanagi : waga (b) : waga.
Bow : kura-kuro : - : hebagi.
Figure-head : - : - : tabura.
End-board : - : - : baragai, baragaiwi (D).
Stern : tareiya : - : waga-pakena.
Sides : - : - : badai, badaha (D).
Outrigger float : darima : sarima (D) : sama.
Diagonal supports : - : tuturi (D) : patuma.
Outrigger poles : ilava : sai-ira, and saeya (D) : maga, hemaga (D).
Lashing of poles : - : mamadi (D) (twisted) : wari (plain).
Pole along gunwale : eiwara : - : -.
Platform : - : - : piri-piritele.
Mast : aiwar (= masts) : - : mamarang.
Poles supporting mast : - : - : tuowo, towa (D).
Sticks across sail : - : - : pokiwi.
Sail : geda : doro : badiara, tun (D).
Rope (of bark) : panaow : barrai, barawara (D) : baiawa.
Streamers of pandanus leaf : - : - : kevara.
Paddle : hawte, hawta : wosi, reha (D) : patoma and lewa (D).
Bailer, wooden : dihu : aruma : -.
Bailer, shell : - : heko = ? melon shell (D) : -.
Hut : mahuta : maia : yuma.
Posts : - : - : kawkola.
Shelves on posts : - : - : gaga-gila.
Wooden pillow : - : unua (D) : -.
Earthen pot : uro : gudawa : uya.
Earthen saucer : nau : - : -.
Netted bag : vaina : hiwa : -.
Basket, round : - : kira-kira (b) : -.
Basket, small : - : - : nabo.
Petticoat : erua : noge (b) : -.
Breech-cloth, mat : - : daam : -.
Cloth of bark : - : - : watu : -.
Girdle, common : siehi (of tapa cloth) : turi-turi, toru.
Girdle, rattan : barikue, ue (D) : -.
Comb : tuari : suari (b) : sugo.
Nose-stick : mukora : wanipa : bubusi-yana.
Earring : - : kuratana (b) : puritana.
Plug in lobe of ear : - : beya : batiwan.
Queue : - : doyo : -.
Armlet, woven : kaana : sia-sia, harimani (b) : -.
Armlet, shell, solid : - : akassi : hiwe = Trochus niloticus.
Armlet, shell, of 3 pieces : popo (b) : -.
Armlet, rattan : - : wewessi : -.
Breast ornament Number 1 : kawko : - : -.
Breast ornament Number 2 : koiyu : - : -.
Necklace of small seeds : - : digo-digota : -.
Necklace of black seeds : - : ganogar, gudu-gudu (b) : -.
Necklace of dog's teeth : - : gugadoi : -.
Necklace of teeth and seeds : - : moka-moka : -.
Paint, black : - : garoka, garoa : -.
Paint, red : pai-ira : sabe : -.
Lime for betel-chewing : - : harigyu (b) : hawi.
Spatula : - : gahi : giang.
Bamboo knife : katiwa : - : -.
Stone-headed axe : kiram (also kelam* green jade) : -.

(*Footnote. Also the stone which heads it--probably the origin of
kelumai, understood to mean iron, or any iron implement, as an axe.)

Fish-hook : - : aowri (b) : - : -.
Seine : - : nine, tine : puakan.
Floats : - : uyawa : kuoto.
Wooden sword : - : kerepa (b) : kirapa.
Snout of saw-fish : - : gari-gari : -.
Shield : - : rigoane : -.
Club, wooden : - : putu-putu : -.
Club, stone-headed : kahi : - : -.
Spear of any kind : iyu : - : -.
Spear, fishing : - : kari : -.
Spear, plain : - : - : hemera.
Spear, polished : - : wawmerri : wama, manutu.
Spear, sword-pointed : arahia : -.
Spear, bamboo : - : - : didib (? = bamboo).
Bow : pewa : - : -.
Arrow : diba : - : -.
Drum : - : baiatu, boyatu (D) : -.
Conch : - : wage (Cassis or Triton) : -.
Pandean pipes : - : wererri : -.
Musical reed : - : bogigi : -.

4. MAN, RELATIONSHIP, ETC.

Man : tau : tau : -.
Woman : ahine : sinadaow : daina, winakao.
Father : ? tama : sibawa : -.
Mother : - : ? bode : -.
Brother : - : boe, ? nigerra : -.
Sister : - : wadaiya : -.
Son : ? natu : ? yowboe : -.
Child, boy : mero : - : -.
Friend, adopted brother : - : damagai : -.

5. PARTS OF HUMAN BODY, ETC.

Head : quara : - : -.
Forehead : bagu : debada (b) : debada.
Top of head : tubua : - : -.
Back of head : ketu : - : -.
Temples : abati : - : -.
Eye : mata : matada : matara.
Eyelashes : auna, mata-una : matasinowa : matara pulupulura.
Eyebrow : bunimata : baia : -.
Nose : udu : ishuda (b) : bubusi, bushuda (D).
Nostril : - : - : bushuda-goina.
Mouth : mao : - : -.
Lips : pipina : sopada (b) : sepada.
Tongue : mata : mimenada, manada (D) : mimiada.
Teeth : isi : makada, mokada (b) : yingeda, yingida, nenin and nini (D).
Cheek : meta : paparida : yamada.
Chin : ate : laiagaiada : sewelida.
Ear : taiya : beadawa, teinada (D) : batida.
Throat : kato : garagaroda : dumuada.
Back of neck : - : omda : -.
Shoulder : paga : debearuda, daharada (D) : nemada.
Armpit : - : - : chigirida.
Upper arm : howow : - : nemada.
Elbow : diu : mimassiuda, nimasiuda (D) : nemurrapupli, paokona.
Fore-arm : ima : monaga = arm : nemada.
Hand : ima : nimada : nemada.
Hand, back of : - : murina : -.
Hand, palm of : - : karokarona : -.
Finger : dodori, wakiri : nimada gigida : nemadagigina.
Finger : dodori, wakiri: nima garada (D) : nima gigina (D).
Finger, little : pakeriga : - : -.
Thumb : chinapata, sinabadu : - : -.
Nails : kau : gibuda, nima gibuda (D) : kapuruna.
Sides : - : - : diyuda = ? ribs.
Breasts : rata : - : pididida (in man).
Nipple : rata : susuga, tyutyuda : -.
Belly : - : bogada : kineida.
Navel : hudu : poasida : pusuana.
Back : - : dagearada : muida, muina.
Hip : piya : pampada, uripunana.
Thigh : mamu : gotuda : -.
Knee : tui : turida : paoko.
Leg and ankle : dok : - : -.
Leg, calf of : - : kaibira, haibira : -.
Foot : - : kaida, goguda (D) : gegeda.
Heel : - : - : ujuna.
Beard : - : garagarada (b), gagaeda : baas.
Hair of head : hui : kuruda (b) : huluda.
Penis : usi: - : -.
Scrotum : abu : - : -.
Pudendum : konu : - : -.
Tattooing : kerawera, kevareva : yatuya, kurikuri, and kurimani (D) : -.
Blood : - : - : madibana.
Collarbone : - : - : bongida.
Jawbone : - : - : sewe.
Saliva : kanudi : - : walahai.
Dung : nian : - : tai.
Boil : - : bonu : -.
Leprosy : - : warilya (D) : -.

