Part 4 out of 8
The 24 the Captaine of the Christopher tooke his boat and went to Mowre,
and when he came thither, certaine Negros came to him to know the price of
his wares, but in the end there came an Almade, which he iudged came from
the castle, and caused all the Negros to depart from him: and when he saw
they would come no more to him, he went ashore and tooke certaine men with
him, and then the Negros cast stones at them, and would not suffer them to
come vp to their towne. And when they saw that, they tooke certaine of the
Almades, and put them to the sea, and afterwards departed. The same morning
I went a shore at Don Iohns towne, and tooke a white flag with me, but none
of the Negros could come to me, which caused vs to iudge that the Portugals
were in the towne. After this, our boat came to vs well manned, and I sent
one man vp to the towne with a white flag in his hand, but when he was come
thither, all the Negros went away and would not speake with him. Then I
sent one alone into the woods after them, but they in no case would come to
vs. When we saw that, we tooke twelue goats and fourteene hennes, which we
found in the towne, and went aboord without doing any farther hurt to the
towne: and when I came aboord, I found our pinnesse come from Cormatin,
which had taken there two pound and fiue ounces of golde. Then after much
ado with the froward Mariners, we went thitherwards with our ship, and the
Christopher went to Mowre.
[Sidenote: A fight with the Negros.] The 25 day the Master of the
Christopher sent his boat to the shore for balast, and the Negros would
haue beaten the company from the shore, whereupon the company resisted
them, and slew and hurt diuers of them, and hauing put them to flight,
burned their towne, and brake all their boats.
The 26 day our pinnesse came to vs from Cormatin, and had taken two pound
and eleuen ounces of golde: and Iohn Shirife tolde vs that the Negros of
that place were very desirous to haue a ship come back againe to their
The 27 we wayed and went to Cormatin.
The 28 the Christopher came to vs from Mowre and traffiqued there two
The second day of Iune the Tyger came to vs from Egrand, and the pinnesse
from Weamba, and they two had taken about fifty pound of golde since they
departed from vs.
The 4 day we departed from Cormatin to plie vp to Shamma, being not able to
tary any longer vpon the coast for lacke of victuals, and specially of
The 7 day we had sight of fiue of the king of Portugals ships which came to
an ancre besides the castle.
The 8 day George and Binny came to vs, and brought with them two pound of
The 10 day in the morning I tooke our small pinnesse, and the Captaine of
the Christopher with me, and manned her well, and went to the castle to
view the Portugals ships, and there we found one ship of about 300 tunne,
and foure carauels: when we had well viewed them, we returned backe againe
to our ships which we found seuen leagues at sea.
The 11 day in the morning we found our selues wel shot toward Shamma, and
the Tyger with vs, but the Minion and the pinnesse had not wayed that
night, so that we were out of sight of them: and hauing brought our selues
in the weather of the Portugals ships, we came to an ancre to tary for the
Minion, or els we might haue fetched Shamma. At night the Minion and the
pinnesse came vp to vs, but could not fetch so farre to the weatherward as
we, and therefore they ancred about a league a weather The castle, and we
waied in the Christopher, and went roome with her.
The 12 day the Tyger came roome with vs, and she and the Christopher
finding themselues to stand in great need of victuals, would haue gone with
the Portugals ships to haue fetched some of them forth: but our master and
company would in no case consent to goe with them, for feare of hanging
when we came home: and the other two ships being fully minded to haue gone,
and fearing that their owne company would accuse them, durst not go to
After this, by reason of the want of victuals in the pinnesse, which could
receiue no victuals from the other shippes, but from vs onely, we tooke out
all our men, and put twelue Frenchmen into her, and gaue them victuals to
bring them to Shamma.
The 19 day the Tyger and Minion arrived at Shamma, and the Christopher
within two leagues off them, but could not fetch the winde by reason of the
scantnesse of the winde, which hath bene so scant, that in fifteene dayes
we haue plied to the windewards but twelue leagues, which before we did in
one day and a night.
The 20 day I tooke our pinnesse, and went to the towne of Shamma to speake
with the captaine, and he tolde me that there was no golde there to be had,
nor as much as a hen to be bought, and all by reason of the accord which he
had made with the Portugals, and I seeing that departed peaceably from him.
The 21 I put such things as we had into our small pinnesse, and tooke one
marchant of our ship, and another of the Tyger, and sent her to Hanta, to
attempt, if she could doe any thing there. That night they could doe
nothing but were promised to haue golde the next day.
