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The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of The English Nation v. 4 by Richard Hakluyt

Part 2 out of 8

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with them, came to them with diuers boates vnder the colour of friendship,
and entered their ship, but immediately they tooke their hatchets and slew
diuers of the Russes that were of the ship vpon the hatches: Whereupon
master Ducket, Lionell Plumtree, William Smith, the master, a man of
singular valure, and Amos Riall being vnder the Spardecke did so well
behaue themselues, that they skowred the hatches, and slew 14 of the
Cassaks gunners, and hurt and wounded about 30 more; being of them al in
number 150. at the least, armed with caliuers and other weapons fit for so
villanous a purpose.

[Sidenote: The English ship taken by the Cassaks.] M. Ducket
notwithstanding and the rest aforesaid receiued diuers wounds from the
enemie, and were so hurt, and withall so oppressed with the multitude and
force of them, that they were at last constrained to make an agreement with
the Cassaks by rendring the ship into their hands, hauing receiued first
their othes sworne by their crucifixes, not to do any further harme to
their persons.

Thus the shippe being taken, and all the English grieuously hurt, the
Cassaks immediately discharged the ship of them, putting them all into the
ship boate with two or three Persian targets full of horse flesh and swines
flesh, without further victuals or reliefe: they being in that case, made
the best hast they could to get to Astracan: and being come to the towne,
master Ducket made great sute to the captaine to haue men and boates set
out for the rescuing and recouering of the ship if it were possible: who
immediately sent out his sonne with fortie boates and fiue hundred men to
pursue the Pirats, and by good hap came to the place where they rid at
anker with the ship, but by reason of their foolishnes in striking vp their
drums before they were come neere them, the Cassaks discouering the boats,
cut their gables and put out to sea, whereupon the boats not being able to
folow them, returned againe to Astracan. After which, 60 boats more were
sent out to pursue them againe the second time: and that second army came
to a place where they found many of these Cassaks and slew them, and found
out the places where they had hid certaine parcels of their goods in the
earth in the chests of the ship: all which they recouered againe for the
English merchants, to the value of 5000 li. of 30 or 40 thousand pound, but
all the rest the Cassaks in the ship had caried away.

In the same place they found further diuers of the Cassaks which the
Englishmen had slaine, buried in the earth, and wrapt some in fortie or
fiftie yards of Sattin and Taffataes, and some in Turkie carpets cut and
spoiled by those villanous Pirats, of whom afterwards as many as could be
taken, by the Persians who entirely loued the English merchants, were put
to most cruell torments in all places according to their deserts.

But our men being thus spoyled of their goods, and wounded in their bodies,
remained about two moneths at Astracan for their better recouerie: and
hauing gotten some reasonable strength, they then prouided boates and went
vp the riuer of Volga to Cazan, with such goods as they had recouered from
the Cassaks. [Sidenote: Ice in the beginning of October.] From Cazan they
went towards Yeraslaue, but in the way the ice intercepted them about the
beginning of October, where suddenly in the night they were taken with a
cruell and vehement frost, and therewithall the waters so congeled, that
their boates were crushed and cut in sunder with the ice, whereby they
sustained both a further danger of life and losse of goods: but as much as
they could preserue with much adoe, they conueyed ouer land in sleds to
Vologda, and from thence sent much of it to Saint Nicholas to be laden in
the ships for England.

But Master Ducket, Lionel Plumtree and Amos Riall went with some parcels to
the Mosko, and there sold certaine quantities of it to the Emperour, who
pitying the mightie losse that they had sustained by his owne rebellious
people and subiects, bought himselfe as much as hee liked, and payed
present money for the same. [Sidenote: 1574.] So that Winter being spent
out in Mosko, and such wares prouided by them as serued for England, they
departed to Saint Nicholas, and there embarked in the moneth of August: and
hauing endured a very terrible passage in nine weekes and three dayes, with
some hardnesse of victuals, contrary and furious windes, and other sea
accidents, they arriued at London in the moneth of October, one thousand
fiue hundred seuentie and foure, and so make an ende of an vnfortunate
voyage: which if it had pleased God to prosper, that all things had come
home as safely as they were carefully prouided, and painfully laboured for,
it had proued the richest voiage and most profitable returne of commoditie,
that had euer bene vndertaken by English merchants, who, notwithstanding
all misfortunes, lost nothing of their principall aduenture, but onely the
interest and gaine that might haue risen by the vse of their stocke in the
meane time.

* * * * *

Further obseruations concerning the state of Persia, taken in the foresayd
fift voyage into those partes, and written by M. Geffery Ducket, one of
the Agents emploied in the same.

Shamaky is the fairest towne in all Media, and the chiefest commoditie of
that countrey is rawe silke, and the greatest plentie thereof is at a towne
three dayes iourney from Shamaky called Arash: [Sidenote: Grosin or
Georgia.] and within 3. dayes iourney of Arash is a countrey named Grosin,
whose inhabitants are Christians, and are thought to be they which are
otherwise called Georgians: there is also much silke to be sold. The chief
towne of that countrey is called Zegham, from whence is caried yeerely into
Persia, an incredible quantitie of Hasell nuts, all of one sort and
goodnesse, and as good and thin shaled as are our Filberds. Of these are
caried yeerely the quantitie of 4000. Camels laden.

Of the name of the Sophy of Persia, and why he is called the Shaugh, and of
other customes.

The king of Persia (whom here, we call the great Sophy) is not there so
called, but is called the Shaugh. It were there dangerous to cal him by the
name of Sophy, because that Sophy in the Persian tongue, is a begger, and
it were as much as to call him. The great begger. He lieth at a towne
called Casbin, which is situate in a goodly fertile valley of 3. or 4.
daies iourney in length. The towne is but euil builded, and for the most
part all of bricke, not hardened with fire, but only dried at the sunne, as
is the most part of the building of all Persia. The king hath not come out
of the compasse of his owne house in 33. or 34. yeeres, whereof the cause
is not knowen, but as they say, it is vpon a superstition of certaine
prophesies to which they are greatly addicted: he is now about 80. yeeres
of age, and very lusty. And to keepe him the more lusty, he hath 4. wiues
alwayes, and about 300. concubines, and once in the yeere he hath all the
faire maidens and wiues that may be found a great way about brought vnto
him, whom he diligently peruseth, feeling them in all parts, taking such as
he liketh, and putting away some of them which he hath kept before, and
with them that he putteth away, he gratifieth some such as hath done him
the best seruice. And if hee chance to take any mans wife, her husband is
very glad thereof, and in recompense of her, oftentimes he giueth the
husband one of his old store, whom he thankfully receiueth.

[Sidenote: How strangers are used.] If any stranger being a Christian shall
come before him, he must put on a new paire of shooes made in that
countrey, and from the place where be entreth, there is digged as it were a
causey all the way, vntil he come to the place where he shal talke with the
king who standeth alwayes aboue in a gallerie, when he talketh with any
strangers: and when the stranger is departed, then is the causey cast
downe, and the ground made euen againe.

Of the religion of the Persians.

Their religion is all one with the Turkes, sauing that they differ who was
the right successor of Mahumet. The Turkes say that it was one Homer and
his sonne Vsman. But the Persians say that it was one Mortus Ali, which
they would prooue in this maner. They say there was a counsell called to
decide the matter who should be the successor: and after they had called
vpon Mahumet to reueale vnto them his will and pleasure therein, there came
among them a little Lizard, who declared that it was Mahumets pleasure that
Mortus Ali should be his successor. [Sidenote: A goodly and well grounded
religion.] This Mortus Ali was a valiant man and slew Homer the Turkes
prophet. He had a sword that hee fought withall, with the which hee
conquered all his enemies, and killed as many as he stroke. When Mortus Ali
died, there came a holy prophet, who gaue them warning that shortly there
would come a white Camell, vpon the which he charged them to lay the body
and sword of Mortus Ali, and to suffer the Camel to cary it whither he
would. The which being performed, the said white camell caried the sword
and body of Mortus Ali taken vp into heauen, for whose return they haue
long looked in Persia. And for this cause the king alwayes keepeth a horse
ready sadled for him, and also of late kept for him one of his owne
daughters to be his wife, but she died in the yere of our Lord, 1573. And
they say furthermore, that if he come not shortly, they shalbe of our
beliefe: much like the Iewes, looking for their Messias to come and reigne
among them like a worldly king for euer, and deliuer them from the
captiuitie which they are now in among the Christians, Turkes, and

The Shaugh or king of Persia is nothing in strength and power comparable
vnto the Turke: for although he hath a great Dominion, yet is it nothing to
be compared with the Turks: neither hath he any great Ordinance or gunnes,
or harquebusses. Notwithstanding his eldest sonne Ismael about 25. yeeres
past, fought a great battell with the Turke, and slew of his armie about an
hundred thousand men: who after his returne was by his father cast into
prison, and there continueth vntil this day: for his father the Shaugh had
him in suspicion that he would haue put him downe, and haue taken the
regiment vnto himselfe.

[Sidenote: Their opinion of Christ.] Their opinion of Christ is, that he
was an holy man and a great Prophet, but not like vnto Mahumet: saying,
that Mahumet was the last prophet by whom all things were finished, and was
therefore the greatest. To prooue that Christ was not Gods sonne, they say
that God had neuer wife, and therefore could haue no sonne or children.
They go on pilgrimage from the furthest part of Persia vnto Mecha in
Arabia, and by the way they visite also the sepulchre of Christ at
Ierusalem, which they now call Couch Kaly.

The most part of spices which commeth into Persia is brought from the
Island of Ormus, situate in the gulfe of Persia called Sinus Persicus,
betweene the maine land of Persia and Arabia, &c. The Portingals touch at
Ormus both in their voyage to East India and homeward againe, and from
thence bring all such spices as are occupied in Persia and the regions
thereabout: for of pepper, they bring very small quantitie, and that at a
very deare price.

The Turkes oftentimes bring pepper from Mecha in Arabia, which they sell as
good cheape as that which is brought from Ormus. Silkes are brought from no
place, but are wrought all in their owne countrey. Ormus is within two
miles of the maine land of Persia, and the Portingals fetch their fresh
water there, for the which they pay tribute to the Shaugh or king of

[Sidenote: Their money.] Within Persia they haue neither gold nor siluer
mines, yet haue they coined money both of gold and siluer, and also other
small moneys of copper. There is brought into Persia an incredible summe of
Dutch dollars, which for the most part are there imploied in raw silke.

[Sidenote: Their bookes and learning.] They haue few bookes and lesse
learning, and are for the most part very brutish in al kind of good
sciences, sauing in some kind of silke works, and in such things as
pertaine to the furniture of horses, in the which they are passing good.

[Sidenote: Such was the law of the Macedonians for treason.] Their lawes
are as in their religion, wicked and detestable. And if any man offend the
prince, he punisheth it extremely, not onely in the person that offendeth,
but also in his children, and in as many as are of his kin. Theft and
murther are often punished, yet none otherwise then pleaseth him that is
ruler in the place where the offence is committed, and as the partie
offending is able to make friends, or with money to redeeme his offence.

[Sidenote: Dissention for religion.] There is oftentimes great mutinie
among the people in great Townes which of Mortus Ali his sonnes was
greatest: insomuch that sometimes in the towne two or three thousand people
are together by the eares for the same, as I haue seene in the towne of
Shamaky and Ardouil, and also in the great City of Tiueris, where I haue
seene a man comming from fighting, in a brauerie bringing in his hand foure
or fiue mens heads, carying them by the haire of the head: for although
they shaue their heads most commonly twise a weeke, yet leaue they a tuft
of haire vpon their heads about 2. foote long. I haue enquired why they
leaue the tuft of haire vpon their heads. They answered that thereby they
may easiler be carried vp into heauen when they are dead.

[Sidenote: Their priests and preaching. Their Lent.] For their religion
they haue certairie priests who are apparelled like vnto other men. They
vse euery morning and afternoone to go vp to the tops of their churches,
and tell there a great tale of Mahumet and Mortus Ali: and other preaching
haue they none. Their Lent is after Christmas, not in abstinence from flesh
onely, but from all meats and drinks, vntill the day be off the side, but
then they eate somtimes the whole night. And although it be against their
religion to drinke wine, yet at night they will take great excesses thereof
and be drunken. Their Lent beginneth at the new Moone, and they do not
enter into it vntill they haue seene the same: neither yet doeth their Lent
end, vntill they haue seen the next new Moone, although the same (through
close weather) should not be seen in long time.

[Sidenote: Their saints and holy men. Pilgrimage.] They haue among them
certaine holy men whom they call Setes, counted holy for that they or any
of their ancestors haue been on pilgrimage at Mecha in Arabia, for
whosoeuer goeth thither on pilgrimage to visite the sepulchre of Mahumet,
both he and all his posteritie are euer after called Setes, and counted for
holy men, and haue no lesse opinion of themselues. And if a man contrary
one of these, he will say that he is a Saint, and therefore ought to be
beleeued, and that hee cannot lie, although he lie neuer so shamefully.
Thus a man may be too holy, and no pride is greater then spirituall pride
of a mind puffed vp with his own opinion of holinesse. These Setes do vse
to shaue their heads all ouer, sauing on the sides a litle aboue the
temples, the which they leaue vnshauen, and vse to braid the same as women
do their haire, and to weare it as long as it will grow.