6. PRONOUN.
This : ena : aena, aina : -.

7. NUMERALS.

One : owtamona, ta : teya (b) : paihetia*.

(*Footnote. The numerals procured at the Duchateau Isles in January,
1850, are very different: One = etega, Two = erua, Three = eton, Four =
epate, Five = nemara-panu, Ten = erute.)

Two : owrua, rua : labui (b) : pahiwo.
Three : owtoi, toi : haiyona (b) : paihetuan.
Four : owhani, hani : haasi (b) : paihepak.
Five : owima, ima : harigigi (b) : paihelima.
Six : owtaratoi, towratoi : harigigi-karimoga : paihewona.
Seven : owkuta, hitu : harigigi-labui : paikepik.
Eight : owtarahani, towrahani : harigigi-haiyona : paihewan.
Nine : owsa, taa : harigigi-haasi : paihesiwo.
Ten : adarata, wauta : saorudoi (b) : paiheawata.
Eleven : - : - : paiheawata-paihetia.
Twelve : - : - : paiheawata-pahiwo.
Fifteen : - : saorudoi-harigigi : -.
Nineteen : - : saorudoi-harigigi-haasi : paiheawata-paihesiwo.
Twenty : ---- ruahui : taoi-mate : -.
Twenty-five : - : talabushi-mate : -.
Thirty : ---- toyahui : towkarimoga-mate : -.
Thirty-one : - : towkarimoga-mate-karimoga : -.

8. ADJECTIVES.

Another : - : nessao (b) : -.
More : patana : sagu : -.

9. ADVERBS, ETC.

Yes : - : ewa : -.
No, I have not, will not : - : nige : -.
No, I won't, don't! : laasi : besi (b) : -.
Presently, by and bye : - : tabu (h) : tabu.
Exclamations of surprise and astonishment : - : ao-o-o : -.
Exclamations of surprise and astonishment : - : dim-dim : -.

10. VERBS.

Break (a stick) : udumuan : - : -.
Come away : - : kurhama (D) : -.
Cough : huwa : oso (D) : keli-keli.
Cry : tai : - : -.
Dive : hetai : - : -.
Eat, eat it : - : oquai : -.
Give, give me : mahi : ureama (b) : -.
Go away, go back : - : - : tadubi.
Laugh : kiri : tanuwaraha : -.
Paddle : oawde : ow-wassi (b) : -.
Rise up : - : kotoro : -.
Sing : - : pediri (D) : -.
Sit down : - : kumturi : -.
Sleep : mahuta : - : -.
Sneeze : - : tatino (D) : -.
Strike (with fist) : hela : - : -.
Swim : nahu : - : -.
Whistle : - : ino : -.

11. MlSCELLANEOUS.

Expressing friendship : - : magasugo (b) : -.
This is called : - : taina esana : -.

12. NAMES OF PERSONS.

Males, Number 1 : Woro : Ihara : Wadai.
Males, Number 2 : Iripa : Nubaida : Maho.
Males, Number 3 : Kari (father and son) : Tubuda : Hewawo.
Males, Number 4 : Baguya : Eratao : Mao.
Females, Number 1 : - : Lataoma, Konaia (D) : -.
Females, Number 2 : - : Narumai, Tatarai (D) : -.
Females, Number 3 : - : Haraobi, Bonarua (D) : -.
Females, Number 4 : - : Perodi : -.
Females, Number 5 : - : Gubetta : -.

...

APPENDIX 3.

REMARKS ON THE VOCABULARIES OF THE VOYAGE OF THE RATTLESNAKE, BY R.G.
LATHAM, M.D.

In the way of comparative philology the most important part of the
Grammar of the Australian languages is, generally, the Pronoun. That of
the Kowrarega language will, therefore, be the first point investigated.

In the tongues of the Indo-European class the personal pronouns are
pre-eminently constant, i.e., they agree in languages which, in many
other points, differ. How thoroughly the sound of m runs through the
Gothic, Slavonic, and Iranian tongues as the sign of the pronoun of the
first person singular, in the oblique cases; how regularly a modification
of t, s, or th, appears in such words as tu, su, thou, etc! Now this
constancy of the Pronoun exists in most languages; but not in an equally
palpable and manifest form. It is disguised in several ways. Sometimes,
as in the Indo-European tongues, there is one root for the nominative and
one for the oblique cases; sometimes the same form, as in the Finlandic,
runs through the whole declension; sometimes, as when we say you for thou
in English, one number is substituted for another; and sometimes, as when
the German says sie for thou, a change of the person is made as well.
When languages are known in detail, these complications can be guarded
against; but where the tongue is but imperfectly exhibited a special
analysis becomes requisite.

Generally, the first person is more constant than the second, and the
second than the third; indeed, the third is frequently no true personal
pronoun at all, but a demonstrative employed to express the person or
thing spoken of as the agent or object to a verb. Now, as there are
frequently more demonstratives than one which can be used in a personal
sense, two languages may be, in reality, very closely allied, though
their personal pronouns of the third person differ. Thus the Latin ego =
Greek ego; but the Latin hic and ille by no means correspond in form with
os, auto, and ekeinos. This must prepare us for not expecting a greater
amount of resemblance between the Australian personal pronouns than
really exists.

Beginning with the most inconstant of the three pronouns, namely, that of
the third person, we find in the Kowrarega the following forms:

3.

Singular, masculine : nu-du = he, him.
Singular, feminine : na-du = she, her.
Dual, common : pale = they two, them two.
Plural, common : tana = they, them.

In the two first of these forms the du is no part of the root, but an
affix, since the Gudang gives us the simpler forms nue and na. Pale, the
dual form, occurs in the Western Australian, the New South Wales, the
South Australian, and the Parnkalla as foIlows: boola, bulo-ara, purl-a,
pudlanbi = they two.

2.

Singular : ngi-du = thou, thee.
Dual : ngi-pel = ye two, you two.
Plural : ngi-tana = ye, you.

Here the root is limited to the syllable ngi, as shown not less by the
forms ngi-pel, and ngi-tana, than by the simple Gudang ngi = thou.

Ngi, expressive of the second person, is common in Australia: ngi-nnee,
ngi-ntoa, ni-nna, ngi-nte = thou, thee, in the Western Australian, New
South Wales, Parnkalla, and Encounter Bay dialects.

