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The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, by Richard Hakluyt

Part 3 out of 7

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shillings and foure pence of lawful money of England and not aboue, as well
of such lands, tenements and hereditaments, as be holden or shall be holden
of vs, our heires or successours, as of any other person or persons, the
statutes prouided against alienations into mortmaine, or any of them, or
any article or clause in them or any of them contained, or any other lawe,
custome, statute or prouision to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.
And that they by the name of the Gouernour, Consuls, assistants, fellowship
and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers, for the discouerie of lands,
territories, Isles, dominions and Seigniories vnknowen by the Seas and
Nauigations, and not before the said late aduenture or enterprise by seas
frequented as aforesaid, shall and may be able in the law to implead, and
be impleaded, to answere, and to be answered, to defende, and to be
defended before whatsoeuer Iudge or Iustice, temporall or spirituall, or
other persons whatsoeuer, in whatsoeuer court, or courts, and in all
actions personall, reall, and mixt, and in euery of them, and in all
plaints of nouel disseison, and also in all plaints, suites, quarels,
affaires, businesses and demaunds whatsoeuer they bee, touching and
concerning the saide fellowship and communaltie, and the affaires and
businesse of the same onely, in as ample manner and forme, as any other
corporation of this our Realme may doe.

Moreouer, wee for vs, our heires and successours, haue giuen and graunted,
and by these presents doe giue and graunt vnto the said Gouernour, Consuls,
assistants, fellowshippe, and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers
aforesaide, and to their successours, that the saide Gouernour, or
Gouernours, Consuls and assistants, and their successors, in maner, forme,
and number afore rehearsed, shall haue full power and authoritie from time
to time hereafter, to make, ordein, establish and erect all such statutes,
actes and ordinaunces, for the gouernement, good condition, and laudable
rule of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers
aforesaid, as to them shall bee thought good, meete, conuenient and
necessarie, and also to admit vnto the saide Corporation and fellowship to
be free of the same, such and as many persons, as to them shal bee thought
good, meete, conuenient and necessarie. And that euery such person or
persons, as shall fortune heereafter to bee admitted into the saide
fellowshippe, communaltie and corporation, shal from the time of his or
their admittance, be free of the same. And also wee will, and by these
presents, graunt for vs, our heires and successours, vnto the saide
Gouernours, Consuls, assistants, fellowship, communaltie of Marchants
aduenturers aforesaid, and to their successours, that the Gouernour, or
gouernors, Consuls and assistants of the same, in maner, forme, and number
afore rehearsed, and their successours for the time being, shall, and may
haue full power and authoritie by these presents from time to time, as to
them shal seeme good, to limite, set, ordeine and make, mulcts, and
penalties by fines, forfeitures, and imprisonments, or any of them vpon any
offender of the saide fellowship and communaltie, for any offence touching
the same fellowhip and communaltie, and also that all acts and ordinances
by them or their successours to bee made, which time shall thinke not
necessarie or preiudiciall to the saide fellowship or communaltie, at al
times to reuoke, breake, frustrate, annihilate, repeale and dissolue at
their pleasure and liberty. And further, wee will, that if any of the saide
fellowship and communaltie shalbe found contrarious, rebellious, or
disobedient to the saide Gouernour or gouernours, Consuls, and the said
assistants for the time being, or to any statutes, acts or ordinances by
them made or to be made, that then the saide Gouernour or gouernours,
Consuls, and the saide assistants, in maner, forme, and number aboue
specified, for the time being, shall and may by vertue of these presents,
mulct, and punish euery such offender or offenders, as the quality of the
offence requireth, according to their good discretions.

And further, we will that none of the saide offender or offenders shall
decline from the power of the saide Gouernour, or gouernours, Consuls and
assistants, in maner, forme, and number abouesaide for the time being: so
alwayes, that the saide actes, statutes and ordinances, doe onely touch and
concerne the saide Gouernour or gouernours, Consuls, assistants, and the
saide fellowship and communaltie of our before named Marchants aduenturers,
or the men of the same fellowship and communaltie, and none other; And so
alwayes, that such their acts, statutes and ordinances bee not against our
prerogatiue, lawes, statutes, and customes of our realmes and Dominions,
nor contrary to the seuerall duetie of any our subiects towards vs, our
heires and successours, nor contrarie to any compacts, treaties, or
leagues, by vs or any our progenitours heretofore had or made, or hereafter
by vs, our heires and successours to bee made, to or with any forreine
Prince or potentate, nor also to the preiudice of the corporation of the
Maior, communalties and Citizens of our Citie of London, nor to the
preiudice of any person or persons, bodie politique, or corporate or
incorporate, iustly pretending, clayming, or hauing any liberties,
franchises, priuiledges, rightes or preheminences, by vertue or pretext of
anie graunt, gift, or Letters patents, by vs, or anie our Progenitours,
heeretofore giuen, graunted, or made.

Moreouer, we for vs, our heires, and successours, will, and by these
presents, doe graunt vnto the said Gouernors, Consuls, assistants,
fellowship and communaltie of our Marchants aforesaid, that their said
Gouernour or gouernours, Consuls and assistants, and their successors for
the time being, in maner, forme and number aboue rehearsed, shal haue full
power and authoritie to assigne, constitute and ordaine one officer, or
diuers officers as well within our aforesaide Citie of London, as also in
any other place or places of this our Realme of England, or else where
within our dominions, which officer or officers, wee will to be named and
called by the name of Sergeant or Serjeants to the fellowship or communalty
of the said marchants, and that the said sergeant or sergeants, shall and
may haue full power and authoritie by these presents, to take, leuie and
gather all maner fines, forfeitures, penalties and mulcts of euery person
and persons, of the saide fellowship and communaltie conuict, and that
shalbe conuicted, vpon or for breaking of any statutes, acts, ordinances,
to bee made by the saide Gouernour or gouernours, Consuls and assistants
for the time being.

And further, we will and also graunt for vs, our heires, and successours,
that the saide officer or officers shall haue further power and authoritie
for the default of payment, or for disobedience in this behalfe (if neede
be) to set hands and arrest aswell the bodie and bodies, as the goods and
chattels of such offender, and offenders, and transgressers, in euery place
and places not franchised. And if it shall fortune any such offender or
offenders, their goods and chattels or any part thereof, to be in any
citie, borough, towne incorporate, or other place franchised or
priuiledged, where the said officer or officers may not lawfully intromit
or intermeddle, that then the Maior, shirifes, baylifes, and other head
officers, or ministers, within euery such citie, borough, towne incorparate
or place or places franchised, vpon a precept to them, or any of them, to
be directed from the gouernour or gouernours, Consuls and assistants of the
said fellowship, in number and forme aforesaid, vnder the common seale of
the sayd fellowship and communaltie for the time being, shall and may
attach and arrest the body or bodies of such offender or offenders, as also
take, and seise the goods and chattels of all and euery such offender or
offenders, being within any such place or places franchised, and the same
body and bodies, goods and chattels of all and euery such offender and
offenders, being within any such place or places franchised, and every part
therof so attached and seazed, shall according to the tenor and purport of
the sayd precept, returne, and deliuer vnto the sayd officer or officers of
the aforesaid fellowship, and communaltie.

And further, we will and grant for vs, our heires and successours by these
presents, that all, and euery such Maior, shirife, baylife, or other head
officers or ministers of any citie, borough, towne incorporate, or other
places franchised, shall not be impeached, molested, vexed or sued in any
our court or courts, for executing or putting in execution of any of the
said precept or precepts.

[Sidenote: K. Philip and Queene Mary hereby do disannul Pope Alexanders
diuision. [Footnote: Alexander VI, the father of Lucretia and Casar Borgia,
had divided the Indies between Spain and Portugal.]]. And furthermore, we
of our ample and abundant grace, meere motion, and certaine knowledge, for
vs, our heires, and successors, as much as in vs is, haue giuen and
granted, and by these presents doe giue and grant vnto the sayd gouernour,
Consuls, assistants, fellowship, and conimunaltie of Marchants aduenturers,
and to their successors, and to the Factor and Factors, assigne and
assignes of euery of them, ful and free authoritie, libertie, facultie and
licence, and power to saile to all portes, regions, dominions, territories,
landes, Isles, Islands, and coastes of the sea, wheresoeuer before their
late aduenture or enterprise vnknowen, or by our Marchants and subiects by
the seas not heretofore commonly frequented, vnder our banner, standerd,
flags and ensignes, with their shippe, ships, barke, pinnesses, and all
other vessels of whatsoeuer portage, bulke, quantitie, or qualitie they may
be, and with any Mariners, and men as they will leade with them in such
shippe or shippes, or other vessels at their owne and proper costs and
expences, for to traffique, descrie, discouer and finde, whatsoeuer Isle,
Islands, countreis, regions, prouinces, creekes, armes of the sea, riuers
and streames, as wel of Gentiles, as of any other Emperor, king, prince,
gouernor or Lord whatsoeuer he or they shalbe, and in whatsoeuer part of
the world they be situated, being before the sayd late aduenture or
enterprise vnknowen, and by our Marchants and subiects not commonly
frequented, and to enter and land in the same, without any maner of
denying, paine, penaltie or forfeiture to be had or taken by anie our
lawes, customes or statutes to our vse, or to the vse of our heires or
successors for the same.

And we haue also granted, and by these presents, for vs, our heires and
successors, doe graunt vnto the sayd Gouernours, Consuls, assistants,
fellowship and communalty, and to their successours, and to their Factors
and assignes, and to euery of them, licence for to reare, plant, erect, and
fasten our banners, standards, flags, and Ensignes, in whatsoeuer citie,
towne, village, castle, Isle, or maine lande, which shall be by them newly
found, without any the penalties, forfeitures, or dangers aforesayde, and
that the sayd fellowship and communalty, and their successors, Factors and
assignes and euery of them shall and may subdue, possesse, and occupie, all
maner cities, townes, Isles, and maine lands of infidelitie, which is or
shal be by them, or any of them newly founde or descried, as our vassals
and subiects, and for to acquire and get the Dominion, title, and
iurisdiction of the same Cities, Townes, Castles, Villages, Isles, and
maine landes, which shall bee by them, or any of them newly discouered or
found vnto vs, our heires and successours for euer.

And furthermore, whereas by the voyage of our subiects in this last yeere
[Footnote: Anno 1554.] attempted by Nauigation, towards the discouerie and
disclosure of vnknowen places, Realmes, Islandes, and Dominions by the seas
not frequented, it hath pleased Almighty God to cause one of the three
shippes by them set foorth for the voyage, and purpose aboue mentioned,
named the Edward Bonaventure, to arriue, abide, and winter within the
Empire and dominions of the high and mightie Prince our cousin and brother,
Lord Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of all Russia, Volodomer, great duke of
Moscouie, &c. Who, of his clemencie, for our loue and zeale, did not onely
admitte the Captaine, and marchants our subiects into his protection, and
Princely presence, but also receiued and interteined them very graciously,
and honourably, granting vnto them by his letters addressed vnto vs, franke
accesse into all his Seigniories and dominions, with license freely to
traffique in and out with all his Subiects in all kinde of Marchandise,
with diuers other gracious priuiledges, liberties and immunities specified
in his sayde letters vnder his Signet: Know yee therefore that wee of our
further royall fauour and munificence, of our meere motion, certaine
knowledge, and speciall grace, for vs our heires and successours, haue
giuen and graunted, and by these presents doe giue and graunt vnto the same
Gouernours, Consuls, assistants, fellowship, and comunalty aboue named, and
to their successours, as much as in vs is, that all the mayne landes,
Isles, Portes, hauens, creekes, and riuers of the said mighty Emperour of
all Russia, and great Duke of Mosco, &c. [Sidenote: The largenes of the
priuiledge of the Moscouite companie.] And all and singuler other lands,
dominions territories, Isles, Portes, hauens, creekes, riuers, armes of the
sea, of al and euery other Emperor, king, prince, ruler, and gouernour,
whatsoeuer he or they before the said late aduenture or enterprise not
knowen, or by our foresayd marchants and subiects by the seas not commonly
frequented, nor by any part nor parcell thereof lying Northwards,
Northeastwards, or Northwestwards, as is aforesayd, by sea shall not be
visited, frequented nor hanted by any our subiects, other then of the sayd
company and felowship, and their successours without expresse licence,
agreement and consent of the Gouernour, Consuls, and Assistants of the said
felowship and communaltie aboue named, or the more part of them, in manner
and number aforesayd, for the time being, vpon paine of forfeiture and
losse, as well of the shippe and shippes, with the appurtenances, as also
of all the goods, marchandises, and things whatsoeuer they be, of those our
subiects, not being of the sayd felowship and communalty, which shall
attempt and presume to saile to any of those places, which bee, or
hereafter shall happen to bee found, and traffiked vnto: the one hafe of
the same forfeiture to be to the vse of vs, our heires and successors, and
the other halfe to be to the vse of the sayd fellowship and communaltie.
And if it shall fortune, anie stranger or strangers, for to attempt to
hurt, hinder, or endamage the same marchants, their factors, deputies, or
assignes, or any of them in sailing, going or returning at any time in the
sayd aduenture, or for to saile or trade to or from any those places,
landes or coastes, which by the sayd marchants, their factors, deputies and
assignes haue bene, or shall bee descried, discouered and found, or
frequented, aswell within the coastes and limites of gentility, as within
the dominions and Seigniories of the sayd mighty Emperour and Duke, and of
all and euery other Emperour, King, Prince, Ruler and gouernour whatsoeuer
he or they be, before the sayd late aduenture or enterprise not knowen by
any our said marchants and subiects, by the seas not commonly frequented,
and lying Northwards, Northwestwards or Northeastwards as aforesaid, then
wee will and grant, and by these presents doe licence, and authorise for
vs, our heires and successors, the said marchants, their factors, deputies,
and assignes, and euery of them to doe their best in their defence, to
resist the same their enterprises and attempts. Willing therefore, and
straightly commanding and charging al and singular our Officers, Maiors,
Sherifes, Escheators, Constables, Bailifes, and all and singuler other our
ministers and liege men, and subiects whatsoeuer, to bee aiding, fauouring,
helping and assisting vnto the sayd gouernour or gouernours, Consuls,
assistants, fellowship and communalty, and to their successors and
deputies, factors, seruants, and assignes, and to the deputies, factors and
assignes of euery of them, in executing and enioying the premisses, as well
on land as in the sea, from time to time, and at all times when you or any
of you shall be thereunto required. In witnesse whereof, &c.