[Sidenote: Their praier and worshipping of God and Mahumet.] Euery morning
they vse to worship God, Mahumet, and Mortus Ali, and in praying turne
themselues toward the South, because Mecha lieth that way from them. When
they be in trauell on the way, many of them will (as soone as the Sunne
riseth) light from their horses, turning themselues to the South, and will
lay their gownes before them, with their swords and beads, and so standing
vpright worship to the South: and many times in their prayers kneele downe,
and kisse their beads, or somwhat els that lieth before them.

[Sidenote: Washing and outward clenlinesse.] The men or women doe neuer goe
to make water, but they vse to take with them a pot with a spout, and after
they haue made water, they flash some water vpon their priuy parts, and
thus doe the women as well as the men: and this is a matter of great
religion among them, and in making of water the men do cowre downe as well
as the women.

[Sidenote: Their swearing.] When they earnestly affirme a matter, they will
sweare by God, Mahumet, or Mortus Ali, and sometimes by all at ones: as
thus in their owne language, saying, Olla, Mahumet, Ali. But if he will
sweare by the Shaughs head, in saying Shaugham basshe, you may then beleeue
him if you will.

[Sidenote: The king's magnificence.] The Shaugh keepeth a great
magnificence in his court: and although sometimes in a moneth or six weekes
none of his nobilitie or counsaile can see him, yet goe they daily to the
court, and tary there a certaine time vntil they haue knowen his pleasure
whether hee will commaund them any thing or not. [Sidenote: Pursuiuants.]
Hee is watched euery night with a thousand of his men, which are called his
Curshes, who are they that hee vseth to send into the Countreis about his
greatest affaires. When he sendeth any of them (if it be to the greatest of
any of his nobilitie) he will obey them, although the messenger should beat
any of them to death.

[Sidenote: The kings company with his wiues and concubines.] The Shaugh
occupieth himselle alwayes two dayes in the weeke in his Bathstoue, and
when he is disposed to goe thither, he taketh with him fiue or sixe of his
concubines, more or lesse, and one day they consume in washing, rubbing,
and bathing him, and the other day in paring his nailes, and other matters.
The greatest part of his life hee spendeth amongst his wiues and
concubines. Hee hath now reigned about fiftie and foure yeeres, and is
therefore counted a very holy man, as they euer esteeme their kings, if
they haue reigned fiftie yeeres or more: for they measure the fauour of God
by a mans prosperitie, or his displeasure by a mans misfortune or
aduersitie. The great Turk hath this Shaugh in great reuerence, because he
hath reigned king so long time.

[Sidenote: The succession of the kingdom.] I haue sayd before that hee hath
foure wiues, and as many: concubines as him listeth: and if he chance to
haue any children by any of his concubines, and be minded that any of those
children shall inherite after him, then when one of his wiues dieth, the
concubine whom hee so fauoureth, hee maketh one of his wiues, and the
childe whom he so loueth best, he ordaineth to bee king after him.

[Sidenote: Circumcision.] What I heard of the maner of their mariages, for
offending of honest consciences and chaste ears, I may not commit to
writing: their fasting I haue declared before. They vse circumcision vnto
children of seuen yeeres of age, as do the Turkes.

[Sidenote: Their houses, and maner of eating.] Their houses (as I haue
sayd) are for the most part made of bricke, not burned but only dried in
the Sunne: In their houses they haue but litle furniture of houshold
stuffe, except it be their carpets and some copper worke: for all their
kettles and dishes wherein they eate, are of copper. They eate on the
ground, sitting on carpets crosse legged as do Tailors. There is no man so
simple but he sitteth on a carpet better or worse, and the whole house or
roume wherein he sitteth is wholy couered with carpets. Their houses are
all with flat roofes couered with earth: and in the Sommer time they lie
vpon them all night.

[Sidenote: Bondmen and bondwomen.] They haue many bond seruants both men
and women. Bondmen and bondwomen, is one of the best kind of merchandise
that any man may bring. When they buy any maydes or yong women, they yse to
fede them in all partes, as with vs men doe horses: when one hath bought a
yong woman, if he like her, be will keepe her for his owne vse as long as
him listeth, and then selleth her to an other, who doth the like with her.
So that one woman is sometimes sold in the space of foure or fiue yeeres,
twelue, or twentie times. If a man keepe a bondwoman for his owne vse, and
if hee find her to be false to him, and giue her body to any other, he may
kill her if he will.

[Sidenote: Women bought and sold, and let to hire.] When a merchant or
traueller commeth to any towne where he entendeth to tary any time, he
hireth a woman, or sometimes 2. or 3. during his abode there. And when he
commeth to an other towne, he doeth the like in the same also: for there
they vse to put out their women to hire, as wee do here hackney horses.

[Sidenote: Abundance of oile issuing out of the ground.] There is a very
great riuer which runneth through the plaine of Iauat, which falleth into
the Caspian sea, by a towne called Bachu, neere vnto which towne is a
strange thing to behold. For there issueth out of the ground a marueilous
quantitie of oile, which oile they fetch from the uttermost bounds of all
Persia: it serueth all the countrey to burn in their houses.

This oyle is blacke, and is called Nefte: [Footnote: These springs are
still in existence.] they vse to cary it throughout all the Countrey vpon
kine and asses, of which you shall oftentimes meet with foure or fiue
hundred in a company. [Sidenote: Oleum Petroleum.] There is also by the
said towne of Bachu another kind of oyle which is white and very precious:
and is supposed to be the same that here is called Petroleum. There is also
not far from Shamaky, a thing like vnto tarre, and issueth out of the
ground, [Footnote: These springs are still in existence.] whereof we haue
made the proofe, that in our ships it serueth well in the stead of tarre.

[Sidenote: Two sorts of kine.] In Persia are kine of two sorts: the one
like vnto ours in these partes: the other are marueilous euill fauoured,
with great bones and very leane, and but litle haire vpon them: their milke
is walowish sweete: they are like vnto them which are spoken of in the
Scripture, which in the dreame of Pharao signified the seuen deare yeeres:
for a leaner or more euill fauoured beast can no man see.

[Sidenote: Foxes in great plenty.] In the countrey of Shiruan (sometime
called Media) if you chance to lie in the fields neere vnto any village, as
the twilight beginneth, you shall haue about you two or three hundred
foxes, which make a marueilous wawling or howling: and if you looke not
well to your victuals, it shal scape them hardly but they will haue part
with you.

The Caspian sea doeth neither ebbe nor flowe, except sometimes by rages of
wind it swelleth vp very high: the water is very salt. Howbeit, the
quantitie of water that falleth out of the great riuer of Volga maketh the
water fresh at the least twentie leagues into the sea. The Caspian sea is
marueilous full of fish, but no kind of monstrous fish, as farre as I could
vnderstand, yet hath it sundry sortes of fishes which are not in these
parts of the world.

The mutton there is good, and the sheepe great, hauing very great rumpes
with much fat vpon them.

Rice and mutton Is their chiefe victual.

* * * * *

The copy of a letter sent to the Emperour of Moscouie, by Christopher
Hodsdon and William Burrough, Anno 1570.

MOst mightie Empefour, &c. Whereas Sir William Garrard and his felowship
the company of English merchants, this last Winter sent hither to the Narue
three ships laden with merchandise, which was left here, and with it
Christopher Hodsdon one of the sayd felowship, and their chiefe doer in
this place, who when hee came first hither, and vntil such time as hee had
dispatched those ships from hence, was in hope of goods to lade twelue or
thirteene sails of good ships, against this shipping, wherefore he wrote
vnto the sayd Sir William Garrard and his companie to send hither this
spring the sayd number of thirteene ships. And because that in their
comming hither wee found the Freebooters on the sea, and supposing this
yeere that they, would be very strong, he therefore gaue the said sir
William and his companie aduise to furnish the sayd number of ships so
strongly, as they should bee able to withstand the force of the
Freebooters: whereupon they haue according to his aduice sent this yeere
thirteene good ships together well furnished with men and munition, and all
other necessaries for the warres, of which 13. ships William Burrough one
of the said felowship is captaine generall, vnto whom there was giuen in
charge, that if hee met with any the Danske Freebooters, or whatsoeuer
robbers and theeues that are enimies to to your highnesse, he should doe
his best to apprehend and take them. [Sidenote: Fiue ships of Freebooters
taken.] It so hapned that the tenth day of this moneth the sayd William
with his fleete, met with sixe ships of the Freebooters neere vnto an
Island called Tuttee, which is about 50. versts from Narue vnto which
Freebooters he with his fleete gaue chase, and took of them the Admirall,
wherein were left but three men, the rest were fled to shore in their boats
amongst the woods vpon Tuttee, on which he set fire and burned her. He also
tooke foure more of those ships which are now here, and one ship escaped
him: out of, which foure ships some of the men fled in their boates and so
escaped, others were slaine in fight, and some of them when they saw they
could not escape, cast themselues willingly into the Sea and were drowned.
So that in these fiue ships were left but 83. men.

The said Wil. Borough when he came hither to Narue, finding here Chistopber
Hodsdon aforenamed, both the said Christopher and William together, in the
name of sir William Garrard and the rest of their whole companie and
felowship, did present vnto your highnesse of those Freebooters taken by
our ships 82. men, which we deliuered here vnto Knez Voiuoda, the 13. of
this moneth. One man of those Freebooters we haue kept by vs, whose name is
Haunce Snarke a captaine. And the cause why we haue done it is this: When
wee should haue deliuered him with the rest of his felowes vnto the
Voiuodaes officers, there were of our Englishmen more then 50. which fell
on their knees vnto vs, requesting that he might be reserued in the ship,
and caried back into England: and the cause why they so earnestly intreated
for him, is, that some of those our Englishmen had bene taken with
Freebooters, and by his meanes had their liues saued with great fauour
besides, which they found at his hands. Wherefore if it please your
highnesse to permit it, we will cary him home with vs into England, wherin
we request your maiesties fauour: notwithstanding what you command of him
shalbe obserued.

Wee haue also sent our seruant to your highnesse with such bestellings and
writings as wee found in those shippes: whereby your Maiestie may see by
whom, and in what order they were set out, and what they pretended, which
writings wee haue commended vnto Knez Yoriue your Maiesties Voiuoda at
Plesco, by our seruant. And haue requested his futherance for the safe
deliuerie of them to your maiesties hands: which writings when you haue
perused we desire that they may be returned vnto vs by this our seruant, as
speedily as may bee: for these ships which we now haue here will be soone
dispatched from hence, for that we haue not goods to lade aboue the halfe
of them. And the cause is, we haue this winter (by your maiesties order)
bene kept from traffiquing to the companies great losse. But hoping your
maiestie will hereafter haue consideration thereof, and that we may haue
free libertie to trafique in all partes of your maiesties Countries,
according to the priuledge giuen vnto vs, we pray for your maiesties
health, with prosperous successe to the pleasure of God. From Narue the 15
of Iuly, Anno 1570.

Your Maiesties most humble and obedient,

Christopher Hodsdon. William Borough.

* * * * *

A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henrie Lane, touching the burning of the
Citie of Mosco by the Crimme Tartar, written in Rose Island the 5. day of
August, 1571.

Master Lane I haue me commended vnto you. The 27. of Iuly I arriued here
with the Magdalene, and the same day and houre did the Swalow and Harry
arriue here also. At our comming I found Master Proctor here, by whom we
vnderstand very heauie newes. [Sidenote: the citie of Mosco burnt by the
Crimme. Englishmen smothered at the burning of Mosco.] The Mosco is burnt
euerie sticke by the Crimme the 24, day of May last, and an innumerable
number of people: and in the English house was smothered Thomas Southam,
Tofild, Wauerly, Greenes wife and children, two children of Rafe, and more
to the number of 25. persons were stifeled in our Beere seller: and yet in
the same seller was Rafe, his wife, Iohn Browne, and Iohn Clarke preserued,
which was wonderfull. [Sidenote: M. Glouer and M. Rowley preserued.] And
there went into that seller master Glouer and master Rowley also: but
because the heate was so great, they came foorth againe with much perill,
so that a boy at their heeles was taken with the fire, yet they escaped
blindfold into another seller, and there, as Gods will was, they were
preserued. The Emperour fled out of the field, and many of his people were
caried away by the Crimme Tartar: to wit, all the yong people, the old they
would not meddle with, but let them alone, and so with exceeding much
spoile and infinite prisoners, they returned home againe. What with the
Crimme on the one side, and his crueltie on the other, he hath but few
people left. Commend me to mistresse Lane your wife, and to M. Locke, and
to all friends.

Yours to command, Richard Vscombe.

* * * * *

A note of the proceeding of M. Anthonie Ienkinson, Ambassadour from the
Queens most excellent Maiestie, to the Emperour of Russia, from the time
of his ariuall there, being the 26. of Iuly 1571, vntill his departure
from thence the 23. of Iuly 1572.

