Part 5 out of 7
hissing at euery eare,
Which both in clothes and flesh do sticke,
that we, as men past feare,
Cry now, Launch, launch in hast,
hale of the boate amaine:
Foure men in banke let them sit fast
and rowe to sea againe.
The other fiue like men,
do manfully in hand,
Take vp each kind of weapon then,
these wolues here to withstand.
A harquebush takes one,
another bends his bowe,
Among the slaues then downe fals one
and other hurt I trowe.
At those Portingals then shoot we,
vpon the Fort which stand,
In long fine white shirts as we see,
and lintstocks in their hand.
And of these shirts so white
we painted some full red,
Striking their open corps in sight,
with dint of arrow head.
For we sawe they had there
no Gallies vs to take,
Where threatnings them could vs not feare
or make vs once to shake.
Then Canons loud gan rore,
and pellets flie about,
And each man haleth his ore
and mooued not a foote.
Yea, though the poulder sent
the pellets thicke away,
Yet spite of them cleane through we went
at last, and got the sea,
And pieces charging fast,
they shot after vs so,
That wonder was it how we past
the furie of our foe,
The pinned anne felt not
as now, the heauie ore:
With foure such ores was neuer boat
I thinke, row'd so before.
To seaward scaping so,
three Negroes we see there,
Came rowing after vs to know,
what countrey men we were?
We answered Englishmen,
and that thither we came,
With wares to trafique there with them,
if they had meant the same.
They Portuguse doe speake
right naturall iwis:
And of our ship to know they seeke,
how big and where she is.
We answered them again
we had two ships at sea,
Right well appointed full of men,
that streight would take their way
Along the coast for gold,
they tarry but for vs,
Which came with wares there to haue sold
but that they vs'd vs thus.
Then gan they vs to pray,
if we lackt any thing,
To anker there all that whole day,
and they to vs would bring
All things that we doe want,
they sory say they be:
But we their words yet trusting scant,
refuse their curtesie.
We aske them of this hold
what place that it should be,
Then they againe thus straight vs told
that Portingals there lie.
And how that point they sayd,
which there hard by we see,
Was one of Cape three points that lay
the Westernmost of three.
Withouten further speech,
we hoise our saile to sea:
Minding a friendlier place to seech,
and thus we part our way.
We mind truly to prooue
the Portingals no more:
But now t'assay rather what loue
Negroes will shew a shore.
We then with saile and ore,
went backe againe in hast:
A thirtie leagues I thinke, and more
from thence where we were chast.
And here we anker fall,
aboord the Negros come:
We gaue gay things vnto them all,
and thus their hearts we wonne.
At last aboord comes one,
that was the kings chiefe sonne:
To whom by signes I made great mone,
how that I was vndone,
Had lost our ships, and eke
were almost staru'd for meate,
And knew not where our ships to seeke,
or any thing to eate.
I offred him our wares,
and bid him take them all:
but he perceiuing now the teares,
which from our eyes did fall,
Had great pitie on vs,
and sayd he would haue nought,
But streight by signes he will'd vs then,
that we should take no thought.
As one whom God has sent,
and kept for vs in store,
To know in hast away he went,
the Kings pleasure on shore.
And came foorthwith againe,
yea, bade vs come a land:
Whereof God knowes we were ful faine,
when this we vnderstand.
Each man bankes to his ore,
to hale the boate a land:
Where as we see vpon the shore,
fiue hundred Negros stand.
Our men rowing in a maine,
the billow went so hie,
That straight a waue ouerwhelms vs cleane
and there in sea we lie.
The Negros by and by,
came swimming vs to saue:
And brought vs all to land quickly,
not one durst play the knaue.
The Kings sonne after this,
a stout and valiant man,
In whom I thinke Nature iwis,
hath wrought all that she can,
He then I say commaunds
them straight to saue our boate,
To worke forthwith goe many hands,
and bring the same a floate.
Some swimme to saue an ore,
some diue for things be lost:
I thinke there helpe to hale a shore
fiue hundred men almost.
Our boate thus halde vp drie,
all things streight way were brought
The which we mist or could espie,
no man that durst keepe ought.
Then vs they led away,
knowing we wanted meate.
And gaue to us, euen such as they
themselues do daily eate.
Was neuer Owle in wood
halfe so much wondered at,
As we were then poore men, alas,
which there among them sat.
We feared yet our part,
and wisht a moneth were past,
For each man there went with his dart,
which made vs oft agast.
We lay vpon the ground,
with them there all that night:
But fearing still a deadly wound,
we could not sleepe a whit.
Two dayes thus past we well,
no man vs offred wrong:
The cause thereof I gin you tell,
they thought this them among:
Our ships had bene at sea,
and would come there before
Two dayes, to fetch vs thence away,
and giue them wares good store.
But when they thus heare tell
how that our ships be lost,
And that we know not very well,
when ships will come to coast:
They then waxe wearie streight,
and they which did before
At sundry times giue vs to eate,
did giue vs now no more.
Our lowance waxt so small,
that neuer nine gesse,
Were seru'd the like, yet still withall,
it waxed lesse and lesse.
Some run now in the wood,
and there for rootes do seeke,
Base meat would here be counted good
too bad that we mislike
Our clothes now rot with sweat,
and from our backs do fall,
Saue that whom nature wils for shame,
we couer nought at all.
One runs to seeke for clay
to fashion straight a pot,
And hardens it in Sunne all day:
another faileth not
To fetch home wood for night,
and eke for fire sought,
That we our roots and things seeth might
if any home were brought.
The rest the wood doth seeke,
eke euery bush and tree
For berries and such baggage like,
which should seeme meate to bee.
Our fingers serue in steed,
both of pickaxe and spade,
To dig and pull vp euery weed,
that grew within the shade.
Eke diged for rootes the ground,
and searcht on euery brier
For berries, which if we had found,
then streight way to the fire:
Where we rost some of those,
the rest seeth in a pot,
And of this banket nought we lose,
nor fragment resteth not.
The night as beasts we lie
the bare hard earth, vpon,
And round by vs a great fire light
to keepe wilde beasts vs from.
But what should I recite,
or couet to declare
My sorrowes past, or eke t'endite
of my hard Ginnie fare?
I cease here to enlarge
my miserie in that land,
A toy in head doth now me charge,
as here to hold my hand.
In fine, what would ye more,
the heat did so exceed,
That wanting cloths it scorcht so sore
no man could it abide.
The countrey eke so wilde,
and vnhealthfull withall,
That hungry stomacks neuer fill'd,
doth cause faint bodies fall.
Our men fall sicke apace,
and cherishing haue none:
That now of nine, within short space,
we be left three alone,
Alas, what great agast
to vs three liuing yet,
Was it to see, that death so fast
away our fellowes fet?
And then to loue on hie
we call for helpe and grace,
And him beseech vnfainedly,
to fetch vs from this place.
From this wild heathen land,
to Christendome againe,
Or else to lay on vs his hand,
and rid vs from our paine.
Lest that we ouerprest
with too much miserie,
Perhaps as weake breake our behest
which we owe God on high.
And least we liuing here
among this heathen, might
Perchance for need do that which were
right hainous in his sight.
Well, to my purpose then,
when we to loue thus crie,
To helpe vs hence poore silly men
from this our miserie.
He hearing vs at length,
how we to him doe call,
He helps vs with his wonted strength,
and straight thither withall,
A French ship sends at last,
with whom we three go hence:
But six in earth there lie full fast,
and neuer like come thence.
This Frenchman as I say,
through salt and surging seas,
Vs brought from Ginnie land, away
to France, the Lord we praise.
And warre he proues it plaine
when we entered his ship,
A prisner therefore I remaine,
and hence I cannot slip
Till that my ramsome be
agreed vpon, and paid,
Which being leuied yet so hie,
no agreement cant be made.
And such is lo my chance,
the meane time to abide
A prisner for ransome in France,
till God send time and tide.
From whence this idle rime
to England I doe send:
And thus till I haue further time,
this Tragedie I end.
* * * * *
The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham with the great Barke Aucher to Candia and
Chio, in the yeere 1550.
In the yeere 1550. the 13 of Nouember I Roger Bodenham Captaine of the
Barke Aucher entered the said ship at Grauesend, for my voiage to the
Ilands of Candia and Chio in the Leuant. The master of my ship was one
William Sherwood. [Sidenote: The Barke Aucher goeth for Leuant.] From
thence we departed to Tilbery hope, and there remained with contrarie
windes vntill the 6. of Ianuarie, 1551. The 6 of Ianuary, the M. came to
Tilbery, and I had prouided a skilfull pylot to cary me ouer the lands end,
whose name was M. Wood, and with all speede I valed downe that night 10
miles to take the tide in the morning, which happily I did, and that night
came to Douer, and there came to an anker, and there remained vntill
Tuesday, meeting with the worthy knight sir Anthony Aucher owner of the
The 11 day we arriued in Plimoth, and the 13 in the morning we set forward
on our voyage with a prosperous winde, and the 16 we had sight of Cape
Finister on the coast of Spaine.
The 30 we arriued at Cades, and there discharged certaine marchandise, and
tooke others aboord.
[Sidenote: Mallorca.] The 20 of February we departed from Cades, and passed
the straights of Gibraltar that night, and the 25 we came to the Ile of
Mallorca, and stated there fiue daies with contrary windes.
The first of March, we had sight of Sardenna, and the fift of the said
month wee arriued at Messina in Sicilia, and there discharged much goods
and remained there vntill good Fryday in Lent.
The chiefe marchant that landed the sayd Barke Aucher was a marchant
stranger called Anselm Saluago, and because the time was then very
dangerous, and on going into Leuant, especially to Chio, without a safe
conduct from the Turke, the said Anselm promised the owner Sir Anthony
Aucher, that we should receiue the same at Messina. But I was posted from
thence to Candia, and there I was answered that I should send to Chio, and
there I should haue my safe conduct. I was forced to send one, and hee had
his answere that the Turke would giue none, willing me to looke what was
best for me to doe, which was no small trouble to me, considering I was
bound to deliuer the goods that were in the ship at Chio, or send them at
mine aduenture. [Sidenote: The Turke prepareth an army to besiege Malta]
The marchants without care of the losse of the ship would haue compelled me
to goe, or send their goods at mine aduenture, the which I denied, and sayd
plainely I would not goe, because the Turkes gallies were come foorth to go
against Malta, but by the French kings means, he was perswaded to leaue
Malta, and to goe to Tripoly in Barbary, which by the French he wan. In
this time there were in Candia certaine Turkes vessels called Skyrasas,
which had brought wheat thither to sell, and were ready to depart for
Turkie. And they departed in the morning be times, carying newes that I
would not goe foorth: the same night I prepared beforehande what I thought
good, without making any man priuie, vntill I sawe time. Then I had no
small businesse to cause my mariners to venture with the ship in such a
manifest danger. Neuerthelesse I wan them to goe all with me, except three
which I set on land, and with all diligence I was readie to set foorth
about eight of the clocke at night, being a faire moone shine night, and
went out. Then my 3 marriners made such requests vnto the rest of my men to
come aborde, as I was constrained to take them in. [Sidenote: The Barke
Ancher at Milcone.] And so with good wind we put into the Archipelago, and
being among the Ilands the winde scanted, and I was forced to anker at an
Iland called Micone, where I taried 10 or 12 daies, hauing a Greeke Pilot
to carrie the ship to Chio. In this meane season, there came many small
botes with mysson sayles to go for Chio, with diuerse goods to sell, and
the Pilot requested me that I would let them goe in my company, to which I
yeelded. After the sayd dayes expired, I wayed and set saile for the Iland
of Chio, with which place I fel in the after noone, whereupon I cast to
seaward againe to come with the Iland in the morning betimes. The foresaid
smal vessels which came in my company, departed from me to win the shore,
to get in the night, but vpon a sudden they espied 3 foystes of Turkes
comming vpon them to spoyle them. My Pilot, hauing a sonne in one of those
small vessels, entreted me to cast about towards them, which at his request
I did, and being something farre from them, I caused my Gunner to shoot a
demycoluering at a foyst that was readie to enter one of the botes. That
was so happy a shot, that it made the Turke to fall a sterne of the bote
and to leaue him, by the which meanes hee escaped. Then they all came to
me, and requested that they might hang at my sterne vntill day light, by
which time I came before the Mole of Chio, and sent my bote on land to the
marchants of that place to send for their goods out of hand, or else I
would returne back with all to Candia, and they should fetch their goods
there. [Sidenote: The towne of Chio is bound in 12000 ducats for the
safegard of Barke Aucher.] But in fine, what by perswasion of my merchant
English men, and those of Chio, I was entreated to come into the harbour,
and had a safe assurance for 20 dayes against the Turkes army, with a bond
of the citie in the summe of 12000 ducats. So I made hast and solde such
goods as I had to Turkes that came thither, and put all in order, with as
much speede as I could, fearing the comming of the Turkes nauie, of the
which, the chiefe of the citie knew right wel. So vpon the sudden they
called me of great friendship, and in secret told me, I had no way to saue
my selfe but to be gone, for said they, we be not able to defend you, that
are not able to help our selues, for the Turke where he commeth, taketh
what he will, and leaueth what he list, but the chiefe of the Turkes set
order that none shal do any harme to the people or to their goods. This was
such news to me, that indeed I was at my wits end, and was brought into
many imaginations how to do, for that the winde was contrarie. In fine, I
determined to goe foorth. [Sidenote: The companie do murmure against their
Captaine.] But the marchants English men and other regarding more their
gaines then the ship, hindred me very much in my purpose of going foorth,
and made the marriners to come to me to demaund their wages to be payed
them out of hande, and to haue a time to employ the same there. But God
prouided so for me, that I paied them their money that night, and then
charged them, that if they would not set the ship foorth, I would make them
to answere the same in England, with danger of their heads. Many were
married in England, and had somewhat to loose, those did sticke to me. I
had twelue gunners: the Master gunner who was a madde brayned fellow, and
the owners seruant had a parlament betweene themselues, and he vpon the
same came vp to me with his sword drawen, swearing that hee had promised
the owner Sir Anthony Aucher, to liue and die in the sayde shippe against
all that should offer any harme to the shippe, and that he would fight with
the whole armie of the Turkes, and neuer yeelde: with this fellow I had
much to doe, but at the last I made him confesse his fault and followe mine
aduise. Thus with much labour I gat out of the Mole of Chio, into the sea
by warping foorth, with the helpe of Genoueses botes, and a French bote
that was in the Mole, and being out God sent mee a speciall gale of winde
to goe my way. [Sidenote: The Turkes Gallies come to seeke the Barke
Aucher.] Then I caused a peece to be shotte off for some of my men that
were yet in the towne, and with much a doe they came aboord, and then I set
sayle a little before one of the clocke, and I made all the sayle I could,
and about halfe an houre past two of the clocke there came seuen gallies
into Chio to stay the shippe: and the admirall of them was in a great rage
because she was gone. Whereupon they put some of the best in prison, and
tooke all the men of the three ships which I left in the port, and put them
into the Gallies. They would haue followed after mee, but that the townes
men found meanes they did not The next day came thither a hundred more of
Gallies, and there taried for their whole companie, which being together
were about two hundred and 50 sayle, taking their voyage for to surprise
the Iland of Malta. The next day after I departed, I had the sight of
Candia, but I was two dayes after or euer I could get in, where I thought
my selfe out of their daunger. There I continued vntill the Turkes armie
was past, who came within the sight of the towne. There was preparation
made as though the Turks had come thither. [Sidenote: Fiue thousand
banished men in Candia.] There be, in that Iland of Candia many banished
men, that liue continually in the mountaines, they came down to serue, to
the number of foure or fiue thousand, they are good archers, euery one with
his bowe and arrowes, a sword and a dagger, with long haire, and bootes
that reach vp to their grine, and a shirt of male, hanging the one halfe
before, and the other halfe behinde, these were sent away againe assoon as
the armie was past. They would drinke wine out of all measure. Then the
armie being past, I laded my shippe with wines and other things; and so
after I had that which I left in Chio, I departed for Messina. In the way I
found about Zante, certaine Galliots of Turkes, laying abord of certaine
vessels of Venice laden with Muscatels: I rescued them, and had but a
barrell of wine for my powder and shot: and within a few dayes after I came
to Messina. I had in my shippe a Spanish pilot called Noblezia, which I
tooke in at Cades at my comming foorth: he went with me all this voyage
into the Leuant without wages, of good will that he bare me and the shippe,
he stoode me in good steede vntill I came backe againe to Cades, and then I
needed no Pilot. And so from thence I came to London with the shippe and
goods in safetie, God be praysed. And all those Mariners that were in my
sayd shippe, which were, besides boyes, three score and tenne, for the most
part were within fiue or sixe yeeres after able to take charge, and did.