Apud Westmonasterium, 6 die Feb. Annis Regnorum nostrorum, primo et
secundo. [Footnote: Anno 1555.]

* * * * *

Certaine instructions deliuered in the third voyage, Anno 1556. for Russia,
to euery Purser and the rest of the seruants, taken for the voyage, which
may serue as good and necessary directions, to all other like
aduenturers.

1. First you before the ship doth begin to lade, goe aboord, and shall
there take, and write one inuentorie, by the aduise of the Master, or of
some other principall officer there aboord, of all the tackle, apparell,
cables, ankers, ordinance, chambers, shot, powder, artillerie, and of all
other necessaries whatsoever doth belong to the sayd ship: and the same
iustly taken, you shall write in a booke, making the sayd Master, or such
officer priuie of that which you haue so written, so that the same may not
be denied, when they shall call accompt thereof: that done, you shall write
a copie of the same with your owne hand, which you shall deliuer before the
shippe shall depart, for the voyage to the companies booke keeper here to
be kept to their behalfe, to the ende that they may be iustly answered the
same, when time shall require: and this order to be seene and kept euery
voyage orderly, by the Pursers of the companies owne ship, in any wise.

2. Also when the shippe beginneth to lade, you shall be ready a boord with
your booke, to enter such goods as shall be brought aboord, to be laden for
the company, packed, or vnpacked, taking the markes and numbers of euery
packe, fardell, trusse, or packet, corouoya, chest, fatte, butte, pipe,
puncheon, whole barrell, halfe barrell, firken, or other caske, maunde, or
basket, or any other thing, which may, or shall be packed by any other
manner of waies or deuise. And first, all such packes, or trusses, &c. as
shal be brought aboord to be laden, not marked by the companies marke, you
shall doe the best to let that the same be not laden, and to enquire
diligently to know the owners thereof, if you can, and what commoditie the
same is, that is so brought aboord to be laden: if you can not know the
owners of such goods, learne what you can thereof, as well making a note in
your booke, as also to send or bring word thereof to the Agent, and to some
one of the foure Marchants with him adioined so speedily as you can, if it
be here laden or to be laden in this riuer, being not marked with the
companies marke, as is aforesaid: and when the sayd shippe hath receiued in
all that the companies Agent will have laden, you shall make a iust copie
of that which is laden, reciting the parcels, the markes and numbers of
euery thing plainely, which you shall likewise deliuer to the sayd
bookekeeper to the vse aforesayd.

3. Also when the ship is ready to depart, you shall come for your cockets
and letters to the Agent, and shall shew him all such letters as you haue
receiued of any person or persons priuately or openly, to be deliuered to
any person or persons in Russia or elsewhere, and also to declare if you
know any other that shall passe in the ship either master or mariner that
hath receiued any letters to be priuily deliuered to any there, directed
from any persons or persons, other then from the Agent here to the Agent
there: which letters so by you receiued, you shall not carie with you,
without you be licensed so to doe by the Agent here, and some of the foure
merchants, as is aforesaid: and such others as doe passe, hauing receiued
any priuie letters to be deliuered, you shal all that in you lieth, let the
deliuerie of them at your arriuing in Russia: and also if you haue or do
receiue, or shal know any other that doth or hath receiued any goods or
ready money to be imployed in Russia, or to bee deliuered there to any
person or persons from any person or persons, other then such as bee the
companies goods, and that vnder their marke, you shall before the ship
doeth depart, declare the same truely to the sayd Agent, and to some of the
other merchants to him adioyned, as it is before declared.

4. Also when the shippe is ready to depart, and hath the master and the
whole company aboord, you shall diligently foresee and take heede, that
there passe not any priuie person, or persons, other then such as be
authorized to passe in the said ship, without the licence and warrant of
one of the Gouernours and of the assistants, for the same his passage, to
be first shewed. And if there be any such person or persons that is to
passe and will passe without shewing the same warrant, you shall let the
passage of any such to the vttermost of your power: And for that there may
no such priuie person passe vnder the cloke and colour of some mariner, you
shall vpon the weying of your ships anker, call the master and the manners
within boord by their names and that by your bookes, to the ende that you
may see that you haue neither more nor lesse, but iust the number for the
voyage.

5. Also you must have in remembrance, that if it shall chance the shippe to
bee put into anie harbour in this coast by contrary windes or otherwise in
making the voyage, to send word thereof from time to time as the case shall
require, by your letters in this maner. To Master I. B. Agent for the
company of the New trades in S. in London: If you doe hier any to bring
your letters, write that which he must haue for the portage. And for your
better knowledge and learning, you shall doe very well to keepe a dayly
note of the voyage both outwards and homewards.

6. And principally see that you forget not dayly in all the voiage both
morning and euening, to call the company within boord to prayer, in which
doing you shall please God, and the voiage will haue the better successe
thereby, and the company prosper the better.

7. Also in calme weather and at other times when you shall fortune to come
to anker in the seas during the voyage, you shall for the companies
profite, and for the good husbanding of the victuals aboord, call vpon the
Boateswaine and other of the company to vse such hookes and other engines
as they haue aboord to take fish with, that such fish so taken may bee
eaten for the cause aforesayd: and if there bee no such engines aboord,
then to prouide some before you goe from hence.

8. And when God shall send you in safetie into the Bay of S. Nicholas at an
anker, you shall goe a shore with the first boate that shall depart from
the ship, taking with you such letters as you haue to deliuer to the Agent
there: and if he be not there at your comming a land, then send the
companies letters to Colmogro to him by some sure mariner or otherwise, as
the master and you shall thinke best, but goe not your selfe at any hand,
nor yet from aboord the ship, vnlesse it be a shore to treate with the
Agent for the lading of the ship that you be appointed in, which you shall
applie diligently to haue done so speedily as may be. And for the
discharging of the goods therein in the Bay, to be carried from thence, see
that you doe looke well to the vnlading thereof, that there be none other
goods sent a shore then the companies, and according to the notes entred in
your booke as is aforesaid: if there be, inquire diligently for whom they
bee, and what goods they be, noting who is the receiuer of the sayd goods,
in such sort that the company may haue the true knowledge thereof at your
comming home.

9. Also there a shore, and likewise aboord, you shall spie and search as
secretly as you may, to learne and know what bargaining, buying and selling
there is with the master and the mariners of the shippe and the Russes, or
with the companies seruants there: and that which you shall perceiue and
learne, you shall keepe a note thereof in your booke secretly to your
selfe, which you shall open and disclose at your comming home to the
gouernours and assistants, in such sort as the trueth of their secret
trades and occupyings may be reuealed and knowen. You shall need alwayes to
haue Argos eyes, to spie their secret packing and conueyance, aswell on
land as aboord the shippe, of and for such furres and other commodities, as
yeerely they doe vse to buy, packe and conuey hither. If you will bee
vigilant and secrete in this article, you cannot misse to spie their priuie
packing one with another, either on shore or aboord the shippe: worke
herein wisely, and you shall deserue great thanks of the whole company.

10. Also at the lading againe of the shippe, you shall continue and abide
abord, to the ende that you may note and write in your booke all such goods
and marchandises as shall be brought and laden, which you shall orderly
note in all sortes as heretofore, as in the second article partly it is
touched: and in any wise put the Master and the company in remembrance, to
looke and foresee substantially to the roomaging of the shippe, by faire
meanes or threats, as you shall see and thinke will serue for the best.

11. Thus when the shippe is full laden againe, and all things aboord in
good order, and that you doe fortune to goe a shore to the Agent for your
letters, and dispatch away: you shall demand whether all the goods be laden
that were brought thither, and to know the trueth therof, you shal repaire
to the companies storehouse there at S. Nicholas, to see if there be any
goods left in the sayd storehouse: if there be, you shal demand why they be
not laden, and note what kinde of goods they be that be so left: and seeing
any of the shippes there not fully laden, you shall put the Agent in
remembrance to lady those goods so left, if any such be to be laden, as is
aforesayd. And thus God sending you a faire wind, to make speede and away.

12. Finally, when God shall send you to arriue againe vpon this coast in
safetie, either at Harewich, or elsewhere, goe not you aland, if you may
possiblie, to the ende that when you be gone a shore, there may no goods be
sent priuily ashore to be solde, or else to be solde aboord the ship in
your absence, but keepe you still aboord, if you can by any meanes, for the
causes aforesaid, and write the company a letter from the shippe of your
good arriuall, which you may conuey to them by land by some boy or mariner
of the shippe, or otherwise as you shall thinke best: and likewise when God
shall send you and the shippe into the riuer here, doe not in any wise
depart out of the shippe that you be in, vntil the company doe send some
other aboord the shippe, in your steede and place, to keepe the shippe in
your absence.

* * * * *

The Nauigation and discouerie toward the riuer of Ob, made by Master Steuen
Burrough, Master of the Pinnesse called the Serchthrift, with diuers
things worth the noting, passed in the yere 1556.

We departed from Ratcliffe to Blackewall the 23 of April. Satturday being
S. Markes day, we departed from Blackewall to Grays.

The 27 being Munday the right worshipfull Sebastian Cabota came aboard our
Pinnesse at Grauesende, accompanied with diuers Gentlemen, and Gentlewomen,
who after that they had viewed our Pinnesse, and tasted of such cheere as
we could make them aboord, they went on shore, giuing to our mariners right
liberall rewards: and the good olde Gentleman Master Cabota [Footnote:
Sebastian Cabot was then 79 years old.] gaue to the poore most liberall
almes, wishing them to pray for the good fortune, and prosperous successe
of the Serchthrift our Pinnesse. And then at the signe of the Christopher,
hee and his friends banketted, and made me, and them that were in the
company great cheere: and for very ioy that he had to see the towardnes of
our intended discouery, he entred into the dance himselfe, amongst the rest
of the young and lusty company: which being ended, hee and his friends
departed most gently, commending vs to the gouernance of almighty God.

Tuesday (28) we rode still at Grauesend, making prouision for such things
as we wanted.

Wednesday (29) in the morning we departed from Grauesende, the winde being
at Southwest, that night we came to an anker thwart our Lady of Hollands.

Thursday (30) at three of the clocke in the morning we weyed, and by eight
of the clocke, we were at an anker in Orwell wannes, and then incontinent I
went aboord the Edward Bonauenture, [Footnote: The ship that had
successfully carried Chancellor in the expedition of 1553-4.] where the
worshipfull company of marchants appointed me to be, vntill the sayd good
ship arriued at Wardhouse. Then I returned againe into the pinnesse.

Friday the 15 of May we were within 7 leagues of the shore, on the coast of
Norway: the latitude at a South sunne, 58 degrees and a halfe, where we saw
three sailes, beside our owne company: and thus we followed the shoare or
land, which lieth Northnorthwest, North and by West, and Northwest and by
North, as it doth appeare by the plat.

Saturday (16) at an East sunne we came to S. Dunstan's Island, [Footnote:
Bommeloe Island.] which Island I so named. It was off vs East two leagues
and a halfe, the wind being at Southeast: the latitude this day at a South
sunne 59 degrees, 42 minutes. Also the high round mountains bare East of
vs, at a south sunne: and when this hill is East of you, and being bound to
the Northward, the land lyeth North and halfe a point Westerly, from this
sayd South sunne, vnto a North sunne twenty leagues Northwest alongst the
shoare.

Vpon Sunday (17) at sixe of the clocke in the morning, the farthest land
that we could see that lay Northnorthwest, was East of vs three leagues,
and then it trended to the Northwards, and to the Eastwards of the North,
which headland I iudged to be Scoutsnesse. At seuen of the clocke we
changed our course and went North, the wind being at Southsoutheast, and it
waxed very thicke and mistie, and when it cleered, we went Northnortheast.
At a South sunne we lost sight of the Serchthrift, because of the mist,
making our way North. And when we lost sight of the shoare and pinnesse, we
were within two leagues and a halfe of the shoare: the last land that we
saw when this mist came vpon vs, which is to the Northwards of Scoutsnesse,
lay Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest, and we made our way North vntill a
west sunne fiue leagues.

From that vntill Munday (18) three a clocke in the morning ten leagues
Northnortheast: and then we went North and by East, because the winde came
at the Westsouthwest with thicke miste: the latitude this day at a South
sunne sixtie three degrees and a halfe truely taken: at this season we had
sight of our Pinnesse againe.

From that vntill Tuesday (19) a South sunne Northnortheast fortie foure
leagues, and then Northeast From a South sunne vntill eight of the clocke,
fifteene leagues Northeast.

From that vntill Wednesday (20) a South sunne Northnortheast, except the
first watch Northeast: then had we the latitude in sixtie seuen degrees,
thirtie nine minutes. From that vnto a Northwest sunne eighteen leagues
Northeast, and then we were within two leagues off the shore, and saw the
high land to the Southwards of Lowfoot [Footnote: The Lofoden Islands lie
between 67 deg. 30 min. N. Latitude and 12 deg. and 16 deg. E. longitude.
They consist of ten large and many small islands, all rocky and
mountainous. The largest Islands are: Hindoen, E. and W. Waagen, Langoen,
Andoe, Rost &c.] breake out through the mist, and then we went North and by
east.