The said 26. day I arriued with the two good ships called the Swalow and
the Harry in safetie, at the Baie of S. Nicholas in Russia aforesayd, and
landed at Rose Island, from whence immediately I sent away my interpreter
Daniel Siluester in post towards the Court, being then at the Mosco,
whereby his maiestie might as well bee aduertised of my arriual in his
Dominions, as also to knowe his highnesse pleasure for my further accesse.
And remaining at the sayd Island two or three dayes, to haue conference
with your Agent about your affaires, I did well perceiue by the words of
the sayd Agent and others your seruants, that I was entred into great
perill and danger of my life: for they reported to mee that they heard said
at the Mosco, that the princes displeasure was such against me, that if
euer I came into his country againe. I should loose my head, with other
words of discouragement. Whereat I was not a little dismaid, not knowing
whether it were best for me to proceed forwards, or to returne home againe
with the ships for the safeguard of my life. But calling to mind mine
innocencie and good meaning, and knowing my selfe not to haue offended his
Maiestie any maner of wayes either in word or deed, or by making former
promises not performed, heretofore by mine enemies falsely surmised: and
being desirous to come to the triall thereof, whereby to iustifie my true
dealings, and to reprooue my sayd enemies, as well here as there, who haue
not ceased of late by untrue reports to impute the cause of the sayd
Emperours displeasure towards you to proceed of my dealings, and promises
made to him at my last being with him (although by his letters to the
Queenes Maiestie, and by his owne words to me the contrary doeth appeare) I
determined with my selfe rather to put my life into his hands, and by the
prouidence of God to prosecute the charge committed unto me, then to
returne home in vaine, discouraged with the words of such, who had rather
that I had taried at home, then to be sent ouer with such credite, whereby
I might sift put their euil doings, the onely cause of your losse.

Wherefore, leauing the said ships the nine and twentieth day of the month,
I departed from the seaside, and the first of August arriued at Colmogro,
where I remaided attending the returne of my said messenger with order from
his Maiestie.

But all the Countrey being sore visited by the hand of God with the plague,
passage in euery place was shut up, that none might passe in paine of
death: My Messenger being eight hundreth miles upon his way, was stayed,
and kept at a towne called Shasco, and might not bee suffered to goe any
further, neither yet to returne backe againe, or sende unto me: by meanes
whereof in the space of foure moneths, I could neither heare nor know what
was become of him, in which time my said messenger found meanes to
aduertise the Gouernour of the Citie of Vologda, as well of his stay, as of
the cause of his comming thither, who sent him word that it was not
possible to passe any neerer the Prince without further order from his
Maiestie, who was gone to the warres against the Swethens, and that he
would aduertise his highnesse so soone as he might conueniently. And so my
said messenger was forced to remaine there still without answere. During
which time of his stay through the great death (as aforesaid) I found
meanes to send another messenger, with a guide by an vnknowen way through
wildernesse a thousand miles about, thinking that way he should passe
without let: but it prooued contrary, for likewise hee being passed a great
part of his iourney, fell into the handes of a watch, and escaped very
hardly, that hee and his guide with their horses had not bene burnt,
according to the lawe prouided for such as would seeke to passe by indirect
wayes, and many haue felt the smart thereof which had not wherewith to buy
out the paine: neither could that messenger returne backe vnto me.

And thus was I kept without answere or order from his Maiestie, and
remained at the saide Colmogro, vntil the 18. of Ianuary following, neither
hauing a gentleman to safegard me, nor lodging appointed me, nor allowance
of victuals according to the Countrey fashion for Ambassadours, which
argued his grieuous displeasure towards our nation. And the people of the
Countrey perceiuing the same, vsed towards mee and my company some
discourtesies: but about the 28. day aforesaid, the plague ceased, and the
passages being opened, there came order from his Maiestie that I should
haue poste horses, and bee suffered to depart from Colmogro to goe to a
Citie called Peraslaue neere to the Court, his Maiestie being newly
returned from the said warres. And I arriued at the said Peraslaue the 3.
of February, where I remained vnder the charge of a gentleman, hauing then
a house appointed me and allowance of victuals, but so straightly kept,
that none of our nation or other might come or sende vnto me, nor I to
them. And the 14. of March folowing, I was sent for to the Court, and being
within three miles of the same, a poste was sent to the Gentleman which had
charge of me, to returne backe againe with me to the said Peraslaue, and to
remaine there vntil his Maiesties further pleasure, wherewith I was much
dismayed, and marueiled what that sudden change ment, and the rather,
because it was a troublesome time, and his Maiestie much disquieted through
the ill success of his affaires, (as I did vnderstand.) And the twentieth
of the same, I was sent for again to the Court, and the 23. I came before
his Maiestie, who caused mee to kisse his hand and gaue gratious audience
vnto my Oration, gratefully receiuing and accepting the Queenes Maiesties
princely letters, and her present, in the presence of all this nobilitie.
After I had finished my Oration, too long here to rehearse, and deliuered
her highnesse letters, and present (as aforesaid) the Emperour sitting in
royall estate stood up and said, How doth Queene Elizabeth my sister? is
she in health? to whom I answered, God doth bless her Maiestie with health,
and peace, and doeth wish the like vnto thee Lord, her louing brother. Then
his Maiestie sitting downe againe, commanded all his nobilitie and others
to depart, and auoyde the chamber, sauing the chiefe Secretarie, and one of
the Counsell, and willing me to approach neere vnto him with my
Interpretor, said vnto me these words.

Anthony, the last time thou wast with vs heere, wee did commit vnto thee
our trustie and secret Message, to be declared vnto the Queenes Maiesties
herselfe thy Mistresse at thy comming home, and did expect thy comming vnto
vs againe at the time we appointed, with a full answere of the same from
her highnesse. And in the meane time there came vnto us at seuerall times
three messengers, the one called Manly, the other George Middleton, and
Edward Goodman, by the way of the Narue about the Merchants affaires: to
whom wee sent our messengers to know whether thou Anthony, were returned
home in safetie, and when thou shouldest returne vnto vs againe: but those
messengers could tell vs nothing, and did miscall, and abuse with euil
words, both our messenger and thee, wherewith wee were much offended. And
vnderstanding that the said Goodman had letters about him we caused him to
be searched, with whom were found many letters, wherein was written much
against our Princely estate, and that in our Empire were many vnlawfull
things done, whereat we were much grieued, and would suffer none of those
rude messengers to haue accesse vnto vs: and shortly after wee were
infourmed that one Thomas Randolfe was come into our Dominions by the way
of Dwina, Ambassadour from the Queene, and we sent a Gentleman to meete and
conduct him to our Citie of Mosco, at which time wee looked that thou
shouldest haue returned vnto vs againe. And the said Thomas being arriued
at our said Citie, wee sent vnto him diuers times, that hee should come and
conferre with our Counsell: whereby we might vnderstand the cause of his
comming, looking for answere of those our princely affaires committed vnto
thee. But hee refused to come to our said Counsell: wherefore, and for that
our saide Citie was visited with plague, the saide Thomas was the longer
kept from our presence. Which being ceased, foorthwith wee gaue him accesse
and audience, but all his talke with vs was about Merchants affaires, and
nothing touching ours. Wee knowe that Merchants matters are to bee heard,
for that they are the stay of our Princely treasures: But first Princes
affaires are to be established, and then Merchants. After this the said
Thomas Randolfe was with vs at our Citie of Vologda, and wee dealt with him
about our Princely affaires, whereby amitie betwixt the Queenes Maiestie
and vs might bee established for euer, and matters were agreed and
concluded betwixt your Ambassadour and vs, and thereupon wee sent our
Ambassadour into England with him to ende the same: but our Ambassadour
returned vnto vs againe, without finishing our said affaires, contrary to
our expectation, and the Agreement betwixt vs, and your said Ambassadour.

This when his Maiestie had made a long discourse, I humbly beseeched his
highnesse to heare me graciously, and to giue me leaue to speake without
offence, and to beleeue those wordes to be true which I should speake.
Which he graunted, and these were my words.

Most noble and famous Prince, the message which thy highnesse did sende by
me vnto the Queene her most excellent Maiestie touching thy Princely and
secret affaires, immediately, and so soone as I came home, I did declare
both secretly and truely vnto the Queenes Maiestie her selfe, word for
word, as thou Lord diddest commaund mee. Which her highnesse did willingly
heare and accept, and being mindefull thereof, and willing to answere the
same, the next shipping after, her Maiestie did sende vnto thee, Lord, her
highnesse Ambassadour Thomas Randolfe, whose approoued wisedome and
fidetitie was vnto her Maiestie well knowen, and therefore thought meete to
bee sent to so worthy a Prince, who had Commission not onely to treate with
thy Maiestie of Merchants affaires, but also of those thy Princely and
secret affaires committed vnto me. And the cause (most gracious Prince)
that I was not sent againe, was, for that I was imployed in seruice vpon
the Seas against the Queenes Maiesties enemies and was not returned home at
such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with the Shippes, to come into
thy Maiesties Countrey, otherwise I had bene sent. And whereas thy Maiestie
saith, that Thomas Randolfe would not treate with thy Counsell of the
matters of his Legation, hee did (Lord) therein according to his
Commission: which was: First to deale with thy Maiestie thy selfe, which
order is commonly vsed among all Princes, when they send their Ambassadours
about matters of great waight. And whereas the saide Thomas is charged that
hee agreed and concluded vpon matters at the same time, and promised the
same should be perfourmed by the Queene her Maiestie: Whereupon (Lord) than
diddest send thy Ambassadour with him into England, for answere thereof: It
may please thy Maiestie to vnderstand, that as the saide Thomas Randolfe
doeth confesse, that in deede hee had talke with thy Highnesse, and
Counsell diuers times about princely affaires: euen so hee denieth that
euer hee did agree, conclude, or make any promise in any condition or
order, as is alleaged, otherwise then it should please the Queene her
Maiestie to like of at his returne home, which hee did iustifie to thy
Highnes Ambassador his face in England. Wherefore, most mighty Prince, it
doth well appeare, that either thy Ambassador did vntruly enforme thy
Maiestie or els thy princely minde, and the true meaning of the Queenes
highnes her Ambassador, for want of a good Interpreter, was not well
vnderstood: and how thankefully the Queene her Maiestie did receiue thy
highnes commendations, and letters sent by thy Maiesties Ambassador, and
how gratiously shee gaue him audience sundry times, vsing him with such
honour in all points for thy sake, Lord, her louing brother, as the like
was neuer shewed to any Ambassador in our Realme, and how honourably with
full answere in all things, her Maiestie dismissed him, when hee had
finished all thy princely affaires (as it seemed) to his owne contentation,
it may well appeare by a true certificate lately sent with her highnes
letter unto thee Lord, by her messenger Robert Beast, and her Maiestie did
suppose that thy Ambassador would haue made report accordingly, and that by
him thy highnes would haue bene satisfied in all things: otherwise she
would haue sent her Maiesties Ambassador with him vnto thee Lord againe.
[Sidenote: Andrea Sauin Ambassadour from the Emperour.] But now her highnes
perceiuing that thy Maiestie is not fully satisfied in thy Princely
affaires, neither by Thomas Randolfe, her highnes Ambassador, nor by thine
owne Ambassador Andrea Sauin, nor yet by her Maiesties letter sent by the
said Andrea: and also vnderstanding thy great griefe and displeasure
towards Sir William Garrard, and his company, merchants tracking in thy
Maiesties dominions, hath thought good to send mee at this present vnto
thee Lord Emperor, and great duke; as wel with her highnes ful mind,
touching thy princely affaires, as also to know the iust cause of thy
Maiesties said displeasure towards the said company of merchants; and hath
commanded me to answere to all things in their behalfe, and according to
their true meanings. For her highnes doth suppose thy Maiesties indignation
to proceede rather vpon the euill, and vntrue reports of thy late
Ambassador in England, and of such wicked persons of our nation resident
here in thy highnes dominions, rebels to her Maiestie, and their Countrey,
then of any iust deserts of the said merchants, who neuer willingly
deserued thy highnesse displeasure, but rather fauour in all their doings
and meanings. And since the first time of their traffiking in thy Maiesties
dominions, which is now nineteene yeres, the said merchants haue bene, and
are alwayes ready and willing truely to serue thy highnesse of all things
meete for thy Treasurie, in time of peace and of warre in despite of all
thy enemies: although the Princes of the East Seas were agreed to stoppe
the sound, and the way to the Narue, and haue brought, and do bring from
time to time such commoditie to thee, Lord, as her Maiestie doeth not
suffer to be transported foorth of her Realme to no other prince of the
world. And what great losses the said sir William Garrard, with his company
hath sustained of late yeeres in this trade, as well by shipwracke, as by
false seruants it is manifestly knowen: and what seruice the said companies
Ships did vnto thy Maiestie against thy enemies, two yeeres past in going
to the Narue, when they fought with the King of Poles shippes Freebooters,
and burnt the same and slew the people, and as many as were taken aliue
deliuered vnto thy Capaine at the Narue, I trust thy highnesse doth not
forget. Wherefore most mighty prince, the premises considered, the Queene
her most excellent Maiestie thy louing sister, doeth request thy highnes to
restore the said sir William Garrard with his company into thy princely
fauour againe, with their priuiledges for free traffique with thy
accustomed goodnes and iustice, to be ministred vnto them throughout all
thy Maiesties dominions, as aforetime: and that the same may be signified
by thy Princely letters, directed to thy officers in all places, and thy
highnesse commaundement or restraint to the contrary notwithstanding. And
further that it will please thy Maiestie, not to giue credite to false
reports, and vntrue suggestions of such as are enemies, and such as neither
would haue mutuall amitie to continue betwixt your Maiesties, nor yet
entercourse betwixt your countries. And such rebels of our nation, as Ralfe
Rutter, and others which lye lurking here in thy highnes dominions, seeking
to sowe dissentions betwixt your Maiesties by false surmises, spending away
their masters goods riotously, and will not come home to giue vp their
accompts, aduancing them selues to be merchants, and able to serue the
highnes of all things fit for thy treasure, whereas indeed they by of no
credite, nor able of themselues to do thy Maiestie any seruice at all: the
Queenes highnes request is, that it would please thy Maiestie to commaund
that such persons may be deliuered vnto me to be caried home, least by
their remayning here, and hauing practises and friendship with such as be
not thy highnesse friendes, their euil doing might be a cause hereafter to
withdraw thy goodnes from sir William Garrard and his company, who haue
true meaning in all their doings, and are ready to serue thy highnesse at
all times, vsing many other words to the aduancement of your credits, and
the disgracing of your enemies, and so I ended for that time.