[Sidenote: Master Richard Chancellour. Master Mathew Baker.] Richard
Chanceller, who first discouered Russia, was with me in that voyage, and
Mathew Baker, who afterward became the Queenes Maiesties chiefe
* * * * *
Another discourse of the trade to Chio in the yeere 1569, made by Gaspar
Campion, vnto master M. William Winter.
It may please your worship to vnderstand, that as concerning the voyage to
Chio, what great profit would be gotten, both for marchants, and also for
owners of shippes (as it was well knowen in those dayes when the Matthew
Gonson, the Trinitie Fitzwilliams, and the Sauiour of Bristow, with diuers
other ships which traded thither yerely, and made their voyage in ten or
twelue moneths, and the longest in a yeere) M. Francis Lambert, M. Iohn
Brooke, and M. Drauer can truely informe you heereof at large. And by
reason that wee haue not traded into those parts these many yeeres, and the
Turke is growen mighty, whereby our ships doe not trade as they were woont,
I finde that the Venetians doe bring those commodities hither, and doe sell
them for double the value that we our selues were accustomed to fetch them.
Wherefore, as I am informed by the aboue named men, that there is none so
fit to furnish this voyage as your selfe: my request is that there may be a
shippe of conuenient burthen prepared for this voyage, and then I will
satisfie you at large what is to be done therein. And because the Turke, as
I sayd before, is waxen strong, and hath put out the Christian rulers, and
placed his owne subiects, we may doubt whether we may so peaceably trade
thither as we were woont: therefore I dare vndertake to obtaine a
safeconduct, if my charges may be borne to goe and come. Of the way how
this may be done, M. Locke can satisfie you at large. [Sidenote: Gaspar
Campion maried in Chio 24 yeeres.] Moreouer, I can informe you more of the
trade of that countrey, then any other, for that I haue bene in those parts
these thirty yeeres, and haue bene married in the very towne of Chio full
foure and twenty yeres. Furthermore, when one of our ships commeth thither,
they bring at the least sixe or eight thousand carsies, so that the customs
thereof is profitable for the prince, and the returne of them is profitable
to the common people: for in barter of our wares, we tooke the commodities
which the poore of that towne made in their houses: so that one of our
shippes brought the prince and countrey more gaines than sixe ships of
other nations. The want of this our trade thither was the onely cause why
the Christian rulers were displaced: for when they payd not their yerely
tribute, they were put out by force. Touching the ship that must go, she
must obserue this order, she must be a ship of countenance, and she must
not touch in any part of Spaine, for the times are dangerous, nor take in
any lading there: but she must lade in England, either goods of our owne,
or els of strangers, and go to Genoa or Legorno, where we may be wel
intreated, and from thence she must make her money to buy wines, by
exchange to Candia, for there both custom and exchange are reasonable: and
not do as the Math. Gonson and other ships did in time past, who made sale
of their wares at Messina for the lading of their wines, and payed for
turning their white money into guide after foure and fiue in the hundredth,
and also did hazzard the losse of shippe and goods by carrying away their
money. Thus by the aforesayd course we shall trade quietly, and not be
subiect to these dangers. [Sidenote: Store of hoops laden at Castilla de la
mare for Candia.] Also from Legorno to Castilla de la mar, which is but 16
milesfrom Naples, and the ready way to Candia, you may lade hoopes, which
will cost carolins of Naples 27 and a halfe the thousand, which is ducats
two and a halfe of Spaine. And in Candia for euery thousand of hoops you
shall haue a but of Malmesey cleare of all charges. Insomuch that a ship of
the burden of the Mathew Gonson will cary foure hundredth thousand hoops,
so that one thousand ducats will lade her, and this is an vsual trade to
Candia, as M. Michael Locke can testifie. Furthermore, it is not vnknowen
to you, that the oiles which we do spend in England for our cloth, are
brought out of Spaine, and that very deare, and in England we cannot sell
them vnder 28 pound and 30 pound the tunne: I say we may haue good oile,
and better cheape in diuers places within the streights. Wherefore if you
thinke good to take this voyage in hand, I will informe you more
particularly when you please. In the meane time I rest your worships to
Yours at your pleasure Iasper Campion.
* * * * *
The true report of the siege and taking of Famagusta, of the antique
writers called Tamassus, a city in Cyprus 1571. In the which the whole
order of all the skirmishes, batteries, mines, and assaults giuen to the
sayd fortresse, may plainly appear. Englished out of Italian by William
To the right honourable and his singular good Lord, and onely Patron the
Earle of Leicester, Baron of Denbigh, Knight of the honourable order of
the Garter, one of the Queenes Maiesties most honourable priuy Councell
&c. William Malim wisheth long health with increase of honour.
It hath bene a naturall instinct (right honourable and mine especiall good
lord) ingraffed in noble personages hearts, much approued and confirmed
also by custome, for them to seeke from time to time, by some meanes in
their life, by the which they after their death might deliuer ouer their
name to their posteritie: least otherwise with their body, their fame also
altogether might perchance be buried. Vpon the which consideration we reade
many notable and famous things to haue bene erected in time past of noble
personages (hauing had wealth at will) in such sort, that not onely
certaine ruines of the same sumptuous works, builded so many hundred yeres
past, do still remaine, but also the most part of those princes, the
authours of them, do continually by them dwell in our memories. As the
Pyramides made at Memphis, or neere the famous riuer of Nilus, by the great
expenses of the kings of Egypt: the tower called Pharia, made in the Iland
of Pharos by king Ptolomee: the walles of Babylon, made or at least
reedified by queene Semiramis; Dianas church at Ephesus builded by all the
noble persons of Asia; Mausolus toome or sepulchre, made by his wife queene
of Caria: Colossus Solis placed at Rhodes, I remember not by what Princes
charge, but made by the hands of Cares Lindius scholar to Lysippus: and the
image of Iupiter, made of Yuory by the hands of the skilful workman
Phydias. The which monuments made of barbarous and heathen Princes to
redeeme themselues from obliuion deserued both for the magnificence, and
perfect workmanship of the same, to be accounted in those dayes as the
seuen woonders of the world. Since the which time, an easier, readier, and
lighter way, being also of more continuance then the former, hath bene
found out, namely, Letters, which were first inuented by the Caldies and
Egyptians, as we reade, and augmented since by others, to our great
benefit, and now last of all (no long time past) the same to haue bene
committed to Printers presses, to the greatest perfection of the same; men
being first inforced to write their actes and monuments in beasts skinnes
dried, in barkes of trees, or otherwise perchance as vnreadily. By the
which benefit of letters (now reduced into print) we see how easie a thing
it is and hath bene for noble persons, to liue for euer by the helpe of
learned men. For the memory of those two woorthy and valiant captaines
Scipio and Hannibal had bene long before this present quite forgotten,
except Titus Liuius, or some such learned Historiographer had written of
them in time. And Alexander Magnus himselfe that great conquerour had
nothing beene spoken of, had not Q. Curtius, or some other like by his
learned stile reuiued the remembrance of him, and called backe his doings
to his posteritie. For the which cause we see commonly, in all ages learned
men to be much made of by noble personages, as that rare paterne of
learning Aristotle to haue bene greatly honoured of that former renowmed
Monarch Alexander: who affirmed openly, that he was more bound to his
Master Aristotle, then to king Philip his father, because the one had well
framed his minde, the other onely his body. Many other like examples I
could alledge at this present, if I knew not vnto whom I now wrote, or in
what: for your honour being skilfull in histories, and so familiarly
acquainted with the matter it selfe, that is in still entertaining learned
men with all curtesie, I should seeme to light a candle at noone tide, to
put you in remembrance of the one, or to exhort you to doe the other, dayly
being accustomed to performe the same. Crassus sayth in Tullies first
booke, De Oratore: that a Lawyer's house is the oracle of the whole citie.