The next day (which was the 22) being come, we sent our pinnesse to Hanta
againe, but there neither the captaine nor the Negros durst traffike with
vs, but intised vs from place to place, and all to no purpose.
This day we put away our pinnesse, with fiue and twenty Frenchmen in her,
and gaue them such victuals as we could spare, putting fifteene of them to
the ransome of sixe crownes a man.
The 23 of Iune our pinnesse came to vs from Hanta, and tolde vs that the
Negros had dealt very ill with them, and would not traffike with them to
[Sidenote: Shamma burnt by the English.] The 24 we tooke our boat and
pinnesse and manned them well, and went to the towne of Shamma, and because
the Captaine thereof was become subiect to the Portugals we burned the
towne, and our men seeking the spoile of such trifles as were there found a
Portugals chest, wherein was some of his apparell, and his weights, and one
letter sent to him from the castle, whereby we gathered that the Portugall
had bene there of a long time.
The 25 day, about three of the clocke at afternoone, we set saile, and put
into the sea, for our returne to England.
The last day of this moneth we fell with the shore againe, and made our
reckoning to be eighteene leagues to the weatherward of the place where we
set off. When we came to make the land, we found our selues to be eighteene
leagues to the leeward of the place, where we set off, which came to passe,
by reason of the extreme currant that runneth to the Eastward: when we
perceiued our selues so abused, we agreed to cast about againe, and to lie
as neere the winde as we could, to fetch the line.
The seuenth of Iuly we had sight of the Ile of S. Thome, ana thought to
haue sought the road to haue arriued there: but the next morning the wind
came about, and we kept our course.
The ninth, the winde varying, we kept about againe, and fell with the Iland
of S. Thome, and seeking the road, were becalmed neere the Iland, and with
the currant were put neere the shore, but could haue no ground to ancre: so
that we were forced to hoise out our pinnesse, and the other ships their
skiffs to towe from the Iland, which did litle good, but in the ende the
winde put vs three leagues off the shore.
The tenth day the Christopher and the Tyger cast about, whereby we iudged
them to haue agreed together, to goe seeke some ships in the road, and to
leaue vs: our men were not willing to goe after them, for feare of running
in with the Iland againe, and of putting our selues into the same danger
that we were in the night before: but we shot off a piece, and put out two
lights, and they answered vs with lights againe: whereupon we kept our
course, and thought that they had followed vs, but in the morning we could
not see them, so that they left vs willingly, and we determined to follow
them no more. But the eleuenth day we altered our opinion and course, and
consented to cast about againe for the Iland, to seeke our ships; and about
foure of the clocke in the afternoone we met with them.
The 13 we fell againe with the Iland of S. Thome; and the same night we
found our selues directly vnder the line.
[Sidenote: The description of the Ile of S. Thome.] This Iland is a very
high Iland, and being vpon the West side of it, you shall see a very high
pike, which is very small, and streight, as it were the steeple of a
church, which pike lieth directly vnder the line, and at the same South end
of the Iland to the Westward thereof lieth a small Iland, about a mile from
the great Iland.
The third of August we departed from the Ile of S. Thome, and met the winde
at the Southwest.
The 12 day we were in the height of Cape Verde.
The 22 day we fell with one of the Iles of Cape verde, called the Ile of
Salt, and being informed by a Scotish man that we tooke among the Frenchmen
vpon the coast, that there were fresh victuals to be had, we came to an
The 23 day in the morning we manned our skiffe, and went a shore, and found
no houses, but we saw foure men, which kept themselues alwayes farre from
vs, as for cattell we could finde none, but great store of goats, and they
were so wilde, that we could not take aboue three or foure of them: but
there we had good store of fish, and vpon a small Iland which lay by the
same we had great store of sea-birds.
At night the Christopher brake her cradle, and lost an ancre, so that she
could tary no longer, so we all wayed, and set saile. Vpon the same Iland
we left the Scotish man, which was the occasion of our going aland at that
place, but how he was left we could not tell: but, as we iudged, the people
of the Iland found him sleeping, and so caried him away; for at night I
went my selfe to the Iland to seeke him, but could hear nothing of him.
[Sidenote: The great inconuenience by late staying vpon the coast of
Guinie.] The 24 day the Master of the Tyger came aboord vs, and tolde vs
that his men were so weake, and the shippe so leake, that he was not able
to keepe her aboue the water, and therefore requested vs to go backe againe
to the Iland, that we might discharge her, and giue her vp: but we
intreated him to take paine with her awhile, and we put a French Carpenter
into her, to see if he could finde the leake. This day we tooke a view of
all our men, both those that were hole, and the sicke also, and we found
that in all the three ships, were not aboue thirty sound men.