Then sayd his Maiestie, We haue heard you, and will consider of all things
further when wee haue read the Queene our sisters letters: to whom I
answered, that I supposed his Maiestie should by those letters vnderstand
her highnesse full minde to his contentation, and what wanted in writing I
had credite to accomplish in word. Wherewith his maiestie seemed to be wel
pleased, and commaunded me to sit downe. And after pawsing a while, his
maiestie said these words vnto me, It is now a time which we spend in
fasting, and praying, being the weeke before Easter, and for that we will
shortly depart from hence, towards our borders of Nouogrod, wee can not
giue you answere, nor your dispatch here, but you shall goe from hence, and
tary vs vpon the way, where wee will shortly come, and then you shall knowe
our pleasure, and haue your dispatch. And so I was dismissed to my lodging,
and the same day I had a dinner ready drest sent me from his Maiestie, with
great store of drinkes, of diuers sorts, and the next day following, being
the foure and twentieth of March aforesayde, the chiefe Secretary to his
Maiesty, sent vnto mee a Gentleman, to signifie vnto mee, that the
Emperours Maiesties pleasure was, I should immediately depart towards a
Citie, called Otwer, three hundred miles from the aforesaid Sloboda, and
there to tary his highnes comming vnto a place called Staryts, threescore
miles from the sayd Otwer.

Then I sent my Interpretor to the chiefe Secretary, requesting him to
further, and shew his fauour vnto our saide merchants in their sutes, which
they should haue occasion to moue in my absence: who sent me word againe,
that they should be wel assured of his friendship, and furtherance in all
their sutes. And forthwith post horses were sent me, with a Gentleman to
conduct me. And so departing from the said Sloboda, I arriued at the said
Otwer, the 28. of March aforesaid, where I remained til the eight of May
folowing. Then I was sent for to come vnto his Maiestie, to the sayd
Staryts, where I arriued the tenth of the same, and the twelfth of the same
I was appointed to come to the chiefe Secretary, who at our meeting said
vnto me these words.

Our Lord Emperor, and great Duke, hath not onely perused the Queene her
highnes letters sent by you, and thereby doeth perceiue her minde, as well
touching their princely affaires, as also her earnest request in the
merchants behalfe, but also hath well pondered your words. And therefore
his Maiesties pleasure is, that you let me vnderstand what sutes you haue
to moue in the merchants behalfe, or otherwise, for that tomorrowe you
shall haue accesse againe vnto his highnes, and shall haue full answere in
all things, with your dispatch away.

Then after long conference had with him of diuers matters I gaue him in
writing certaine briefe articles of requests, which I had drawen out ready,
as foloweth:

1 First the Queenes Maiestie her request is, that it would please the
Emperors highnesse to let me know the iust cause of his great displeasure
fallen vpon Sir William Garrard, and his company, who neuer deserued the
same to their knowledge.

2 Also that it would please his highnes not to giue credite vnto false and
vntrue reports, by such as seeke to sowe dissension, and breake friendship
betwixt the Queenes highnesse, and his Maiestie.

3 Also that it would please his Maiestie to receiue the said sir William
Garrard, with his company into his fauour againe, and to restore them to
their former priuiledges and liberties, for free traffike in, and through,
and out of al his Maiesties dominions, in as ample maner as aforetime,
according to his princely letters of priuiledge, and accustomed goodnes.

4 Also it would please his highnes to graunt, that the said company of
merchants may haue iustice of all his subiects, as well for money owing
vnto them, as other their griefes and iniuries, throughout al his dominions
suffred since the time of his displeasure, during which time, the merchants
were forced by seuere iustice to answer to al mens demands, but theirs
could not be heard.

5 Also that his Maiestie would vnderstand, that much debts are owing to the
said merchants by diuers of his Nobilitie, whereof part are in durance, and
some executed, and the said merchants know not howe to be paide, and
answered the same, except his highnes pitie their case, and commaund some
order to be taken therein.

6 Also, it would please his highnes to commaund that the saide merchants
may be payde all such summe or summes of money as are owing, and due vnto
them by his Maiestie, for wares, as well English as Shamaki, taken into his
highnes treasury by his officers in sundry places, the long forbearing
whereof hath bene, and is great hinderance to the said company of

7 Also it would please his Maiestie to vnderstand, that at this present
time there are in Persia of English Merchants, Thomas Banister, and Geffrey
Ducket, with their company, and goods, ready to come into his Maiesties
countrey of Astracan, and would haue come the last yeere, but that the
ship, with our merchants and mariners appointed to goe for them, were
stayed at Astracan by his highnes Captaine there, to the great hinderance
of the said merchants. Wherefore it may now please his Maiestie to direct
his princely letters vnto his Captaines, and rulers, both at Astracan and
Cazan, not onely to suffer our people, as well merchants as mariners,
quietly and freely to passe and repasse with their shippes, barkes, or
other vessels downe the riuer Volga, and ouer the Mare Caspium, to fetch
the sayd English merchants, with their company and goods, out of the sayd
Persia, into his Maiesties dominions, but also that it would please his
highnes streightly to command, that when the sayd Thomas Banister, and
Geffrey Ducket, with their charge, shal arriue at the sayd Astracan, his
Maiesties Captaine there, and in all other places vpon the riuer Volga,
shall so ayde and assist the sayd merchants, as they may be safely
conducted out of the danger of the Crimmes, and other their enemies.

8 Also it may please his highnes to vnderstand, that lately our merchants
comming from Shamaki haue bene ill vsed by his Maiesties Customers, both at
Astracan and Cazan, at both which places they were forced to pay custome
for their wares, although they solde no part thereof, but brought the same
into his highnesse treasury at Sloboda: and the sayd Customers did not only
exact, and take much more custome than was due by his Maiesties lawes, but
also for want of present money, tooke wares much exceeding their exacted
custome, and doe keepe the same as a pawne. It may therefore please his
highnes to direct his princely letters to the said Customers, to signifie
vnto them his great goodnes againe restored vnto the said English
merchants, as also to command them to send the said merchants their said
goods so detained, vp to the Mosco, they paying such custome for the same
as shall be by his Maiestie appointed.

9 Also that it would please his highnesse to grant, that sir William
Garrard with his companie may establish their trade for merchandise at
Colmogro in Dwina, and that such wares as shal be brought out of our
Countrey fit for his treasurie might be looked vpon, and receiued by his
officers there: and that his Maiesties people traffiking with our merchants
may bring downe their commodities to the saide Colmogro, by meanes whereof
the saide English merchants auoyding great troubles and charges, in
transporting their goods so farre, and into so many places of his
dominions, may sell the same better cheape, to the benefite of his
Maiesties subiects.

10 Also if it seemed good to his highnes, that the whole trade likewise
from Persia, Boghar, and all other those Countreys beyond the Mare Caspium,
might be established at Astracan, the ancient marte towne in times past,
which would be both for the great honour and profite of his Maiesty, and
subiects, as I am well able to prooue, if it will please his highnesse to
appoint any of his counsell to talke with me therein.

11 Also forasmuch as it pleased his Maiestie, immediatly after the burning
of the mosco, to command that the said English merchants should giue in a
note into his Treasury, for their losses sustained by the said fire, which
was done by William Rowly, then chiefe Agent for sir William Garrard and
his company, and the particulars in the same note consumed with the said
fire did amount to the summe of 10000. rubbles and aboue: It may please his
highnes of his accustomed goodnes and great clemencie to consider of the
same, and to giue the said company so much as shal seeme good vnto his
Maiestie, towards their said losses.

12 Also it will please his highnesse to vnderstand that the Queenes most
excellent Maiestie, at the earnest sute and request of Andrea Sauin his
Maiesties Ambassadour, did not onely pardon and forgiue Thomas Glouer his
great and grieuous offences towards her highnesse committed, onely for his
Maiesties sake, but also commanded sir William Garrard with his company, to
deale fauourably with the said Glouer in his accompts, to whom he was
indebted greatly, and being their seruant, detained their goods in his
hands a long time: whereupon the said sir William Garrard with his company
counted with the said Glouer, and ended all things euen to his saide
contentation, and was found to bee debter to the said company 4000. rubbles
and aboue, and bound himselfe both by his solemne othe, and his
hand-writing, to pay the same immediately after his returne into Russia
with the said Andrea Sauin, vnto Nicholas Proctor chiefe Agent there, for
the said company of merchants. But although it is now two yeeres past,
since the said agreement, and that the said Nicholas hath diuers and sundry
times requested the said money of the said Thomas, yet will he not pay the
same debt, but maketh delay from time to time, alleadging that his Maiestie
oweth him a great summe of money, without the payment whereof he cannot be
able to pay the said merchants his due debt long forborne, to their great
hinderance. In consideration of the premisses. It may please his highnesse
to giue order that the said Glouer may be payd, and that he may discharge
his debt to the said company of merchants, and the rather for that hee
found such mercie and fauour in England, onely for his Maiesties sake.

13 Also forasmuch as Ralfe Rutter a rebell to the Queenes Maiestie, and an
enemie to his Countrey, and to sir William Garrard and his company, hath of
long time remained here, liuing of the spoyles and goods of the said
merchants, which he wrongfully detained in his handes, riotously spending
the same, during the time that he was their seruant, and would not come
home when he was sent for, and also for that the Queenes Maiestie doth
vnderstand, that the saide Ralfe, with other his adherents, doe seeke by
all false meanes to sowe dissension, and breake amitie betwixt their
Maiesties, and to ouerthrowe the trade of the said merchants: Her highnes
request is, that the said Ralfe with his complices may be deliuered vnto
me, to be caried home, and none other of her Maiesties subiects, not being
of the socitie of the said sir William Garrard and his company, to be
suffered to traffike within his highnes dominions, but to be deliuered to
their Agent to bee sent home: for that the said merchants with great
charges and losses, both by shipwracke, and riotous seruants, did first
finde out this trade, and haue continued the same these 19. yeeres, to
their great hinderance.

14 Also whereas diuers masters and artificers of our Nation are here in his
Maiesties seruice, and do finde themselues grieued that they cannot haue
licence to depart home into their natiue Countrey at their will and
pleasure: the Queenes Maiesties request is according to her highnes writing
in that behalfe, that not onely it will please his Maiestie to permit and
suffer such artificers here resident in the seruice of his highnes to haue
free libertie to depart and go home with me, if they request the same, but
also all other the like which shall come hereafter to serue his Maiesty, to
haue free libertie to depart likewise, without any let or stay.

15 Also it may please his Maiesty to vnderstand that during the time of my
long being at Colmogro, attending his highnesse pleasure for my farther
accesse, I with my company haue not onely bene ill vsed and intreated
there, and likewise the merchants there, by one Besson Myssereuy his
Maiesties chiefe officer, who hath dishonoured me, and smitten my people,
and oweth the saide merchants much money, and will not pay them: but also
the saide Besson hath spoken wordes of dishonour against the Queenes
Maiestie. Wherefore it may please his highnesse to send downe with me to
Colmogro, a Gentleman, as well chiefly to search foorth his euil behauiour
towards her Maiestie, as towards me her highnesse Ambassador, and to punish
him accordingly: and also that it would please his Maiestie to sende downe
his letter of iustice by vertue whereof the said Besson may be forced to
pay all such money as he oweth to the sayd merchants, without delay.

16 Also that it would please his highnesse to understand, that sir William
Garrard with his company vnderstanding of the great dearth in his Maiesties
dominions, by licence of the Queens Maiestie (not otherwise permitted) hath
sent certaine ships laden with corne into his highnesse Countrey of Dwyna,
rather for the reliefe of his Maiesties subiects then for any gaine: yet
the good will of the said merchants lightly regarded, they were forbidden
to sel the said corne, to their great discouragement hereafter to send any
more. Wherefore it may please his highnesse, to tender the good will of the
said merchants, as well in sending the saide corne, as in all other things,
ready to serue his Maiestie, and to direct his letters to his officers of
Dwina, to suffer the saide merchants with their company, to sell the said
corne by measure great or small at their pleasure, without paying custome.