But I can iustly witnesse, that for these fiue yeeres last past, since my
returne from my trauell beyond the seas, that your lodging in the Court
(where I through your vndeserued goodnesse to my great comfort do dayly
frequent) hath bene a continuall receptacle or harbour for all learned men
comming from both the eyes of the realme, Cambridge, and Oxford (of the
which Vniuersity your lordship is Chanceller) to their great satisfaction
of minde, and ready dispatch of their sutes. Especially for Preachers and
Ministers of true religion: of the which you haue beene from time to time
not onely a great fauourer, but an earnest furtherer, and protectour: so
that these two nurseries of learning (in one of the which I haue before
this spent part of my time, that I may speake boldly what I thinke) should
wrong your honour greatly, and much forget themselues, if by all meanes
possible they should not heerafter (as at this present to their smal powers
many well learned gentlemen of them do) labour and trauell in shewing of
themselues thankefull, to reuerence and honour your lordship, and honest
their owne names: whose studies certeinly would suddenly decay and fall
flat, if they were not held vp by such noble proppes, and had not some sure
ankerholds in their distresse to leane vnto. How ready dayly your trauell
is, and hath long beene besides to benefit all other persons, in whom any
sparke of vertue or honesty remaineth, I need not labour to expresse, the
world knowing already the same. But whosoeuer they be, that in all their
life time haue an especiall care by all meanes to profit as many as they be
able, and hurt none, do not onely a laudable act, but leade a perfect and
very godly life. Whereupon Strabo affirmeth this most truely to be spoken
of them: Mortales tum demum Deum imitari, cum benefici fuerint. That is,
Mortall men then specially to follow the nature of God, when they are
beneficiall and bountifull to others. Great commendation vndoubtedly it
bringeth to any noble personage, that as the Moone, that light and
brightness which she receiueth of the Sun, is wont presently to spread
abroad upon the face of the earth, to the refreshing and comforting all
inferiour and naturall things bearing life: so for him, to bestow all that
fauour and credit, which he hath gotten at the princes handes, to the helpe
and reliefe of the woorthy and needy. Great is the force (my right
honourable lord) of true vertue, which causeth men, as Tully writeth in his
booke De Amicitia, to be loued and honoured oft of those persons, which
neuer saw them. [Sidenote: Master Malim at Constantinople 1564.] Whereof I
neuer had better proofe (I take God and mine one conscience to witnesse,
the which I declared also to certaine of my friends assone as I returned)
then at my last being at Constantinople, in the yere of our Lord 1564,
whereas I oft resorting (as occasion serued) to the right honorable
Christian ambassadors, while I made my abode there (namely vnto Monsieur
Antonio Petrimol, lieger there for the French king, Sig. M. Victor
Bragadino, for the segniory of Venice, Sig. Lorenzo Giustiniano, for the
state of Scio, or Chios, and Sig. Albertacio delli Alberti, for the duke of
Florence) heard them often report and speake very honourably of your
lordship, partly for your other good inclinations of nature, but especially
for your liberality, and courteous intreating of diuers of their friends
and countrymen, which vpon sundry occasions had bene here in this our
realme. So that to conclude, all men iustly fauour your honourable dealings
and deserts: and I for my part haue reuerenced and honoured the same
euermore both here at home, and elswhere abroad, wishing often to haue had
some iust occasion to pay part of that in good will, which my slender
abilitie will neuer suffer me fully to discharge. For vnto whom should I
sooner present any thing any way, especially concerning matters done
abroad, then vnto your lordship, by whom I was much cherished abroad in my
trauell, and mainteined since my returne here at home? For the which cause
I haue enterprised (hoping greatly of your lordships fauour herein) to
clothe and set forth a few Italian newes in our English attire, being first
mooued thereunto by the right worshipfull M. D. Wilson Master of her
Maiesties Requests, your honours assured trusty friend, a great and
painfull furtherer of learning, whom I, and many other for diuers respects
ought to reuerence: who remembring that I had bene at Cyprus, was willing
that my pen should trauell about the Christian and Turkish affaires, which
there lately haue happened: perswading himselfe, that somewhat thereby I
might benefit this our natiue countrey. Against whose reasonable motion I
could not greatly wrestle, hazzarding rather my slender skill in attempting
and performing this his requested taske, then he through my refusall should
seeme to want any iot of my good will. In offering vp the which newes,
although I shall present no new thing to your honour, because you are so
well acquainted with the Italian copy, as I know: yet I trust your lordship
will not mislike, that the same which is both pleasant to reade, and so
necessary to be knowen for diuers of our captaines and other our
countreymen, which are ignorant in the Italian tongue, may thus now shew it
selfe abroad, couered vnder the wing of your lordships protection.
Certeinly it mooueth me much to remember the losse of those three notable
Ilands, to the great discomfort of all Christendome, to those hellish
Turkes, horseleeches of Christian blood: [Sidenote: Rhodes lost.] namely
Rhodes besieged on S. Iohn Baptists day, and taken on Iohns day the
Euangelist, being the 27 of December 1522. [Sidenote: Scio lost.] Scio or
Chios being lost since my being there, taken of Piali Basha with 80
gallies, the 17 of April 1566. [Sidenote: Cyprus lost.] And now last or all
not only Famagusta the chiefe holde and fortresse in Cyprus to haue bene
lost of the Venetians the 15 of August last past 1571 (the chiefe gouernors
and captaines of them being hewen in sunder by the commandement of that
tyrant Mustafa Basha) but all the whole Iland also to be conquered by those
cruell Turks, ancient professed enemies to all Christian religion. In the
which euill successe (comming to vs as I take it for our offences) as I
lament the generall losse: so I am surely pensiue to vnderstand by this too
true a report of the vile death of two particular noble gentlemen of
Venice, Sig. M. Lorenzo Tiepolo, and Sig. M. Giouanni Antonio Querini: of
both the which I in my trauaile was very courteously vsed, the former of
them being then (as now also he was in this ouerthrow) gouernour of Baffo
in Cyprus, the other captaine of one of the castels at Corcyra in Greece,
now called Corfu. But things past are past amendment, and they could neuer
die more honourably, then in the defence of their countrey. Besides that
the late blowes, which the Turks haue receiued since this their fury, in
token of Gods wrath against them, do much comfort euery Christian heart.
Moreouer this uniforme preparation which is certainly concluded, and
forthwith looked for, by very many Christian Princes (would God by all
generally) against these barbarous Mahometists: whose cruelty and beastly
behauiour I partly know, and am able to iudge of, hauing bene in Turky
amongst them more than eight moneths together. Whose vnfaithfulnesse also
and breach of promise, as the Venetians manly courage in defence of
themselues, and their fortresse, your honour may easily reade in this short
treatise and small handfull of leaues, I hauing set downe also a short
description of the Iland of Cyprus, for the better vnderstanding of the
whole matter. The which I not onely must humbly beseech your honour now
fauourably to accept as an earnest peny of more to come, and of my present
good will: but with your accustomed goodnesse toward me, to defend the same
against such persons, whose tongues too readily roule sometime against
other mens painfull trauells, perswading themselues to purchase the sooner
some credit of learning with the ruder sort, by controlling and ouerdaintie
sifting of other mens laboured tasks, for I know in all ages to be found as
well Basilisks as Elephants. Thus nothing doubting of your ready ayd
herein, as I assuredly trust of your honours fauourable acceptation of this
my poore present, wishing long life with the increase of Gods holy spirit
to your lordship and to all your most honourable familie (vnto whom I haue
wholly dedicated my selfe by mine owne choise and election for euer) I,
crauing pardon for my former boldnesse, most humbly thus take my leaue.
From Lambhith the 23 of March. Ann. 1572.
Your honours most humble and faithfull seruant for euer, William Malim.
A briefe description of the Iland of Cyprus: by the which not onely the
Venetians title why they haue so long enioyed it, but also the Turks,
whereby now he claimeth it, may plainly appeare.
The Iland of Cyprus is inuironed with diuers seas: for Westward it is
washed with the sea called Pamphilium: Southward, with the sea Agyptum: on
the East part, with the sea Syrium: and Northward, with the sea called
Cilicium. The which Iland in time past had diuers names: called once
Acamantis, as Sabellicus witnesseth. Philonides maketh mention, that it was
called sometime Cerasis. Xenogoras writeth, that it was named Aspelia,
Amathusa, and Macaria. There were in times past fifteene cities or famous
townes in it, but now very few, amongst the which Famagusta is the chiefest
and strongest, situated by the sea side. There is also Nicosia, which was
woont, by the traffike of marchants, to be very wealthy: besides the city
of Baffo, Arnica, Saline, Limisso, Melipotamo, and Episcopia. Timosthenes
affirmeth, that this Iland is in compasse 429 miles and Arthemidorus
writeth the length of the same to be 162 miles, measuring of it from the
East to the West, betwixt two promontories named Dinaretta and Acamanta.
This Iland is thought to be very rich, abundant of Wine, Oile, Graine,
Pitch, Rozin, Allum, Salt, and of diuers precious stones, pleasant,
profitable, and necessary for mans vse, and much frequented of Marchants of
Syria, vnto the which it lieth very nere. It hath bene, as Plinie writeth,
ioyned sometime with Syria, as Sicilia hath beene also with Italy. It was a
long time subiect vnto the Romans, after to the Persians, and to the Soldan
of Agypt. The selfe same Iland was sometime also English, being conquered
by king Richard the first, in his voyage to Hierusalem in the yeere of our
Lord 1192. Who (as Polydore writeth in his fourteenth booke of our English
historie) being prohibited by the Cypriottes from arriual there, inuaded
and conquered the same soone after by force: and hauing left behinde him
sufficient garrisons to keepe the same, departed from thence to Ptolemayda:
who afterward exchanged the same with Guy of Lusignan, that was the last
christened king of Hierusalem, for the same kingdome. For the which cause
the kings of England were long time after called kings of Hierusalem. And
last of all, the Venetians haue enioyed it of late a long time, in this
order following. In the yeere of our Lord 1476, Iohn king of the said
Iland, sonne to Ianus of Lusignan, had by Helen his wife, which was of the
Emperiall house of Paleologus, one daughter only called Charlotta, and a
bastard called Iames: the which Iames was afterward consecrated Bishop of
Nicosia. This Charlotta was married first to the king of Portingall, of
whom he had no issue, so that he being dead, Lewes Duke of Sauoy (to whom
shee was the second time married) sonne to Lewes the second of that name
(vnto whom the said Iland by the right of this his wife Charlotta did
appertaine) had the possession of the same. Iames the bastard assoone as
his father was dead, of a bishop became a souldiour, and with an army wanne
the Iland, making it his owne by force. This Duke of Sauoy hearing these
newes, with a number of well appointed souldiers, arriued shortly after in
Cyprus, and recouering againe the Iland, compelled the bastard to flie
forthwith ouer to the Soldan of Agypt. Who making himselfe his subiect, in
time so wrought and tempered the matter, that the Soldan in person at his
request passed ouer into Cyprus, besieged Duke Lewes in the castle of
Nicosia, and at length compelled him to depart, leauing his kingdome. So
that this Bishop became againe King of this Iland: who shortly after
cleauing to the Venetians hauing made a league of friendship with them,
married by their consent one Catherina the daughter of Marco Cornaro, which
Catherin the Senate of Venice adopted vnto them soone after as their
daughter. This Bishop not long after sickened, and died, leauing this his
wife with child, who liued not long after his fathers death. By the which
meanes the Venetians making themselues the next heires to Catherina by the
law of adoption, tooke vnto them the possession of this kingdome, and haue
kept and enioyed the same almost this hundred yeeres. Now this great Turke
called Sultan Selim in the right of the Soldan of Agypt, whom his
grandfather (called also Sultan Selim) conquered, pretendeth a right title
vnto it, and now, as you may vnderstand by reading of this short Treatise,
hath by conquest obtained the same. Whom I pray the euerliuing God, if it
be his holy will, shortly to root out from thence.
To the Reader.
I am not ignorant (gentle Reader) how hard a matter it is for any one man
to write that, which should please and satisfie all persons, we being
commonly of so diuers opinions and contrary iudgements: againe Tully
affirmeth it to be a very difficult thing, to finde out any matter which in
his owne kinde may be in all respects perfect. Wherefore I trust by your
owne iudgement I ought of reason to be the sooner pardoned (my translation
being precisely tied to mine authours meaning) if anything herein besides
be thought to be wanting: I haue learned by the way how comberous a thing
it is to turne the selfe same matter out of the Italian language into our
countrey speech. But who so doeth what he possibly can is bound to no more.
And I now at the request of others (who put me in minde, that I was not
onely borne vnto my selfe) haue accomplished that in the ende, which I
promised and was required. With what paine and diligence, I referre me to
them which are skilfull in the Italian tongue, or may the better iudge, if
it please them to trie the same, casting aside this exampler. I speake it
not arrogantly, I take God to witnesse: but mens painefull trauels ought
not lightly to be condemned: nor surely at any time are woont to be of the
learned, or discreet. By whose gentle acceptation if these my present
doings be now supported, I will perswade my selfe that I haue reaped
sufficient fruit of my trauell. Vnto whome with all my heart I wish
prosperous successe in all their affaires.
Ann. Dom. 1572. W. M.
In Turchas precatio.
Summe Deus, succurre tuis, miseresce tuorum,
Et subeat gentis te noua cura tua.
Quem das tantorum finem, Rex magne, laborum?
In nos vibrabit tela quousque Sathan?
Ante Rhodum, max inde Chium, nunc denique Cyprum,
Turcharum cepit sanguinolenta manus.
Mustafa foedifragus partes grassatur in omnes,
Et Veneta Cypriam strage cruentat humum.
Nec finem imponit sceleri, mollitue furorem,
Nec nisi potato sanguine pastus abit.
Qualis, qua nunquam nisi plena tumensque cruore
Sanguisuga obsessam mittit hirudo cutem.
Torturam sequitur tortura, cruorque cruorem,
Et cadem admissam cadis alius amor.
Sauit inops animi, nec vel se temperat ipse,
Vel manus indomitum nostra domare potest.
At tu, magne Pater, tumidum disperde Tyrannum,
Nec sine mactari semper ouile tuum.
Exulet hoc monstrum, ne sanguine terra redundet.
Excutiantque nouum Cypria regna iugum.
Et quod Christicola foedns pepigere Monarcha,
Id faustum nobis omnibus esse velis.
Tu pagna illorum pugnas, et bella secundes.
Captiuosque tibi subde per arma Scythas.
Sic tua per totum fundetur gloria mundum,
Vnus sic Christus fiet, et vna fides.
The true report of all the successe of Famagusta, made by the Earle Nestor
Martiningo, vnto the renowmed Prince the Duke of Venice.
The sixteenth day of February, 1571, [Footnote: In Italy and other places
the date of the yere of the Lord is alwayes changed the first of Ianuary,
or on New yeres day, and from that day reckoned vpon: although wee heere in
England, especially the temporall lawyers for certaine causes are not woont
to alter the same vntill the Annunciation of our Ladie.] the fleet which
had brought the ayde vnto Famagusta, departed from thence, whereas were
found in all the army, but foure thousand footmen, eight hundred of them
chosen souldiers, and three thousand (accounting the Citizens and other of
the Villages) the rest two hundred in number were souldiers of Albania.