Ngi-pel is probably thou + pair; a priori this is a likely way of forming
a dual. As to the reasons a posteriori they are not to be drawn wholly
from the Kowrarega tongue itself. Here the word for two is not pel but
quassur. But let us look further. The root p-l, or a modification of it,
= two in the following dialects; as well as in the Parnkalla and others:
pur-laitye, poolette, par-koolo, bull-a, in the Adelaide, Boraipar,
Yak-kumban, and Murrumbidge. That it may stand too for the dual personal
pronoun is shown in the first of these tongues; since in the Adelaide
language purla = ye two. Finally, its appearance amongst the pronouns,
and its absence amongst the numerals, occurs in the Western Australian.
The numeral two is kardura; but the dual pronoun is boala. The same
phenomenon would occur in the present English if two circumstances had
taken place, namely, if the Anglo-Saxon dual wi-t = we two had been
retained up to the present time amongst the pronouns, and the word pair,
brace, or couple, had superseded two amongst the numerals.

Lastly, the Western Australian and the Kowrarega so closely agree in the
use of the numeral two for the dual pronoun, that each applies it in the
same manner. In the third person it stands alone, so that in Western
Australian boala, and in Kowrarega pale = they two, just as if in English
we said pair or both, instead of they both (he pair); whilst in the
second person, the pronoun precedes it, and a compound is formed; just as
if, in English, we translated the Greek sphoi by thou pair or thou both.

1.
Singular : nga-tu = I, me.
Dual : albei = we two, us two.
Plural : arri = we, us.

Here the plural and dual are represented not by a modification of the
singular but by a new word; as different from nga as nos is from ego. The
tu, of course, is non-radical, the Gudang form being ngai.

Nga, expressive of the first person, is as common as ngi, equivalent to
the second. Thus, nga-nya, nga-toa, nga-i, nga-pe = I, me, in the Western
Australian, New South Wales, Parnkalla, and Encounter Bay dialects.

Now, the difference between the first and second persons being expressed
by different modifications (nga, ngi) of the same root (ng), rather than
by separate words, suggests the inquiry as to the original power of that
root. It has already been said that, in many languages, the pronoun of
the third person is, in origin, a demonstrative. In the Kowrarega it
seems as if even the basis of the first and second was the root of the
demonstrative also; since, by looking lower down in the list, we find
that i-na = this, che-na = that, and nga-du (nga in Gudang) = who. Ina
and chena also means here and there, respectively.

The dual form albei reappears in the Yak-kumban dialect of the River
Darling where allewa = we two. Arri = us, is also the first syllable in
the Western Australian form ar-lingul = we; or, rather it is ar-lingul in
a simpler and less compounded form. In a short specimen of Mr.
Eyre's from the head of the Great Australian Bight, the form in a appears
in the singular number, ajjo = I and me. The root tana = they, is not
illustrated without going as far as the Western Australian of Mr. Eyre.
Here, however, we find it in the compound word par-tanna = many. Its
original power is probably others; and it is most likely a widely
diffused Australian root.

The pronouns in question are compound rather than simple; i.e. instead of
nga = me, and ngi = thee, we have nga-tu and ngi-du. What is the import
and explanation of this? It may safely be said, that the termination in
the Australian is NOT a termination like the Latin met in ego- met,
inasmuch as this last is constant throughout the three persons (ego-met,
tute-met, se-met), whereas, the former varies with the pronoun to which
it is appended (nga-tu, and ngi-du). I hazard the conjecture that the two
forms correspond with the adverbs here and there; so that nga-tu = I
here, and ngi-du = thou there, and nu-du = he there. In respect to the
juxtaposition of the simple forms (ngai, ngi, and nue) of the Gudang with
the compound ones (nga-tu, ngi-du, and nu-du) of the Kowrarega, it can be
shown that the same occurs in the Parnkalla of Port Lincoln; where Mr.
Eyre gives the double form ngai and nga-ppo each = I or me.

Now, this analysis of the Kowrarega personals has exhibited the evolution
of one sort of pronoun out of another, with the addition of certain words
expressive of number, the result being no true inflexion but an
agglutination or combination of separate words. It has also shown how the
separate elements of such combinations may appear in different forms and
with different powers in different dialects of the same language, and
different languages of the same class, even where, in the primary and
normal signification, they may be wanting in others. The first of these
facts is a contribution to the laws of language in general; the second
shows that a great amount of apparent difference may be exhibited on the
surface of a language which disappears as the analysis proceeds.

In rude languages the Numerals vary with the dialect more than most other
words. We can understand this by imagining what the case would be in
English if one of our dialects counted things by the brace, another by
the pair, and a third by the couple. Nevertheless, if we bear in mind the
Greek forms Thalassa and Thalatta, we may fairly suppose that the
Kowrarega word for two, or quassur, is the same word with the Head of
Australian Bight kootera, the Parnkalla kuttara, and the Western
Australian kardura, having the same meaning.

The difference, then, between the numerals of the Australian
languages--and it is undoubtedly great--is no proof of any fundamental
difference of structure or origin. It is just what occurs in the
languages of Africa, and, in a still greater degree, in those of America.

The extent to which the numeration is carried, is a matter of more
importance. Possibly a numeration limited to the first three, four, or
five numbers is the effect of intellectual inferiority. It is certainly a
cause that continues it. As a measure of ethnological affinity it is
unimportant. In America we have, within a limited range of languages,
vigesimal systems like the Mexican, and systems limited to the three
first units like the Caribb. The difference between a vigesimal and
decimal system arises simply from the practice of counting by the fingers
and toes collectively, or the fingers alone, being prevalent; whereas the
decimal system as opposed to the quinary is referrible to the numeration
being extended to both hands, instead of limited to one. Numerations not
extending as far as five are generally independent of the fingers in
toto. Then as to the names of particular numbers. Two nations may each
take the name of the number two from some natural dualism; but they may
not take it from the name. For instance, one American Indian may take it
from a pair of skates, another from a pair of shoes. If so, the word for
two will differ in the two languages, even when the names for skate and
shoe agree. All this is supported by real facts, and is no hypothetical
illustration; so that the inference from it is, that, in languages where
a numeral system is in the process of formation, difference in the names
of the numbers is comparatively unimportant.