These articles being deliuered to the chiefe Secretary, as aforesayde, and
our talke ended for that time. I departed to my lodging, accompanied with
certaine Gentlemen. The next day being the 13. of May aforesaid. I had
warning earely in the morning, to prepare my selfe to be at the Court,
betwixt the houres of 10. and 11. of the clocke, where I should haue
accesse unto the presence of the Prince, as well to receiue answere of all
things, as to bee dismissed to goe home. At which houres I was sent for to
the Court, and brought into the Chamber of presence, where his Maiestie did
sit apparelled most sumptuously, with a riche Crowne vpon his head,
garnisned with many precious stones, his eldest sonne sitting by him and
many of his Nobilitie about him: and after my duetie done, his highnesse
commanded me to approach very neere vnto him, and sayde vnto me these

Anthony: the Queen our louing sister her letters wee haue caused to be
translated, and doe well vnderstand the same, and of, all things as well
therein contained, as by worde of mouth by you to vs declared wee haue well
considered, and doe perceiue that our secret message vnto you committed,
was done truely according to our minde (although wee were aduertised to the
contrary) and nowe wee are by you fully satisfied. [Sidenote: The causes of
the Emperors displeasure.] And when wee did sende our Ambassadour into
England, about those our great and waightie affaires to conclude the same
with the Queene our sister, our Ambassadour coulde ende nothing for want of
such assurance as was requisite in princely affaires, according to the
maner of all Countreys, but was dismissed vnto vs againe, with letters of
small effect, touching the same, and no Ambassadour sent with him from the
Queene: which caused vs to thinke that our princely affaires were set
aside, and little regarded, wherewith we were at that time much grieued:
for the which cause, and for the euil behauiour of your merchants, resident
in our dominions (who haue diuers wayes transgressed and broken our laws,
liuing wilfully in all their doings) we did lay our heauie displeasure vpon
them, and did take away from them their priuiledge, commaunding that the
same throughout all our dominions should be voyd, and of none effect: and
thereupon did write to the Queene our sister touching our griefes. And nowe
her highnesse hath sent vnto vs againe, you her Ambassadour, with her
louing letters and full minde, which we doe thankefully receiue, and are
thereby fully satisfied. And for that our princely, and secret affaires
were not finished to our contentation at our time appointed according to
our expectation, we doe now leaue of all these matters, and set them aside
for the time, because our minde is nowe otherwise changed, but hereafter
when occasion shall mooue vs to the like, wee will then talke of those
matters againe. And for that it hath pleased the Queene, our louing sister
to send vnto vs at this present, and doeth desire to continue in friendship
with vs for euer (which we doe gratefully accept, and willingly agree to
the same) wee of our goodnesse for her highnesse sake, will not onely from
hencefoorth put away, and forget all our displeasure towards the same Sir
William Garrard and his company (as though they had neuer offended vs) but
also will restore them to their priuiledges, and liberties, in, and
throughout all our dominions, and will signifie the same by our letter, in
all Townes and Cities, where the said merchants do traffique, as we will
showe them fauor as aforetime, if they do not deserue the contrary. And if
the Queene our sister had not sent thee Anthony vnto vs at this present,
God knoweth what we should haue done to the said merchants, or whether
would haue called back our indignation.

Then I humbly beseeched his Maiestie, to let me know the particular
offences committed by the said merchants, and the offendors names, to the
intent I might make report thereof vnto the Queenes Maiestie, my mistres,
accordingly, that the said offendors might receiue iust punishment for
their deserts: but he said, I should not know them, because he had cleerely
remitted al offences: and further, that it was not princely to forgiue, and
after to accuse the parties, whereby her Maiesties displeasure might fall
vpon them at home. Notwithstanding I did after vnderstand some part
thereof, by other means.

Then his Maiestie proceeding in talke said: As touching the articles of
request, concerning the merchants affaires which you did yesterday deliuer
vnto our Secretary, we haue not onely read the same our selfe, but also
haue appointed our said Secretary to declare vnto you our minde, and
answere to the same. And for that we are now vpon our iourney towards our
borders, and will depart from hence shortly, we will dismisse you to the
Queene our louing sister, your mistres, with our letters & full mind by
word of mouth, touching all your requests, & will send a gentleman one of
our houshold with you to safe conduct you to your ships: and of our goodnes
will giue you victuals, boates, men, and post horses, so many as you shall
neede. And therewith his Maiestie standing vp, and putting off his cappe,
said vnto me these words, Doe our hearty commendations unto our louing
sister, Queene Elizabeth, vnto whom we wish long life, with happie
successe: and therewith his highnes extended his hand to me to kisse, and
commanded his sunne, sitting by him, to send the like commendations, which
he did, whose hand likewise I kissed. And then his Maiestie caused me to
sit downe, and commaunded wine and drinkes of diuers sorts to be brought,
whereof he gaue me to drinke with his owne hand, and so after I departed.

Then the next day, being the 14. of May aforesaid, I was sent for to come
to the chief Secretary, & one other of the counsel with him, who at our
meeting said vnto me these words; We a appointed by the Emperor his
maiesty, to giue you answere from his Highness, touching your requests
deliuered in writing, which his Maiestie himselfe hath perused & answered
as followeth.

1 To the first request it is answered, that all his Maiesties griefes and
displeasure (now put away from the merchants) did grow, because the Queenes
Maiestie did not accomplish and ende with his Ambassador, his secrete and
waighty affaires, according to his expectation, and the promise made by
Thomas Randolph, at his being here: and also of the ill behauiour of your
merchants resident here in our Countrey, as his Maiestie did himselfe
yesterday declare vnto you.

2 To the second, his Maiesty willeth you to vnderstand that he hath not,
nor will not hereafter be moued to breake friendship with the Queenes
Maiesty, without good and iust cause.

3 To the third, you are answered by the Emperors Maiestie himselfe, that
his great goodnes and fauour againe vnto the merchants shall be restored,
and the same to be knowen by his gratious letters of priuilege now againe

4 To the fourth, his Maiesty hath commanded, that your merchants here
resident shall exhibite, and put in writing vnto me his Maiesties
Secretarie, all their griefes and complaints, as well for debts, as other
iniuries offred them since the time of his Highnes displeasure, and they
shall haue iustice truly ministred throughout all his Maiesties Dominions
without delay.

5 To the fifth, his maiesty doth not know of any debts due vnto the
merchants, by any of his Noblemen, as is alleaged: and whether it be true
or no, he knoweth not: the trueth whereof must be tried out, and thereupon
answere to be giuen: and hereafter his maiestie would not haue the
merchants to trust his people with too much.

6 To the sixth, it is answered, that his maiesty hath commanded search to
be made what money is owing to the marchants, for wares receiued into his
treasury, as in the article: (the most of the bookes of accompt being burnt
in the Musco) and such as is due, and found meete to be paid, shall be paid
forthwith to the marchants, their factors or seruants, which shall come for
the same. And for paiment of the rest, his maiesties further pleasure shall
be signified hereafter.

7 To the 7 his Maiesties answers is, that letters shall be written
forthwith to his captaines of Astracan, and Cazan, and other his officers,
vpon the riuer Volga, to whom it appertaineth, not onely to suffer your
people, both marchants, and mariners, to passe with their ships, or barkes,
from Astracan, ouer the Mare Caspium, to fetche Thomas Banister and Geofry
Ducket, with their company, and goods out of Persia, but also when they
shall arriue within his Maiesties dominions, to aide and assist them, and
see them safely conducted vp the riuer Volga, from danger of enemies.

8 To the eight, his maiestie hath commanded letters to be written to the
customers, both of Astracan and Cazan, to make restitution to the English
merchants of their goods so deteined by them for custome, and to take
custome for the same, according to his maiesties letters of priuilege.

9 10 To the ninth and tenth articles, his Maiestie will consider of those
matters, and hereafter will signifie his princely pleasure therein.

11 To the eleuenth, as touching an inuentorie giuen into the, treasury what
goods the merchants had burnt in the Mosco, in their houses there, his
Maiesties pleasure was to vnderstand the same, to the intent he might know
the losses of all strangers at that present, but not to make restitution,
for that it was Gods doing, and not the Emperours.

12 To the twelfth, concerning Thomas Glouer, his Maiestie was enformed by
his Ambassador of the Queenes great mercy and clemencie towards the said
Thomas, for his sake, which his Highnes receiued in good part, but what
agreement or dealings was betwixt the said sir William Garrard and his
company, and the said Glouer, or what he doth owe vnto the said merchants,
his Maiestie doth not know. And as for the money which the said Thomas
saith is owing vnto him by the Emperour, his Maiesties pleasure is, that so
much as shall be found due, and growing vpon wares deliuered vnto the
treasurie, out of the time of his Maiesties displeasure, shall be paid
forthwith to the said Thomas, and the rest is forfeited vnto his Maiestie,
and taken for a fine, as appertaining to Rutter and Bennet, accompted
traitors vnto his Highnes, during the time of his displeasure.

13 To the thirteenth article, concerning Rutter to deliuered vnto you, to
be caried home, the answere was, that as his Maiestie will not detaine any
English man in his countrey, that is willing to go home, according to the
Queenes request: euen so will he not force any to depart, that is willing
to tary with him. Yet his Highnes, to satisfie the Queenes Maiesties
request, is contented at this present to send the said Ralfe Rutter home
with you, and hath commanded that a letter shall be written vnto his chiefe
officer at the Mosco, to send the said Rutter away with speed, that he may
be with you at Vologda, by the fine of May, without faile: and touching the
rest of your request in the said article, his Maiesties pleasure shall be
signified in the letters of priuilege, granted to the said merchants.

14 To the fourteenth, touching artificers, his Maiestie will accomplish all
the Queenes Highnes request in that behalfe, and now at this present doth
licence such and so many to depart to their natiue countrey as are willing
to goe.

15 To the 15, touching Besson Messeriuey, the Emperors maiestie is much
offended with him, and will send down a gentleman with you to inquire of
his ill behauior, as wel for speaking of vndecent words against the Queens
maiestie as you haue alleaged, as also against you, and the merchants for
his outrages mentioned in the article, and the said Besson being found
guilty, to be imprisoned and punished by seuere iustice accordingly, and
after to put in sureties to answere the Emperors high displeasure, or els
to be brought vp like a prisoner by the said gentleman to answere his
offences before his Maiestie. And his highnes doth request that the Queenes
highnes would doe the like vpon Middleton and Manlie her messengers sent
thither two yeeres past, and of all others for their ill behauiour towards
his maiestie, as may appeare by letters sent by Daniel Siluester from his
highnes, least by the bad demeanor of such lewd persons, the amity and
friendship betwixt their maiesties might be diminished.

16 To the 16 and last article, touching the corne brought into the Emperors
dominions by the merchants, his maiestie doth greatly commend them for so
wel doing, and hath commanded to giue you a letter forthwith in their
behalf, directed to his officers of Duina, to suffer the said merchants to
selle their corne, by measure great or small at their pleasure without

Thus I receiued a full answere from his Maiestie by his chiefe Secretarie
and one other of his counsel, to the 16 articles afore rehearsed, by me
exhibited in writing touching your affaires, with his letter also sent by
me to the Queenes maiesty. Which being done, I requested that the new
letters of priuilege granted by his highnes vnto you might be forthwith
dispatched to the intent I might carie the same with me. Also I requested
that such money due to you, which it had pleased his maiesty to command to
be payd, might be deliuered to me in your behalfe.

Touching the letters of priuilege, the Secretary answered me, it is not
possible you can haue them with you, for they must be first written and
shewed vnto the Emperor, and then three to be written of one tenour
according to your request, which cannot bee done with speede, for that his
maiesties pleasure is, you shall depart this night before him, who
remooueth himselfe to morrow toward Nouogrod: but without faile the sayd
letters shall be dispatched vpon the way, and sent after you with speede to
Colmogro. And as touching the money which you require, it cannot be paid
here because we haue not the bookes of accounts, for want whereof we know
not what to paie: wherefore the best is that you send one of the merchants
after the Emperor to Nouogrod, and let him repaire vnto me there, and
without faile I will paie all such money as shall be appointed by his
maiestie to be paid after the bookes seene.