After the arriuall of the which succour, the fortification of the City went
more diligently forward of all hands, then it did before, the whole
garison, the Grecian Citizens inhabiting the Towne, the Gouernours and
Captaines not withdrawing themselues from any kinde of labour, for the
better incouragement and good example of others, both night and day
searching the watch, to the intent with more carefull heed taking they
might beware of their enemies, against whom they made no sally out of the
City to skirmish but very seldome, especially to vnderstand when they might
learne the intent of the enemies. Whilest we made this diligent prouision
within the Citie, the Turks without made no lesse preparation of all things
necessary, fit to batter the fortresse withall, as in bringing out of
Caramania and Syria with all speed by the Sea, many wool packs, a great
quantitie of wood and timber, diuers pieces of artillery, engins, and other
things expedient for their purpose.
At the beginning of April Halli Basha landed there with fourscore gallies
or thereabout in his company, who brought thither that, which of our
enemies was desired, who soone after departing from thence, and leauing
behinde him thirty gallies, which continually transported souldiers,
munition, fresh victuals, and necessaries, besides a great number of
Caramusalins, [Footnote: Carumusalini be vessels like vnto the French
Gabards, sailing dayly vpon the riuer of Bordeaux, which saile with a mizen
or triangle saile.] or Brigandines, great Hulkes called Maones, [Footnote:
Maone be vessels like vnto the great hulks, which come hither from
Denmarke, some of the which cary 7 or 8 hundred tunnes a piece, flat and
broad, which saile some of them with seuen misens a piece.] and large broad
vessels termed of them Palandrie, [Footnote: Palandrie be great flat
vessels made like Feriboats to transport horse.] which continually passed
to and fro between Cyprus and Syria, and other places thereabout, which
they did with great speed, standing in feare of the Christian army. And
about the middest of the same moneth the Turkes caused to be brought out of
the Citie of Nicosia, [Footnote: Nicosia, otherwise called Licosia.] which
they had wonne a little before, fifteene pieces of artillery, and raising
their army from whence they were before, making ditches and trenches
necessary, incamped themselues in gardens, and towards the West part of
Famagusta neere a place called Precipola.
The fiue and twentieth day of the same moneth they raised vp mounts to
plant their artillery vpon, and caused trenches to be made for
harquebuzers, one very nigh another, approaching still very neere the
Citie, in such order, as was almost impossible to stay the same, fortie
thousand of their Pioners continually labouring there the most part of all
the night The intent of the enemie being then knowen, and in what part of
the Citie he minded most to plant his battery, we tooke diligent heed on
the other part, to repaire and fortifie all places necessary within. For
the which cause wee placed a great watch in that way, which was couered
with a counterscharfe, and in the sallies of their priuy. Posternes, for
the defence of the said counterscharfe, there were new flanckers made, also
Trauerses called Butterisses made vpon the Cortaine, with one trench of
Turues two foot high and broad, the which was made on that side of the wall
of the Citie, which was already battered with the shot of the Turkes, with
certaine loopes holes for our Harquebuzers, by the which they defended the
counterscharfe. Two noble personages Bragadino and Baglione [Footnote: Sig.
Bragadino was Proueditore, that is, Gouernour, and Sig. Baglione Generall
of the Christian armie.] personally tooke this charge on them, by the which
meanes the Christian affaires passed in very good order. All the bread for
our Souldiours was made in one storehouse, of the which noble gentleman
Lorenzo Tiepolo captaine of Baffo [Footnote: Baffo of the ancient writers
named Paphos, in the which Citie there was a sumptuous Church dedicated to
Venus.] had charge, who refused no paine, where thought his trauell might
preuaile. In the castle was placed that famous gentleman Andrea Bragadino,
who with a diligent gard had charge on that part of the castle principally,
next vnto the sea side, trimming and digging out new flanckers for the
better defence of the Arsenall. [Footnote: Arsenall in Constantinople and
Venice is the place for munition and artillery to lie in.]
A valiant knight named Foito was appointed Master of the Ordinance, who was
slain within few dayes after in a skirmish, whose garrison the noble
Bragadino Proueditore before named presently deliuered ouer to me. Three
other captaines were appointed ouer the wilde-fire with twentie footmen for
euery one of them, chosen out of the armie, to vse and execute the same as
occasion should serue. The best pieces of Ordinance were brought foorth
vnto that side of the towne, where the battery was looked for to be made:
and they made priuy fences to couer the better their cannon shot withall.
There was no want in the Christians to annoy their enemies in issuing often
out of euery side against them, as well to hinder their determinations, as
to hurt them otherwise at diuers times. They also rendered to vs the like.
For three hundred of the inhabitants of Famagusta one time issuing out of
the citie, armed onely with their swords and targets, with so many Italian
Harquebuzers also in their company, receiued great dammage, because the
trenches of the enemies were made about so thicke, although at the same
present wee compelled them to flie, and slew also many of them: yet they
increased to such number, that they killed presently thirty, and hurt there
threescore of our company. For the which cause order was taken, that our
men should no more come forth of their holde, committing themselues to
manifest perill to bid their enemies the base.
The Turkes in processe of time by little and little with their trenches,
came at length to the toppe of the counterscharfe, and hauing furnished
their forts the nineteenth day of May, began their battery with ten forts,
hauing threescore and foureteene pieces of great artillery within their
custody, amongst the which there were four Basilikes (for so they terme
them) of an immeasurable greatnesse, and began to batter from the gate
Limisso vnto the Arsenall, and layed fiue batteries against the towne, the
one against the great high Turret of the Arsenall, which was battered with
fiue pieces of Ordinance mounted vpon that fort of the rocke, the other
against the Cortaine it selfe of the Arsenall, battered by one fort with
eleuen pieces: another against the Keepe of Andruzzi with two commanders,
or caualiers, which were aboue with one fort of eleuen other pieces:
another battery against the Turret of S. Nappa, the which was battered with
foure Basilisks. The gate of Limisso, which had one high commander or
caualier alone, and a Brey and Cortaine without was battered by the forts
with three and thirty pieces of artillery, whereas Mustafa himselfe
Generall of the Turkes army tooke the charge in person. At the first they
seemed not to care much to spoile the walles, but shot still into the city,
and against our Ordinance, which greatly galled them. Whereupon they, who
were within the city, as well our souldiers as the Grecians, assoone as the
battery began, withdrawing themselues, came and dwelt by the walles of the
citie, whereas they continued from that time to the end of the siege. The
noble Bragadino lodged in the Keepe of Andruzzi, Baglioni in that ward of
S. Nappa. The honourable Tiepolo in that which was called Campo Santo.
Wherefore they being present at all that was done, both encouraged, and
punished the souldiers according to their deserts. The right worshipfull
Luigi Martiningo was appointed chiefe ouer the Ordinance, who answering all
mens expectation of him, with great courage diuided the charge thereof vnto
sixe other inferiour captaines, who tooke order and care for that company,
and for the prouision of things necessary for the gunners: one company of
the Grecians being appointed to euery gate of the Citie for to attend vpon
the seruice of the artillery. The valiant captaine Francesco Bagone warded
at the Keepe, and at the great Commander of the Arsenall. Captaine Pietro
Conte attended the Cortaine, at the Commander of the Volti, and at the
Keepe of Campo Santo. I for my part attended vpon the Commander of Campo
Santo, and vpon the Commander of Andruzzi, and of the Cortaine, vnto the
Turret of Santa Nappa. The Earle Hercole Martiningo attended vpon the
Commander of Santa Nappa, and to the whole Cortaine, vnto the gate of
Limisso. Horatio Captaine of Veletri attended vpon the Brey and Cortaine,
toward the Bulwarke. Vpon the high Commander of Limisso, which was more
troubled then all the rest, attended the Captaine Roberto Maluezzi. At the
same time, when the battery began (by the commission of the honourable
Bragadino) victuals were appointed, and giuen to all the souldiers, as well
Grecians, as Italians, and Gunners: namely Wine, Pottage, Cheese, and
Bakon: all the which things were brought to the walks as heed did require
in very good order, so that no souldier there spent anymore in bread than
two souses a day. [Marginal note: Two Venetian souses or Soldi amount but
to one peny English.] They were payed at the end of euery thirty dayes with
the great trauell of that right worshipfull Venetian gentleman M. Giouanni
Antonio Querini, who besides this his ordinary charge was found present in
all weighty and dangerous affaires to the great incouragement of our
souldiers. And wee make a counterbattery against our enemies for ten dayes
space, with so great rage, that we choked and destroyed fifteene of their
best pieces, also we killed and dispatched of them about thirty thousand at
that season, so that they were disappointed at that time, of their battery
in that place, and were greatly dismayed. But we forseeing that we had no
great store of powder left, there was made a restraint, and such order
taken, that thirty, pieces should not shoot off but thirty shot a piece
euery day, and that in the presence of the Captaines, who were still
present, because the Souldiers and Gunners should not shoot off in vaine.
The nine and twentieth day of May there came towards vs from Candia a
Fregat or Pinnace, the which giuing vs great hope and lightening of ayde,
encreased maruellously euery mans courage. The Turks with great trauell and
slaughter of both sides, had woone at the last the counterscharfe from vs,
with great resistance and mortalitie on both parts. Whereupon they began on
the other side of the fift battery to fill vp the ditch, with the earth
that they threw downe, which was taken neere the wall of the
counterscharfe. But all that earth and falling downe of the wall made by
the shot of their artillery, was carried away of vs within the city, all
our company labouring continually as well by night as day, vntil our
enemies had made certaine loope-holes in the wall, thorow the which they
flancking and scouring all the ditch with their harquebussie, stopped our
former course of carying, or going that way any more, without certaine and
expresse danger. But M. Gioanni Marmori, a fortifier, had deuised a
certaine kinde of ioyned boords, the which being caried of the souldiers,
defended them from the shot of the harquebuzers, so that some other
quantity of earth, but no great store, was caried also away: in the which
place this foresayd fortifier was slaine, who had done especiall good
seruice in all our necessary affaires. And our enemies hauing cast so much
earth into the ditch, as filled it vp againe, and made it a firme way to
the wall of the counterscharfe, and casting before them the earth by little
and little, they made one trauerse euen vnto the wall on two sides in all
their batteries, the which they made thicke and strong with woolpacks; and
other fagots, to assure themselues the better of our flanckers.
When they had once possessed the ditch, that they could not be hurt of vs
but by chance, they began foorthwith to cast and digge out vndermines to
vndermine the Brey, the Turret of Santa Nappa, the Commander of Andruzzi,
the Keepe of Campo Santo, the Cortaine, and the Turrion of the Arsenatl: so
that being able no longer to serue our turne and inioy those fewe
flanckers, we threw downe wilde-fire into our enemies campe, the which
annoyed them very sore, because it fired their woolpacks, and also their
fagots. And for the better encouragement of the souldiers, the right
honorable Bragadino gaue to euery souldier one duckat, the which could
gaine or recouer any of the former woolpackes, making countermines in all
places. To the which charge Maggio the fortifier knight was appointed, who
in all our businesse serued with such diligence and courage, as he was
able, or was requisite. But the countermines met not, sauing those of the
Commander of S. Nappa, of Andruzzi, and that of Campo Santo, because they
were open, and our men sallied out often both by day and night into the
ditch to perceiue better the way of the mines, and to fire the fagots and
wooll. Nor we ceassed at any time through the vnspeakable trauell of the
Lord Baglione (who had the ouersight of all these matters) to trouble our
enemies intents, by all maner of wit and policie, diuiding the companies
for the batteries, ioyning and planting in all places a garrison of the
Albanois [Footnote: Albanois souldiers, souldiers of Albania, otherwise
called Epirus, who commonly serue the Venetians both on horsebacke and
foot, very skilfull and painfull.] souldiers, who as well on foot as on
horsebacke, shewed always notable courage and manhood.
The first assault.
The one and twentieth day of Iune they put fire to the mine of the Turret
of the Arsenall, whereas Giambelat Bey took charge, who with great ruine
rent in sunder a most great and thicke wall, and so opened the same, that
he threw downe more then halfe thereof, breaking also one part of the
vaimure, made before to vpholde the assault. And suddenly a great number of
the Turkes skipping vpon the ruines thereof, displayed their Ensignes, euen
to the toppe of the same. Captain Pietro Conte with his company was in that
ward, the which was much shaken and terrified by that sudden ruine. I with
my company came first thither, so that they shortly tooke the repulse, and
although they refreshed themselues with new supplies fiue or sixe times,
yet they failed of their purpose. There fought personally the Lord
Baglione: Bragadino and Querini [Footnote: Of this noble and painfull
Venetian gentleman M. Gio. Antonio Querini (who was afterwardes hewed in
sunder by the commandement of Mustafa) I was entertained very courteously
in my trauell at Corcyra, now called Corfu, he being then there Mag.
Castellano or Captaine of one of the Castles.] being armed stood not farre
off to refresh and comfort our Souldiours, and the Captaine of the Castell
with the Ordinance, that was planted vpon the Butteries, destroyed many of
our enemies, when they gaue the assault, the which endured fiue houres
together: so that of Turkes were slaine very many, and of our side betweene
them that were slaine and hurt one hundred: most part of the which number
were cast away by a mischance of our wilde-fire, the which being
vnaduisedly and negligently handled, burnt vp many of our owne company.