The 25 we had sight of the Ile of S. Nicholas, and the day following of the
other Iles, S. Lucia, S. Vincent, and S. Anthony; which four Iles lie the
one from the other Northwest, and by West, Souteast and by East.
The 26 we came againe with the Iland of S. Anthony, and could not double
the Cape. This day Philip Iones, the Master of the Christopher, came aboord
vs, who had beene aboord the Tyger, and tolde vs that they were not able to
keepe the Tyger, because she was leake, and the Master very weake, and sayd
further, he had agreed with the Master and the company, that if the next
day we could double the Iland, we should runne to the leeward of it, and
there discharge her: but if we could not double it, then to put in betwixt
the Iland of S. Vincent and S. Anthony, to see if we could discharge her.
The third day of September I went aboord the Tyger, with the Master and
Marchants with me, to view the shippe and men: and we found the shippe very
leake, and onely six labouring men in her, whereof one was the Master
gunner: so that we seeing that they were not able to keepe the ship, agreed
to take in the men, and of the goods what we could saue, and then to put
the ship away.
The fift day we went to discharge the Tyger.
The eight day, hauing taken out the artillery, goods, victuals, and gold of
the Tyger, we gaue her vp 25 degrees by North the line.
The 27 we had sight of two of the Iles of the Azores, S. Mary, and S.
The fourth of October we found ourselues to be 41 degrees and a halfe from
The sixt day the Christopher came to vs, and willed vs to put with the
Cape, for they also were so weake, that they were not able to keepe the
sea, and we being weake also, agreed to go for Vigo, being a place which
many English men frequent.
The 10 day the Christopher went roome with the Cape, but we having a mery
wind for England, and fearing the danger of the enemies, which ordinarily
lie about the Cape: besides, not knowing the state of our countrey and
Spaine, and although it were peace, yet there was little hope of friendship
at their hands, considering the voyage that we had made, and we also being
so weake, that by force and violence we could come by nothing, and doubting
also that the king of Portugall knowing of our being there, might worke
some way with the Counsell of Spaine to trouble vs: and further,
considering that if we did put in with any harbor, we should not be able to
come out againe, till we sent for more men into England, which would be a
great charge, and losse of time, and meanes of many dangers. All these
things pondred, we agreed to shoot off two pieces of ordinance, to warne
the Christopher, and then we went our course for England: she hearing our
pieces followed vs, and we carried a light for her, but the next day in the
morning it was thicke, and we could not see her in the afternoone neither,
so that we suspected that either she was gone with Spaine, or els that she
should put foorth more sailes then we in the night, and was shot a head of
vs, so that then we put forth our top-sailes, and went our course with
At the time when the Christopher left vs, we were within 120 leagues of
England, and 45 leagues Northwest and by West from Cape Finister: and at
the same time in our ships we had not aboue sixe Mariners and sixe
Marchants in health, which was but a weake company for such a ship to seeke
a forren harbour.
The 16 day about sixe of the clocke at night, we met with a great storme at
the West-south-west, and West, and our men being weake, and not able to
handle our sailes, we lost the same night our maine saile, foresaile, and
spreetsaile, and were forced to lie a hulling, vntill the eighteenth day,
and then we made ready an olde course of a foresaile, and put it to the
yard, and therewith finding our selues far shot into the sleeue, we bare
with our owne coast; but that foresaile continued not aboue two houres,
before it was blowen from the yard with a freat, and then we were forced to
lie a hull againe, vntil the nineteenth day of October in the morning, and
then we put an olde bonnet to our foreyard, which, by the good blessing and
prouidence of God, brought vs to the Ile of Wight, where we arriued the 20
of October in the afternoone.
* * * * *
The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinie, betwixt Sierra
Liona and the furthest place of the Mine.
Manils of brasse, and some of loade.
Basons of diuers sorts, but the most lattin.
Pots of course tinne, of a quart and more.
Some wedges of yron.
Margarites, and certaine other sleight beads.
Some blew Corall.
Some horse tailes.
Linnen cloth principally.
Basons of Flanders.
Some red cloth of low price, and some kersie.
Kettles of Dutch-land with brasen handles.
Some great brasse basons graued, such as in Flanders they set vpon their
Some great basons of pewter, and ewers grauen.