But forasmuch as there was none of your seruants with me at that present
(although I had earnestly written vnto your Agent Nicholas Proctor by
Richard Pringle one of your owne seruants, one moneth before my comming to
Starites, where I had my dispatch, that he should not faile to come
himselfe, or send one of your seruants to mee hither, to follow all such
sutes as I should commence in your behalfs, which he neglected to doe to
your great hinderance) I requested the said Secretarie that I might leaue
Daniel my interpreter with him, aswell for the receipt of money, as for the
speedy dispatch of the letters of priuiledge, but it would not be granted
in any wise that I should leaue any of mine owne companie behind me, and
thereupon I did take my leaue with full dispatch, and departed to my
lodging, and foorthwith there came vnto me a gentleman who had charge as
wel to conduct me and prouide boates, men, post horses and victuals all the
way to the sea side, being a thousand and three hundred miles, as also to
doe iustice of the sayd Bessen, as aforesaid. And he said vnto me, the
Emperours pleasure is, that you shall presently depart from hence, and I am
appointed to goe with you. And that night I departed from the said
Starites, being the fourteenth of May aforesayd. And passing a great part
of my iourney, I arriued at the citie of Vologda the last of the sayd May,
where I remained fiue daies as well expecting a messenger to bring vnto me
the new letters of priuiledge, as the comming of Rutter, whom the Emperours
Maiestie himselfe commanded before my face should bee sent vnto me without
faile, and I did see the letters written to the chiefe officers at the
Mosco for the same. Neuerthe lesse the said Rutter did not come, neither
could I heare of him after, nor know the sudden cause of his stay contrary
to the princes owne word and meaning, as I suppose. But I could not help
the matter being farre from the prince, neither could I tell how to haue
redresse, because by absence I could not complaine. Notwithstanding I vsed
my indeuour, and sent a messenger Iohn Norton one of your seruants from
Vologda to Nouogrod, where the court then lay, expressely with letters, as
well to aduertise his maiestie that the sayd Rutter was not sent vnto me
according to his highnes commandement and order, as also about the dispatch
of the said letters of priuiledge and receit of your money, with straight
charge that he should in any wise returne vnto me againe before the
departing of the ships. And the first day of Iune I departed from the said
Vologda by water towards Colmogro, where I arriued the 21 of Iune
aforesaid, and remained there vntil the 23 of Iuly, looking for the said
Iohn Norton to haue returned vnto me in al that time, which had respite
fully enough in that space both to go to the court to dispatch his busines,
and to haue returned againe vnto me, but he came not, for it was otherwise
determined before his going, as I did after vnderstand, and can more at
large by worde of mouth declare vnto your worships the occasion thereof.

Neuerthelesse, I am well assured before this time your Agent hath receiued
into his hands the sayd letters of priuiledges, and shall haue dispatch
with expedition in all things touching your affaires, according to his
maiesties grant by me obtained, and as he hath written to the Queenes
maiestie at this present, wishing that as now by my going the Emperour hath
withdrawen his grieuous displeasure from you, and restored you againe into
his fauour, so your Agent and others your seruants there resident may
behaue, and endeuour themselues to keepe and augment the same, whose euill
doings haue bene the onely occasion of his indignation now remitted.

* * * * *

The names of such countries as I Anthony Ienkinson haue trauelled vnto,
from the second of October 1546, at which time I made my first voyage out
of England, vntill the yeere of our Lord 1572, when I returned last out
of Russia.

First, I passed into Flanders, and trauelled through all the base
countries, and from thence through Germanie, passing ouer the Alpes I
trauelled into Italy, and from thence made my iourney through the Piemont
into France, throughout all which realme I haue throughly iournied.

I haue also trauelled through the kingdomes of Spaine and Portingal, I haue
sailed through the Leuant seas euery way, and haue bene in all the chiefe
Islands within the same sea, as Rhodes, Malta, Sicilia, Cyprus, Candie, and
diuers others.

I haue bene in many partes of Grecia, Morea, Archaia, and where the olde
citie of Corinth stoode.

I haue trauelled through a great part of Turkie, Syria, and diuers others
countries in Asia minor.

I haue passed ouer the mountaines of Libanus to Damasco, and trauelled
through Samaria, Galile, Philistine or Palestine, vnto Ierusalem, and so
through all the Holy land.

I haue bene in diuers places of Affrica, as Algiers, Cola, Hona, Tripolis,
the gollet within the gulfe of Tunis.

I haue sailed farre Northward within the Mare glaciale, where we haue had
continuall day, and sight of the Sunne ten weekes together, and that
nauigation was in Norway, Lapland, Samogitia, and other very strange

I haue trauelled through all the ample dominions of the Emperour of Russia
and Moscouia, which extende from the North sea, and the confines of Norway,
and Lapland euen to the Mare Caspium.

I haue bene in diuers countries neere about the Caspian sea, Gentiles, and
Mahometans, as Cazan, Cremia, Rezan, Cheremisi, Mordouiti, Vachin, Nagaia,
with diuers others of strange customes and religions.

I haue sailed ouer the Caspian sea, and discouered all the regions
thereabout adiacent, as Chircassi, Comul, Shascal, Shiruim, with many

I haue trauelled 40 daies iourney beyond the said sea, towards the Oriental
India, and Cathaia, through diuers deserts and wildernesses, and passed
through 5 kingdomes of the Tartars, and all the land of Turkeman and
Zagatay, and so to the great citie of Boghar in Bactria; not without great
perils and dangers sundry times.

After all this, in An. 1562, I passed againe ouer the Caspian sea another
way, and landed in Armenia, at a citie called Derbent, built by Alexander
the great, and from thence trauelled through Media, Parthia, Hircania, into
Persia to the court of the great Sophie called Shaw Tamasso, vnto whom I
deliuered letters from the Queenes Maiestie, and remained in his court 8
moneths, and returning homeward, passed through diuers other countries.
Finally I made two voyages more after that out of England into Russia, the
one in the yeere 1566, and the other in the yeere 1571. And thus being
weary and growing old, I am content to take my rest in mine owne house,
chiefly comforting my selfe, in that my seruice hath been honourably
accepted and rewarded of her maiestie and the rest by whom I haue bene

* * * * *

A letter of Iames Alday to the Worshipfull M. Michael Lock, Agent in London
for the Moscouie company, touching a trade to be established in Lappia,
written 1575.

I haue in remembrance (worshipful Sir) the talke we had when I was with
you, as touching the trade in Lappia: [Sidenote: He maruelleth the company
do not conferre with him of Lappia.] And certeinly I haue something
marueiled that in all this time the right wor. your societie haue not giuen
order that some little conference (by you, or with some other) might haue
bin had with me touching those parts, considering they know (as I thinke)
that I remained there one whole yere and more, by which meanes reason would
that I should haue learned something. But the cause why they haue not
desired to conferre with me (as I iudge) resteth onely in one of these 4
cases, that is to say, either they thinke themselues so throughly certified
of that trade, as more neede not be spoken thereof, or that they haue no
lust more to deale that waies, or that they hold mee so vntrusty to them
that they dare not open their minds, for feare or doubt, I should beare
more affection to others then to them, and so discouer their secrets: or
els they think me of so simple vnderstanding, that I am not worthy to be
spoken with in these matters. To which 4 cases I answere as followeth:
[Sidenote: 5 English men wintered in Lappia.] First, if they think
themselues so throughly certified as more need not to be spoken: certeinly
I something maruel by whom it should be: for in the winter past there lay
but 5 English persons there, viz. Christopher Colt, Roger Leche, Adam
Tunstal cooper, one lad, and I: for Henry Cocknedge was the whole winter at
Mosco. [Sidenote: Christopher Colt a simple merchant.] And of these
persons, as touching Colt, I think him (if I may without offence speake my
conscience) the most simple person that was there, (as touching the
vnderstanding of a marchant) although indeed he tooke vpon him very much to
his owne harme and others I doubt, for he vsed himselfe not like a
marchant, neither shewed diligence like a worthy seruant or factor, but lay
still in a den al the whole winter, hauing wares lying vpon his hand, which
he would not imploy to any vse: although sundry waies there were that he
might haue put his wares in ready money with gaine, and no great aduenture,
which money would haue bin more acceptable to the poore Lappes and
fishermen at the spring, than any kind of wares: [Sidenote: Good trade in
winter in Lappia.] but his fond head did as he that had the talent in the
Gospel, and yet he had counsel to the contrary which he disdained, so that
men perceiuing his captious head, left not only to counsell him, but also
some, in as much as they might, kept him from knowledge of the trade that
might be in that country, the winter time, which is better peraduenture
then most men think of. Wherefore if Colt haue written or said any thing
touching those countries, it is doubtful whether it toucheth the effect or
not, considering he lay still all the winter without trial of any matter.
[Sidenote: Henry Cocknedge, honest but ignorant.] And for Henry Cocknedge
assuredly speaking so much as I do perfectly know, I must needs say that he
is a very honest young man, and right careful of his business, and in that
respect worthy to be praised. But yet he being absent in the winter other
then by hearesay he could not learne, so that his instructions may be
something doubtful. [Sidenote: Roger Leche expert of Lappia.] And like as
of the lad nothing can be learned, so am I sure that Tunstal the Cooper
hath not yet beene spoken with, so that those of parts certeine knowledge
cannot as yet be learned, except by Roger Leche, of whom I confesse
knowledge may be had, for indeed there is no English man liuing that hath
like knowledge in those countries as he hath, nor that is able to do so
much with the people as he may: he in the winter trauailed one waies and
other nere 300 miles: he of a litle made somthing, and learned not only the
maners, conditions and customs of the people, but also he learned of al
kind of commodities in those regions how they may be bought at the most
aduantage, that gaine may be made of them: So that I confesse, if he hath
giuen intelligence to the right Wor. company, then haue they no neede to
speake with me or any other for to learne of those countries (except it be
to heare mine opinion) which in truth I wil alwaies open unto them. But the
effect of the beneficial secrets of that countrey is to be inquired of him,
& in mine opinion worthy to be learned, except, as in the second case, they
list no more to deale that waies. [Sidenote: If the companie do not enter
into the trade of Lappia, others will preuent them.] To which I answere,
that if they deal not that waies, & that with speede they seeke not to
preuent others that mean to deale there, although not English men, let them
then not thinke long to haue any profitable trade in Russia: for the
greater part of that benefit wil be wiped from them, or 5 yeere to an end,
as I will shew good reason, if I be demanded the question. [Sidenote: The
trade of Vedagoba.] Therefore if they will maintaine the Russia trade with
aduantage, then ought they to looke to this in time, so may they keepe the
Russia trade as it is, and likewise make a trade in Lappia more profitable
then that, and therefore this is to bee considered, rather then to
prohibite Englishmen from the trade of Vedagoba. For if they looke not to
this, and that in time, they may be likened (if it might be without offence
spoken) to two dogs that striue for the bone whiles the third run away with
it: and yet mean I not otherwise, but in such order, as not Englishmen
only, but also Hollanders, Brabanders, & others may be iustly and vtterly
put from the trade in Lappia, and the company to keepe the whole trades to
themselues without interruption of any, to their great benefit, which I
wish from the bottome of my heart, as euer I wished wealth to mine owne
person: And thereby hold me excused in the third case I write of.
[Sidenote: He can say somewhat though not much.] And for the fourth as
touching my iudgment, as I confesse it is not very deepe, so I thanke God I
am not vtterly without vnderstanding (although I be poore) and therefore
peraduenture holden out of reputation, yet God doth distribute his gifts as
it pleaseth him. I haue seen wise men poore in my time, & foolish men rich,
and some men haue more knowledge then they can vtter by speech, which,
fault was once obiected against me by a learned man of this realme: but
surely how weak soeuer my vtterance is, my meaning is faithful and true,
and I wish in my heart to your laudable company al the gaine that may be,
or els I pray God to confound me as a false dissembler. [Sidenote: 1183
barrels of oyle bough by others. Colt sold 27 barrels to a Hollander.] It
greeueth me to see how of late they haue bin brought to great charges,
beating the bush, as the old terme is, & other men taking the birds: this
last yere hauing in Lappia 2 ships, as I am partly informed, they both
brought not much aboue 300 barrels of traine oile, yet am I sure there was
bought besides them of the Russes, Corels, & Lappes, 1183 barrels, besides
27 barrels Colt sold to Iacob the Hollander, at two barrels for one
Northerne dozen. And yet there is a greater inconuenience springing, which
if it take a little deeper roote it will be (I feare) too hard to be pulled
up, which for loue & good will (God is my witnes) I write of, wishing as to
my deare friends that they should looke to it in time, if they meane to
keepe the trade of Russia or Lappia. And thus loue hath compelled me to
write this aduertisement, which I wish to be accepted in as good part, as I
with good will haue written it.

* * * * *

The request of an honest merchant to a friend of his, to be aduised and
directed in the course of killing the Whale, as followeth. An. 1575.

I pray you pleasure me in getting me perfect information of the matter
hereunder specified.

For the prouision and furniture for a shippe of 200 tunnes, to catch the
Whale fish in Russia, passing from England. How many men to furnish the

How many fishermen skilful to catch the Whale, & how many other officers
and Coopers.

How many boats, and what fashion, and how many men in each boate.

What wages of such skilful men and other officers, as we shall neede out of

How many harping irons, speares, cordes, axes, hatchets, kniues, and other
implements for the fishing, and what sort and greatnes of them.

How many kettles, the greatnesse and maner of them, and what mettall, and
whether they bee set on triuets or on furnaces for boiling of the traine
oyle, and others.

What quantitie of caske, and what sort of caske, and what number of hoopes
and twigges, and how much thereof to be staued for the traine.

What quantitie of victuals, and what kinde of victuals for the men in all
the ship for 4 moneths time.

For the common mariners and officers to gouerne the ship, we shall not need
any out of Biskaie, but onely men skilful in the catching of the Whale, and
ordering of the oile, and one Cooper skilful to set vp the staued caske.