The extent to which the numerals vary, the extent to which they agree,
and the extent to which this variation and agreement are anything but
coincident with geographical proximity or distance, may be seen in the
following table:

English : one two three.
Moreton Bay : kamarah bulla mudyan.
Moreton Island : karawo poonlah madan.
Bijenelumbo : warat ngargark 2 + 1.
Limbakarajia : erat ngargark 2 + 1.
Terrutong : roka oryalk 2 + 1.
Limbapyu : immuta lawidperra 2 + 1.
Kowrarega : warapune quassur 2 + 1.
Gudang : epiamana elabaio 2 + 1.
Darnley Island : netat nes 2 + 1.
Raffles Bay : loca orica orongarie.
Lake Macquarie : wakol buloara ngoro.
Peel River : peer pular purla.
Wellington : ngungbai bula bula-ngungbai.
Corio : koimoil.
Jhongworong : kap.
Pinegorine : youa.
Gnurellean : lua.
King George Sound : keyen cuetrel murben.
Karaula : mal bular culeba.
Lachlan, Regent Lake : nyoonbi bulia bulongonbi.
Wollondilly River : medung pulla colluerr.

The Verb now requires notice. In languages in the same stage of
development with the Australian the usual analysis, as shown by the late
Mr. Garnett in his masterly papers on the structure of the verb, is as
follows: 1. The root. 2. The possessive pronoun. 3. A particle of
time--often originally one of place.

A rough illustration of this is the statement that such a word as dormur
== sleep-my-then (or there). To apply this doctrine to the Kowrarega with
our present data, is unsafe. Still, I am inclined (notwithstanding some
difficulties) to identify the pa of the Present tense with the bu in
kai-bu = now, and the n of the preterite with the n of che-na = there.

The double forms of the Past tense (one in n, and another in m) are at
present inexplicable. So are the double forms of the Imperative, namely
the one in r, and the one in e. It may, however, be remarked, that
wherever the Imperative ends in e, the Preterite has the form in m; thus,
pid-e = dig, pid-ema = dug. The only exception is the anomalous form
peneingodgi = dived. This prepares the future grammarian for a division
of the Kowrarega Verbs into Conjugations.

The last class of words that supply the materials of comment are the
Substantives. Herein, the formation of the plural by the addition of le,
probably occurs in several of the Australian tongues. I infer this from
many of those words which we find in the vocabularies of languages
whereof the grammar is unknown, and which are expressive of naturally
plural objects ending in li, la, or l.

1. Star (stars)--pur-le, pi-lle, poo-lle, in Parnkalla, Aiawong, and
Yak-kumban.

2. Fire (flames)--ka-lla, gad-la, in Western Australian and Parnkalla.

3. Head (hair)--kur-le, Encounter Bay. Here we learn from the forms
kar-ga, from the Head of the Great Australian Bight, and ma-kar-ta, from
Adelaide, that the l is foreign to the root.

4. Hands--marrow-la in the Molonglo dialect; as contrasted with marra in
the Adelaide.

This, however, is merely a conjecture, a conjecture, however, which has a
practical bearing. It suggests caution in the comparison of vocabularies;
since, by mistaking an inflexion or an affix for a part of the root, we
may overlook really existing similarities.

Father Anjello's very brief grammatical sketch of the Limbakarajia
language of Port Essington* exhibits, as far as it goes, precisely the
same principles as Mr. Macgillivray's Kowrarega; indeed, some of the
details coincide.

(*Footnote. Given to Mr. Macgillivray by Mr. James Macarthur, and
prefixed to the manuscript Port Essington Vocabulary, alluded to in
Volume 1.)

Thus, the Limbakarajia personal pronouns are:

I = nga-pi.
We = ngari.
Thou = noie.
We two = arguri.
He, she, it = gianat.
Ye = noie.
They = ngalmo.

Here the pi in nga-pi is the po in the Aiawong nga-ppo; the gian in
gian-at being, probably, the in in the Kowrarega ina = that, this.
Ngalmo, also, is expressly stated to mean many as well as they, a fact
which confirms the view taken of tana.

As for the tenses of the verbs, they are evidently no true tenses at all,
but merely combinations of the verbal root, and an adverb of time. In
Limbakarajia, however, the adverbial element precedes the verbal one. In
Kowrarega, however, the equivalent to this adverbial element (probably a
simple adverb modified in form so as to amalgamate with its verb, and
take the appearance of an inflexion) follows it--a difference of order,
sequence, or position, upon which some philologists will, perhaps, lay
considerable stress. On the contrary, however, languages exceedingly
similar in other respects, may differ in the order of the parts of a
term; e.g. the German dialects, throughout, place the article before the
noun, and keep it separate: whereas the Scandinavian tongues not only
make it follow, but incorporate it with the substantive with which it
agrees. Hence, a term which, if modelled on the German fashion, should be
hin sol, becomes, in Scandinavian, solen = the sun. And this is but one
instance out of many. Finally, I may add that the prefix apa, in the
present tense of the verb = cut, is, perhaps, the same affix eipa in the
present tense of the Kowrarega verbs.

Another point connected with the comparative philology of Australia is
the peculiarity of its phonetic system. The sounds of f and s are
frequently wanting. Hence, the presence of either of them in one dialect
has been considered as evidence of a wide ethnological difference. Upon
this point--in the case of s--the remarks on the sound systems of the
Kowrarega and Gudang are important. The statement is, the s of the one
dialect becomes ty or tsh (and ch) in the other. Thus the English word
breast = susu, Kowrarega; tyu-tyu, Gudang, and the English outrigger
float = sarima, Kowrarega; charima, Gudang, which of these two forms is
the older? Probably the Gudang, or the form in ty. If so, the series of
changes is remarkable, and by attending to it we may see how sounds
previously non-existent may become evolved.

Thus--let the original form for breast be tutu. The first change which
takes place is the insertion of the sound of y, making tyu-tyu; upon the
same principle which makes certain Englishmen say gyarden, kyind, and
skyey, for garden, kind, and sky. The next change is for ty to become
tsh. This we find also in English, where picture or pictyoor is
pronounced pictshur, etc. This being the change exhibited in the Gudang
form tyutyu (pr. choochoo, or nearly so) we have a remarkable phonetic
phenomenon, namely the existence of a compound sound (tsh) wherein s is
an element, in a language where s, otherwise than as the element of a
compound, is wanting. In other words, we have a sound formed out of s,
but not s itself; or (changing the expression still further) we have s in
certain combinations, but not uncombined. Let, however, the change
proceed, and the initial sound of t be lost. In this case tsh becomes sh.
A further change reduces sh to s.

When all this has taken place--and there are many languages wherein the
whole process is exhibited--the sound of a hitherto unknown articulation
becomes evolved or developed by a natural process of growth, and that in
a language where it was previously wanting. The phenomenon, then, of the
evolution of new simple sounds should caution us against over-valuing
phonetic differences. So should such facts as that of the closely allied
dialects of the Gudang and Kowrarega differing from each other by the
absence or presence of so important a sound as that of s.