Some lauers, such as be for water.
Great kniues of a low price.
Chests of Roan of a lowe price, or any other chests.
Course French couerings.
Packing sheets good store.
Swords, daggers, frise mantels, and gownes, clokes, hats, red caps, Spanish
blankets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of yron, sleight belles, gloues
of a lowe price, leather bags, and what other trifles you will.
* * * * *
Certaine Articles deliuered to M. Iohn Lok, by Sir William Gerard Knight,
M. William Winter, M. Beniamin Gonson, M. Anthony Hickman, and M. Edward
Castelin the 8 of September 1561, touching a voyage to Guinea.
A remembrance for you M. Lok at your comming to the coast of Guinie.
First, when God shal send you thither, to procure, as you passe alongst the
coast, to understand what riuers, hauens, or harboroughs there be; and to
make your selfe a plat thereof, setting those places which you shall thinke
materiall in your sayd plat, with their true eleuations.
Also you shall learne what commodities doe belong to the places where you
shall touch, and what may be good for them.
It is thought good, that hauing a fort vpon the coast of Mina in the king
of Habaans country, [Marginal note: The English marchants intend to
fortifie in Ghinea, in the king of Habaans country.] it would serve to
great purpose: wherfore you are especially sent to consider where the fort
might be best placed, and vpon what ground: wherein are to be noted these
1. That the ground so serue, that it ioyne to the sea on the one
part, so as shippes and boats may come to lade and vnlade.
2. What molde of earth the ground is of.
3. What timber or wood may be had, and how it will be caried.
4. What prouision of victuals may be had in the countrey: and what kinde of
our victuals will best serve to continue.
5. The place must be naturally strong, or such as may be made strong with a
small charge, and afterwards kept with a few men.
6. How water may be prouided, if there be none to be had in the ground
where the fort shall stand, or neere to it.
7. What helpe is to be had from the people of the country, either for the
building of it, or for the defence thereof.
To mooue the king of Haban a farre off, for the making of a fort, and to
note how he will like it; but vse your communication so, that although
there might fall out good cause for the doing of it, yet he do not
vnderstand your meaning.
Search the countrey so farre as you may, both alongst the coast, and into
To learne what became of the marchants that were left at Benin.
The matters which shall be of importance to be noted we nothing doubt that
you will omit, wherefore we referre the order of these affaires to your
Also we pray you as occasion shall serue that you ayd and helpe our
factours, both with your counsell and otherwise; and thus God send you
safely to returne.
William Gerrard, William Winter, Beniamin Gonson, Anthony Hickman, Edward
* * * * *
A letter of M. Iohn Lok to the worshipfull company of Marchants aduenturers
for Guinie, written 1561, shewing reasons for his not proceeding in a
voyage then intended to the foresayd countrey.
Worshipfull sirs; since the arriuall of M. Pet and Buttoll Monioy (as I
vnderstand) for the voyage it is concluded that the Minion shall proceed on
her voyage, if within 20 dayes she may be repaired of those hurts she hath
receiued by the last storme: or in the moneth of Ianuary also, if the wind
wil serue therfore. Wherefore for that your worships shall not be ignorant
of my determined purpose in the same, with the reasons that haue perswaded
me thereunto; I haue thought good to aduertise you thereof, trusting that
your worships will weigh them, as I vprightly and plainly meane them. And
not for any feare or discouragement that I haue of my selfe by the raging
of the stormes of the sea, for that (I thanke the Lord) these haue not
beene the first that I haue abiden, neither trust I they shalbe the last.