Also what other matters are requisite to be knowen, and done for the said
voyage to catch the Whale, not here noted nor remembred.

These requests were thus answered, which may serue as directions for all
such as shall intend the same voyage, or the like for the Whale.

A proportion for the setting forth of a ship of 200 tunne, for the killing
of the Whale.

There must be 55 men who departing for Wardhouse in the moneth of April,
must bee furnished with 4 kintals and a halfe of bread for euery man.

250 hogsheds to put the bread in.

150 hogsheds of Cidar.

6 kintals of oile.

8 kintals of bacon.

6 hogsheds of beefe.

100 quarters of salt.

150 pound of candles.

8 quarters of beanes and pease.

Saltfish & herring, a quantitie conuenient.

4 tunnes of wines.

Half a quarter of mustard seed, and a querne.

A grindstone.

800 empty shaken hogsheds.

350 bundles of hoopes, and 6 quintalines.

800 paire of heds for the hogsheds.

10 Estachas called roxes for harping irons.

10 pieces of Arporieras.

3 pieces of Baibens for the Iauelines small.

2 tackles to turne the Whales.

A halser of 27 fadom long to turne the Whales.

15 great Iauelines.

18 small Iauelins.

50 harping irons.

9 machicos to cut the Whale withal.

2 doozen of machetos to minch the Whale.

2 great hookes to turne the Whale.

3 paire of Can hookes.

6 hookes for staues.

3 dozen of staues for the harping irons.

6 pullies to turne the Whale with.

10 great baskets.

10 lampes of iron to carie light.

5 kettles of 150 li. the piece, and 6 ladles.

1000 of nailes for the pinnases.

560 of nailes of Carabelie for the houses, and the Wharfe.

18 axes and hatchets to cleaue wood.

12 pieces of lines, and 6 dozen of hookes.

2 beetles of Rosemarie.

4 dozen of oares for the pinnases.

6 lanternes.

500 of Tesia.

Item, gunpouder & matches for harquebushes as shalbe needfull.

Item, there must be carried from hence 5 pinnases, fiue men to strike with
harping irons, two cutters of Whale, 5 coopers, & a purser or two.

A note of certaine other necessarie things belonging to the Whalefishing,
receiued of master W. Burrough.

A sufficient number of pullies for tackle for the Whale.

A dozen of great baskets.

4 furnaces to melt the Whale in.

6 ladles of copper.

A thousand of nailes to mend the pinnases.

500 great nailes of spikes to make their house.

3 paire of bootes great and strong, for them that shall cut the Whale.

8 calue skins to make aprons or barbecans.

* * * * *

The deposition of M. William Burrough to certaine Interrogatories ministred
vnto him concerning the Narue, Kegor, &c. to what king or prince they doe
appertaine and are subiect, made the 23 of Iune, 1576.

These articles seeme to haue bene ministred vpon the quarel between
Alderman Bond the elder, and the Moscouie company, for his trade to the
Narue without their consent.

[Sidenote: The first Interrogatorie.] First, whether the villages or townes
vulgarely called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo and Cola, and the portes of the
same townes, as well at the time of the grant of the letters of priuilege
by the Emperour to our merchants, as also in the yeeres of our Lord, 1566,
1567, 1568, 1569, 1570, 1571, 1572, 1573, 1574, and 1575 respectiuely were
(as presently they be) of the iurisdicition, and subiect to the mightie
prince the Emperour of Russia: and whether the saide Emperour of Russia, by
all the time aforesaide, was chiefe lord and gouernour respectiuely of the
said places, and so vulgarly knowen, had, and reputed: and whether the said
townes and places, and either of them be situated towards the North and
Northeast or Northwest, and between the North and the East point: and be
the same places whereunto by force of the said priuilege, it is forbidden
to any other subiect to haue traffike, sauing to the societie aforesaid.

[Sidenote: The deponents answer.] To this Interrogatorie the deponent
saith, that it is true that the villages, townes and places vulgarly called
the Narue, Kegor, Peshingo and Cola, and the portes thereof, at the time of
the grant of the said priuilege (as he iudgeth) were reputed respectiuely
to be vnder the iurisdiction, and subiect to the Emperour of Russia, and so
from the time of the said grant, vnto the yeere, 1566, and that in the
yeeres of our Lord, 1566, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, and 1575.
respectiuely they were (as presently they be) of the iurisdiction, and
subiect vnto the mighty prince the Emperour of Russia, and the same
Emperour of Russia, by all the time aforesaide, was chiefe gouernour
respectiuely of the said places, and so vulgarly knowen, had and reputed.
And that all the said places are situated from London Northwards, between
the East and the North, and within the grant of the letters patents, and
priuileges of the said companie of merchants for the discouery of new
trades, and the same places whereunto by force of the said letters patents,
it is forbidden to any other subiect to haue traffike sauing to the
societie aforesaid.

Notwithstanding the Deponent saith, that he hath heard it credibly reported
by diuers, that the king of Denmarke of late yeeres, or euery yeere once,
hath had one of his subiects or more by him selfe, or with his guide a
Lappian, that hath at the places Cola, Kegor, and diuers other places in
Lappia, taken of the Lappies certain tribute or head pence, which the said
Lappie haue willingly giuen to winne fauour of the saide prince, and to
liue quietly by his subiects, the people of Finmarke which border vpon
their countrey whereof, Wardhouse is the strongest hold, and bordereth
neere vnto them. Hee hath also hearde that in the time of peace betweene
the saide Emperour of Russia, and the kings of Sweden, there was yeerely
for the king of Sweden one or more that came into Lappia vnto diuers
places, in maner as the king of Denmarkes seruant vseth to doe, and did
demaund of them some tribute or duetie which they willingly paide: but
since the late warres betweene the saide Emperour and king of Sweden, hee
hath not heard of any thing that hath bene paide by them to the king of
Sweden: such is the simplicitie of this people the Lappies, that they would
rather giue tribute to all those that border vpon their countrey, then by
denying it haue their ill willes.

But the trueth is, as this Deponent saith, that the saide mightie prince
the Emperour of Russia is the chiefe lord and gouernour of the saide
countrey of Lappia, his lawes and orders are obserued by them, hee takes
toll and custome &c. of them. They are infidels, but if any of them become
Christians it is after the Russe law. If there happen any controuersie
betweene those people, such as cannot be ended amongst themselues, or by
the Emperours deputies in that countrey, they repaire to the Mosko as their
highest Court, and there haue it ended. [Sidenote: Pechingo abbey.]
Betweene the place specified Kegor, and the confines of Finmarke aforesaide
in Lappia, is the monasterie Pechingo, which are monkes, and vse the Russe
lawe, the chiefe or head of that abbey is alwayes appointed by the cleargie
in Mosko.

Also in the yeere of our Lord 1557, the said Deponent was at the place
Kegor, in the moneth of Iune, the 29 day being S. Peters day, at which time
was a great assembly of people at a mart there, the Russes, Kerils and
Lappians on the one side subiects to the said mighty prince the Emperour of
Russia, and the Norwegians or Norses and people of Finmarke subiects to the
King of Denmarke on the other part, they did barter and exchange fish for
other commodities. The deputie for the Russe had the chief gouernment of
the said Mart, and tooke toll of those people that were subiect to his
master, and the captaine of Wardhouse had then the gouernment of the people
subiect to his master the king of Denmark. He saith also, that betweene the
abbey Pechingo, and the abbey of S. Nicholas in Russia, vpon the border of
the said coast of Lappia, he hath bene vpon the shore at diuers places,
where fresh riuers fall into the Sea, where are commonly taken fresh
salmon, all which places he doth know for certaine, that they were farmed
out to the subiects of the said Emperour, and he the said Emperour receiued
yeerely the rent for them. And further he saith that it hath bene forther
credibly reported vnto him, that there is not any such riuer or creek of
fresh water which falleth out of the said countrey of Lappia into the sea,
between the said abbey Pechingo, and the bay of S. Nicholas, but they are
all and euery of them farmed out, and the Emperour receiueth the rent for

[Sidenote: The second Interrogatorie.] Item, whether as well before, as
also within the memorie of men, till the time of the graunt of the said
letters patents any of the English merchants (sauing the merchants of the
said societie) subiects of this realme of England, haue commonly exercised
or frequented businesse or trade in the said villages or townes called the
Narue, Kegor, Pechingo, and Cola, or in any of them, or in any ports or
territories of the said Emperour of Russia.

[Sidenote: The deponents answer.] To this Interrogatorie the Deponent
answereth, that the subiects of this realme before the graunt of the said
letters patent did not commonly exercise, neither frequent or trade to any
of the said places called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo or Cola, or to any of

* * * * *

Certaine reasons to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue aforesaide, by
way through Sweden.

The merchandise of the Narue are gross wares, viz. flaxe, hempe, waxe,
tallow and hides.

The traffique at that place standeth vpon the agreement and liking of the
Emperour of Russia, with the king of Sweden: for all these merchandises
that are brought thither come from Plescoue, Nouogrod, and other parts of
the Emperours dominions.

For transporting those merchandises from Narue to Stockholm, or what other
place shall be thought conuenient in Sweden, it must be in vessels of those
countries, which wilbe of smal force to resist Freebooters, or any other
that shall make quarrel or offer violence against them.

When the goods are brought into Sweden, they must be discharged, and new
laden into smaller vessels, to cary the same by riuer or lake a part of the
way, and againe to be vnladen and transported by land to Newles.

So as the ordinary charges for transporting of goods from Narue to Newles
by way as aforesaid, besides the spoile by so often lading and vnlading,
cariage by land, and the dangers of the seas, pirats, &c. will be such as
when it shalbe so brought to Newles it wil be as deare to the merchants in
that place as it shall be worth to be sold in London, wherefore the trade
that wayes cannot be profitable to our nation.

Moreouer, when the goods shall be in Newles, it may bee thought doubtfull
to bring it thence quietly without disliking or forcible resistance of the
king of Denmarke, forasmuch as he maketh quarrell, and alleageth damage
vnto him in his tolles of the Sound by our trade to S. Nicholas, how much
more will he now doe by this way, and with how much greater aduantage may
he performe it? The danger that may grow in our trade to Russia, by way of
S. Nicholas, through the displeasure that the Emperour may conceiue by our
trade with the Sweden to Narue is also to be considered.

* * * * *

A remembrance of aduise giuen to the merchants, touching a voyage for Cola
abouesaid. 1578.

Whereas you require my counsell after what order the voyage for Cola is to
be set forth, I answere that I know no better way then hath bene heretofore
vsed, which is after this maner. First of all we haue hired the ship by the
great, giuing so much for the wearing of the tackle and the hull of the
shippe, as the ship may be in bignesse: and if shee bee about the burden of
a hundred tunnes, we pay fourescore pound, and so after that rate: and
thereunto we doe vicual the ship our selues, and doe ship all our men our
selues, shipping no more men, nor giuing them more wages then we should doe
if they went of a merchants voyage, for it hath bene a great helpe to our
voiage hitherto, to haue our men to fish with one boate, & costing vs no
more charges then it should do, if our men should lie and doe nothing
sauing the charges of salt, & of lines, which is treble paid for againe.
For this last yere past our men killed with one boat betwixt 9. or 10.
thousand fish, which yeelded to vs in money with the oile that came of it,
about 15. or 16. score pounds, which is a great helpe to a voyage. And
besides all this, our ship did take in so much pile and other commodities
as we bestowed 100. whole clothes in. But because, as I doe suppose, it is
not the vse of London to take ships to fraight after that order before
prescribed, neither I think that the mariners wil take such paines as our
men will: Therefore my counsell is, if you thinke good, to freight some
ship of Hul or Newcastle, for I am sure that you may haue them there better
cheap to freight, then here at London. Besides al this, one may haue such
men as will take paines for their merchants. [Sidenote: Hull the best
market of England for sale of fish.] And furthermore when it shal please
God that the ship shal returne to come to discharge at Hull, which will be
the most for your profit for the sales of all such like commoditie as comes
from that place, as for fish, oyle, and Salmon chiefly, hee that will seeke
a better market for the sales then at Hull, he must seeke it out of
England, for the like is not in England. This is the best way that I can
deuise, and most for your profite, and if you will, I will also set you
downe all the commodities that are necessarie for such a voyage, and which
way also that the Hollanders may within two or three yeeres be forced to
leaue off the trade of Cola which may easily be done. For if my abilitie
were to my will, I would vse the matter so that they should either leaue
off the trade, or els cary light ships with them home againe.

* * * * *

A dedicatorie Epistle vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, written by
Master William Burrough late Comptroller of Her Highnesse nauie, and
annexed vnto his exact and notable mappe of Russia, briefly containing
(amongst other matters) his great trauailes, obseruations, and
experiments both by sea and land, especially in those Northeastern parts.

To the most high and renowmed Princesse ELIZABETH by the grace of God
Queene of England, France and Ireland, &c.