The comparative absence, however, of the sound of s, in Australian, may
be further refined on in another way; and it may be urged that it is
absent, not because it has never been developed, or called into
existence, but because it has ceased to exist. In the Latin of the
Augustan age as compared with that of the early Republic, we find the s
of words like arbos changed into r (arbor). The old High German, also,
and the Icelandic, as compared with the Meso-Gothic, does the same. Still
the change only affects certain inflectional sy1lables, so that the
original s being only partially displaced, retains its place in the
language, although it occurs in fewer words. In Australian, where it is
wanting at all, it is wanting in toto: and this is a reason for believing
that its absence is referrible to non-development rather than to
displacement. For reasons too lengthy to exhibit, I believe that this
latter view is NOT applicable to Australian; the s, when wanting, being
undeveloped. In either case, however, the phonetic differences between
particular dialects are the measures of but slight differences.

Now--with these preliminary cautions against the over-valuation of
apparent differences--we may compare the new data for the structure of
the Kowrarega and Limbakarajia with the reccived opinions respecting the
Australian grammars in general.

These refer them to the class of agglutinate tongues, i.e. tongues
wherein the inflections can be shown to consist of separate words more or
legs incorporated or amalgamated with the roots which they modify. It may
be said that this view is confirmed rather than impugned.

Now, what applies to the Australian grammars applies also to Polynesian
and the more highly-developed Malay languages, such as the Tagala of the
Philippines, for instance; and, if such being the case, no difference of
principle in respect to tkeir structure separates the Australian from the
languages of those two great classes. But the details, it may be said,
differ undoubtedly; and this is what we expect. Plural numbers, signs of
tense, and other grammatical elements, are evolved by means of the
juxtaposition of similar but not identical elements, e.g. one plural may
be formed by the affix signifying many; another, by the affix signifying
with or conjointly; one preterite may be the root plus a word meaning
then; another the root plus a word meaning there. Futures, too, may be
equally evolved by the incorporation or juxtaposition of the word meaning
after, or the word meaning to-morrow. All this makes the exact
coincidence of the details of inflection the exception rather than the
rule.

This doctrine goes farther than the mere breaking-down of the lines of
demarcation which separate classes of languages like the Australian from
classes of languages like the Malayo-Polynesian. It shows how both may be
evolved from monosyllabic tongues like the Chinese or Siamese. The proof
that such is really the case lies in the similarity of individual words,
and consists in comparative tables. It is too lengthy for the present
paper, the chief object of which is to bring down the inferences from the
undoubtedly great superficial differences between the languages of the
parts in question to their proper level.

In respect to the vocabularies, the extent to which the analysis which
applies to the grammar applies to the vocables also may be seen in the
following instance. The word hand in Bijenelumbo and Limbapyu is birgalk.
There is also in each language a second form--anbirgalk--wherein the an
is non-radical. Neither is the alk; since we find that armpit =
ingamb-alk, shoulder = mundy-alk, and fingers = mong-alk. This brings the
root = hand to birg. Now this we can find elsewhere by looking for. In
the Liverpool dialect, bir-il = hand, and at King George Sound, peer =
nails. The commonest root, = hand in the Australian dialects, is m-r,
e.g.:

Moreton Bay : murrah.
Corio : far-onggnetok.
Karaula : marra.
Jhongworong : far-okgnata.
Sydney : da-mora.
Murrumbidje : mur-rugan.
Mudje : mara.
Molonglo : mar-rowla.
Wellington : murra.
Head of Bight : merrer.
Liverpool : ta-mura.
Parnkalla : marra.

All this differs from the Port Essington terms. Elbow, however, in the
dialects there spoken, = waare; and forearm = am-ma-woor; wier, tao, =
palm in Kowrarega.

To complete the evidence for this latter word being the same as the m-r
of the other dialects and languages, it would be necessary to show, by
examples, how the sounds of m and w interchange; and also to show (by
example also) how the ideas of elbow, forearm, and hand do so. But as the
present remarks are made for the sake of illustrating a method, rather
than establishing any particular point, this is not necessary here; a few
instances taken from the names of the parts of the human body being
sufficient to show the general distribution of some of the commoner
Australian roots; and the more special fact of their existence in the
northern dialects:

English : hand.
Peel River : ma.
Terrutong : manawiye.
Raffles Bay : maneiya.

...

English : foot.
Moreton Bay : chidna.
Moreton Island : tenang.
Karaula : tinna.
Lake Macquarie : tina.
Peel River : tina.
Jhongworong : gnen-ong-gnat-a.
Mudje : dina.
Wellington : dinnung.
Corio : gen-ong-gnet-ok.
Liverpool : dana.
Bathurst : dina.
Colack : ken-ong-gnet-ok.
Boraipar : tchin-nang-y
Lake Hindmarsh : jin-nerr.
Bight Head : jinna.
Parnkalla : idna.
Murrumbidje : tjin-nuk.
Aiawong : dtun.
King George Sound : tian.
Molonglo : jin-y-gy.
Pinegorine : gena.
Goold Island : pinyun and pinkan.
Gnurellean : gen-ong-be-gnen-a.

...

English : hair, beard.
Goold Island : kiaram.
Moreton Island : yerreng.
Wellington : uran.
Karaula : yerry.
Bijenelumbo : yirka.
Sydney : yaren.
Regent's Lake : ooran.
Peel River : ierai.
Lake Macquarie : wurung.
Mudje : yarai.

...

English : eye.
Jhongworong : mer-ing-gna-ta.
Moreton Island : mel.
Pinegorine : ma.
Moreton Bay : mill.
Gnurellean : mer-e-gnen-a.
Gudang : emeri = eyebrow.
Boraipar : mer-ring-y.
Lake Hindmarsh : mer.
Bijenelumbo : merde = eyelid.
Regent's Lake : mil.
Lake Mundy : meer-rang.
Karaula : mil.
Murrumbidje : mil.
Mudje : mir.
Corio : mer-gnet-ok.
Bight Head : mail.
Colack : mer-gnen-ok.
King George Sound : mial.
Dautgart : mer-gna-nen.

...

English : tooth.
Sydney : yera.
Moreton Island : tiya.
Wellington : irang.
Murrumbidje : yeeran.
Moreton Bay : deer.
Lake Macquarie : tina.
Goold Island : eera.

...

English : tongue.
Lake Macquarie : talan.
Moreton Bay : dalan.
Regent's Lake : talleng.
Sydney : dalan.
Karaula : talley.
Peel River : tale.
Goold Island : talit.
King George Sound : talien.

...

English : ear.
Moreton Bay : bidna.
Kowrarega : kowra.
Karaula : binna.
Sydney : kure.
Peel River : bine.
Liverpool : kure.
Bathurst : benang-arei.
Lake Macquarie : ngureong.
Goold Island : pinna.