First the state of the ship, in which, though I thinke not but M. Pet can
do more for her strengthening than I can conceiue, yet for all that, it
will neither mend her conditions, nor yet make her so stanch that any cabin
in her shalbe stanch for men to lie drie in: the which sore, what a
weakening it will be to the poore men after their labour, that they neither
can haue a shift of apparell drie, nor yet a drie place to rest in, I
referre to your discretion. For though that at Harwich she was both bound
and caulked as much as might be, both within and without, yet for all that
she left not, afore this flaw, in other weathers, being stressed, to open
those seames, and become in the state she was before; I meane, in wetting
her men: notwithstanding her new worke. And my iudgement, with that litle
experience I haue had, leadeth me to thinke that the ship whose water works
and footings be spent and rotten cannot be but leake for men. Next, the
vnseasonable time of the yeere which is now present. And how onely by
meanes of the vnseasonable times in the returne from the voyage home, many
thereby haue decayed, to the great misery and calamity of the rest, and
also to the great slander of the voyage, (which I much respect) the last
and other voyage haue declared. And what it is to make the voyage in
vnseasonable time, that hath the second voyage also declared. Wherefore
weying and foreseeing this (as I may wel terme it) calamity and vneuitable
danger of men, and that by men she must be brought home againe (except that
God will shew an extraordinary miracle) I purpose not nor dare I venture
with a safe conscience to tempt God herein. Againe, forsomuch as she is
alone, and hath so little helpe of boat or pinnesse in her trade, and also
for her watering, where a long time of force must be spent, my going, to
the accomplishment of your expectations, will be to small effect for this
time, because I shall want both vessell and men to accomplish it. And I
would not gladly so spend my time and trauell, to my great charges and
paine, and after, for not falling out accordingly, to lose both pot and
water, as the prouerbe is. As for the Primrose, if she be there, her trade
will be ended or euer we come there, so that she of force, by want of
prouision, must returne: yea, though we should carry with vs a supply for
her, yet is the meeting of her doubtfull, and though we met her, yet will
the men not tarry, as no reason is they should: howbeit my opinion of her
is that she is put into Ireland. The Flowerdeluce was in Milford. Thus for
that your worships might vnderstand the whole cause why I doe not proceed,
I haue troubled you at this time with this my long Letter. And, as God is
my Iudge, not for feare of the Portugals, which there we shall meet (and
yet alone without ayde) as here is a shippe which was in Lisbon, whose men
say that there are in a readinesse (onely to meet vs) foure great ships, of
the which one is accounted 700 tunnes, and other pinnesses: yet not for
feare of them, nor raging of the seas (whose rage God is aboue to rule) but
onely for the premisses: the sequell whereof must by reason turne to a
great misery to the men; the which I for my part (though it might turne me
to as much gaine as the whole commeth to) yet would I not be so tormented,
as the sight thereof would be a corsiue to my heart, and the more, because
foreseeing the same, I should be so leud, as yeelding, to haue runne into
the danger thereof, and therefore I haue absolutely determined with my
selfe not to goe this voyage. Howbeit if in a seasonable time of the yeere
I had but one ship sufficient, though much lesse by the halfe, I would not
refuse (as triall being made thereof should appeare) or if I had ability of
my selfe to venture so much, it should well be seene. And this I speake to
giue you to vnderstand that I refuse not this for feare: If you purpose to
proceed heerein, send some one whom you please; to whom I will not onely
deliuer the articles which I haue receiued, but also will giue some
particular notes which I haue noted in the affaires which you haue
committed vnto mee, with the best helpe and counsell I can. Thus the liuing
God keepe your worships all. Bristoll this 11 of December 1561.
Your worships to comand to his power.
* * * * *
The relation of one William Rutter to M. Anthony Hickman his master
touching a voyage set out to Guinea in the yeere 1562, by Sir William
Gerard, Sir William Chester, M. Thomas Lodge, the sayd Anthony Hickman,
and Edward Castelin, which voyage is also written in verse by Robert
Worshipfull sir, my duty remembered, this shalbe to declare vnto you the
discourse of this our voyage, since our departure out of England from
Dartmouth; at which time I gaue you to vnderstand of our departure, which
was the 25 of February 1562. Then hauing a prosperous winde we departed
from thence, and sailed on our voyage vntill we arriued at Cauo verde the
20 of March, making no abode there, but sailed along the coast to our first
appointed port Rio de Sestos, at which port we arriued the third of Aprill
in the morning, hauing the sight of a Frenchman, who assoone as he
perceiued vs, set saile and made to the sea: in the meane time we came to
an anker in the rode: and after that he had espied our flag, perceiuing vs
to be Englishman, he bare with the shore, and hailed our ships with his
ordinance, at which time we the merchants of both the ships were in the
riuer in traffike, and had vnderstanding of the Negroes that he had bene
there three dayes before our comming: so we concluded together, that if he
sent his pinnesse to traffike, we would not suffer him, vntill we had taken