There died at that present the Earle Gio. Francesco Goro, the Captaine
Barnardino Agubio: and by the throwing of stones Hercole Malatesta,
Captaine Pietro Conte, with other Captaines and Standerd-bearers, were very
[Sidenote: In extremities men haue no regard to spare trifles.] The night
following arriued in Cyprus a Pinasse from Candia, which bringing newes of
most certaine ayde, greatly increased both the mirth and courage of vs all,
so that we made soone after, with the helpe of the Captaine Marco
Criuellatore, and Maggio the knight, certain retreats flancked to all the
places beaten downe, and whereas they suspected that the enemy had digged
up any mines, with hogheads, Chests, Tikes, and Sacks stuffed full of moist
earth (the Grecians with all speed hauing already brought almost all that
which they had) because their hauing dispatched their Canueis about
necessary vses, they brought their hangings, cortaines, carpets, euen to
their very sheets, to make and stuffe vp their foresayd sacks, a very good
and ready way to make vp againe their vaimures, the which were throwen
downe with the fury of the artillery, which neuer stinted, so that we made
vp againe still that in the night, the which was throwen downe and broken
in the day, sleeping very seldome: [Footnote: Prouident and carefull
gouernours or magistrates seldome sleepe all the night at any time, much
lesse in dangerous seasons.] all the souldiers standing alwayes vpon the
walles, visited continually of the Gouernors of the Citie, which slept at
no time, but in the extreame heat of the day, hauing no other time to take
their rest, because the enemie was at hand giuing vs continually alarmes,
not suffering vs long to breath.
The second assault.
The nine and twentieth day of the same moneth they set the mine made
towards the Brey on fire, the which mine was digged in stone, which brake
and cleft all things in pieces, and caused great ruine, making an easie way
for the enemy to assault vs, who with an outragious fury came to the toppe,
whereas Mustafa their General was altogether present, which assault was
receiued, and stayed at the beginning [Footnote: A small thing at the
beginning, or in due time done, helpeth much.] of the Earle Hercole
Martiningo with his garrison, and so were repulsed by our company, who
fought without any aduantage of couert, the vaimure being throwen downe by
the mine. There were slaine of our company Captaine Meani the Serieant
Maior of our armie, Captaine Celio de Fuochi, Captaine Erasmo da Fermo: and
Captaine Soldatello, Antonio d'Ascoli, Captain Gio. d'Istria, Standerd
bearers, with many other officers, were sore wounded, there died also 30
other of our common souldiers. At the Arsenall they were beaten backe with
greater dammage of our enemies, and small hurt to vs. Fiue onely of our
part being slaine there, whereas Captaine Giacomo de Fabriano also was
killed, and I was wounded in my left legge with an harquebush shot. The
which assault continued sixe houres, the Bishop of Limisso standing vp
there, incouraging the Souldiours. Where also were found present stout
women, [Footnote: That certaine women inhabiting this Iland be viragos, or
mankind, I saw sufficient triall at my last being there, in a city called
Saline.] who came thither with weapons, stones, and water, to help the
Souldiours. Our enemies vnderstanding how great hinderance they had
receiued at these two assaults, changed their mindes, and began againe with
greater fury than euer they had before accustomed to lay battery to all
places, and into our retreats, so that they labouring more speedily then
euer they did, made seuen other forts more, vnder the castle, and taking
away the artillery from them which was farther off, planting of it somewhat
neerer, to the number of fourescore, they battered the holde with so great
rage, that on the eighth day of Iuly, with the same night also were numbred
fiue thousand Canon shot, and after that sort they ouerthrew to the ground
the vaimures, that scarsely with great trauell and paine we could repaire
them againe, because our men that laboured about them were continually
slaine by their Ordinance, and by reason of the endlesse tempest of the
shot of their Harquebuzers. And our men beganne to decrease. For the Turkes
caused vs to retire from our Breyes, by the violence of their artillery and
mining, in such sort, that there being no more standing left for our
Souldiours, because we making our vaimures more thicke, our standing began
to waxe narrower, the which presently we of necessitie enlarged with boords
as a scaffolde to the vaimure, whereby we might haue more elbow room to
fight. Captain Maggio also made one mine vnder the sayd Brey, to the
intent, that we being not able any longer to keepe it, the same might be
left to our enemies to their great hinderance. [Footnote: It is accounted a
good warlike shift, to leaue that to our enemies with hinderance, which we
can not any longer keepe, and vse to our owne commodity.]
The third assault.
To the sayd Brey the ninth day of Iuly they gaue the third assault to the
Turrion of Santa Nappa, to that of Andruzzi, to the Cortaine, to the Keepe
of the Arsenall: the which assault hauing continued more then sixe houres,
they were beaten backe in foure places, but we left the Brey to their great
losse, and ours also: because we being assaulted, our company being not
able to mannage their pikes in good order, by reason of the narrownesse of
the standing where they were, being willing to retire in that order, as the
L. Baglione had prescribed vnto them, and could not, cast themselues at the
last into a confuse order, and retired, they being mingled amongst the
Turks: so that fire being giuen to our mine, the same (with a terrible
sight to beholde) slew presently of our enemies more then one thousand, and
aboue one hundred of vs. There was slaine Roberto Maluezzi, and Captaine
Marchetto de Fermo was grieuously wounded. At the assault of the Arsenall
was slaine Captaine Dauid Noce master of the campe, and I myself was hurt
by the racing of a cannon shot. This assault continued fiue houres, and the
Citizens of Famagusta shewed great courage in euery place, with their women
also, and yoong striplings. The Brey was so defaced by reason of this mine
set on fire, that no body any more attempted to recouer the same, because
there was no apt place remaining to stay vpon. The left flancker onely
remained still, whereas another mine was made. The gate of Limisso was ouer
against this foresayd Brey, and somewhat lower, which was alwayes open,
hauing made to the same a Portall, with a Percollois annexed to it, the
which Percollois by the cutting of a small cord, was a present defence to
the gate, and our Souldiours gaue their attendance by that gate to bring in
the battered earth, which fell in the ditches from the rampaire: and when
they saw that their enemies in foure dayes came not thither, they beganne
to entrench aboue the Brey, and by the flanckers aboue they suffered no
person to passe out of the gate, the which thing brought great suspition
vnto our enemies, because they were often times assailed of our company.
The fourth assault.
Wherefore they came to the foureteenth day of Iuly to assault the gate of
Limisso, and laying their battery to all other places, they came and
planted their Ensignes euen before the gate, whereas the L. Baglione, and
Sig. Luigi were in readinesse, who had taken vpon them to defend that gate
of the Citie. Who assoone as they had encouraged their Souldiours,
[Footnote: The forwardnesse of the captaine at dangerous times not only
much comforteth the common souldier, but also increaseth greatly his credit
and commendation with all men.] sallying swiftly foorth, killed, and put to
flight the greater part of them, and at the last giuing fire to the mine of
the flancker slew foure hundred Turkes, and Sig. Baglione at the same time
woon an Ensigne of our enemies, wrasting it violently out of one of the
Ensigne bearers hands. The day following they gaue fire to the mine of the
cortaine, the which thing not falling out greatly to their purpose, they
followed not their prepared assault. Wherefore they beganne to fortifie,
and aduance higher their trauerses in the ditches, for their better
assurance against they should giue the assault: and they had emptied and
carried away all the earth neere vnto the counterskarfe, where they lodged
in their pauillions, so that we could not descrie them. They shot seuen
pieces of artillery vpon the wall of the counterscharfe so couertly, that
they were not seene: two from the Brey of the Turrion of Santa Nappa, one
from Andruzzi, and two other all along the battery of the Cortaine. And
they came with certaine boordes couered with rawe and greene hides, vnder
which they brought their men to digge in the vaimures, we being nothing
behinde or forgetfull to cast wilde-fire amongst them, and sometime to
issue foorth of our sallies called Posternes, to offend their Pioners,
although to our great hindrance. And we still repaired the vaimures by all
meanes possible, with Buffe skins, being moist and wet, throwing in also
earth, shreads, and cotton with water, being well bound together with
cordes: all the women of Famagusta gathering themselues together into
companies in euery street (being guided of one of their Monkes called
Caloiero) resorted daily to a certaine place appointed to labour, gathering
and prouiding for the souldiers, stones and water, the which was kept for
all assaults in halfe buts to quench the fire, which the Turks threw
Hauing had no great successe in taking of the gate, they found out a newe
way, neuer heard of before, in gathering together a great quantity of
certaine wood called Teglia, [Footnote: Teglia in Latine called Teda is a
certaine wood which burneth easily, and sauoreth vnpleasantly, of the which
there is great store in Sicilia: sometime it is vsed for a torch.] which
easily burned, and smelt very euill, the which they throwing before the
former gate of the Citie, and fagots fastened to the same, with certaine
beames besmeered with Pitch, kindled suddenly so great a fire, as was not
possible for vs to quench the same, although we threw vpon it whole Buts of
water, which were throwen downe from an high Commander, which Buts
presently brake in sunder.
[Sidenote: No necessarie thing to bee done was left vnattempted on either
part.] This fire continued foure dayes, wherefore we were inforced by
reason of the extreame heat and stinch, to withdraw ourselues further
inward, and they descended towardes their lower flanckers, beganne other
mines, so that the gate was shut vp, because it would be no longer kept
open and suddenly (a thing maruellous to be spoken) the standing of the
Brey being repaired, and made vp againe, they planted one piece ouer
against the gate, the which of vs with stones, earth and other things, was
suddenly buried vp.
[Sidenote: Mans courage oft abateth, but hope seldome forsaketh.] By this
time we were driuen to an exigent, all our prouision within the citie
stooping very lowe, sauing onely hope, the noble courage of the Gouernours
and Captaines, and the stout readinesse of the Souldiours: our wine, and
flesh as well powdered as vnpowdered was spent, nor there was any Cheese to
be gotten, but vpon an vnreasonable price, our company hauing eating vp
their Horses, Asses, and Cats, for lacke of other victualls: there was
nothing left to be eaten, but a small quantitie of Bread, and Beanes, and
we dranke water and Vinegar together, whereof was not much left. When that
we perceiued that our enemies had digged and cast vp three mines in the
Commander of the gate, they labouring in all places more diligently then
euer they did before, bringing into the ditch, ouer against the battery of
the Cortaine, a hill of earth, as high as the wall: and already they came
to the wall aboue the counterscharfe ouer against the Turrion of the
Arsenall, and had made one Commander complete, fenced with shares, like
unto plough shares, in proportion and height correspondent to ours.
Within the Citie were remaining but fiue hundreth Italian Souldiers, who
were not hurt, yet very faint and weary by their long watching and paines
in fighting in those feruent and burning heates, which are in those parts.
[Footnote: In Iuly the heat is so extreme in this Iland, that the
inhabitants thereof are not woont to trauell, but by night onley.]
[Sidenote: A letter of supplication exhibited by the Cypriotes vnto Sig.
Bragadino.] And the greater and better part, also of the Grecians were by
this time slaine, whenas the chiefe of those Citizens remaining did fully
resolue themselues (the which was about the twentieth day of Iuly) to
present a supplication in writing to that noble gentleman Bragadino
Proueditore, desiring and beseeching him, that seeing their Citie and
Fortresse was thus battered and brought to extremitie, without sufficient
ayde to defend the same, without substance or sustenance, hauing no hope of
succour, or any newe supply, they hauing spent and consumed not onely their
goods, but also their liues for the defence of them, and in testifying of
their dutifull seruice towardes the noble and royall state of the Segniorie
of Venice, that it might nowe please him, and the rest of the honourable
Gouernours, that were present, and put in trust, hauing a carefull eye vnto
some honourable conditions, to haue now at the last a respect to the credit
and honour of their long trauelled wiues, and the safegard of their poore
children, which otherwise were shortly very like to be a pray to their
bloodthirsting and rauening enemies. [Sidenote: The answere of the former
letter.] To the which letter or supplication speedy answere was made by the
forenamed honourable Bragadino, comforting them, that they should by no
meanes abate their courage, and that shortly he looked for succour from the
Segniorie, diminishing as much as hee might, the feare which they had
conceiued in their hearts, dispatching and sending away suddenly from
Cyprus into Candia, a Pinnesse to certifie the duke and gouernours there,
in what extremitie they were. The Turkes by this time had ended their
mines, and set them on fire, the 29. of Iuly; in the which space our men,
according as they were woont to doe, renued and made vp againe the vaimures
ruined before by the Ordinance, and hauing no other stuffe left to aduance
them with, made sackes of Kersie, vnto the which the noble Tiepolo
diligently looked. [Sidenote: It standeth with reason, in hope of sauing
the greater, to let the lesser go.] The three mines of the Commander did
great damage to vs, hauing throwen downe the greater part of the earth,
whereas the the gouernour Randacchi was slaine. The mine of the Arsenall
ouerthrew all the rest of the Turrion, hauing smoldered and choked one
whole garrison of our souldiers, the two flanckers onely still remaining.
The fift assault.
The enemies trauelled much to become masters of those foresayd flankers,
and to sally foorth by the other batteries, and this assault lasted from
three of the clocke in the after noone vntil night, where, and at what time
were slaine very many of our enemies. In this assault Sig. Giacomo
Strambali, amongst the rest, shewed much worthinesse, as hee had done
before in other conflicts.
The sixt and last assault.