From the sayd Northwest sunne vntill foure of the clocke in the morning
(21) North and by East ten leagues and a halfe: and then Northnortheast
vntill a South sunne, the latitude being sixtie nine degrees, and a halfe.
From that vntill halfe an houre past seuen of the clocke, Northnortheast
eleuen leagues and a halfe, and then we went Northeast ten leagues. From
that 3 leagues and a halfe Eastnortheast, and then we sawe the land through
the cloudes and hazie thwart on the broadside of vs the winde being then at
Southsouthwest.

From that vntill Saturday (22), at eight of the clocke in the morning
Eastnortheast, and to the Northwards fortie eight leagues, and then the
wind came vp at North, wee being aboord the shore, and thwart of the
Chappell, which I suppose is called Kedilwike [Footnote: Probably
Hammerfest, the most northern town in Europe]: then we cast the shippes
head to the seawards, because thee winde was verie scant: and then I caused
the Pinnesse to beare in with the shore, to see whether she might find an
harborough for the ships or not, and that she found and saw two roaders
ride in the sound: and also they sawe houses. But notwithstanding, God be
praysed, the winde enlarged vpon vs, that we had not occasion to goe into
the harborough: and then the Pinnesse bare her Myssen mast ouer boord with
flagge and all, and lost the flagge: with the mast there fell two men ouer
boord, but God be praised, they were saued: the flagge was a token, whereby
we might, understand whether there were a good harbour there or not.

[Sidenote: The North Cape so named by Steuen Burrowe.] At the North sunne
the North Cape (which I so named the first voyage) was thwart of vs, which
is nine leagues to the Eastwards of the foresayd Chappell from the
Eastermost point of it. [Footnote: This is a slight error, if by the
"Chappell" is meant the present site of Hammerfest, as North Cape, which is
in 71 deg. 10 min. N. latitude, and 25 deg. 46 min. E. longitude, is only
distant 14-1/2 miles N.E. from that town. Von Herbertstein states that
Istoma and other Russians had sailed round the North of Norway, in 1496.
North Cape, or rather Nordkyn, was called then Murmunski Nos (the Norman
Cape). When Hulsius, in his Collection of Travels, gives Von Herbertstein's
account of Istoma's voyage, he considers Swjatoi Nos, on the Kola
peninsula, to be North Cape. (Hamel, _Tradescant_, St. Petersburg, 1847, p.
40, quoted by Nordenskiold; _Voyage of the Vega_. Vol. I., p. 218.)]

Iune.

The Sunday (7) we weied in Corpus Christi Bay, at a Northeast and by East
sunne: the Bay is almost halfe a league deepe: the headland which is Corpus
Christi point, lyeth Southeast and by East, one league from the head of the
Bay, where we had a great tyde, like a race ouer the flood: the Bay is at
the least two leagues ouer: so doe I imagine from the fayre foreland to
Corpus Christi poynt ten leagues Southeast and by East: It floweth in this
Bay, at a South and by West moone full sea. From that we went vntill seuen
a clocke at after noone twentie leagues Southeast and by South: and then we
tooke in all our sailes, because it was then very mistie, and also we met
with much ice that ran out of the Bay, and then wee went Southsoutheast
with our foresayle: at eight of the clocke, we heard a piece of ordinance,
which was out of the Edward, which bade vs farewell, and then we shot off
another piece, and bade her farewell: wee could not one see the other,
because of the thicke miste: at a Northwest sunne it began somewhat to
cleere, and then we sawe a head lande, and the shoare trended to the
Southwestward, which I iudged to be about Crosse Island: it was off vs at a
Northnorthwest sunne, Westsouthwest.

From this Northnorthwest sunne, vntill Munday (8), we went Southeast, and
this morning we came at anker among the shoales that lie off of point Looke
out, at a Northeast and by East sunne, the wind being at Eastsoutheast. At
this poynt Looke out, a south Moone maketh a full sea. Cape good fortune
lyeth from the Isle of Crosses Southeast, and betweene them is tenne
leagues: point Looke out lyeth from Cape Good fortune Eastsoutheast, and
betweene them are sixe leagues. S. Edmonds point lieth from point Looke out
Eastsoutheast, and halfe a point to the Southwards, and betweene them are
sixe leagues. There is betweene these two points, a Bay that is halfe a
league deepe, and is full of shoales and dangers. At a Southeast sunne we
weyed, and turned to the windwards, the winde being at Eastsoutheast: and
at a Southeast sunne, we came to an anker, being then a full sea, in fiue
fadoms and a halfe water. It hieth at this place where we roade, and also
at point Looke out, foure fadome water. At a Westnorthwest sunne we weyed,
and driued to the windewards, vntill Tuesday (9), a Northnortheast sunne,
and then being a high water, we came to an anker open of the riuer Cola, in
eight fadome water. Cape S. Bernard lyeth from S. Edmondes point, Southeast
and by South, and betwixt them are sixe leagues, and also betwixt them is
the Riuer Cola, into which Riuer we went this euening.

Wednesday (10) we roade still in the sayd riuer, the winde being at the
north: we sent our skiffe aland to be dressed: the latitude of the mouth of
the riuer Cola is sixtie fiue degrees, fortie and eight minutes. [Footnote:
This is another error, the latitude being 68 deg. 51 min.]

Thursday (11) at 6 of the clocke in the morning, there came aboord of vs
one of the Russe Lodiaes, rowing with twentie oares, and there were foure
and twenty men in her. The master of the boate presented me with a great
loafe of bread, and sixe ringes of bread, which they call Colaches, and
foure dryed pikes, and a pecke of fine otemeale, and I gaue vnto the Master
of the boate, a combe, and a small glasse: and he declared vnto me, that he
was bound to Pechora, and after that, I made them to drinke, the tide being
somewhat broken, they gently departed. The Masters name was Pheodor.

Whereas the tenth day I sent our Pinnesse on shoare to be mended, because
she was leake, and weake, with the Carpenter and three men more to helpe
him, the weather chanced so, that it was Sunday before they could get
aboord our shippe. All that time they were without prouision of victuals,
but onely a little bread, which they spent by Thursday at night, thinking
to haue come aboord when they had listed, but winde and weather denied
them: insomuch that they were faine to eate grasse, and such weedes as they
could find then aboue grounde, but fresh water they had plentie, but the
meate with some of them could scant frame by reason of their queazie
stomackes.

From Thursday at afternoone, vntill Sunday (14) in the morning, our barke
did ride such a roadsted that it was to be marueiled, without the helpe of
God, how she was able to abide it.

[Illustration: Russian "LODJA." After G. de Veer.]

In the bight of the Southeast shoare of the riuer Cola, there is a good
roade in fiue fadome, or foure fadome and a halfe, at a lowe water: but you
shall haue no land Northnortheast of you then, I proued with our pinnesse,
that the depth goeth on the Southeast shoare.

Thursday (18) we weyed our ankers in the riuer Cola, and went into the Sea
seuen or eight leagues, where we met with the winde farre Northerly, that
of force it constrained vs to goe againe backe into the sayd riuer, where
came aboord of vs sundry of their Boates, which declared vnto me that they
were also bound to the northwards, a fishing for Morse, and Salmon, and
gaue me liberally of their white and wheaten bread.

As we roade in this riuer, wee sawe dayly comming downe the riuer many of
their Lodias, and they that had least, had foure and twenty men in them,
and at the last they grew to thirtie saile of them: and amongst the rest,
there was one of them whose name was Gabriel, who showed me very much
friendshippe, and he declared vnto mee, they all were bound to Pechora, a
fishing for Salmons, and Morses: insomuch that hee shewed mee by
demonstrations, that with a faire winde wee had seuen or eight dayes
sailing to the Riuer Pechora, so that I was glad of their company. This
Gabriel, promised to giue mee warning of shoales, as hee did indeede.

Sunday (21) being the one and twentieth day, Gabriel gaue me a barrell of
Meade, and one of his speciall friends gaue me a barrell of beere, which
was caryed vpon mens backs at least 2 miles.

Munday (22) we departed from the riuer Cola, with all the rest of the said
Lodias, but sailing before the wind, they were all too good for vs
[Footnote: It is curious to find that the Russian Lodias (of which an
engraving is annexed) were better sailors than the ships of the more
civilised Englishmen]: but according to promise, this Gabriel and his
friend did often strike their sayles, and taried for vs forsaking their
owne company.

Tuesday (23) at an Eastnortheast sunne we were thwart of Cape S. Iohn.
[Footnote: Cape Krasnoj.] It is to be vnderstood, that from the Cape S.
Iohn vnto the riuer or bay that goeth to Mezen, it is all sunke land, and
full of shoales and dangers, you shall haue scant two fadome water, and see
no land. And this present day wee came to an anker thwart of a creeke,
which is 4 or 5 leagues to the Northwards of the sayd Cape, into which
creeke Gabriel and his fellow rowed, but we could not get in: and before
night there were aboue 20 saile that went into the sayd creeke, the wind
being at the Northeast. We had indifferent good landfang.

This aftenoone Gabriel came aboord with his skiffe, and then I rewarded him
for the good company that he kept with vs ouer the shoales with two small
iuory combes, and a steele glasse, with two or three trifles more, for
which he was not vngratefull. But notwithstanding, his first company had
gotten further to the Northwards.

Wednesday (24) being Midsummer day, we sent our skiffe aland to sound the
creeke, where they found it almost drie at a low water. And all the Lodias
within were on ground.

Although the harborough were euil, yet the stormie similitude of the
Northerly winds tempted vs to set our sayles, and we let slip a cable and
an anker, and bare with the harborough, for it was then neere a high water:
and as alwaies in such iournies varieties do chance, when we came vpon the
barre in the entrance of the creeke, the wind did shrink so suddenly vpon
vs, that we were not able to lead it in, and before we could haue slatted
the shippe before the winde, we should haue bene on ground on the lee
shore, so that we were constrained to let fall an anker vnder our sailes,
and rode in a very breach, thinking to haue warpt in. Gabriel came out with
his skiffe, and so did sundry others also, shewing their good will to helpe
vs, but all to no purpose, for they were likely to haue bene drowned for
their labour, in so much that I desired Gabriel to lend me his anker,
because our owne ankers were too big for our skiffe to lay out, who sent me
his owne, and borrowed another also and sent it vs. Then we layd out one of
those ankers, with a hawser which he had of 140 fadom long, thinking to
haue warpt in, but it would not be: for as we shorted vpon the said warpe
the anker came home, so that we were faine to beare the end of the warpe,
that we rushed in vpon the other small anker that Gabriel sent aboord, and
layd that anker to seawards: and then betweene these two ankers we
trauersed the ships head to seawards, and set our foresaile and maine
sayle, and when the barke had way, we cut the hawser, and so gate the sea
to our friend, and tryed out al that day with our maine corse.

The Thursday (25) we went roome with Cape S. Iohn, where we found
indifferent good rode for a Northnortheast wind, and for a neede, for a
North and by West winde.

Friday (26) at afternoone we weyed, and departed from thence, the wether
being meetly faire, and the winde at Eastsoutheast, and plied for the place
where we left our cable and anker, and pur hawser: and as soone as we were
at an anker, the foresaid Gabriel came aboord of vs, with 3 or foure more
of their small boats, and brought with them of their Aquauita and Meade,
professing vnto me very much friendship, and reioiced to see vs againe,
declaring that they earnestly thought that we had bene lost. This Gabriel
declared vnto me, that they had saued both the ankers and our hauser, and
after we had thus communed, I caused 4 or 5 of them to goe into my cabbin,
where I gaue them figs, and made them such cheere as I could. While I was
thus banketing of them, there came another of their skiffes aboord with one
who was a Keril, [Footnote: Karelian.] whose name afterwards I learned, and
that he dwelt in Colmogro, and Gabriel dwelled in the towne of Cola, which
is not far from the riuers mouth. This foresaid Keril said vnto me that one
of the ankers which I borowed was his, I gaue him thanks for the lone of
it, thinking it had bene sufficient. And as I continued in one accustomed
maner, that if the present which they brought were worth enterteinment they
had it accordingly, he brought nothing with him, and therefore I regarded
him but litle. And thus we ended, and they took their leaue and went
ashore. At their comming ashore, Gabriel and Keril were at vnconuenient
words, and by the eares, as I vnderstand: the cause was because the one had
better enterteinment then the other: but you shal vnderstand that Gabriel
was not able to make his party good, because there were 17 lodias of the
Kerils company who tooke his part, and but 2 of Gabriels company.

The next high water Gabriel and his company departed from thence, and rowed
to their former company and neighbours, which were in number 28 at the
least, and all of them belonging to the riuer Cola.

And as I vnderstood Keril made reckoning that the hawser which was fast in
his anker should haue bene his owne, and at first would not deliuer it to
our boat, insomuch that I sent him worde that I would complaine vpon him,
whereupon he deliuered the hawser to my company.

The next day being Saturday, (27) I sent our boat on shore to fetch fresh
water and wood, and at their comming on shore this Keril welcomed our men
most gently, and also banketed them: and in the meane time caused some of
his men to fill our baricoes with water, and to help our men to beare wood
into their boat: and then he put on his best silke coate, and his coller of
pearles, and came aboord againe, and brought his present with him: and thus
hauing more respect vnto his present then to his person, because I
perceiued him to be vainglorious, I bade him welcome, and gaue him a dish
of figs: and then he declared vnto me that his father was a gentleman, and
that he was able to shew me pleasure, and not Gabriel, who was but a
priests sonne.