The Miriam Vocabulary belongs to a different class, namely the Papuan. It
is a dialect of language first made known to us through the Voyage of the
Fly, as spoken in the islands Erroob, Maer, and Massied. Admitting this,
we collate it with the North Australian tongues, and that, for the sake
of contrast rather than comparison. Here, the philologist, from the
extent to which the Australian tongues differ from each other,
notwithstanding their real affinity, is prepared to find greater
differences between an Australian and a Papuan language than, at the
first glance, exists. Let us verify this by reference to some words which
relate to the human body, and its parts.

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: ERROOB.
COLUMN 3: MASSIED.
COLUMN 4: KOWRAREGA.
COLUMN 5: GUDANG.

Nose : pit : pichi : piti : -.
Lips : - : anka : - : angka.
Cheek : baag : - : baga : baga.
Chin, jaw : iba : ibu : ibu : ebu.
Navel : kopor, kupor : kupor : kupar : kopurra.
Eye : - : dana : dana : dana.
Skin : egur : - : - : equora.
Vein : kerer : kirer : kerur : kerur.
Bone : lid : - : rida : -.
Sore : bada : - : bada : -.

Few Australian vocabularies are thus similar--a fact which may be said to
prove too much; since it may lead to inference that the so-called Papuan
tongue of Torres Strait is really Australian. Nevertheless, although I do
not absolutely deny that such is the case, the evidence of the whole body
of ethnological fact--e.g. those connected with the moral, intellectual,
and physical conformation of the two populations--is against it.

And so is the philology itself, if we go further. The Erroob pronouns
are:

Me = ka.
You = ma.
His = eta.
Mine = ka-ra.
Your = ma-ra.

All of which are un-Australian.

Are we then to say that all the words of the table just given are
borrowed from the Australian by the Papuans, or vice versa? No. Some
belong to the common source of the two tongues, pit = nose being,
probably, such a word; whilst others are the result of subsequent
intercourse.

Still, it cannot absolutely be said that the Erroob or Miriam iongue is
not Australian also, or vice versa. Still less, is it absolutely certain
that the former is not transitional between the New Guinea language and
the Australian. I believe, however, that it is not so.

The doubts as to the philological position of the Miriam are by no means
diminished by reference to the nearest unequivocally Papuan vocabulary,
namely that of Redscar Bay. Here the difference exceeds rather than falls
short of our expectations. The most important of the few words which
coincide are:

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: REDSCAR BAY.
COLUMN 3: ERROOB.

Head : quara : kerem.
Mouth : mao : mit = lips.
Testicles : abu : eba = penis.
Shoulder : paga : pagas = upper arm.

On the other hand, the Redscar Bay word for throat, kato, coincides with
the Australian karta of the Gudang of Cape York. Again, a complication is
introduced by the word buni-mata = eyebrow. Here mata = eye, and,
consequently, buni = brow. This root re-appears in the Erroob; but there
it means the eyeball, as shown by the following words from Jukes'
Vocabulary:

Eye : irkeep
Eyebrow : irkeep-moos = eye-hair.
Eyeball : poni.
Eyelid : poni-pow = eyeball-hair.

Probably the truer meaning of the Redscar Bay word is eyeball.

No inference is safer than that which brings the population of the
Louisiade Archipelago, so far, at least, as it is represented by the
Vocabularies of Brierly Island and Duchateau Island, from the eastern
coast of New Guinea. What points beyond were peopled from Louisiade is
another question.

For the islands between New Ireland and New Caledonia our data are
lamentably scanty; the list consisting of:

1. A short vocabulary from the Solomon Isles.
2. Short ones from Mallicollo.
3. The same from Tanna.
4. Shorter ones still from Erromanga and
5. Annatom.
6. Cook's New Caledonian Vocabulary.
7. La Billardiere's ditto.

The collation of these with the Louisiade has led me to a fact which I
little expected. As far as the very scanty data go, they supply the
closest resemblance to the Louisiade dialects, from the two New
Caledonian vocabularies. Now New Caledonia was noticed in the Appendix to
the Voyage of the Fly (volume 2 page 318) as apparently having closer
philological affinities with Van Diemen's Land, than that country had
with Australia; an apparent fact which induced me to write as follows: "A
proposition concerning the Tasmanian language exhibits an impression,
rather than a deliberate opinion. Should it, however, be confirmed by
future researches, it will at once explain the points of physical
contrast between the Tasmanian tribes and those of Australia that have so
often been insisted on. It is this--that the affinities of language
between the Tasmanian and the New Caledonian are stronger than those
between the Australian and Tasmanian. This indicates that the stream of
population for Van Diemen's Land ran ROUND Australia, rather than across
it." Be this as it may, the remark, with our present scanty matcrials,
is, at best, but a suggestion--a suggestion, however, which would account
for the physical appearance of the Tasmanian being more New Caledonian
than Australian.

The chief point of resemblance between the Louisiade and the New
Caledonian is taken from the numerals. In each system there is a prefix,
and in each that prefix begins with a labial letter--indeed the wa of New
Caledonia and the pahi of Louisiade seem to be the same roots.

1.
Brierly Island : paihe-tia.
Cook's New Caledonia : wa-geeaing.
La Billardiere's New Caledonia : oua-nait.

2.
Brierly Island : pahi-wo.
Cook's New Caledonia : wa-roo.
La Billardiere's New Caledonia : oua-dou.

3.
Brierly Island : paihe-tuan.
Cook's New Caledonia : wa-teen.
La Billardiere's New Caledonia : oua-tguien.

4.
Brierly Island : paihe-pak.
Cook's New Caledonia : wa-mbaeek.
La Billardiere's New Caledonia : oua-tbait.

5.
Brierly Island : paihe-lima.
Cook's New Caledonia : wa-nnim.
La Billardiere's New Caledonia : oua-nnaim.

6.
Brierly Island : paihe-wona.
Cook's New Caledonia : wa-nnim-geeek.
La Billardiere's New Caledonia : oua-naim-guik.

7.
Brierly Island : pahe-pik.
Cook's New Caledonia : wa-nnim-noo.
La Billardiere's New Caledonia : oua-naim-dou.

8.
Brierly Island : paihe-wan.
Cook's New Caledonia : wa-nnim-gain.
La Billardiere's New Caledonia : ou-naim-guein.

9.
Brierly Island : paihe-siwo.
Cook's New Caledonia : wa-nnim-baeek.
La Billardiere's New Caledonia : oua-naim-bait.

10.
Brierly Island : paihe-awata.
Cook's New Caledonia : wa-nnoon-aiuk.
La Billardiere's New Caledonia : oua-doun-hic.

The Redscar Bay numerals are equally instructive. They take two forms:
one with, one without, the prefix in ow, as recorded by Mr. Macgillivray.

This system of prefix is not peculiar. The Tanna and Mallicollo numerals
of Cook are:

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: TANNA.
COLUMN 3: MALLICOLLO.