The next morning following, at the breake of the day, they assailed all
places, the which assault continued more then sixe houres, with very little
hurt on our side, because our enemies fought more coldly then they were
wont to doe, annoying of vs continually on the Sea side with their Gallies,
shooting in all their assaults and batteries continually Cannon shot in all
parts of the Citie, as neere as they might. After we had defended and
repulsed this assault, and perceiued things brought to a narrower straite
then they were wont to be at, wee hauing left in all the whole Citie but
seuen barrels of pouder, the gouernours of the Citie fully determined to
yeelde vp themselues and the Citie, with honourable conditions. [Footnote:
Necessitie oft times presseth vs in the end to that, which our will
continually spurneth against.] Wherefore the first of August in the after
noone, they tooke a truce, one being come for that purpose from Mustafa the
Generall, with whom they concluded the next morning following to giue two
hostages a piece, vntill such time as both armies were agreed. For our
hostages (by the appointment of the right honourable Bragadino) were sent
foorth the earle Hercole Martinengo, and Signior Matteo Colsi a Citizen of
Famagusta, and from our enemies came into the Citie the Lieutenant of
Mustafa, and the Aga of the Gianizzers, [Footnote: Giannezeri be the gard
of the great Turke, so that Aga de Giannizeri is the captaine of the Turkes
gard.] the which were met, euen vnto the gate of the Citie of Signiour
Baglione with two hundreth harquebusers: ours also were met in like maner
with great pompe with horsemen and harquebusers, with the sonne also of
Mustafa in person, who made very much of them.
The Lord Baglione imparld with these hostages, which were then come for
that purpose of the articles of peace, requiring by them of their Generall,
their liues, armour, and goods, fiue peeces of Ordinance, three of the best
horses, and safe passage from thence vnto Candia accompanied with their
Gallies, and last of all, that the Grecians inhabiting the Island, might
dwell there still quietly, and enioy peaceably their owne goods and
possessions, liuing still Christians hereafter, as they had done before.
All the which requests and articles were agreed vpon, granted, and
subscribed vnto by the hand of Mustafa. [Footnote: Iust Turkish dealing, to
speake and not to meane: sodainly to promise, and neuer to perform the
same.] Foorthwith were sent Gallies, and other vessels into the hauen, so
that our souldiers immediately began to imbarke themselues, of the which
the greater part were already gone aboorde, the Nobilitie and our chiefe
Captaines also being likewise very desirous to depart.
The 15. of August in the morning, the worthy Bragadino sent me with a
letter vnto Mustafa, by the which hee signified, that the same night hee
would come vnto him to deliuer vp the keyes of the Citie, and that he would
leaue in the holde the honourable gentleman Tiepolo, praying him therefore,
that whilest hee should haue iust cause thus to bee abroad, that there
might be no harme done at home, and in the Citie. The Turkes from our truce
taking vntill that time, practised with vs all familiarly, and without any
suspition of sinister or double dealing, they hauing shewed vs much
courtesie both in word and deede. Mustafa himselfe by worde of mouth
presently answered me to this letter, in this sort, that I should returne,
and make relation to this noble man Bragadino, who had sent mee, that he
should come ouer to him at his owne pleasure, for hee was very desirous
both to see and know him, for his great worthinesse and prowesse, that hee
had tried to be in him, and in the other of his Captaines and Souldiers, of
whose manhood and courage he would honourably report, where soeuer he came,
as occasion should serue thereunto: and to conclude, that hee should
nothing doubt of any thing: because in no maner of condition hee would
suffer any violence to be done to those, which remained behind within the
Citie. So I speedily returning made true report of the same: and towards
night about foure of the clocke, the right honourable Bragadino accompanied
with the L. Baglione, with Signior Aluigi Martinengo, with the right
worshipfull Signior Gio. Antonio Querini, with the right worshipfull
Signior Andrea Bragadino, with the knight of Haste, with the captaine Carlo
Ragonasco, with captaine Francesco Straco, with captaine Hector of Brescia,
with captaine Girolomo di Sacile, and with other gentlemen and fiftie
souldiours, the Gouernours and Noble men with their swordes, and the
souldiours with their harquebuzes came foorth of their hold, and went vnto
the pauillion of Mustafa, of whom, all they at the beginning were
curteously receiued, and caused to sit downe by him, he reasoning and
discoursing with them of diuers things, a certaine time, and drawing them
from one matter to another, at the last vpon a sudden picked a quarell vnto
them, especially burdening that noble Bragadino with an vntrueth, laying to
his charge that he had caused certaine of his slaues in the time that the
truce continued between them, to be put to death. The which thing was most
false. So that hee being angry therewith, suddenly stept foorth, and
commaunded them to bee bound. Thus they being vnarmed (not suffered at that
time to enter into his pauillion, with their former weapons) and bound,
were led one by one into the market place, before his pauillion, being
presently cut and hewen in sunder in his presence, and last of all from
that woorthy and noble Bragadino (who being bound as the rest, and being
commaunded twise or thrise to stretch foorth his necke, as though hee
should haue bene beheaded, the which most boldly hee did without any sparke
of feare) his eares were cut off, and causing him to bee stretched out most
vilely vpon the ground, Mustafa talked with him, and blasphemed the holy
name of our Sauiour, demaunding him; where is now thy Christ, that hee
helpeth thee not? [Footnote: The propertie of true fortitude is, not to be
broken with sudden terrors. Mustafa, cosin germaine to the thiefe, which
hong on the left side of our Sauiour at his Passion.] To all the which no
answere at all was giuen of that honourable gentleman. The earle Hercole
Martinengo, which was sent for one of the hostages, who was also bound, was
hidden by one of Mustafas eunuches vntill such time as his furie was past,
afterward his life being graunted him, hee was made the eunuches slaue.
Three Grecians which were vnder his pauillion were left vntouched. All the
souldiers which were found in the campe, and all sortes of Christians to
the number of three hundred, were suddenly slaine, they nothing mistrusting
any such treason, or tirannie. The Christian souldiers which were embarked
a litle before, were linked and fettered with iron chaines, made slaues,
all things being taken from them; and stripped into their shirtes.
The second day after this murther was committed, which was the 17. of
August, Mustafa entred the first time into the Citie, and caused the
valiant and wise gouernour Tiepolo to bee hanged, who remained behind,
waiting the returne of Signior Bragadino. I being in the citie at that
present, when other of my countreymen were thus miserably slaine and made
slaues, hid my selfe in certaine of the Grecians houses the space of fiue
dayes, and they not being able to keepe mee in couert any longer for feare
of the great penaltie, which was proclaimed agaynst such transgressors and
concealers, I offred, and gaue my selfe slaue to one Sangiaccho del Bir,
promising him fiue hundred Zechins [Footnote: Zechini, be certaine pieces
of fine gold coined in Venice, euery one of the which is in value sixe
shillings eight pence of our mony, and somewhat better: and equal
altogether to a Turkish Byraltom.] for my ransome, with whom I remained in
the Campe. The Friday folowing (being the Turkes sabbath day) this woorthy
and patient gentlemen Bragadino was led still in the presence of that
vnfaithfull tirant Mustafa, to the batteries made vnto the Citie, whereas
he being compelled to cary two baskets of earth, the one vpon his backe:
the other in his hand slaue-like, to euery sundry battrie, being enforced
also to kisse the ground as oft as he passed by him, was afterward brought
vnto the sea side, where he being placed in a chaire to leane and stay
vpon, was winched vp in that chaire, and fastened vnto the maineyard of a
galley, and hoisted vp with a crane, to shew him to all the Christian
souldiers and slaues (which were in the hauen already shipped) hee being
afterward let downe, and brought to the market place, the tormentors tooke
of his clothes from him, and tacked him vnto the pillorie, whereas he was
most cruelly flaied quicke; with so great constancie and faith on his part,
that be neuer lost or abated any iot of his stedfast courage, being so
farre from any fainting, that hee at that present with most stout heart
reproched them, and spake much shame of his most traitorous dealing in
breaking of his faithfull promise. At the last without any kind of
alteration of his constancie, he recommending his soule vnto almightie God,
gaue vp the ghost. When hee had thus ended his life (thanks be to God) his
skin being taken and filled with strawe, was commanded foorthwith to be
hanged vpon the bowsprit of a Foist, [Footnote: A Foist as it were a
Brigandine, being somewhat larger then halfe a galley, much vsed of the
Turkish Cursaros, or as we call them Pirates or Rouers.] and to be caried
alongst the coast of Syria by the sea side, that all the port townes might
see, and understand who he was.
This is now so much as I am able to declare to your highnesse by that I
sawe my selfe, and can remember whilest that I was in the Fortresse: that
also which by true relation of others I could understand, and sawe also my
selfe in the campe, whilest I was slaue, I will likewise briefly vtter vnto
you. The enemies armie was in number, two hundred thousand persons of all
sortes and qualities. Of souldiers which tooke pay there were 80. thousand,
besides the which number, there were l4. thousand of Giannizzers taken out
from all the holdes of Syria, Caramania, Natolia, and part of them also
which came from the gate [Footnote: The gate of the great Turke, is as much
to say, as Constantinople: the which they call in the Turkish language
Stanboll.] of the great Turke. The venturers with the sword were 60.
thousand in number. The reason, why there were so many of this sort, was
because Mustafa had dispersed a rumour through the Turkes dominion, that
Famagusta was much more wealthy and rich, then the citie of Nicosia was: so
for that cause, and by the commodious and easie passage from Syria ouer
into Cyprus, these venturers were easily induced to come thither.
[Footnote: Gli Venturieri da spada, are a kind of venturing souldiers, who
commonly are wont to follow the army in hope of the spoile.] In 75. dayes
(all the which time the batterie still continued) 140. thousand iron
pellets were shot of, numbred, and seene. The chiefe personages which were
in their armie neere vnto Mustafa, were these following; the Bassa of
Aleppo, [Footnote: Aleppo, a famous citie neere vnto Antiochia, otherwise
called in Greeke, [Greek: haeliopolis], the city of the Sunne.] the Bassa
of Natolia, Musafer Bassa of Nicosia, the Bassa of Caramaniai, the Aga of
the Giannizzers, Giambelat Bey, [Footnote: Bey in the Turkish language,
signifieth knight with vs.] the Sangiaccho of Tripolis, the Begliarbei of
Greece, [Footnote: Begliarbei signifieth lord Admirall.] the Bassa of
Sciuassi and of Marasco, Ferca Framburaro, the Sangiaccho of Antipo,
[Footnote: Sangiaccho, is that person with the Turkes, that gouerneth a
prouince or countrey.] Soliman Bey, three Sangiacchos of Arabia, Mustafa
Bey generall of the Venturers, Fergat gouernour of Malathia, the Framburaro
of Diuerie, the Sangiaccho of Arabia and other Sangiacchos of lesser
credite, with the number of fourescore thousand persons beside, as by the
muster made by his Commission might well appeare.
The Framburaro which was at Rhodes, was appointed and left gouernour at
Famagusta, and the report was that there should bee left in all the Island
of Cyprus, twentie thousand persons, with two thousand horses, many of the
which I saw, being very leane and euill appoynted for seruice. It seemeth
also a thing not impertinent to the matter, to signifie to you, how I, by
the especiall grace of God, was deliuered out of their cruell hands,
[Footnote: God suffereth much to be done to his seruants, but neuer
forsaketh them.] I hauing paied within two and fortie dayes (all the which
time I was slaue) fiue hundred Zechins for my ransome to him, whose
prisoner I was, by the meanes of the Consul for the French merchants, a
Ligier then at Tripolis, who a litle before came from Tripolis in Syria
vnto Cyprus, into the Turkes campe. Yet for all that I had paied this summe
of money to him, hee would not so set me at libertie, but fed mee vp still
with faire wordes, and promised mee that hee would first bring mee vnto his
gouernment, which abutted vpon a piece of the famous riuer of Euphrates,
and dismisse me. The which malice and falsehood of his I perceiuing,
determined with my selfe to giue him the slip, [Footnote: Necessitie oft
times sharpeneth mens wits, and causeth boldnes.] and to flie: so I waiting
my time, and repairing often to the Citie, at length met with a small
Fisher boate, of the which a small saile made of two shirts, I passed ouer
from Cyprus vnto Tripolis, being in very great danger of drowning, whereas
I remained in couert in the house of certaine Christians, vntill the fiue
and twentie of September, at what time I departed from thence in a little
French shippe called Santa Vittor, which came into these partes, and as wee
rode, wee touched at a part of Cyprus Westward, called Capo delle Gatte,
where as I came on land, and talking with certaine of the inhabitants of
the Villages, who were then by chaunce a Hauking, demaunded of them, how
they were intreated of the Turkes, and after what sort the Island was
tilled: to the which they answered, that they could not possiblie bee in
worse pickle then they were at that present, not enioying that quietly
which was their owne, being made villains and slaues, and almost alwayes
carying away the Bastonados, so that now (they sayd) they knew by triall
too perfectly the pleasant and peaceable gouernment of the Christians,
wishing and praying God that they might shortly returne. [Footnote: The
nature of euery commoditie is sooner vnderstood by lacking, then by
continuall enioying of the same.] And concerning the tillage of the Island
they made answere moreouer, that no part of it was plowed or laboured,
sauing onely that mountaine which was towards the West, and that because
they were litle troubled with the crueltie of the Turkes, but as for the
plaine and east part of the Island, there was small seede sowen therein,
but became in a maner desert, there being left but few inhabitants, and
lesse store of cattell there. Afterward wee departing from thence we
arriued in Candia, [Footnote: Candia of the old writers called Creta in
Latin, [Greek: Hekatompolis] in Greek, because it had once a 100. Cities in
it, now there remaining but onely 4. thus commonly named, Candia, la Cania,
Retima, and Scythia.] I for my part being clothed in sackecloth, whereas
soone after by the great curtesie of the right honourable Signior Latino
Orsino, I was new apparelled accordingly, friendly welcommed, and my
necessitie relieued. From whence I shortly after sayling in a Cypriettes
ship (thankes be to almightie God) arriued in this Citie in health, and am
safely come home now at the honorable feete of your highnesse.