After their departure from vs we weied, and plied all the ebbe to the
windewards, the winde being Northerly, and towards night it waxed very
stormy, so that of force we were constrained to go roome with Cape S. Iohn
againe, in which storme wee lost our skiffe at our sterne, that wee bought
at Wardhouse, and there we rode vntil the fourth of Iuly. The latitude of
Cape S. Iohn is 66 degrees 50 minutes. And it is to be noted, that the land
of Cape S. Iohn is of height from the full sea marke, as I iudge, 10
fadomes, being cleane without any trees growing, and also without stones or
rockes, and consists onely of blacke earth, which is so rotten, that if any
of it fall into the sea, it will swimme as though it were a piece of wood.
In which place, about three leagues from the shore you shall not haue aboue
9 fadom water, and clay ground.

Iulie.

Saturday (4) at a Northnorthwest sunne the wind came at Eastnortheast, and
then we weied, and plied to the Northwards, and as we were two leagues shot
past the Cape, we saw a house standing in a valley, which is dainty to be
seene in those parts, and by and by I saw three men on the top of the hil.
Then I iudged them, as it afterwards proued, that they were men which came
from some other place to set traps to take vermin [Footnote: Probably
mountain foxes. Remains of fox-traps are still frequently met with along
the coast of the Polar Sea, where the Russians have carried on hunting.]
for their furres, which trappes we did perceiue very thicke, alongst the
shore as we went.

Sunday (5) at an East sunne we were thwart off the creeke where the Russes
lay, and there came to an anker, and perceiuing the most part of the Lodias
to be gone we thought it not good to tary any longer there, but weyed and
spent all the ebbe, plying to the windewards.

Munday (6) at a South sunne it was high water. All alongst the coast it
floweth little, onely a South moone makes a full sea: and as we were a
weying we espied the Russe Lodias, which we first lost. They came out of a
creeke amongst the sandy hilles, [Footnote: Kija Bay.] which hilles beginne
15 leagues Northnortheast from Cape S. Iohn.

Plying this ebbe to an end, we came (7) to an anker 6 leagues
Northnortheast from the place where we saw the Russes come out: and there
the Russes harboured themselues within a soonke banke, but there was not
water enough for vs.

At a North sunne we weyed and plied to the Northwards, the land lying
Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest, vntill a South sunne, and then we were
in the latitude of 68 degrees and a halfe: and in this latitude ende those
sandy hilles, and the land beginneth to lie North and by West, South and by
East, and Northnorthwest, and to the Westwards, and there the water
beginneth to waxe deepe.

At a Northwest sunne we came to an anker within halfe a league of the
shore, where wee had good plenty of fish, both Haddocks and Cods, riding in
10 fadom water.

Wednesday (8) we weyed, and plyed neerer the headland, which is called
Caninoz, [Footnote: Canin Nos, latitude 68 deg. 30 min. N.] the wind being
at East and by North.

Thursday (9) the wind being soant we turned to windwards the ebbe, to get
about Caninoz: the latitude this day at noone was 68 degrees 40 minutes.

Friday (10) we turned to the windward of the ebbe, but to no purpose: and
as we rode at an anker, we saw the similitude of a storme rising at
Northnorthwest, and could not tell where to get rode nor succor for that
winde, and harborough we knew none: and that land which we rode vnder with
that winde was a lee shore. And as I was musing what was best to be done, I
saw a saile come out of a creeke vnder the foresayd Caninoz, which was my
friend Gabriel, who forsooke his harborough and company, and came as neere
vs as he might, and pointed vs to the Eastwards, and then we weyed and
followed him, and went East and by South, the wind being at Westnorthwest,
and very mistie.

Saturday (11) we went Eastsoutheast and followed Gabriel, and he brought vs
into an harborough called Morgiouets, which is 30 leagues from Caninoz, and
we had vpon the barre going in two fadome and a fourth part: and after we
were past in ouer the barre, it waxed deeper, for we had 5 fadoms, 4 and a
half, and 3 fadom &c. Our barke being mored, I sent some of our men to
shoare to prouide wood, where they had plenty of drift wood, but none
growing: and in this place we found plenty of young foule, as Gulles,
Seapies [Footnote: Probably the little Auk (_Mergulus Alle_, L.)], and
others, whereof the Russes would eate none, whereof we were nothing sory,
for there came the more to our part.

Sunday (12) our men cut wood on shoare, and brought it aboord, and wee
balasted our shippe with stones.

This morning Gabriel saw a smoke on the way, who rowed vnto it with his
skiffe, which smoke was two leagues from the place where we road: and at a
Northwest sunne he came aboord again, and brought with him a Samoed,
[Footnote: This was the first meeting between West Europeans and Samoyeds.]
which was but a young man: his apparell was then strange vnto vs, and he
presented me with three young wild geese, and one young barnacle [Footnote:
_Anser bernicla_, L.].

Munday (13) I sent a man to the maine in Gabriels boat and he brought vs
aboord 8 barricoes of fresh water: the latitude of the said Morgiouets is
sixtie eight degrees and a terce. It floweth there at a Southsouthwest
moone full sea, and hyeth two fadome and a halfe water.

At a Westnorthwest sunne we departed from this place, (14) and went East 25
leagues, and then saw an Island by North and by West of vs eight leagues,
which Island is called Dolgoieue: [Footnote: Dolgoi Island.] and from the
Eastermost part of this Island, there lyeth a sand East and by South 7
leagues long.

Wednesday (15) at a North and by East sunne Swetinoz [Footnote: Swjatoi
Nus.] was South of vs 5 leagues. This day at aftemoone we went in ouer the
dangerous barre of Pechora, and had vpon the barre but one fadome water
[Footnote: The capes at the Mouth of the Petchora, Cape Ruski Savorot, and
Cape Medinski Savorot are very nearly in lat. 69 deg.].

Thursday (16) we road still.

Friday (17) I went on shoare and obserued the variation of the Compasse,
which was three degrees and a halfe from the North to the West: the
latitude this day was, sixtie nine degrees ten minutes.

From two or three leagues to the Eastward of Swetinoz, vntill the entering
of the riuer Pechora, it is all sandie hilles, and towards Pechora the
sandie hilles are very low.

It higheth on the barre of Pechora foure foote water, and it floweth there
at a Southwest moone a full sea.

Munday (20) at a North and by East sunne, we weyed, and came out ouer the
sayd dangerous barre, where we had but fiue foote water, insomuch that wee
found a foote lesse water comming out then wee did going in. I thinke the
reason was, because when we went in the winde was off the sea, which caused
the sands to breake on either side of vs, and we kept in the smoothest
betweene the breaches, which we durst not haue done, except we had seene
the Russes to haue gone in before vs: and at our comming out the winde was
off the shoare, and fayre weather, and then the sands did not appeare with
breaches as at our going in: we thanke God that our ship did draw so little
water.

When we were a seaboord the barre the wind scanted vpon vs, and was at
Eastsoutheast, insomuch that we stopped the ebbes, and plyed all the floods
to the windewards, and made our way Eastnortheast.

Tuesday (21) at a Northwest sunne we thought that we had seen land at East,
or East and by North of vs: which afterwards prooued to be a monstrous
heape of ice.

Within a little more than halfe an houre after we first saw this ice, we
were inclosed within it before we were aware of it, which was a fearefull
sight to see: for, for the space of sixe houres, it was as much as we could
doe to keepe our shippe aloofe from one heape of ice, and beare roomer from
another, with as much wind as we might beare a coarse. And when we had past
from the danger of this ice, we lay to the Eastwards close by the wind.

The next day (22) we were againe troubled with the ice.

Thursday (23) being calme, we plyed to the windwards, the winde being
Northerly. We had the latitude this day at noone in 70 degrees 11 minutes.

We had not runne past two houres Northwest, the wind being at
Northnortheast and Northeast and by North a good gale, but we met againe
with another heape of ice: we wethered the head of it, and lay a time to
the seawards, and made way West 6 leagues.

Friday (24) at a Southeast sunne we cast about to the Eastwards, the wind
being at Northnortheast: the latitude this day at noone was 70 degrees 15
minutes.

On S. Iames his day (25) bolting to the windewardes, we had the latitude at
noone in seuenty degrees twentie minutes. The same day at a Southwest
sunne, there was a monstrous Whale aboord of us, so neere to our side that
we might haue thrust a sworde or any other weapon in him, which we durst
not doe for feare hee should haue ouerthrowen our shippe: and then I called
my company together, and all of vs shouted, and with the crie that we made
he departed from vs: there was as much aboue water of his backe as the
bredth of our pinnesse, and at his falling downe, he made such a terrible
noyse in the water that a man would greatly haue maruelled, except hee had
knowen the cause of it: but God be thanked, we were quietly deliuered of
him. [Footnote: Of the various species of Whales, the Narwhal occurs very
rarely off Novaya Zemlya. It is more common at Hope Island, and Witsen
states that large herds have been seen between Spitzbergen and Novaya
Zemlya. The White Whale (_Delphinapterus leucas_, Pallas), on the other
hand, occurs in large shoals on the coasts of Spitzbergen and Novaya
Zemlya. In 1871, 2167 White Whales were taken by the Tromsoe fleet alone,
an estimated value of L6500. In 1880, one vessel had 300 whales at one cast
of the net, in Magdalena Bay. In former times they appear to have been
caught at the mouth of the Yenisej, which river they ascend several hundred
miles. Nordenskiold also saw large shoals off the Taimur peninsula. Other
species occur seldom off Novaya Zemlya. It is rather amusing to find the
meeting with a whale mentioned as very remarkable and dangerous. When
Nearchus sailed with the fleet of Alexander the Great from the Indus to the
Red Sea, a whale also caused so great a panic that it was only with
difficulty that the commander could restore order among the frightened
seamen, and get the rowers to row to the place where the Whale spouted
water and caused a commotion in the sea like that of a whirlwind. All the
men shouted, struck the water with their oars, and sounded their trumpets,
so that the large, and, in the judgment of the Macedonian Heroes, terrible
animal, was frightened. _(See the "Indica" of Nearchus, preserved to us by
Arrian, an excellent translation of which, by J. W. McCrindle, appeared in
1879.)_ Quite otherwise was the Whale regarded on Spitsbergen some few
years after Burrough's voyage. At the sight of a Whale all men were beside
themselves with joy, and rushed down into the boats in order to attack and
kill the valuable, animal. The fishery was carried on with such success,
that the right Whale _(Balaena mysticetus L.)_, whose pursuit then gave
full employment to ships by hundreds, and to men by tens of thousands, is
now practically extirpated. As this Whale still occurs in no limited
numbers in other parts of the Polar Sea, this state of things shows how
easily an animal is driven away from a region where it is so much hunted.
Captain Svend Foeyn, from 1864 to 1881, exclusively hunted another species
(_Balanoptera Sibbaldii_ Gray), on the coast of Finmark; and other species
still follow shoals of fish on the Norwegian coast, where they sometimes
strand and are killed in considerable numbers. (Nordenskiold's _Voyage of
the Vega_, vol. I., p. 165).] And a little after we spied certaine Islands,
with which we bare, and found good harbor in 15 or 18 fadome, and blacke
oze: we came to an anker at a Northeast sunne, and named the Island S.
Iames his Island, [Footnote: Evidently one of the Islands at the south of
Novaya Zemlya.] where we found fresh water.

Sunday, (26) much wind blowing we rode still.

Munday (27) I went on shoare and tooke the latitude, which was 70 degrees
42 minutes: the variation of the compasse was 7 degrees and a halfe from
the North to the West.

Tuesday (28) we plyed to the Westwards alongst the shoare, the wind being
at Northwest, and as I was about to come to anker, we saw a sayle comming
about the point, whereunder we thought to haue ankered. [Sidenote: The
relation of Loshak.] Then I sent a skiffe aboord of him, and at their
coming aboord they tooke acquaintance of them and the chiefe man said hee
had bene in our company in the riuer Cola, and also declared unto them that
we were past the way which should bring vs to the Ob. This land, sayd he,
is called Noua Zembla, that is to say, the New land: and then he came
aboord himselfe with his skiffe, and at his comming aboord he told me the
like, and sayd further, that in this Noua Zembla is the highest mountaine
in the worlde, as he thought, [Footnote: The highest mountains in Novaya
Zemlya hardly exceed 3500 feet.] and that Camen Boldshay, which is on the
maine of Pechora, is not to be compared to this mountaine, but I saw it
not: he made me also certaine demonstrations of the way to the Ob, and
seemed to make haste on his owne way, being very lothe to tarie, because
the yeere was farre past, and his neighbour had fet Pechora, and not he: so
I gaue him a steele glasse, two pewter spoones, and a paire of veluet
sheathed knives: and then he seemed somewhat the more willing to tary, and
shewed me as much as he knew for our purpose: he also gaue me 17 wilde
geese, and shewed me that foure of their lodias were driuen perforce from
Caninoze to this Noua Zembla. This mans name was Loshak.

Wednesday, (29) as we plied to the Eastwards, we espied another saile,
which was one of this Loshaks company, and we bare roome, and spake with
him, who in like sort tolde vs of the Ob, as the other had done.

Thursday, (30) we plied to the Eastwards, the winde being at Eastnortheast.

Friday, (31) the gale of winde began to increase, and came Westerly
withall, so that by a Northwest sunne we were at an anker among the Islands
of Vaigats, where we saw two small lodias, the one of them came aboard of
vs, and presented me with a great loafe of bread: and they told me that
they were all of Colmogro, except one man that dwelt at Pechora, who seemed
to be the chiefest among them in killing of the Morse.