One : r-eedee : tsee-kaee
Two : ka-roo : e-ry.
Three : ka-har : e-rei
Four : kai-phar : e-bats
Five : k-reerum : e-reeum
Six : ma-r-eedee : tsookaeee
Seven : ma-ka-roo : gooy
Eight : ma-ka-har : hoo-rey
Nine : ma-kai-phar : good-bats.
Ten : ma-k-reerum : senearn.

Here, although the formations are not exactly regular, the prefixion of
an initial syllable is evident. So is the quinary character of the
numeration. The prefix itself, however, in the Tanna and Mallicollo is no
labial, as in the Louisiade and New Caledonian, but either k or a
vowel.

The next fact connected with the Louisiade vocabularies is one of greater
interest. Most of the names of the different parts of the body end in da.
In the list in question they were marked in italics; so that the
proportion they bear to the words not so ending was easily seen. Now it
is only the words belonging to this class that thus terminate. Elsewhere
the ending da is no commoner than any other.

What does this mean? If we look to such words as mata-da = eyes, sopa-da
= lips, maka-da = teeth, and some other naturally plural names, we should
infer that it was a sign of number. That this, however, is not the case
is shown by the equivalents to tongue, nose, and other single members
where the affix is equally common. What then is its import? The American
tongues help us here:

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: MBAYA.
COLUMN 3: ABIPONI.
COLUMN 4: MOKOBI.

Head : na-guilo : ne-maiat : -.
Eye : ni-gecoge : na-toele : ni-cote.
Ear : na-pagate : - : -.
Nose : ni-onige : - : -.
Tongue : no-gueligi : - : -.
Hair : na-modi : ne-etiguic : na-ccuta.
Mand : ni-baagadi : na-pakeni : na-poguena.
Foot : no-gonagi : - : -.

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: MOXA (1).*
COLUMN 3: MOXA (2).
COLUMN 4: MOXA (3).

(*Footnote. These are three different dialects.)

Head : nu-ciuti : nu-chuti : nu-chiuti
Eye : nu-chi : - : nu-ki
Ear : nu-cioca : - : -.
Nose : nu-siri : nu-siri : -.
Tongue : nu-nene : nu-nene : nu-nene.
Hand : nu-bore : nu-boupe : nu-bore.
Foot : ni-bope : - : ni-bope.

Now in these, and in numerous other American tongues, the prefix is the
possessive pronoun; in other words, there is a great number of American
languages where the capacity for abstracting the thing possessed from the
possessor is so slight as to make it almost impossible to disconnect the
noun from its pronoun. I believe, then, the affixes in question have a
possessive power; and am not aware that possessive adjuncts thus
incorporated have been recognised in any of the languages for these
parts; indeed, they are generally considered as American characteristics.

How far does their presence extend? In the New Caledonian vocabulary of
La Billardiere we find it. The names of the parts of the body all take an
affix, which no other class of words does. This is gha, guai, or ghai, or
other similar combination of g with a vowel. In Van Diemen's Land, an
important locality, we find the following series of words, which are
submitted to the judgment of the reader.

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: WESTERN TASMANIAN.

Foot : lula.
Leg : peea = piya = posteriors, Brumer I.
Thigh : tula = turi = knee, Brumer I.
Belly : cawara-ny.
Neck : denia.
Ears : lewli-na.
Nose : me-na.
Eyes : pollatoola = matara-pulupulura = eyelashes, Brierly I.
Hair : pareata.
Hair : palani-na.
Face : manrable.
Mouth : ca-nia.
Teeth : yannalople = yinge-da, Brierly I.
Tongue : tulla-na.
Arm : alree.
Fist : reannema-na.
Head : pulbea-ny.

Here the termination na appears elsewhere, as in mema-na = fight,
nabagee-na = sun; but by no means so frequently, nor yet with such an
approach to regularity.

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: CIRCULAR HEAD.

Hair : parba.
Hand : rabal-ga.
Foot : rabuc-ka.
Head : ewuc-ka.
Eyc : mameric-ca.
Nose : rowari-ga.
Tongue : mamana = mimena, Brumer I.
Teeth : cawna.
Ear : cowanrig-ga.

Here, however, it must not be concealed that the termination ka, or ga,
occurs in other words, such as tenal-ga = laugh, tar-ga = cry, teiri-ga =
walk, lamuni-ka = see. These, however, are verbs; and it is possible
(indeed probable) that the k or g is the same as in the preceding
substantives, just as the m in su-m, and ei-mi (Greek) is the m in meus,
me, and eme (Greek). Still, this will not apply throughout; e.g. the
words like lalli-ga = kangaroo, para-ka = flower, and others.

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: EASTERN TASMANIAN.

Eye : lepe-na
Ear : pelverata.
Elbow : rowella
Foot : langa-na
Fist : trew
Head : pathe-na-naddi
Hair : cetha-na
Hand : anama-na = nema-da, Brumer I.
Knee : nannabena-na.
Leg : lathana-ma
Teeth : yan-na = yinge-da, Brierly I.
Tongue : me-na = mime-na, Brumer I.
Chin : came-na.
Neck : lepera.
Breast : wagley.

Here, the number of other words ending in na is very considerable; so
considerable that, if it were not for the cumulative evidence derived
from other quarters, it would be doubtful whether the na could
legitimately be considered as a possessive affix at all. It MAY, however,
be so even in the present instance.

To these we may add two lists from the Lobo and Utanata dialects of the
south-western coast of New Guinea.

COLUMN 1: ENGLISH.
COLUMN 2: UTANATA.
COLUMN 3: LOBO.

Arms : too : nima-ngo.
Back : urimi : rusuko-ngo.
Beard : - : minooro.
Belly : imauw : kanboro-ngo.
Breast, female : auw : gingo-ngo.
Breast, male : paiety : gingo-ngo
Cheeks : awamu : wafiwirio-ngo.
Ears : ianie : -.
Eyebrows : - : matato-ngo-wuru.
Eyes : mame : matatoto-ngo.
Fingers : - : nima-ngo-sori.
Foot : mouw : kai-ngo.
Hands : toe-mare : nima-ngo-uta.
Hair : oeirie : mono-ng-furu.
Head : oepauw : mono-ngo or umum.
Knee : iripu : kai-ngo-woko.
Mouth : irie : orie-ngo.
Nose : birimboe : sikaio-ngo.
Neck : ema : gara-ng.
Tongue : mare : kario-ngo.
Thigh : ai : willanima.
Teeth : titi : riwoto-ngo.
Toes : - : nisora.

Finally, we have the long, and evidently compound forms of p** in the
Corio, Colack, and other Australian dialects; long and evidently compound
forms which no hypothesis so readily explains as that of the possessive
adjunct; a phenomenon which future investigation many show to be equally
Oceanic and American.