The Captains of the Christians slaine in Famagusta.
The lord Estor Baglione.
The lord Aluigi Martinengo.
The lord Federico Baglione.
The knight of Asta Vicegouernor.
The Capitaine Dauid Noce Master of the Campe.
The capitaine Meani of Perugia Serieant Maior.
The earle Sigismond of Casoldo.
The earle Francesco of Lobi of Cremona.
The captaine Francesco Troncauilla.
The captaine Hannibal Adama of Fermo.
The captaine Scipio of the citie of Castello.
The captaine Charles Ragonasco of Cremona.
The captaine Francesco Siraco.
The captaine Robeto Maluezzo.
The captaine Casar of Aduersa.
The captaine Bernardin of Agubio.
The captaine Francesco Bugon of Verona.
The captaine Iames of Fabiana.
The captaine Sebastian del Sole of Florence.
The captaine Hector of Brescia, the successour to the captaine Casar of
The captaine Flaminio of Florence, successor vnto Sebastian del Sole.
The captaine Erasmus of Fermo, successor to the captaine of Cernole.
The captaine Bartholomew of Cernole.
The captaine Iohn Battista of Riuarole.
The captaine Iohn Francesco of Venice.
The names of Christians made slaues.
The Earle Herocles Martinengo, with Iulius Casar Ghelfo a Souldiour of
The earle Nestor Martinengo, which fled.
The captaine Marco Criuellatore.
The lord Herocles Malatesta.
The captaine Peter Conte of Montalberto.
The captaine Horatio of Veletri.
The captaine Aluigi Pezano.
The Conte Iames of Corbara.
The captaine Iohn of Istria.
The captaine Soldatelli of Agubio.
The captaine Iohn of Ascoli.
The captaine Antonie of the same towne.
The captaine Sebastian of the same towne.
The captaine Salgano of the citie of Castello.
The captaine Marcheso of Fermo.
The captaine Iohn Antonio of Piacenza.
The captaine Carletto Naldo.
The captaine Lorenzo Fornaretti.
The captaine Barnardo of Brescia.
The captaine Barnardino Coco.
The captaine Simon Bagnese, successour to the captaine Dauid Noce.
The captaine Tiberio Ceruto, successor vnto Conte Sigismond.
The captaine Ioseph of Lanciano, successour vnto captaine Francesco
The captaine Morgante, successor to captain Hannibal.
The Lieutenant, successour vnto the captaine Scipio.
The Standerd bearer, successour to captaine Roberto.
The captaine Ottauia of Rimini, successour to the captaine Francesco Bugon.
The captaine Mario de Fabiano, successour to captaine Iacomo.
The captaine Francesco of Venice, successour vnto captaine Antonio.
The captaine Matteo of Capua.
The captaine Iohn Maria of Verona.
The captaine Mancino.
Iohn Marmori, slaine.
The knight Maggio, slaue.
Turkish Captaines at Famagusta.
The Bassa of Aleppo.
The Bassa of Natolia, slaine.
Musafer Bassa of Nicosia.
The Bassa of Catamania.
The Aga of the Giannizers.
The Sangiaccho of Tripolis, slaine.
The Begliarbei of Greece.
The Bassa of Sciuassi and Marasco.
The Sangiaccho of Antipo, slaine.
Soliman Bey, slaine.
Three Sangiacchos of Arabia slaine.
Mustafa Bey, General of the Venturers, slain.
Fergat, ruler of Malathia, slaine.
The Framburaro of Diuerie, slaine.
* * * * *
The renuing and increasing of an ancient and commodious trade vnto diuerse
places in the Leuant seas, and to the chiefest partes of all the great
Turks dominions, by the meanes of the Right worsh. citizens Sir Edward
Osburne Alderman, and M. Richard Staper marchant of London.
This trade into the Leuant (as is elsewhere mentioned) was very vsuall and
much frequented from the yeere of our Lord 1511, till the yeere 1534, and
afterwards also, though not so commonly, vntill the yeere 1550, when as the
barke Aucher vnder the conduct of M. Roger Bodenham made a prosperous
voyage vnto Sicilia, Candia, Sio, and other places within the Leuant. Since
which time the foresaid trade (notwithstanding the Grand Signiors ample
priuilege granted to M. Anthony Ienkenson 1553, and the strong and weighty
reasons of Gaspar Campion for that purpose) was vtterly discontinued, and
in maner quite forgotten, as if it had neuer bene, for the space of 20
years and more. Howbeit, the discreete and worthy citizens Sir Edward
Osborne and M. Richard Staper seriously considering what benefite might
grow to the common wealth by renuing of the foresaid discontinued trade, to
the inlarging of her Maiesties customes, the furthering of nauigation, the
venting of diuerse generall commodities of this Realme, and the inriching
of the citie of London, determined to vse some effectuall meanes for the
reestablishing and augmenting thereof.
[Sidenote: The voyage of Iohn Wight, and Ioseph Clements to
Constantinople.] Wherefore about the yeere 1575 the foresaid R. W.
marchants at their charges and expenses sent Iohn Wight and Ioseph Clements
by the way of Poland to Constantinople, where the said Ioseph remained 18
monethes to procure a safe conduct from the grand Signior, for M. William
Harborne, then factor for Sir Edward Osborne, to haue free accesse into his
Highnes dominions, and obtained the same.
[Sidenote: The first voyage of M. William Harborne to Constantinople.]
Which businesse after two yeres chargeable trauell and suit being
accomplished, the sayd M. Harborne the first of Iuly 1578 departed from
London by the sea to Hamburgh, and thence accompanied with Ioseph Clements
his guide and a seruant, he trauelled to Leopolis in Poland, and then
apparelling himselfe, his guide, and his seruant after the Turkish fashion
(hauing first obteyned the king of Poland his safe conduct to passe at
Camienijecz the frontier towne of his dominions next vnto Turky) by good
means he obteined fauour of one Acmet Chaus the Turks ambassadour then in
Poland, and readie to returne to Constantinople, to bee receiued into his
companie and carouan. And so the fourth of September 1578 he departed with
the said Acmet from Leopolis in Poland, and trauelling through Moldauia,
Valachia, Bulgaria, and Romania, gratifying the Voiauodes with certaine
courtesies, he arriued at Constantinople the 28 of October next insuing.
Where he behaued himselfe so wisely and discreetly, that within few moneths
after he obtained not onely the great Turkes large and ample priuiledge for
himselfe, and the two worshipfull persons aforesaid, but also procured his
honourable and friendly letters vnto her Maiestie in maner following.
* * * * *
The letters sent from the Imperiall Musulmanlike highnesse of Zuldan Murad
Can, to the sacred regall Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England, the
fifteenth of March 1579, conteyning the grant of the first priuileges.
In greatness and glory most renowmed Elizabeth, most sacred Queene, and
noble prince of the most mightie worshippers of Iesus, most wise gouernour
of the causes and affaires of the people and family of Nazareth, cloud of
most pleasant raine, and sweetest fountaine of noblenesse and vertue, ladie
and heire of the perpetuall happinesse and glory of the noble Realme of
England (whom all sorts seeke vnto and submit themselues) we wish most
prosperous successe and happie ends to all your actions, and do offer vnto
you such pleasures and curtesies as are worthy of our mutuall and eternall
familiaritie: thus ending (as best beseemeth vs) out former salutations.
In most friendly maner we giue you to vnderstand, that a certaine man hath
come vnto vs in the name of your most excellent Regall Maiestie, commending
vnto vs from you all kindnesse, curtesie and friendly offices on your part,
and did humbly require that our Imperiall highnesse would vouchsafe to giue
leaue and libertie to him and vnto two other merchants of your kingdome
[Sidenote: These two were Sir Edward Osborne and M. Richard Staper.], to
resort hither and returne againe, and that by way of traffike they might be
suffered to trade hither with their goods and merchandizes to our Imperiall
dominions, and in like sort to make their returne.
Our stately Court and Countrey hath beene euer open for the accesse both of
our enemies and friends. But because we are informed that your most
excellent Regall Maiesty doth abound with good will, humanitie, and all
kind of louing affection towards vs, so much the rather shall the same our
Countrey be alwayes open to such of your subiects, as by way of merchandize
shall trade hither: and we will neuer faile to aide and succor any of them
that are or shal be willing to esteeme of our friendship, fauour, and
assistance: but will reckon it some part of our dutie to gratifie them by
all good meanes. And forasmuch as our Imperiall highnesse is giuen to
vnderstand that your most excellent Regall Maiestie doth excell in bountie
and curtesie, we therfore haue sent out our Imperiall commandement to all
our kings, iudges, and trauellers by sea, to all our Captaines and
voluntarie seafaring men, all condemned persons, and officers of Ports and
customes, straightly charging and commanding them, that such foresaid
persons as shall resort hither by sea from the Realme of England, either
with great or small vessels to trade by way of marchandize, may lawfully
come to our imperiall Dominions, and freely returne home againe, and that
no man shall dare to molest or trouble them. [Sidenote: He calleth the
Germaine emperor but king of Germanie.] And if in like sort they shall come
into our dominions by land, either on foote or on horsebacke, no man shall
at any time withstand or hinder them: but as our familiars and
confederates, the French, Venetians, Polonians, and the king of Germany,
with diuers other our neighbours about vs, haue libertie to come hither,
and to returne againe into their owne countreys, in like sort the marchants
of your most excellent Regall Maiesties kingdome shall haue safe conduct
and leaue to repayre hither to our Imperiall dominions, and so to returne
againe into their owne Country: straightly charging that they be suffered
to vse and trade all kind of marchandize as any other Christians doe,
without let or disturbance of any.
[Sidenote: The Turke demandeth like priuiledges for his subjects in the
Queenes dominions.] Therefore when these our Imperiall letters shall be
brought to your most excellent Maiestie, it shall be meet, according to our
beneuolence, humanity, and familiarity toards your most excellent Maiesty,
that you likewise bethinke your selfe of your like beneuolence, humanitie
and friendshippe towards vs, to open the gate thereof vnto vs, and to
nourish by all good meanes this kindnesse and friendship: and that like
libertie may be granted by your Highnesse to our subiects and merchants to
come with their merchandizes to your dominions, either by sea with their
ships, or by land with their wagons or horses, and to returne home againe:
and that your most excellent Regall Maiestie do alwayes declare your
humanitie, good will, and friendship towards vs, and alwayes keepe open the
dore thereof vnto vs.
Giuen at our citie of Constantinople the fifteenth day of March, and in the
yeere of our most holy Prophet Mahomet. [Marginal note: With vs the yeere
* * * * *
The answere of her Maiestie to the aforesaid Letters of the Great Turke,
sent the 15 of October 1579, in the Prudence of London by Master Richard
Elizabetha Dei ter maximi, et vnici coeli terraque Conditoris gratia,
Anglia, Francia et Hibernia regina, fidei Christiana contra omnes omnium
inter Christianos degentium, et Christi nomen falso profitentium
Idololatrias inuictissima et potentissima Defensatrix, augustissimo,
inuictissimoque principi Sultan Murad Can, Turcici regni dominatori
potentissimo, Imperijque orientis, Monarcha supra omnes soli et supremo,
salutem, et multos cum rerum optimarum affluentia foelices, et fortunatos
annos. Augustissime et inuictissime Caesar, accepimus inuicttissima Casarea
vestra celsitudinis literas, die decimoquinto Martij currentis anni ad nos
scriptas Constantinopoli, ex quibus intelligimus quam benigne quamque
clementer, litera supplices qua Casarea vestra celsitudini a quodam subdito
nostro Guilielmo Hareborno in Imperiali Celsitudinis vestra ciuitate
Constantinopoli commorante offerebantur, litera profectionis pro se et
socijs eius duobus hominibus mercatoribus subditis nostris cum mercibus
suis ad terras ditionesque Imperio vestro subiectas iam per mare quam per
terras, indeque reuersionis venia potestatisque humillimam complexa
petitionem, ab inuictissima vestra Casarea celsitudine, accepta fuerunt.