There were some of their company on shoare, which did chase a white beare
ouer the high clifs into the water, which beare the lodia that was aboard
of vs killed in our sight.

This day there was a great gale of wind at North, and we saw so much ice
driuing a seaboord, that it was then no going to sea.

August.

Saturday (1) I went ashore, and there I saw three morses that they had
killed: they held one tooth of a Morse, which was not great, at a roble,
and one white beare skin at three robles and two robles: they further tolde
me, that there were people called Samoeds on the great Island, and that
they would not abide them nor vs, who haue no houses, but only couerings
made of Deere skins, set ouer them with stakes: they are men expert in
shooting, [Footnote: That the Samoyeds were archers is shewn by old
drawings, one of which I reproduce from Linschoten. Now the bow has
completely gone out of use, for Nordenskiold did not see a single archer.
Wretched old flint firelocks are, however, common.] and have great plenty
of Deere.

This night there fell a cruell storme, the wind being at West.

Sunday (2) we had very much winde, with plenty of snow, and we rode with
two ankers a head.

[Illustration: Samoiedarum, trahis a rangiferis protractis insidentium. Nec
non Idolorum ab ijsdem cultorum effigies. SAMOYED SLEIGH AND IDOLS. After
an old Dutch engraving.]

Munday (3) we weyed and went roome with another Island, which was fiue
leagues Eastnortheast from vs, and there I met againe with Loshak, and went
on shore with him, and hee brought me to a heap of the Samoeds idols, which
were in number aboue 300, the worst and the most vnartificiall worke that
euer I saw: the eyes and mouthes of sundrie of them were bloodie, they had
the shape of men, women and children, very grosly wrought, and that which
they had made for other parts, was also sprinckled with blood. Some of
their idols were an old sticke with two or three notches, mode with a knife
in it. [Footnote: The accompanying _fac-simile_ of a quaint old engraving
of a Samoyed sleigh and idols gives an excellent idea of both.] I saw much
of the footing of the sayd Samoeds, and of the sleds that they ride in.
There was one of their sleds broken, and lay by the heape of idols, and
there I saw a deers skinne which the foules had spoyled: and before
certaine of their idols blocks were made as high as their mouthes, being
all bloody, I thought that to be the table whereon they offered their
sacrifice: I saw also the instruments, whereupon they had roasted flesh,
and as farre as I could perceiue, they make their fire directly under the
spit.

Loshak being there present tolde me that these Samoeds were not so hurtful
as they of Ob are, and that they haue no houses, as indeede I saw none, but
onely tents made of Deers skins, which they vnderproppe with stakes and
poles: their boates are made of Deers skins, and when they come on shoare
they cary their boates with them upon their backes: for their cariages they
haue no other beastes to serue them, but Deere onely. As for bread and
corne they haue none, except the Russes bring it to them: their knowledge
is very base, for they know no letter. [Footnote: This is one of the oldest
accounts of the Samoyeds we possess. Giles Fletcher, who in 1588 was Queen
Elizabeth's Ambassador to the Czar, writes, in his accounts of Russia, of
the Samoyeds in the following way:--

"The _Samoyt_ hath his name (as the _Russe_ saith) of eating himselfe: as
if in times past they lived as the _Cannibals_, eating one another. Which
they make more probable, because at this time they eate all kind of raw
flesh, whatsoeuer it bee, euen the very carrion that lyeth in the ditch.
But as the _Samoits_ themselves will say, they were called _Samoit_, that
is, _of themselves_, as though they were _Indigena_, or people bred upon
that very soyle that never changed their seate from one place to another,
as most Nations have done. They are clad in Seale-skinnes, with the hayrie
side outwards downe as low as the knees, with their Breeches and
Netherstocks of the same, both men and women. They are all Blacke hayred,
naturally beardless. And therefore the Men are hardly discerned from the
Women by their lookes: saue that the Women wear a locke of hayre down along
both their eares." (_Treatise of Russia and the adjoining Regions_, written
by Doctor Giles Fletcher, Lord Ambassador from the late Queen, Everglorious
Elizabeth, to Theodore, then Emperor of Russia, A.D. 1588. _Purchas_, iii.
p. 413.)

In nearly the same way the Samoyeds are described by G. De Veer, in his
account of Barents's Second Voyage in 1595.

Serebrenikoff, according to Nordenskold, maintains that _Samodin_ should be
written instead of _Samoyed_. For _Samoyed_ means "self eater," while
_Samodin_ denotes an "individual," "one who cannot be mistaken for
another," and, as the Samoyeds were never cannibals, Serebrenikoff gives a
preference to the latter name, which is used by the Russians at Chabarova,
and appears to be a literal translation of the name which the Samoyeds give
themselves. Nordenskiold, however, considers it probable that the old
tradition of man-eaters (_androphagi_), living in the north, which
onginated with Herodotus, and was afterwards universally adopted in the
geographical literature of the Middle Ages, reappears in Russianised form
in the name _Samoyed_. With all due respect for Nordenskiold, I am inclined
to agree with Serebrenikoff. In the account of the journey which the
Italian minorite, Joannes de Piano Carpini, undertook in High Asia in
1245-47, an extraordinary account of the Samoyeds and neighbouring tribes
is given. (See Vol. II. of these Collections, pp. 28 and 95).--I give a
very curious engraving of Samoyeds from Schleissing.--Nordenskiold inserts,
in his _Voyage of the Vega_, the following interesting communication from
Professor Ahlquist, of Helsingfors:--.

"The Samoyeds are reckoned, along with the Tungoose, the Mongolian, the
Turkish and the Finnish-Ugrian races, to belong to the so-called Altaic or
Ural-Altaic stem. What is mainly characteristic of this stem, is that all
the languages occurring within it belong to the so-called agglutinating
type. For in these languages the relations of ideas are expressed
exclusively by terminations or suffixes--inflections, prefixes and
prepositions, as expressive of relations, being completely unknown to them.
Other peculiarities characteristic of the Altaic languages are the vocal
harmony occurring in many of them, the inability to have more than one
consonant in the beginning of a word, and the expression of the plural by a
peculiar affix, the case terminations being the same in the plural as in
the singular. The affinity between the different branches of the Altaic
stem is thus founded mainly on analogy or resemblance in the construction
of the languages, while the different tongues in the material of language
(both in the words themselves and in the expression of relations) show a
very limited affinity or none at all. The circumstance that the Samoyeds
for the present have as their nearest neighbours several Finnish-Ugrian
races (Lapps, Syrjaeni, Ostjaks, and Voguls), and that these to a great
extent carry on the same modes of life as themselves, has led some authors
to assume a close affinity between the Samoyeds and the Fins and the
Finnish races in general. The speech of the two neighbouring tribes,
however, affords no ground for such a supposition. Even the language of the
Ostjak, which is the most closely related to that of the Samoyeds, is
separated heaven-wide from it and has nothing in common with it, except a
small number of borrowed words (chiefly names of articles from the Polar
nomad's life), which the Ostjak has taken from the language of his northern
neighbour. With respect to their language, however, the Samoyeds are said
to stand at a like distance from the other branches of the stem in
question. To what extent craniology or modern anthropology can more
accurately determine the affinity-relationship of the Samoyed to other
tribes, is still a question of the future."

At the present day, the Samoyeds dwell in skin tents. They dress
principally in reindeer-skins, and the women's holiday-dress is
particularly showy. Their boots, also of reindeer-skin, are beautifully and
tastefully embroidered. In summer, the men go bare-headed: the women divide
their hair into tresses, and use artificial plaits, ornamented with pearls,
buttons, &c. Like the man, the woman is small, with coarse black hair, face
of a yellow colour, small and sunken eyes, a flat nose, broad cheek-bones,
slender legs, and small feet and hands. She competes with the man in dirt.
Nordenskiold places the Samoyeds in the lowest rank of all the Polar races.
The women have perfectly equal rights with the men.]

Tuesday (4) we turned for the harborough where Loshaks barke lay, whereas
before we road vnder an Island. And there he came aboord of vs and said
vnto me: if God sende winde and weather to serue, I will goe to the Ob with
you, because the Morses were scant at these Islands of Vaigats, but if he
could not get to the riuer of Ob, then he sayd hee would goe to the riuer
of Naramzay, where the people were not altogether so sauage as the Samoyds
of the Ob are: hee shewed me that they will shoot at all men to the
vttermost of their power, that cannot speake their speech.

Wednesday (5) we saw a terrible heape of ice approach neere vnto vs, and
therefore wee thought good with al speed possible to depart from thence,
and so I returned to the Westwards againe, to the Island where we were the
31. of Iuly.

[Illustration: SAMOYED ARCHERS. After Unschoten.]

[Illustration: SAMOYEDS. From Schleissing's Nou-entdecktes Sieweria,
worinnen die Zobeln gefangen werden. Zittan 1693.]

Thursday (6) I went a shoare, and tooke the latitude, which was 70 degrees
25 minutes: and the variation of the compasse was 8 degrees from the North
to the West.

Loshak and the two small Lodias of Pechora departed from this Island, while
I was on shoare taking the latitude, and went to the Southwards: I
maruailed why he departed so suddenly, and went ouer the shoales amongst
the Islands where it was impossible for vs to follow them. But after I
perceiued them to be weatherwise.

Friday (7) we road still, the winde being at Northnortheast, with a cruel
storme. The ice came in so abundantly about vs at both ends of the Island
that, we rode vnder, that it was a fearefull sight to behold: the storme
continued with snow, raine, and hayle plenty.

Saturday (8) we rode still also, the storme being somewhat abated, but it
was altogether misty, that we were not able to see a cables length about
vs, the winde being at Northeast and by East.

Sunday (9) at foure of the clocke in the morning we departed from this
Island, the winde being at Southeast, and as we were cleere a sea boord the
small Islandes and shoales, it came so thick with mistes that we could not
see a base shotte from vs. Then we took in all our sailes to make little
way.

At a Southeast sunne it waxed cleere, and then we set our sayles, and lay
close by the wind to the Southwards alongst the Islands of Vaigats. At a
west sunne we tooke in our sayle againe because of the great mist and
raine. Wee sounded at this place, and had fiue and twenty fadomes water,
and soft black oze, being three leagues from the shoare, the winde being at
South and by East, but still misty.

Munday (10) at an East sunne we sounded, and had 40 fadomes, and oze, still
misty: at noone wee sounded againe, and had 36 fadome, still misty.

Tuesday (11) at an Eastnortheast sunne we let fall our anker in three and
twenty fadome, the mist still continuing.

Wednesday (12) at three of the clocke in the morning the mist brake vp, the
wind being at Northeast and by East, and then we saw part of the Islands of
Vaigats, which we bare withal, and went Eastsoutheast close by the winde:
at a West sunne we were at an anker vnder the Southwest part of the said
Vaigats, and then I sent our skiffe to shoare with three men in her, to see
if they might speake with any of the Samoeds, but could not: all that day
was rainie, but not windie.

Thursday (13) the wind came Westerly, so that we were faine to seeke vs
another place to ride in, because the wind came a seaboord land, and
although it were misty, yet wee followed the shoare by our lead: and as we
brought land in the wind of vs, we let fall our anker. At a West sunne the
mist brake up, so that we might see about vs, and then we might perceiue
that we were entred into a sound.

This aftemoone we tooke in two or three skiffes lading of stones to ballast
our shippe withall. It hyeth here four foot water, and floweth by fits,
vncertaine to be iudged.

Friday (14) we rode still in the sound, the wind at Southwest, with very
much raine, and at the end of the raine it waxed againe mistie.

Saturday (15) there was much wind at West, and much raine, and then againe
mistie.

Sunday (16) was very mistie and much winde.

Munday (17) very mistie, the winde at Westnorthwest.

Tuesday (18) was also mistie, except at noone: then the sunne brake out
through the mist, so that we had the latitude in 70 degrees 10 minutes: the
afternoone was misty againe, the wind being at Westnorthwest.

Wednesday (19) at three of the clocke afternoone the mist brake vp, and the
wind came at Eastnortheast, and then we weyed, and went South and by East,
vntil seuen of the clocke, eight leagues, thinking to haue had sight of the
sandie hilles that are to the Eastwards of the riuer Pechora. At a
Northwest sunne we took in our maine saile, because the wind increased, and
went with a foresaile Westnorthwest, the wind being at Eastnortheast: at
night there grewe so terrible a storme, that we saw not the like, although
we had indured many stormes since we came out of England. It was wonderfull
that our barke was able to brooke such monstrous and terrible seas, without
the great helpe of God, who neuer fayleth them at neede, that put their
sure trust in him.

Thursday (20) at a Southsouthwest sunne, thanks be to God, the storme was
at the highest, and then the winde began to slake, and came Northerly
withall, and then I reckoned the Westermost point of the riuer Pechora to
be South of vs 15 leagues. At a Westsouthwest sunne we set our maine sayle,
and lay close by the winde, the winde being at Northwest and by North,
making but little way, because the billow went so high: at midnight wee
cast about, and the shippe caped Northnortheast, making little way.

Friday (21) at noone we had the latitude in 70 degrees 8 minutes, and we
sounded, and had 29 fadomes sand, and in maner, stremy ground. At West
sunne we cast about to the Westwards, and a little after the wind came vp
at West.

Saturday (22) was calme: the latitude this day at noone was 70 degrees and
a terce, we sounded heere, and had nine and forty fadomes and oze, which
oze signified that we drew towards Noua Zembla.

And thus we being out of al hope to discouer any more to the Eastward this
yeere, wee thought it best to returne, and that for three causes.

The first, the continuall Northeast and Northerly winds, which haue more
power after a man is past to the eastwards of Caninoze, then in any place
that I doe know in these Northerly regions.