...

APPENDIX 4.

CATALOGUE OF THE BIRDS OF THE NORTH-EAST COAST OF AUSTRALIA AND TORRES
STRAIT.

Lists exhibiting the occurrence of Australian Birds in particular
districts are instructive, as showing the range of species over the
various parts of an extensive district, and as bearing upon, and to my
mind confirming, to a certain extent, the views of those geologists who
consider Australia to have formerly appeared as a cluster of three or
four islands, subsequently connected since the tertiary epoch so as to
form what may now be considered as a continent. With the kind assistance
in determining the species of Mr. Gould, who has elsewhere published
similar lists* of the birds of other parts of Australia, the annexed
Catalogue has been made out. All the species contained therein have
passed under my own observation, and I have distributed them in three
columns; the first includes that portion of the north-east coast of
Australia and its islands included between the Tropic of Capricorn and
latitude 17 degrees 45 minutes south, or the parallel of the bottom of
the Gulf of Carpentaria; the second comprises the remainder of the
north-east coast as far to the northward as Cape York; and the third is
devoted to the islands of Torres Strait, from Raine Islet to Bramble Cay.
The species marked with an ? (query) are those which are probably local
varieties, representatives of southern birds, showing slight differences
in size, etc., yet not decided enough to be of specific value.

(*Footnote. In the works of Strzelecki and Eyre, and Introduction to the
Birds of Australia. )

Ichthyaetus leucogaster 1 2 3.
Haliastur leucosternmus 1 2 3.
Pandion leucocephalus 1 2 3.
Falco frontatus 3.
Ieracidea berigora 2.
Astur novae hollandiae 1 3.
Astur approximans 1 2.
Accipiter torquatus 1 2 3.
Milvus affinis 1 2.
Circus jardinii 3.
Strix delicatula 1 2 3.
Athene boobook 1.
Athene maculata 1 2.
Podargus humeralis 1.
Podargus papuensis 2.
Podargus marmoratus 2.
Eurystopodus albogularis 2 3.
Eurystopodus guttatus 1 2 3.
Acanthylis caudacuta 2.
Cypselus australis 2 3.
Collocalia 1.
Chelidon arborea 1 3.
Merops ornatus 1 2 3.
Dacelo leachii 1 2.
Halcyon torotoro 2.
Halcyon sancta 1 2 3.
Halcyon sordida 1 2 3.
Halcyon macleayii 1 2 3.
Tanysiptera sylvia 2.
Alcyone azurea 2.
Alcyone pusilla 1 2.
Artamus leucopygialis 1 2 3.
Dicaeum hirundinaceum 1 2 3.
Cracticus nigrogularis 1 2.
Cracticus quoyii 1 2.
Grallina australis 2.
Grauculus melanops 1 2 3.
Grauculus hypoleucus 2.
Grauculus swainsonii 2.
Campephaga karu 1 2 3.
Pachycephala melanura 2 3.
Colluricincla brunnea 1 2 3.
Colluricincla harmonica 2.
Dicrurus bracteatus 1 2 3.
Rhipidura rufifrons 2.
Seisura inquieta 1 2 3.
Piezorhynchus nitidus 1 2 3.
Myiagra concinna 1 2 3.
Myiagra latirostris 1 2.
Monarcha trivirgata 1 2 3.
Monarcha leucotis 1 2.
Arses kaupii 2.
Petroica bicolor ? 2 3.
Machaerirhynchus flaviventris 2.
Drymodes superciliosa 2.
Malurus amabilis 2.
Malurus brownii 1.
Sphenoeacus galactotes 2 3.
Cysticola lineocapilla 1 2 3.
Sericornis maculata ? 2.
Anthus australis 1 2.
Estrelda bichenovii 1.
Donacola castaneothorax 2 3.
Pitta strepitans 1 2 3.
Chlamydera nuchalis 1.
Chlamydera cerviniventris 2 3.
Oriolus assimilis 2.
Oriolus flavocinctus 2.
Sphecotheres flaviventris 2.
Aplonis metallica 2.
Chalybaeus cornutus 2.
Corvus coronoides 1 2 3.
Ptilotis chrysotis 1 2 3.
Ptilotis filigera 2.
Ptilotis 2.
Entomophila 1.
Tropidorhynchus argenticeps 2.
Tropidorhynchus 2.
Myzomela erythrocephala 2 3.
Myzomela obscura 1 2 3.
Nectarinia australis 1 2 3.
Zosterops luteus 1 2 3.
Cuculus cineraceus 1.
Cuculus insperatus 1.
Chrysococcyx lucidus 1 2.
Endynamys flindersii 1 2 3.
Centropus phasianus 1 2 3.
Ptiloris victoriae 1.
Ptiloris magnifica 2.
Cacatua galerita 1 2 3.
Microglossus aterrimus 2.
Calyptorhynchus banksii 1.
Aprosmictus erythropterus ? 1 2.
Platycercus palliceps ? 2.
Melopsittacus undulatus 1.
Trichoglossus swainsonii 1 3.
Trichoglossus rubritorquis 2.
Ptilonopus ewingii 1 2.
Ptilonopus superbus 2 3.
Carpophaga luctuosa 1 2 3.
Carpophaga puella 2.
Lopholaimus antarcticus 2.
Chalcophaps chrysochlora 1 2.
Phaps elegans 1.
Geopelia humeralis 1 2 3.
Geopelia tranquilla 1 2 3.
Macropygia phasianella ? 1.
Talegalla lathami 1 2.
Megapodius tumulus 1 2 3.
Turnix melanota 1 2 3.
Coturnix pectoralis 2.
Synoicus australis 1 2 3.
Synoicus sinensis 3.
Dromaius novae hollandiae 1 2.
Otis australasiana 1.
Esacus magnirostris 1 2 3.
Oedicnemus grallarius 1.
Hoematopus longirostris 1 2 3.
Hoematopus fuliginosus 1 2 3.
Sarciophorus pectoralis 1.
Charadrius xanthocheilus 1 2 3.
Hiaticula bicincta 1.
Hiaticula ruficapilla 1 2 3.
Hiaticula inornata 2 3.
Limosa uropygialis 1 2 3.
Schoeniclus australis 1 2 3.
Schoeniclus albescens 1 2 3.
Actitis empusa 1 2.
Glottis glottoides 1 2 3.
Strepsilas interpres 1 2 3.
Numenius australis 1 2 3.
Numenius uropygialis 1 2 3.
Numenius minutus 2.
Threskiornis strictipennis 2.
Grus australasianus 1 2.
Mycteria australis 2.
Ardea Pacifica 2.
Ardea novae hollandiae 1.
Herodias jugularis 1 2 3.
Herodias greyii 1 2 3.
Herodias plumifera 2 3.
Herodias syrmatophora 3.

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