Neque id solum, sed quam mira cum facilitate, dignaque augustissima Casarea
clementia, quod erat in dictis literis supplicibus positum, ei socijsque
suis donatum et concessum fuit, pro ea, vti videtur, solum opinione, quam
de nobis, et nostra amicitia vestra celsitudo concepit. Quod singulare
beneficium in dictos subditos nostros collatum tam grate tamque beneuole
accepimus (maximas celsitudini vestra propterea et agentes, et habentes
gratias) nullo vt vnquam patiemur tempore, pro facultatum nostrarum
ratione, proque ea quam nobis inseuit ter maximus mundi monarcha Deus (per
quem et cuius auspicijs regnamus) natura bonitate, qua remotissimas nos
esse voluit, et abhorrentes ab ingratitudinis omni vel minima suspitione,
docuitque nullorum vnquam vt principum, vllis in nos meritis nos sineremus
vinci, aut superari, vt apud ingratam principem tantum beneficium
deposuisse, se vestra Celsitudo existimet. Proptereaque animum nostrum
inprasentiarum vestra celsitudini emetimur, bene sentiendo et pradicando,
quantopere nos obstrictas beneficij huius in subditos nostros collati
putemus memoria sempiterna: longe vberiorem, et ampliorem gratitudinis erga
vestram celsitudinem nostra testificationem datura, cum tempora incident,
vt possimus et a nobis desiderabitur. Quoniam autem qua nostris paucis
subditis, eaque suis ipsorum precibus, sine vlla intercessione nostra
concessa donatio est, in aque libera potestate sita est ad omnes terras
ditionesque Imperio vestro subiectas, com mercibus suis tam per mare quam
per terras eundi et redeundi, atque inuictissima Casarea vestra
celsitudinis confoederatis, Gallis, Polonis, Venetis, atque adeo regis
Romanorum subditis largita vnquam aut donata fuit, celsitudinem vestram
rogamus ne tam singularis beneficentia laus in tam angustis terminis duorum
aut trium hominum concludatur, sed ad vniuersos subditos nostrus diffusa,
propagataque, celsitudinis vestra beneficium eo reddat augustius, quo
eiusdem donatio latius patebit, et ad plures pertinebit. Cuius tam
singularis in nos beneficij meritum, eo erit celsitudini vestra minus
poenitendum, quo sunt merces illa, quibus regna nostra abundant, et aliorum
principum ditiones egent, tam humanis vsibus comoda tamque necessaria,
nulla gens vt sit, qua eis carere queat, proptereaque longissimis,
difficillimisque itineribus conquisitis non vehementer gaudeat. Carius
autem distrabunt alijs, quo ex labore suo quisque victum et quastum
quaritat, adeo vt in earum acquisitione vtilitas, in emptione autem ab
alijs onus sit. Vtilitas celsitudinis vestra subditis augebitur libera hac
paucorum nostrorum hominum ad terras vestras perfectione: onus minuctur,
profectionis, quorumcunque subditorum nostrorum donatione. Accedet praterea
qua a nobis in celsitudinis vestra subditos proficiscetur, par, aquaque
mercium exercendarum libertas, quoties et quando voluerint ad regna
dominiaque nostra mercatura gratia accedere. Quam celsitudini vestra
pollicemur tam amplam lateque patentem fore, quam est vlla a
confoederatorum vestrorum vllis principibus antedictis, regibus videlicet
Romanorum, Gallorum, Polonorum, ac republica Veneta, celsitudinis vestra
subditis vllo vnquam tempore concessa et donata. Qua in re si honesta
petitioni nostra inuictissima Caasarea vestra celsitudo dignabitur
auscultate, facietque vt acceptis nostris literis intelligamus gratum ne
habitura sit quod ab ea contendibus et rogamus, ea proposita prastitaque
securitate, qua subditos nostros quoscunque ad dominia sua, terra, marique
proficiscentes, indeque reuerentes tutos et secures reddat ab omni
quorumcunque subditorum suorum iniuria, efficiemus, vt qua Deus opt. max.
in regna dominiaque nostra contulit commoda (qua tam singularia sunt,
omnium vt principum animos pelliceant ad amicitiam, summaque necessitudinis
coniunctionem nobiscum contrahendam, stabiliendamque quo liberius tantis
summi Dei beneficijs fruantur, quibus carere nequeunt) nostri subditi ad
regna dominiaque Celsitudinis vestra aduehunt tam affluenter tamque
cumulate, vt vtrique incommodo pradicto necessitatis et oneris plenissime
succurratur. Facit praterea singularis ista Celsitudinis vestra in nos
Gentemque nostram summa beneuolentia significatio ac fides, vt eandem, in
causam quorumdam subditorum nostrorum, qui captiui triremibus vestris
detinentur, interpellemus, rogemusque, vt quoniam nullo in celsitudinem
vestram peccato suo, siue arma in eam ferendo, siue iniquius prater fas et
ius gentium se gerendo in suos subditos, in hanc calamitatem inciderint,
soluti vinculis, et libertate donati, nobis pro sua fide et obsequio
inseruientes, causam vberiorem prabeant vestra Celsitudinis in nos
humanitatem pradicandi: et Deum illum, qui solus, et supra omnia et omnes
est acerrimus idololatria vindicator, suique honoris contra Gentium et
aliorum falsos Deos Zelotes, pracabimur, vt vestram inuictissimam Casaream
Celsitudinem omni beatitate eorum donorum fortunet, qua sola et summe iure
merito habentur desideratissima.
Data e Regia nostra Grenouici, prope ciuitatem nostram Londinum,
quintodecimo Mensis Octobris, Anno Iesu Christi Saluatoris nostri 1579,
Regni vero nostri vicessimo primo.
The same in English.
Elizabeth by the grace of the most mightie God, and onely Creatour of
heauen and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queene, the most
inuincible and most mighty defender of the Christian faith against all
kinde of idolatries, of all that liue among the Christians, and fully
professe the Name of Christ, vnto the most Imperiall and most inuincible
prince, Zaldan Murad Can, the most mightie ruler of the kingdome of Turkie,
sole and aboue all, and most souereigne Monarch of the East Empire,
greeting, and many happy and fortunate yeeres, with abundance of the best
Most Imperiall and most inuincible Emperour, wee haue receiued the letters
of your mightie highnesse written to vs from Constantinople the fifteenth
day of March this present yere, whereby we vnderstand how gratiously, and
how fauourably the humble petitions of one William Hareborne a subiect of
ours, resident in the Imperiall citie of your highnes presented vnto your
Maiestie for the obteining of accesse for him and two other Marchants more
of his company our subiects also, to come with marchandizes both by sea and
land, to the countries and territories subiect to your gouernment, and from
thence againe to returne home with good leaue and libertie, were accepted
of your most inuincible Imperiall highnesse, and not that onely, but with
an extraordinarie speed and worthy your Imperiall grace, that which was
craued by petition was granted to him, and his company in regard onely (as
it seemeth) of the opinion which your highnesse conceiued of vs and our
amitie: which singular benefit done to our aforesaid subiects, wee take so
thankefully, and so good part (yeelding for the same our greatest thanks to
your highnesse) that we will neuer giue occasion to your said highnesse
(according as time, and the respect of our affaires will permit) once to
thinke so great a pleasure bestowed vpon an vngratefull Prince. For the
Almighty God, by whom, and by whose grace we reigne, hath planted in vs
this goodnesse of nature, that wee detest and abhorre the least suspition
of ingratitude, and hath taught vs not to suffer our selues to bee
ouermatched with the good demerits of other Princes. And therefore at this
time wee doe extende our good minde vnto your highnesse, by well
concerning, and publishing also abroad, how much we repute our selfe bound
in an euerlasting remembrance for this good pleasure to our Subiects,
meaning to yeelde a much more large and plentifull testification of our
thankefulnesse, when time conuenient shall fall out, and the same shall bee
looked for at our handes.
But whereas that graunt which was giuen to a fewe of our Subiects, at their
onely request without any intercession of ours, standeth in as free a
libertie of comming and going to and from all the lands and kingdoms
subiect to your Maiestie, both by land and sea with marchandizes, as euer
was granted to any of your Imperiall highnesse confederates, as namely to
the French, the Polonians, the Venetians, as also to the subiects of the
king of the Romanes, wee desire of your highnesse that the commendation of
such singular courtesie may not bee so narrowly restrained to two or three
men onely, but may be inlarged to all our subiects in generall, that
thereby your highnesse goodnesse may appeare the more notable, by reason of
the graunting of the same to a greater number of persons. The bestowing of
which so singular a benefit your highnesse shall so much the lesse repent
you of, by howe much the more fit and necessary for the vse of man those
commodities are, wherewith our kingdomes doe abound, and the kingdomes of
other princes doe want, so that there is no nation that can be without
them, but are glad to come by them, although by very long and difficult
trauels: and when they haue them, they sell them much deerer to others,
because euery man seeketh to make profite by his labour: so that in the
getting of them there is profit, but in the buying of them from others
there is losse. But this profite will be increased to the subiects of your
highnesse by this free accesse of a few of our subiects to your dominions,
as also the losse and burden wilbe eased, by the permission of generall
accesse to all our people. And furthermore we will graunt as equall and as
free a libertie to the subiects of your highnesse with vs for the vse of
traffique, when they wil and as often as they wil, to come, and go to and
from vs and our kingdomes. Which libertie wee promise to your highnesse
shalbe as ample, and as large as any was euer giuen or granted to your
subiects by the aforesaide princes your confederate, as namely the king of
the Romanes, of France, of Poland, and the common wealth of Venice. In
which matter, if your most inuincible Imperiall highnesse shall vouchsafe
to incline to our reasonable request, and shall giue order vpon these our
letters, that wee may haue knowledge how the same is accepted of you, and
whether it wilbe granted, with sufficient securitie for our subiects to go,
and returne safe and secure from all violences and inuiries of your people,
we on the other side wil giue order, that those commodities which Almighty
God hath bestowed vpon our kingdomes (which are in deed so excellent, that
by reason of them all princes are drawen to enter, and confirme leagues of
amitie and good neighborhood with vs, by that meanes to enioy these so
great blessings of God, which we haue, and they can in no case want) our
subiects shall bring them so abundantly and plentifully to the kingdomes
and dominions of your highnesse, that both the former inconueniences of
necessitie, and losse, shall most sufficiently be taken away.
Moreouer the signification and assurance of your highnesse great affection
to vs and our nation, doeth cause vs also to intreat and vse mediation on
the behalfe of certain of our subiects, who are deteined as slaues and
captiues in your Gallies, for whom we craue, that forasmuch as they are
fallen into that misery, not by any offence of theirs, by bearing of armes
against your highnesse, or in behauing of themselues contrarie to honestie,
and to the law of nations, they may be deliuered from their bondage, and
restored to libertie, for their seruice towardes vs, according to their
dutie: which thing shall yeeld much more abundant cause to vs of commending
your clemencie, and of beseeching that God (who onely is aboue all things,
and all men, and is a most seuere reuenger of all idolatrie, and is ielous
of his honour against the false gods of the nations) to adorne your most
inuincible Imperiall highnesse with all the blessings of those gifts, which
onely and deseruedly are accounted most worthy of asking.
Giuen at our palace of Greenwich, neere to our citie of London, the fiue
and twentieth day of October, in the yeere of Iesus Christ our Sauiour one
thousand, fiue hundreth, seuentie and nine, and of our reigne the one and
* * * * *
The charter of the priuileges granted to the English, and the league of the
great Turke with the Queenes Maiestie in respect of traffique, dated in
Immensa et maxima ex potestate potentissimi, terribilibusque verbis et
nunquam finienda innumerabiliue clementia et ineffabili auxilio sanctissimi
et pura mente colendissimi tremendissimique moderna atatis monarcha, totius
orbis terrarum potentribus sceptra diuidere potens, clementia, gratiaque
diuina vmbra, regnorum prouinciarumue, et vrbium ciuitatumue distributor
permultarum: Nos sacratissimus Casar Muzulmanicus Meccha, id est domus
diuina, Medina, gloriosissima et beatissima Ierusalem, Aegypti
fertilissima, Iemen, et Zouan, Eden et Canan, Sami pacifera et Hebes, Iabza
et Pazra, Zerazub et Halepia, Caramaria et Diabekiruan, et Dulkadiria,
Babylonia, et totius triplicis Arabia, Euzorum et Georgianorum, Cypri
diuitis, et regnorum Asia Ozakior, Camporum Maris albi et nigri, Gracia et
Mesopotamia, Africa et Goleta, Algeris et Tripolis occidentalis,
selectissimaque Europa, Buda, et Temeswar, et regnorum transalpinorum, et
his similium permultorum princeps Casarue sacerrimus, potentissimus Murad
Can, filius principis Zelim Can, qui fuit Zoleiman Can, qui fuit Zelim Can,
qui fuit Paiezid Can, qui fuit Mehemed Can, &c.
Nos princeps potentissimos Murad Can hoc in signum nostra Casarea amicitia
significamus, manifestamus, quod in temporibus modernis Regina Anglia,
Francia, et Hibernia Elizabetha in Christianitate honoratissima Regina
(cuius mercatorum exitus sit foelicissimus) ad nostram excelsam, et
iustitia plenam, fulgidissimamue portam, qua omnibus principibus mundi est
refugium et requies, per egregium Gulielmum Harebornum literas misit suas,
quibus sua maiestas significauit, quod tempore praterito quidam subditi sui
venissent ad nostram portam excelsam, et suam obedientiam erga eam
demonstrauissent, et ob eam causam illis quoque ad nostras ditiones
mercandi gratia venire et redire poscerent venia et potestas fuisset data:
et quod in locis et hospitijs eorum per mare et terram nemo auderet
impedire et illis damnum facere, mandatum Casareum fuisset datum: et quod
hanc nostram gratiam, quam paucis hominibus sua maiestatis
demonstrauissemus, vniuersis suis subditis concederemus petebat. [Sidenote:
Foedus Turcici Imperatoris cum Regina initum.] Quare, quemadmodum cum
serenissimis beneuolentiam et obedientiam, seruitiaue sua demonstrantibus
erga nostram portam excelsam regibus et principibus confoederatis (vt sunt
rex Gallorum. Veneti, et rex Polonorum, et cateri) pacem et foedus
sanctissimum pepigimus: sic etiam cum prafata Regina amicitiam
custodiendam, pacem et foedus coniunximus. Illius igitur homines, et
vniuersi mercatores, sine aliquo impedimento cum suis mercibus et oneribus