Second, because of great and terrible abundance of ice which we saw with
our eies, and we doubt greater store abideth in those parts: I aduentured
already somewhat too farre in it, but I thanke God for my safe deliuerance
from it.

Third, because the nights waxed darke, and the winter began to draw on with
his stormes: and therefore I resolued to take the first best wind that God
should send, and plie towards the bay of S. Nicholas, and to see if wee
might do any good there, if God would permitt it.

This present Saturday we saw very much ice, and were within two or three
leagues of it: it shewed vnto vs as though it had beene a firme land as
farre as we might see from Northwest off vs to the Eastwards: and this
afternoone the Lord sent vs a little gale of wind at South, so that we bare
cleere of the Westermost part of it, thanks be to God. And then against
night it waxed calme againe, and the winde was at Southwest: we made our
way vntill Sunday (23) noone Northwest and by West, and then we had the
latitude in 70 degrees and a halfe, the winde at Southwest: there was a
billow, so that we could not discerne to take the latitude exactly, but by
a reasonable gesse.

Munday (24) there was a pretie gale of wind at South, so that wee went West
and by South, the latitude this day at noone was 70 degrees 10 minutes: wee
had little winde all day: at a Westnorthwest sunne we sounded, and had 29
fadoms blacke sandie oze, and then we were Northeast 5 leagues from the
Northeast part of the Island Colgoieue.

Tuesday (25) the wind all Westerly we plyed to the windwards.

Wednesday (26) the wind was all Westerly, and calme: wee had the latitude
this day in 70 degrees 10 minutes, we being within three leagues of the
North part of the Island Colgoieue.

Thursday, (27) we went roome about the Westermost part of the Island,
seeking where we might finde a place to ride in for a Northwest wind, and
could not find none, and then we cast about againe to the seawards, and the
winde came at Westsouthwest, and this morning we had plenty of snow.

Friday, (28) the winde being at Southwest and by West, we plied to the
windewards.

Saturday (29) the winde being at South we plyed to the Westwards, and at
afternoone the mist brake vp, and then we might see the land seuen or eight
leagues to the Eastwards of Caninoz: we sounded a little before and had 35
fadoms and oze. And a while after wee sounded againe, and had 19. fadome
and sand: then we were within three leagues and a halfe of the shore, and
towards night there came downe so much winde, that we were faine to bring
our ship a trie, and laide her head to the Westwards.

Sunday, (30) the winde became more calme, and when it waxed verie mystie:
At noone wee cast about to the Eastwards, the winde beeing at South, and
ranne eight houres on that boorde, and then we cast about and caped West
southwest: we sounded and had 32 fathomes, and found oaze like clay.

Munday, (31) we doubled about Caninoze, and came at an anker there, to the
intent that we might kill some fish if God permit it, and there we gate a
great Nuse, which Nuses were there so plentie, that they would scarcely
suffer any other fish to come neere the hookes: the said Nuses caried away
sundrie of our hookes and leads.

A little after at a West Sunne, the winde began to blow stormie at West
southwest, so that we were faine to wey and forsake our fishing ground, and
went close by the winde Southwest, and Southwest and by West, making our
way South southwest.

September.

Tuesday (1) at a West Sunne we sounded and had 20. fathoms, and broken
Wilkeshels: I reckoned Caninoze to be 24 leagues Northnortheast from vs.

The eleuenth day we arriued at Colmogro, and there we wintered, expecting
the approch of the next Summer to proceede farther in our intended
discouerie for the Ob: which (by reason of our imploiments to Wardhouse the
next spring for the search of some English ships) [Footnote: The fate of
the three vessels that were employed on the first English Expedition to the
North-East (see p. 29) was equally unfortunate. The _Edward Bonaventure_,
commanded, as we have seen, by Chancellor, sailed in 1553 from England to
the White Sea, returned to England in 1554, and was on the way plundered by
the Dutch (Purchas, iii., p. 250); started again with Chancellor for the
Dwina in 1555, and returned the same year to England under John Buckland;
accompanied Burrough in 1556 to the Kola Peninsula: went thence to the
Dwina to convey to England Chancellor and a Russian Embassy, the vessel,
besides, carrying L20,000 worth of goods. It was wrecked in Aberdour Bay,
near Aberdeen, on the 20th (10th) November, and Chancellor, his wife, and
seven Russians were drowned.--The _Bona Esperanza_, commanded by Willoughby
in 1553, carried him and his crew to perish at the mouth of the Varzina.
The vessel was recovered, and was to have been used in 1556 to carry to
England the Embassy already mentioned. It reached a harbour near
Trondhjeim, but after leaving there, was never heard of again.--The _Bona
Confidenzia_ was also saved after the fatal wintering at the Varzina, and
was employed in escorting the Embassy in 1556, but stranded on the
Norwegian coast, every soul on board perishing. (See the account of the
Russian Embassy to England, pp. 142-3.)--The vessels alluded to by Burrough
are the _Edward Bonaventure_ and _Bona Confidenzia_.] was not accordingly
performed.

* * * * *

Certaine notes vnperfectly written by Richard Iohnson seruant to Master
Richard Chancelour, which was in the discouerie of Vaigatz and Noua
Zembla, with Steuen Burrowe in the Serchthrift 1556. and afterwarde among
the Samoedes, whose deuilish rites hee describeth.

First, after we departed out of England we fell with Norway, and on that
coste lieth Northbern or Northbergen, and this people are vnder the King of
Denmarke: But they differ in their speech from the Danes, for they speake
Norsh. And North of Northbern lie the Isles of Roste and Lofoot, and these
Islands pertaine vnto Finmarke, and they keepe the laws and speake the
language of the Islanders. And at the Eastermost part of that land is a
castle which is called the Wardhouse, and the King of Denmarke doeth
fortifie it with men of warre: and the Russes may not goe to the Westward
of that castle. And East Southeast from that castle is a lande called
Lappia: in which lande be two maner of people, that is to say, the Lappians
and the Scrickfinnes, which Scrickfinnes are a wilde people which neither
know God, nor yet good order: and these people liue in tents made of Deares
skinnes: and they haue no certaine habitations, but continue in heards and
companies by one hundred and two hundreds. And they are a people of small
stature, and are clothed in Deares skinnes and drinke nothing but water,
and eate no bread but flesh all raw. And the Lappians bee a people
adioyning to them and be much like to them in al conditions: but the
Emperour of Russia hath of late ouercome manie of them, and they are in
subiection to him. And this people will say that they beleeue in the Russes
God. And they liue in tents as the other doe. And Southeast and by South
from Lappia lyeth a prouince called Corelia, and these people are called
Kerilli. And South southeast from Corelia lyeth a countrey called
Nouogardia. And these three nations are vnder the Emperour of Russia, and
the Russes keepe the Lawe of the Greekes in their Churches, and write
somewhat like as the Greekes write, and they speake their owne language,
and they abhorre the Latine tongue, neither haue they to doe with the Pope
of Rome, and they holde it not good to worshippe any carued Image, yet they
will worshippe paynted Images on tables or boords. And in Russia their
Churches, steeples, and houses are all of wood: and their shippes that they
haue are sowed with withes and haue no nayles. The Kerilles, Russians or
Moscouians bee much alike in all conditions. And South from the Moscouians
lye the Tartarians, which bee Mahumetans, and liue in tentes and wagons,
and keepe in heardes and companies: and they holde it not good to abide
long in one place, for they will say, when they will curse any of their
children, I woulde thou mightest tary so long in a place that thou mightest
smell thine owne dung, as the Christians doe: and this is the greatest
curse that they haue. And East Northeast of Russia lieth Lampas, which is a
place where the Russes, Tartars, and Samoeds meete twise a yeere, and make
the faire to barter wares for wares. And Northeast from Lampas lieth the
countrey of the Samoeds, which be about the riuer of Pechere, and these
Samoeds bee in subiection to the Emperour of Russia, and they lie in tentes
made of Deere skinnes, and they vse much witchcraft, and shoot well in
bowes. And Northeast from the river Pechere [Footnote: Or, Pechora.] lieth
Vaygatz, and there are the wilde Samoeds which will not suffer the Russes
to land out of the Sea, but they will kill them and eate them, as wee are
tolde by the Russes: and they liue in heards, and haue all their carriages
with deere, for they haue no horses. Beyond Vaygatz lyeth a lande called
Noua Zembla, which is a great lande, but wee sawe no people, and there we
had Foule inough, and there wee sawe white Foxes and white Beares And the
sayde Samoeds which are about the bankes of Pechere, which are in
subiection to the Emperour of Russia, when they will remoue from one place
to another, then they will make sacrifices in manner following. Euerie
kinred doeth sacrifice in their owne tent, and hee that is most auncient is
their Priest. And first the Priest doth beginne to play vpon a thing like
to a great sieue, with a skinne on the one ende like a drumme: and the
sticke that he playeth with is about a spannne long, and one ende is round
like a ball, couered with the skinne of an Harte. Also the Priest hath vpon
his head a thing of white like a garlande, and his face is couered with a
piece of a shirt of maile, with manie small ribbes, and teeth of fishes,
and wilde beastes hanging on the same maile. Then he singeth as wee vse
heere in Englande to hallow, whope, or showte at houndes, and the rest of
the company answere him with this Owtis, Igha, Igha, Igha, and then the
Priest replieth againe, with his voyces. And they answere him with the
selfsame wordes so manie times, that in the ende he becommeth as it were
madde, and falling downe as hee were dead, hauing nothing on him but a
shirt, lying vpon his backe I might perceiue him to breathe. I asked them
why hee lay so, and they answered mee, Now doeth our God tell him what wee
shall doe, and whither we shall goe. And when he had lyen still a little
while, they cried thus three times together, Oghao, Oghao, Oghao, and as
they vse these three calles, hee riseth with his head and lieth downe
againe, and then hee rose vp and sang with like voyces as hee did before:
and his audience answered him, Igha, Igha, Igha. Then hee commaunded them
to kill fiue Olens or great Deere, and continued singing still both hee and
they as before. Then hee tooke a sworde of a cubite and a spanne long, (I
did not mete it my selfe) and put it into his bellie halfeway and sometime
lesse, but no wounde was to bee seene, (they continuing in their sweete
song still). Then he put the sworde into the fire till it was warme, and so
thrust it into the slitte of his shirte and thrust it through his bodie, as
I thought, in at his nauill and out at his fundament: the poynt beeing out
of his shirt behind, I layde my finger vpon it, then hee pulled out the
sworde and sate downe. This beeing done, they set a kettle of water ouer
the fire to heate, and when the water doeth seethe, the Priest beginneth to
sing againe they answering him, for so long as the water was in heating,
they sate and sang not. Then they made a thing being foure square, and in
height and squarenesse of a chaire, and couered with a gown very close the
forepart thereof, for the hinder part stood to the tents side. Their tents
are rounde and are called Chome in their language. The water still seething
on the fire, and this square seate being ready, the Priest put off his
shirt, and the thing like a garland which was on his head, with those
things which couered his face, and he had on yet all this while a paire of
hosen of deeres skins with the haire on, which came vp to his buttocks. So
he went into the square seate, and sate down like a tailour and sang with a
strong voyce or hallowing. Then they tooke a small line made of deeres
skinnes of four fathoms long, and with a smal knotte the Priest made it
fast about his necke, and vnder his left arme, and gaue it vnto two men
standing on both sides of him, which held the ends together. Then the
kettle of hote water was set before him in the square seat, al this time
the square seat was not couered, and then it was couered with a gown of
broad cloth without lining, such as the Russes do weare. Then the 2. men
which did hold the ends of the line stil standing there, began to draw, and
drew til they had drawn the ends of the line stiffe and together, and then
I hearde a thing fall into the kettle of water which was before him in the
tent. Thereupon I asked them that sate by me what it was that fell into the
water that stoode before him. And they answered me, that it was his head,
his shoulder and left arme, which the line had cut off, I meane the knot
which I sawe afterwarde drawen hard together. Then I rose vp and would haue
looked whether it were so or not, but they laid hold on me, and said, that
if they should see him with their bodily eyes, they shoulde liue no longer.
And the most part of them can speake the Russe tongue to be vnderstood: and
they tooke me to be a Russian. Then they beganne to hallow with these
wordes. Oghaoo, Oghaoo, Oghaoo, many times together. And as they were thus
singing and out calling, I sawe a thing like a finger of a man two times
together thrust through the gowne from the Priest. I asked them that sate
next to me what it was that I sawe, and they saide, not his finger; for he
was yet dead: and that which I saw appeare through the gowne was a beast,
but what beast they knew not nor would not tell. And I looked vpon the
gowne, and there was no hole to bee seene; and then at the last the Priest
lifted vp his head with his shoulder and arme, and all his bodie, and came
forth to the fire. Thus farre of their seruice which I sawe during the
space of certaine houres: but how they doe worship their Idols that I saw
not: for they put vp their stuffe for to remoue from that place where they
lay. And I went to him that serued the Priest, and asked him what their God
saide to him when he lay as dead. Hee answered, that his owne people doeth
not know: neither is it for them to know, for they must doe as he
commanded. This I saw the fift day of Ianuarie in the yere of our Lord
1556, after the English account.

* * * * *

A discourse of the honourable receiuing into England of the first
Ambassador from the Emperor of Russia, in the yeere of Christ 1556. and
in the third yeere of the raigne of Queene Marie, seruing for the third
voyage to Moscouie. Registred by Master Iohn Incent Protonotarie.