My minde earnestly bent to the knowledge of nauigation and, Hydrographie
from my youth (most excellent my dread Soueraigne) hath eftsoones beene
moued by diligent studie to search out the chiefest points to them
belonging: and not therewith sufficed hath also sought by experience in
diuers discoueries and other voyages and trauailes to practise the same. I
was in the first voyage for discouerie of the partes of Russia, which begun
in anno 1553. (being then sixteene yeeres of age) also in the yeere 1556.
in the voyage when the coastes of Samoed and Noua Zemble, with the
straightes of Vaigatz were found out: and in the yeere 1557, when the coast
of Lappia, and the bay of S. Nicholas were more perfectly discouered. Since
which time, by my continuall practise in the voyages made yeerely to S.
Nicholas in Russia, or to the Narue, and to some other countreys also by
Sea: as likewise in passing from S. Nicholas to Mosco, and from Mosco to
Narue, and from thence backe againe to S. Nicholas by land, in the yeeres
1574. and 1575. (being then Agent in those countries for the companie of
English merchants for discoueries of new trades) setting downe alwayes with
great care and diligence, true obseruations and notes of al those
countreys, Islands, coasts of the sea, and other things requisite to the
arts of Nauigation and Hydrographie; and with like diligence gathering
exact notes and descriptions of the wayes, riuers, cities, townes, &c. as I
passed by Land: I finde my selfe sufficiently furnished to giue report vnto
your Maiesty, and to make description of those North parts of the world in
forme and maner of euery leagues distance that I haue passed and seene in
al those my trauels. The places herein described, which I haue not seene
and tried my selfe, I haue set downe by the best authorities that I could
finde, and therein may erre with the learned Gerardus Mercator, Abraham
Ortelius, and the rest: but for the maine part which is from Rochel in
France hither to London, and from hence Eastward to Narue by sea, and from
thence to Mosco and to S. Nicholas by land: also from hence Northwards and
Northeastwards by Sea to Saint Nicholas, and to the straight of Vaigatz
(first crauing humbly your highnesse pardon) I dare boldly affirme (and
that I trust without suspect of arrogancie, since truely I may say it) I
haue here set it open to the view, with such exactnesse and trueth, and so
placed euery thing aright in true latitude and longitude, (accompting the
longitudes from the Meridian of London, which I place in 21 degrees) as
till this time no man hath done the like: neither is any man able by
learning onely, except he trauaileth as I haue done. For as it may be
truely saide of Nauigation and Hydrographie, that no man can be cunning in
the one which wanteth conuenient knowledge in the other: and as neither of
them can be had without the helpes of Astronomie and Cosmographie, much
lesse without these two grounds of all artes, Arithmetike and Geometrie: so
none of the best learned in those sciences Mathematicall, without
conuenient practise at the sea can make iust proofe of the profite in them:
so necessarily dependeth art and reason vpon practise and experience.
Albeit there are diuers both learned and vnlearned, litle or nothing
experienced, which in talke of nauigation will enter deeply and speake much
of and against errours vsed therein, when they cannot reforme them. Such
also haue written thereof, pretending singular great knowledge therein, and
would so be accompted of, though in very deede not worthy the name of good
and sufficient pilots. To whom I thinke it shall not be amisse in defence
of rules builded vpon reason, and in practise allowed, thus much to say for
answere. It is so, that there are rules vsed in nauigation which are not
perfectly true: among which the streight lines in sea-cardes, representing
the 32. points of the compasse or windes are hot holden to be the least,
but noted of such talkers for principall, to condemne the occupiers thereof
for ignorant: yet hath the famous and learned Gerardus Mercator vsed them
in his uniuersal mappe. But such as condemne them for false, and speake
most against their vse cannot giue other that should serue for nauigation
to better purpose and effect. Experience (one of the keyes of knowledge)
hath taught mee to say it. Wherein with my abilitie, together with some
part of my studie, I am rather moued (in this my plot) to make some triall
vnto your maiestie: for that I perceiue that such attempts of newe
discoueries (whereunto this noble Island is most aptly situated) are by
your royall maintenance so willingly furthered: beseeching your highnesse
so to accept of these my trauailes, as a pledge of my well willing to my
countrey, and of my loyall seruice to your maiestie, whose healthfull
happie life and reigne God continue which is Almightie. Amen.

Your Maiesties most humble subiect

William Burrough.

* * * * *

The Queenes Maiesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophi of Persia,
sent by Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Tailbois, and Peter
Gerard appointed Agents for the Moscouie companie, in their sixt voyage
to Persia, begun in the yeere 1579.

To the most noble and inuincible Emperour of Persia, King of Shiruan,
Gilan, Grosin, Corassan, and great Gouernour of the Indies.

Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland,
defender of the faith &c. To the most noble and inuincible Emperour of
Persia, King of Shiruan, Gilan, Grosin, Corassan, and great gouernour euen
vnto the Indies, sendeth greeting. Most noble and inuincible Prince, it is
now tenne yeeres since, [Footnote: 1568.] or thereabouts, wherein (after
the honourable ambassade of the noble man Anthony Ienkenson our well
beloued subiect, to your most noble and inuincible father performed) we
laboured to bring to passe by Thomas Bannister and Gefferey Ducket
merchants our subiects, that throughout all the kingdomes subiect to his
empire, free power might be giuen to Will. Garrard, Thomas Ofley, William
Chester, knights, Rowland Haiward, Lionel Ducket, William Allen, Thomas
Bannister, Gefferey Ducket, Lawrence Chapman, Merchants, and vnto their
societie, to enter into his lands and countreys at al times when they would
and could, there to exercise and vse their trade of merchandise, and from
thence likewise after exchange or sale made of those wares, which they
should bring with them with his like good leaue and fauour, to carie from
thence those things wherwith his dominions do abound and with vs be scant.
Which our petition the most noble prince your father took so thankfully and
in such good part, that he not onely graunted franke and commodious leaue,
as was desired: but the same he would to bee unto them most free and
beneficiall, and to haue continuance for many yeeres and times. The
benefite of the which his wonderfull liberality, our subiects did enioy
with such humanitie and freedome as there could be no greater, till the
time that by reason of wars more and more increasing in those parts, by the
which our subiects were to make their iourney into Persia, they were
debarred and shut from that voyage and traffique. The which traffique the
said societie being eftsoones desirous to renew to the weale and commoditie
of both our dominions they haue now sent into Persia their factors and
Agents Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Tailbois, Peter Gerrard
merchants, with their associats, whom we beseech your inuincible maiesty to
entertaine with that fauour wherewith your father did imbrace Tho.
Bannister & Geffrey Ducket, and to enfranchise their whole societie with
that freedome, that neither they through any their misdemeanours towards
your subiects, may thereof seeme vnworthy (as we hope they will not)
neither we our selues otherwise enioy them, then with the perpetuall
remembrance of your good affection towards vs, and with the like fauourable
inclination of our part towards you. The matter itself and tract of time
shall sufficiently proue the foresaid maner of traffike vnprofitable to
neither of vs. For so hath one God the chiefe gouernour of all things
disposed of our affaires on earth, that ech one should need other. And as
for our people and subiects of the English nation, in verie deed your
maiesty shal find them made and fashioned so pliant to the perfourmance of
all dueties of humanity, that it can neuer repent you to haue graunted them
this franke traffic, nor shame vs to haue obteined it for them at your
hands. That therefore it may please your maiesty to yeeld vnto them this at
our request, most earnestly we beseech you. And we (as it wel beseemeth a
prince) if euer hereafter we may, wil show our selfe not to bee vnmindful
of so great a benefit. We wish your maiesty wel and prosperously to fare.
Giuen at our palace of Westminster the 10. day of Iune, in the yere of our
Lord 1579. and of our reigne the 21.

* * * * *

Aduertisements and reports of the 6. voyage into the parts of Persia and
Media, for the companie of English merchants for the discouerie of new
trades, in the yeeres 1579. 1580. and 1581. gathered out of sundrie
letters written by Christopher Burrough, seruant to the saide companie,
and sent to his vncle Master William Burrough.

First it is to be vnderstood, that the ships for the voiage to S. Nicholas
in Russia, in which the factors and merchandise for the Persian voiage were
transported, departed from Grauesend the 19. of Iune, 1579. which arriued
at S. Nicholas in Russia the 22. of Iuly, where the factors and merchants
landed, and the merchandise were discharged and laden into doshnikes, that
is, barkes of the countrey, to be caried from thence vp by riuer vnto
Vologda. And the 25. day of the said Iulie, the doshnikes departed from
Rose Island by S. Nicholas vp the riuer Dwina, Peremene, that is to say, in
poste, by continual sailing, rowing, setting with poles, or drawing of men,
which came to Colmogro the 27. day, and departed the 29. of Iulie vp the
said riuer Dwyna, and came to Vstyoug (which is at the head of the riuer
Dwina, and mouth of Sughano) the 9. of August, where they stayed but a
small time, prouiding some victuals, and shifting certaine of their
cassacks or barkmen, and so departed thence the same day vp the riuer
Sughano, and came to Totma (which is counted somewhat more then halfe the
way from Vstioug) the 15. day, where they shifted some of their cassaks,
and departed thence the same day, and came to the citie Vologda the 19. of
August, where they landed their goods, and staied at that place till the
30. of the same. [Sidenote: Yeraslaue.] Hauing prouided at Vologda,
Telegas, or wagons, whereupon they laded their goods, they departed thence
with the same by land towards Yeraslaue the said 30. of August at eight of
the clocke in the morning, and came to the East side of the riuer Volga
ouer against Yeraslaue, with 25. Telegas laden with the said goods the
seuenth of September at fiue of the clocke afternoone. Then the three
stroogs or barks prouided to transport the saide goods to Astracan (where
they should meete the ship that should carie the same from thence into
Persia) came ouer from Yeraslaue vnto the same side of the riuer Volga, and
there tooke in the said goods. And hauing prepared the said barks ready
with all necessary furniture they departed with them from Yeraslaue downe
the riuer of Volga on the 14. day of September at nine of the clocke in the
morning, and they arriued at Niznouogrod the 17. day at three of the clocke
aftenoone, where they shewed the Emperors letters to passe free without
paying any custome, and taried there about three houres to prouide
necessaries, and then departing, arriued at Cazan (or neere the same towne)
on the 22. of September at fiue of the clocke afternoone, where (through
contrary windes, and for prouiding new cassaks in the places of some that
there went from them) they remained till the 26. day, at what time they
departed thence about two of the clocke after noone, and arriued at
Tetushagorod, which is on the Crim side of Volga, and in latitude 55.
degrees 22. minutes, the 28. day at ten in the forenoone, where they
ankered, and remained about 3. houres, and departing thence came to Oueak,
which is on the Crim side (on the Westerne side of Volga) the fift of
October about fiue of the clocke in the morning. [Sidenote: Great store of
Licoris.] This is accounted halfe the way between Cazan and Astracan: and
heere there groweth great store of Licoris: the soile is very fruitfull;
they found there apple trees, and cherrie trees. The latitude of Oueak is
51. degrees 30. minutes. At this place had bene a very faire stone castle
called by the name Oueak, and adioining to the same was a towne called by
the Russes, Sodom: this towne and part of the castle (by report of the
Russes) was swalowed into the earth by the iustice of God, for the
wickednesse of the people that inhabited the same. There remaineth at this
day to be seen a part of the ruines of the castle, and certaine tombs,
wherein as it seemeth haue bin laid noble personages: for vpon a tombe
stone might be perceiued the forme of a horse and a man sitting on it with
a bow in his hand, and arrowes girt to his side: there was a piece of a
scutchion also vpon one of the stones, which had characters grauen on it,
whereof some part had beene consumed with the weather, and the rest left
vnperfect: by the forme of them that remained, we iudged them to be
characters of Armenia: and other characters were grauen also vpon another
tombe stone. [Sidenote: Perauolok.] Nowe they departed from Oueak the said
fift of October at fiue of the clocke after noone, and came to Perauolok
the 10. day about eleuen or twelue of the clocke that night, making, no
abode at that place, but passed alongst by it. This worde Perauolok in the
Russe tongue doeth signifie a narrow straight or necke of land betweene two
waters, and it is so called by them, because from the riuer Volga, at that
place, to the riuer Don or Tanais, is counted thirty versts, or as much as
a man may well trauell on foote in one day. And seuen versts beneath, vpon
an Island called Tsaritsna the Emperour of Russe hath fiftie gunners all
the summer time to keepe watch, called by the Tartar name Carawool. Between
this place and Astracan are fiue other Carawools or watches.

1 The first is named Kameni Carawool, and is distant from Perauolok 120

2 The second named Stupino Carowool, distant from the first 50 versts.

3 The third called Polooy Carowool, is 120 versts distant from the second.

4 The fourth named Keezeyur Carawool, is 50 versts distant from the third.

5 The fift named Ichkebre, is 30 versts distant from the fourth, and from
Ichkebre to Astracan is 30 versts.

[Sidenote: Astracan.] The 16 of October they arriued at Astracan, with
their three stroogs in saftie about nine of the clock in the morning, where
they found the ship prouided for the Persia voyage in good order and
readinesse. [Sidenote: Peter Garrard.] The 17 day the foure principal
factors of the company, Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Talbois,
and Peter Garrard, were inuited to dine with the chiefe diake or secretary

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