It is here recorded by writing and autenticall testimonie, partly for
memorie of things done, and partly for the veritie to be knowen to
posteritie in time to come, that whereas the most high and mightie Iuan
Vasiliuich Emperour of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Moscouia and
Nouogrode, Emperor of Cassan, and of Astrachan, Lord of Pleskie, and great
Duke of Smolenskie, Tuerskie, Yowgoriskie, Permskie, Viatskie, Bolgarskie
and Sibierskie, Emperour and great Duke of many others, as Nouogrode in the
nether countries, Chernigoskie, Rezanskie, Polodskie, Rezewskie, Bielskie,
Rostoskie, Yeraslaueskie, Bealozarskie, Oudarskie, Obdorskie, Condenskie,
and manie other countries, and lord ouer all those partes, in the yeere of
our Lord God, folowing the account of the Latin church, 1556. sent by the
sea from the port of S. Nicholas in Russia, his right honorable ambassador
sirnamed Osep Napea, [Footnote: Ossip Gregorjevitsch Nepeja.] his high
officer in the towne and countrey of Vologda, to the most famous and
excellent princes, Philip and Mary by the grace of God king and Queene of
England, Spaine, France and Ireland, defenders of the faith, Archdukes of
Austria, dukes of Burgundie, Millaine, and Brabant, counties of Haspurge,
Flanders and Tyroll, his ambassador and Orator with certaine letters
tenderly conceiued, together with certaine presents and gifts mentioned in
the foot of this memorial, as a manifest argument and token of a mutual
amity and friendship to be made and continued betweene their maiesties and
subiects respectiuely, for the commoditie and benefit of both the realmes
and people: which Orator was the 20. day of Iuly imbarked and shipped in,
and vpon a good English ship named the Edward Bonauenture, belonging to the
Gouernour, Consuls and company of English marchants. Richard Chancelor
being grand Pilot, and Iohn Buckland master of the said ship. In which was
laden at the aduenture of the foresaid Ambassador and marchants at seueral
accounts, goods and merchandizes, viz. in waxe, trane oyle, tallow, furres,
felts, yarne and such like, to the summe of 20000. li. sterling, together
with 16. Russies attendant vpon the person of the said Ambassador.
[Sidenote: Foure ships.] Ouer and aboue ten other Russies shipped within
the said Bay of S. Nicholas, in one other good ship to the said company
also belonging called the Bona Speranza, with goods of the said Orators and
marchants to the value of 6000. lib. sterling, as by the inuoices and
letters of lading of the said seueral ships (whereunto relation is to be
had) particularly appeareth. Which good ships comming in good order into
the seas, and trauersing the same in their iourney towards the coast of
England, were by the contrary winds and extreme tempests of weather seuered
the one from the other, that is to say, the saide Bona Speranza with two
other English ships also appertaining to the saide company, the one
sirnamed the Philip and Mary, the other the Confidentia, were driuen on the
coast of Norway, into Drenton water, where the saide Confidentia was seene
to perish on a Rocke, and the other, videlicet, the Bona Speranza, with her
whole company, being to the number of foure and twentie persons seemed to
winter there, whereof no certaintie at this present day is knowen. The
third, videlicet, the Philip and Mary arriued in the Thames nigh London the
eighteenth day of April, in the yeere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred
fiftie and seuen. [Sidenote: The Edward Bonauenture arriued in Scotland, in
the Bay of Pettuslego, November 7. 1556.] The Edward Bonauenture trauersing
the seas foure moneths, finally the tenth day of Nouember of the aforesaide
yeere of our Lorde one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and sixe, arriued
within the Scottish coast in a Bay named Pettislego, where by outragious
tempests, and extreme stormes, the said ship being beaten from her ground
tackles, was driuen vpon the rockes on shoare, where she brake and split in
pieces in such sort, as the grand Pilot vsing all carefulnesse for the
safetie of the bodie of the sayde Ambassadour and his trayne, taking the
boat of the said ship, trusting to attaine the shore, and so to save and
preserue the bodie, [Sidenote: Richard Chancelor drowned.] and seuen of the
companie or attendants of the saide Ambassadour, the same boat by rigorous
waues of the seas, was by darke night ouerwhelmed and drowned, wherein
perished not only the bodie of the said grand Pilot, with seuen Russes, but
also diuers of the Mariners of the sayd ship: the noble personage of the
saide Ambassadour with a fewe others (by Gods preseruation and speciall
fauour) onely with much difficultie saued. In which shipwracke not onely
the saide shippe was broken, but also the whole masse and bodie of the
goods laden in her, was by the rude and rauenous people of the Countrey
thereunto adioyning, rifled, spoyled and caried away, to the manifest losse
and vtter destruction of all the lading of the said ship, and together with
the ship apparell, ordinance and furniture belonging to the companie, in
value of one thousand pounds, of all which was not restored toward the
costs and charges to the summe of fiue hundred pounds sterling.

As soone as by letters addressed to the saide companie, and in London
delivered the sixt of December last past, it was to them certainely knowen
of the losse of their Pilote, men, goods and ship, the same merchants with
all celeritie and expedition, obteined not onely the Queenes maiesties most
gracious and fauourable letters to the Ladie Dowager and lordes of the
Councell of Scotland for the gentle comfortment and entertainment of the
saide Ambassadour, his traine and companie, with preseruation and
restitution of his goods, as in such miserable cases, to Christian pitie,
princely honour and meere Iustice appertaineth, but also addressed two
Gentlemen of good learning, grauitie and estimation, videlicet, Master
Lawrence Hussie Doctor of the Ciuill Lawe, and George Gilpin with money and
other requisites into the Realme of Scotland, to comfort, ayde, assist, and
relieue him and his there, and also to conduct the Ambassadour into
England, sending with them by poste a Talmach or Speachman for the better
furniture of the seruice of the sayde Ambassadour, trusting thereby to haue
the more ample and speedie redresse of restitution: which personages vsing
diligence, arriued at Edenborough (where the Queenes court was) the three
and twentieth day of the saide moneth of December, who first visiting the
saide Ambassadour, declaring the causes of their comming and Commission,
shewing the letters addressed in his fauour, the order giuen them for his
solace and furniture of all such things as hee would haue, together with
their daily and readie seruice to attend vpon his person and affaires,
repaired consequently vnto the Dowager Queene, deliuering the letters.
Whereupon they receiued gentle answeres, with hope and comfort of speedie
restitution of the goods, apparell, iewels, and letters: for the more
apparance whereof, the Queene sent first certaine Commissioners with an
Harold of armes to Pettislego, the place of the Shipwracke, commaunding by
Proclamation and other Edictes, all such persons (no degree excepted) as
had any part of such goods as were spoyled and taken out or from the ship
to bring them in, and to restore the same with such further order as her
grace by aduise of her Council thought expedient: by reason whereof not
without great labours, paines and charges (after long time) diuers small
parcels of Waxe, and other small trifling things of no value, were by the
poorer sort of the Scottes brought to the Commissioners, but the Iewels,
rich apparell, presents, gold, siluer, costly furres, and such like, were
conueyed away, concealed and vtterly embezelled. Whereupon, the Queene at
the request of the said Ambassadour, caused diuers persons to the number of
180. or moe, to be called personally before her princely presence, to
answer to the said spoile, and really to exhibit and bring in all such
things as were spoiled and violently taken, and caried out of the same,
whereof not onely good testimonie by writing was shewed, but also the
things themselues found in the hands of the Scottish subiects, who by
subtile and craftie dealings, by conniuence of the commissioners, so vsed
or rather abused themselues towards the same Orator & his attendants, that
no effectuall restitution was made: but he fatigated with daily attendance
and charges, the 14. day of February next ensuing, distrusting any reall
and effectual rendring of the saide goods and marchandizes and other the
premisses, vpon leaue obtained of the saide Queene, departed towards
England, hauing attending vpon him the said two English Gentlemen and
others (leauing neuerthelesse in Scotland three Englishmen to pursue the
deliuerie of such things as were collected to haue bene sent by ship to him
in England: which being in Aprill next, and not before imbarked for London,
was not at this present day here arriued) came the 18. day of Februarie to
Barwike within the dominion and realme of England, where he was by the
Queenes maiesties letters and commandement honourably receiued, vsed and
interteined by the right honourable lord Wharton, lord Warden of the East
marches, with goodly conducting from place to place, as the dayly iourneys
done ordinarily did lie, in such order, maner and forme, as to a personage
of such estate appertaineth. He prosecuting his voyage vntil the 27. of
Februarie [Footnote: 1557.] approched to the citie of London within twelue
English miles, where he was receiued with fourscore merchants with chaines
of gold and goodly apparell, as wel in order of men seruants in one
vniforme liuerie, as also in and vpon good horses and geldings, who
conducting him to a marchants house foure miles from London, receiued there
a quantitie of gold, veluet and silke, with all furniture thereunto
requisite, wherewith he made him a riding garment, reposing himselfe that
night. The next day being Saturday and the last day of Februarie, he was by
the merchants aduenturing for Russia, to the number of one hundred and
fortie persons, and so many or more seruants in one liuerie, as abouesaid,
conducted towards the citie of London, where by the way he had not onely
the hunting of the Foxe and such like sport shewed him, but also by the
Queenes maiesties commandement was receiued and embraced by the right
honourable Viscount Montague, sent by her grace for his entertainment: he
being accompanied with diuers lustie knights, esquiers, gentlemen and
yeomen to the number of three hundred horses led him to the North partes of
the Citie of London, where by foure notable merchants richly apparelled was
presented to him a right faire and large gelding richly trapped, together
with a footcloth of Orient crimson veluet, enriched with gold laces, all
furnished in most glorious fashion, of the present, and gift of the sayde
merchants: where vpon the Ambassadour at instant desire mounted, riding on
the way towards Smithfield barres, the first limites of the liberties of
the Citie of London. The Lord Maior accompanied with all the Aldermen in
their skarlet did receiue him, and so riding through the Citie of London in
the middle, betweene the Lord Maior and Viscount Montague, a great number
of merchants and notable personages riding before, and a large troupe of
seruants and apprentises following, was conducted through the Citie of
London (with great admiration and plausibilitie of the people running
plentifully on all sides, and replenishing all streets in such sort as no
man without difficultie might passe) into his lodging situate in Fant
church streete, where were prouided for him two chambers richly hanged and
decked, ouer and aboue the gallant furniture of the whole house, together
with an ample and rich cupboord of plate of all sortes, to furnish and
serue him at all meales, and other seruices during his abode in London,
which was, as is vnderwritten, vntil the third day of May: during which
time daily diuers Aldermen and the grauest personages of the said companie
did visite him, prouiding all kind of victuals for his table and his
seruants, with al sorts of Officers to attend vpon him in good sort and
condition, as to such an ambassadour of honour doeth and ought to
appertaine.

It is also to be remembred that at his first entrance into his chamber,
there was presented vnto him on the Queenes Maiesties behalfe for a gift
and present, and his better furniture in apparel, one rich piece of cloth
of tissue, a piece of cloth of golde, another piece of cloth of golde
raised with crimosin veluet, a piece of crimosin veluet in graine, a piece
of purple veluet, a piece of Damaske purpled, a piece of crimosin damaske,
which he most thankfully accepted. In this beautifull lodging refreshing
and preparing himselfe and his traine with things requisite he abode,
expecting the kings maiesties repaire out of Flanders into England, whose
highnesse arriuing the one and twentie of March, the same Ambassadour the
fiue and twentieth of March being the Annunciation of our Ladie (the day
tweluemoneth he took his leaue from the Emperour his master) was most
honourably brought to the King and Queenes maiesties court at Westminster,
where accompanied first with the said Viscount and other notable
personages, and the merchants, hee arriuing at Westminster bridge, was
there receiued with sixe lords, conducted into a stately chamber, where by
the lords, Chancellor, Treasurer, Priuie seale, Admirall, bishop of Elie,
and other Counsellers, hee was visited and saluted: and consequently was
brought vnto the Kings and Queenes maiesties presence, sitting vnder a
stately cloth of honour, the chamber most richly decked and furnished, and
most honourably presented. Where, after that hee had deliuered his letters,
made his Oration, giuen two timber of Sables, and the report of the same
made both in English and Spanish, in most louing maner embraced, was with
much honour and high entertainement, in sight of a great confluence of
people, Lordes and Ladies eftsoones remitted by water to his former
lodging, to the which, within two dayes after by the assignement of the
King and Queenes maiesties, repaired and conferred with him secretly two
graue Counsellers, that is, the lord Bishop of Elie, and Sir William Peter
Knight, chiefe Secretary to their Highnesse, who after diuers secret talkes
and conferences, reported to their highnesse their proceedings, the
grauitie, wisedome, and stately behauior of the sayd Ambassadour, in such
sort as was much to their maiesties contentations.

Finally concluding vpon such treaties and articles of amitie, as the
letters of the Kings and Queenes maiesties most graciously vnder the greate
seale of England to him by the sayd counsellers deliuered, doth appeare.

The three and twentieth of April, being the feast of S. George, wherein was
celebrated the solemnitie of the Noble order of the Garter at Westminster,
the same lord ambassadour was eftsoones required to haue audience: and
therefore conducted from the sayd lodging to the court by the right Noble
the lords Talbot and Lumley to their maiesties presence: where, after his
Oration made, and thanks both giuen and receiued, hee most honourably tooke
his leaue with commendations to the Emperour. Which being done, he was with
special honour led into the chappell, where before the Kings and Queens
maiesties, in the sight of the whole Order of the Garter, was prepared for
him a stately seate, wherein he accompanied with the Duke of Norfolke, the
lords last aboue mentioned, and many other honourable personages, was
present at the whole seruice, in ceremonies which were to him most
acceptable: the diuine seruice ended, he eftsoones was remitted and reduced
to his barge, and so repaired to his lodging, in like order and gratulation
of the people vniuersally as before.

The time of the yeere hasting the profection and departure of the
Ambassador, the merchants hauing prepared foure goodly and well trimmed
shippes laden with all kinds of merchandises apt for Russia, the same
Ambassadour making prouision for such things as him pleased, the same ships
in good order valed downe the Riuer of Thames, from London to Grauesend,
where the same Ambassadour with his traine and furniture was imbarked
towards his voyage homeward, which God prosper in all felicitie.

It is also to be remembred, that during the whole abode of the sayd
Ambassadour in England, the Agents of the sayde marchants did not onely
prosecute and pursue the matter of restitution in Scotland, and caused such
things to be laden in an English shippe hired purposely to conuey the
Ambassadours goods to London, there to be deliuered to him, but also during
his abode in London, did both inuite him to the Maior, and diuers
worshipfull mens houses, feasting and banquetting him right friendly,
shewing vnto him the most notable and commendable sights of London, as the
kings palace and house, the Churches of Westminster and Powles, the Tower
and Guild hall of London, and such like memorable spectacles. And also the
said 29. day of April, the said merchants assembling themselues together in
the house of the Drapers hal of London, exhibited and gaue vnto the said
Ambassador, a notable supper garnished with musicke, Enterludes and
bankets: in the which a cup of wine being drunke to him in the name and
lieu of the whole companie, it was signified to him that the whole company
with most liberall and friendly hearts, did frankly giue to him and his all
maner of costs and charges in victuals riding from Scotland to London
during his abode there, and vntill setting of saile aboord the ship, and
requesting him to accept the same in good part as a testimonie and witnes
of their good hearts, zeale and tendernesse towards him and his countrey.

It is to be considered that of the Bona Speranza no word nor knowledge was
had at this present day, nor yet of the arriual of the ships or goods from
Scotland.

The third day of May the Ambassadour departed from London to Grauesend,
accompanied by diuers Aldermen and merchants, who in good gard set him
aboord the noble shippe, the Primrose Admirall to the Fleete, where leaue
was taken on both sides and parts, after many imbracements and diuers
farewels not without expressing of teares.

[Sidenote: The King and Queens second letters to the Emperour of Russia.]
Memorandum, that the first day of May the Councillers, videlicet, the
Bishop of Elye, and Sir William Peter on the behalfe of the Kings and
Queens Maiesties repairing to the lorde Ambassadour did not onely deliuer
vnto him their highness letters of recommendations vnder the great seale of
England to the Emperour, very tenderly and friendly written, but also on
their Maiesties behalf gaue and deliuered certaine notable presents to the
Emperours person, and also gifts for the lord Ambassadours proper vse and
behoof, as by the particulars vnder written appeareth, with such further
good wordes and commendations, as the more friendly haue not bin heard,
whereby it appeareth how well affected their honours be to haue and
continue amitie and traffique betweene their honours and their subiects:
which thing as the kings and Queenes maiesties haue shewed of their
princely munificences and liberalities, so haue likewise the merchants and
fellowship of the Aduenturers, for and to Russia, manifested to the world
their good willes, mindes and zeales borne to this new commensed voyage, as
by the discourse aboue mentioned, and other the notable actes ouer long to
be recited in this present memoriall, doeth and may most clearely appeare,
the like whereof is not in any president or historie to bee shewed.

Forasmuch as it may bee doubted how the ship named the Edward Bonauenture
suffered shipwracke, what became of the goods, howe much they were spoiled
and deteined, how little restored, what charges and expenses ensued, what
personages were drowned, how the rest of the ships either arriued or
perished, or howe the disposition of almightie God hath wrought his
pleasure in them, how the same ambassadour hath bene after the miserable
case of shipwracke in Scotland vnreuerently abused, and consequently into
England receiued and conducted, there intertained, vsed, honoured, and
finally in good safetie towards his returne, and repaire furnished, and
with much liberalitie and franke handling friendly dismissed, to the intent
that the trueth of the premisses may be to the most mightie Emperour of
Russia sincerely signified in eschewment of all events and misfortunes that
may chance in this voyage (which God defend) to the Ambassadours person,
traine, and goods, this present memoriall is written, and autentikely made,
and by the sayde Ambassadour his seruants, whose names be vnderwritten, and
traine in presence of the Notarie, and witnesses vndernamed, recognized,
and acknowledged. Giuen the day, moneth, and yeere vnderwritten, of which
instrument into euery of the sayde Shippes one testimoniall is deliuered,
and the first remaineth with the sayde Companie in London.

Giftes sent the King and Queenes Maiesties of England by the Emperour of
Russia, by the report of the Ambassadour, and spoyled by the Scots after
the Shipwracke.

1 First, sixe timber of Sables rich in colour and haire.
2 Item, twentie entire Sables exceeding beautifull with teeth, eares and
clawes.
3 Item, foure living Sables with chaines and collars.
4 Item, thirtie Lusarnes large and beautifull.
5 Item, sixe large and great skinnes very rich and rare, worne onely by
the Emperour for worthinesse.
6 Item, a large and faire white Ierfawcon [Footnote: Gerfalcon] for the
wild Swanne, Crane, Goose, and other great Fowles, together with a
drumme of siluer, the hoopes gilt, vsed for a lure to call the sayd
Hawke.

Giftes sent to the Emperour of Russia by the King and Queenes Maiesties of
England.

1 First, two rich pieces of cloth of Tissue.
2 Item, one fine piece of Scarlet
3 Item, one fine Violet in graine.
4 Item, one fine Azur cloth.
5 Item, a notable paire of Brigandines with a Murrian couered with
crimson veluet and gilt nailes.
6 Item, a male and Female Lions.

Giftes giuen to the Ambassadour at his departure, ouer and aboue such as
were deliuered vnto him at his first arriual.

1 First, a chaine of golde of one hundred pound.
2 Item, a large Bason and Euer, siluer and gilt.
3 item, a paire of pottle pots gilt.
4 Item, a paire of flaggons gilt.

The names of all such Russies as, were attendant vpon the Ambassadour, at
and before his departure out of England.

Isaak Fwesscheneke.
Demetre.
Gorbolones.
Symonde.
Yeroffia.
Stephen.
Lowca.
Andria.
Foma.

Memorandum, the day and yeere of our Lord aboue mentioned, in the house of
the worshipfull Iohn Dimmocke Citizen and Draper of London, situate within
the famous Citie of London in the Realme of England, the abouenamed
honourable Osep Gregorywich Napea, Ambassadour and Orator aboue mentioned,
personally constituted and present, hauing declared vnto him by the mouth
of the right worshipfull master Anthony Hussie Esquire, the effect of the
causes and contents, of, and in this booke, at the interpretation of Robert
Best his interpreter sworne, recognized, and knowledged in presence of me
the Notarie and personages vnderwritten, the contents of this booke to be
true, as well for his owne person as for his seruants aboue named, which
did not subscribe their names as is ahoue mentioned, but onely recognized
the same. In witness whereof, I Iohn Incent, Notary Publike, at the request
of the said master Anthonie Hussie, and other of the Marchants haue to
these presents vnderwritten set my accustomed signe, with the Subscription
of my name, the day and yeere aboue written, being present the right
Worshipfull,

Andrew Iudde, Knight.
George Barne, " and Alderman of London.
William Chester " "
Rafe Greeneaway, "
Iohn Mersh Esquier.
Iohn Dimmock.
Blase Sanders.
Hubert Hussie, and
Robert Best aboue mentioned.

* * * * *

The voyage of the foresaid M. Stephen Burrough, An. 1557. from Colmogro to
Wardhouse, which was sent to seeke the Bona Esperanza, the Bona
Confidentia, and the Philip and Mary, which were not heard of the yeere
before. [Footnote: This voyage of Burrough's, undertaken at his own
instance, to the coast of Russian Lapland, has attracted little notice:
we learn from it, however, that the Dutch, even at this time, carried on
an extensive trade with Russian Lapland.]

May.

Vpon Sunday the 23 of May, I departed with the Searchthrift from Colmogro,
the latitude whereof is 64. degrees, 25. minutes, and the variation of the
compasse, 5 degrees, 10. minutes from the North to the East.

Wednesday (26) we came to the Island called Pozanka, which Island is within
foure leagues of the barre Berozoua. It floweth here at an East and by
South moone full sea.

Saturday (29) in the morning we departed from Pozanka, and plied to the
barre of Berozoua Gooba, whereupon wee came to anker at a lowe water, and
sounded the said Barre with our two Skiffes, and found in the best upon the
shoaldest of the barre 13. foote water by the rule. It higheth vpon this
barre, in spring streames 3. foote water: and an East Moone maketh a full
sea vpon this barre.

Sunday (30) in the morning wee departed from the barre of Berozoua, and
plied along by the shoalds in fiue fadome, vntill I had sight of S.
Nicholas roade, and then wee cast about to the Northwards, and went with a
hommocke, which is halfe a mile to Eastwards of Coya Reca, which hommocke
and S. Nicholas abbey lye Southsouthwest, and Northnortheast, and betweene
them are 11. leagues. Coia Reca is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of
Coscaynos. Coscaynos and the middles of the Island called Mondeustoua
ostroue, which is thwart of the barre of Berozoua lieth South and by East,
North and by West, and betweene them are 4. leagues, or as you may say from
the Seaboord part of the barre to Coscaynos are 3. leagues and a halfe.

Munday (31) at a Northeast and by East sunne we were thwart of Coscaynos.

Dogs nose lieth from Coscaynos Northnorthwest, and betweene them are eight
leagues: and Dogs nose sheweth like a Gurnerds head, if you be inwardly on
both sides of it: on the lowe point of Dogs nose there standeth a crosse
alone.

Iune.

1. From Dogs nose to Foxnose are three leagues, North, and by West.

The 2 day of Iune I went on shoare 2. miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose,
and had the latitude of that place in 65. degrees, 47. minutes. It floweth
a shoare at this place, at an East moone full sea, and the ship lay thwart
to wende a flood, in the off, at a Southsoutheast moone. So that it is to
be vnderstoode, that when it is a full sea on the shoare, it is two points
to ebbe, before it be a lowe water in the off. The variation of the
Compasse at this place is 4. degrees from the North to the East.

This day (3) the Northnorthwest winde put vs backe againe with Dogs nose,
where a ship may ride thwart of a salt house, in 4. fadome, or 4. fadome
and a halfe of water, and haue Landfange for a North and by West winde:
which Salt house is halfe a mile to the Southwards of Dogs nose.

Friday (4) at a Southsouthwest Sunne, wee departed from this Salt house. It
is to be noted that foure miles to the Norhwards of Dogs nose there growe
no trees on the banke by the water side and the bankes consist of fullers
earth. Ouer the cliffes there growe some trees: so that Dogs nose is the
better to be knowen because it is fullers earth, and the like I haue not
seene in all that Countrey.

A head of Foxe nose a league from the shoare there are 15. fadome: betwixt
Foxe nose and Zolatitsa there are 6. leagues, I meane the Southerly part of
Foxe nose.

Sunday (6) I sounded the barre of Zolatitsa, which the Russes told me was a
good harborow, but in the best of it I found but 4. foote water.

Munday (7) I had the latitude in 66. degrees, and then was point Pentecost
sixe leagues south of vs.

Wednesday (9) I went on land at Crosse Island, and tooke the latitude,
which was 66. degrees, 24. minutes.

We being one league Northeast of Crosse Island, I sawe the land on the
Eastside, which I iudged to be Cape good fortune, and it was then
Eastsoutheast of vs 9 leagues.

Cape grace is 7. leagues and a halfe Northeast from Crosse Island.

There are 2. Islands 5. leagues Northnortheast from Cape grace, the
Southermost of them is a little long Island almost a mile long, and the
Northermost a little round island, and they are both hard aboord the shore.

Cape Race is from the Southermost Island North and by West, betweene them
are two leagues, and from that and halfe a league Northnorthwest, there is
another poynt. Betweene which poynt and Cape Race, the Russes haue a
Stanauish or harborow for their Lodias: and to the Westwards of the sayd
poynt, there is a shoale bay.

Three leagues and a halfe to Northwards of Cape Race, we had the latitude
on the 10. day of this moneth in 67. degrees 10. minutes. Riding within
half a league of the shoare in this latitude I found it to be a full sea at
a North and by East moone. I had where we roade, two and twentie fadoome,
and the tallow which is taken vp is full of great broken shels, and some
stones withal like vnto small sand congealed together.

From a South sunne that wee weyed, the winde being at North and by East,
wee driued to the windwards halfe the ebbe, with the ships head to the
Eastwards. [Sidenote: Frost in Iune] And then when we cast her head to the
Westwards, we sounded, and had 22. fadome broken shels, and gray sand; this
present day was very mistie, with frost on the shrowds as the mist fell.

Friday (11) in the morning at an East sunne, the mist brake up a little,
the winde being at North and by West a stiffe gale, our shrowdes and roapes
ouer head being couered with frost, and likely to be a storme: I thought it
good to seeke an harborow, and so plied roome with the Islands which are
two leagues to the Southwards of Cape Race, and within these Islands
(thankes bee to God) we found harborow for vs. It higheth at these Islands
two fadome water: it floweth in the harborow at this place at a
Southsoutheast moone ful sea: and a sea boord it floweth at a
Southsouthwest moone a full sea. The Russes call this Island Tri Ostroue.

You may come in betweene the little Island and the great Island, and keepe
you in the mids of the Sound, and if you borrowe on any side, let it bee on
the greatest Island, and you shall haue at a low water, foure fadome, and
three fadome and a halfe, and three fadome, vntill that you be shot so
farre in as the narrowest, which is between the Northermost point of the
greatest Island, and the Southerne point of the maine which is right

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