further order with their captaine and marchants. In the afternoone the
pinnesse came into the riuer, whose men we willed to make no traffike
vntill we had talked further with their captaine, whom we willed that night
to come aboord our admirall: which was done. At which sayd time M. Burton
and Iohn Munt went aboord the Minion where the Frenchmen were, and there
concluded that they should tary by vs eight dayes, and suffer vs quietly to
traffike, wherewith they were not well pleased. Wherevpon the next morning
they departed from vs, sailing alongst the coast to the Eastward towards
Potis, which he did to hinder our traffike that way: wherefore the
marchants of the Minion and we concluded (forasmuch as at that present we
vnderstood that were no sailes past alongst) that we should go before, to
the end we might not be hindered of our traffike by the Frenchmen; which
thing we did: and at our comming thither we found the Frenchmen in traffike
to the West of Potis, by whom we passed, and arriued at Rio de Potis the 12
of April, where we remained in traffike vntill the 15 of the sayd moneth,
and then departed from thence along the coast toward Sant Andre, where we
appointed by agreement to tary for the Minion; and the 17 at night we came
to the riuer of S. Andre, in which very day the Minion came vnto vs,
telling vs that they met at cauo das Palmas a great ship and a caruell of
the king of Portugals bound to the Mina, who gaue chase vnto them, and shot
freely at them, and the Minion in her defence returned her the like: but
God be praised the Minion had no hurt for that time. In the end we
concluded to hasten towards cauo de tres puntus to haue put them from the
castle, if by any meanes wee might; and when wee were come to the Cape, we
lay a hull one night and two dayes, and doubting they had bene past, the
Minion went neere the shore, and sent her merchants to a place called Anta,
where beforetime we had traffike, and the next morning very early being the
21 of the sayd moneth, we againe had sight of the ship and the carauell a
good way to sea-boord of vs. Then we presently set saile, and bare with the
formost of them, hoping to haue got betweene the castle and them, but we
came short of our purpose, which was no small griefe vnto vs all; and when
they had gotten the castle to friend, they shot at vs freely, and we at
them, and the castle at vs; but we profited litle. In the afternoone we set
saile and came to the town of Don Iuan called Equi, where the 22 in the
morning we went a shoare to traffike, but the Negros would not vntill they
had newes from Don Luis, for at that time Don Iuan was dead, and the 23
came Don Luis his sonne and Pacheco minding to traffike with vs, at which
said day came two gallies rowing along the shoare from the castle, minding
to keepe vs from our traffike. The 24 we set saile and chased the galies to
the castle againe. The Negroes being glad of that required vs to goe to
Mowre, which is some 3 leagues behind, and thither would they come for that
they stood in feare of the Portugals, and there we remained for the
marchants that came out of the countrey which were come with their gold,
but Anthonio don Luis his sonne, and Pacheco were aboord the Minion. And
the 25 in the morning came the two galies from the castle againe vnto vs,
the weather being very calme, they shot at vs and hit vs 3 times, and
shortly after the wind came from the shore, at which instant we descried
the ship, and the carauell comming toward vs, then we weighed and set
saile, and bare as neere vnto them as we could: but it was night or euer
wee met with them, and the night being very darke we lost them. The next
day plying to the shore, at night we agreed to go with Cormantin, but the
next morning being the 28 we were but a litle distant from the great ship
and the 2 galies, hauing no wind at all, and the carauell hard aboord the
shore. Then being calme, came the 2 galies rowing to the sterne of the
Minion, and fought with her the most part of the forenoone: [Sidenote: Much
hurt done in the Minion with firing a barrel of gunpouder.] and in the
fight a mischance hapned in the Minions steward-roome by means of a barrell
of pouder that tooke fire, wherewith were hurt the master gunner, the
steward, and most part of the gunners: which the galies perceiuing, began
to be more fierce vpon them, and with one shot cut halfe her foremast in
twaine, that without present remedie shee was not able to beare saile, and
presently vpon this the great ship sent her boat to the galies, who
suddenly departed from vs. And after their departure we went aboord the
Minion to counsell what were best to be done, at which time they were sore
discomfited. Whereupon we deuised what was best to be done: and because wee
knew that the Negros neither would nor durst traffike so long as the galies
were on the coast it was therefore agreed that we should prepare our selues
to depart to Rio de Sestos, and so we departed that day. [Sidenote: They
returne.] The 14 of May in the rooming we fell with the land, and when wee
came to it, we doubted what place it was, and sent our boates on land to
know the trueth, and we found it to be Rio de Barbos, which is to be
Eastward of sant Andre, and there remained in getting of water until the
21, where we lost the day before 5 of our men by meanes of overthrowing our
black pinnasse. The 22 we departed from thence to Rio de Sesto, where we
arriued the 2 of Iune, and the 4 wee departed from Rio de Sesto, and
arriued (God bee thanked) the 6 of August within sight of the Stert in the
West part of England, our men being very sicke and weake. We haue not at
this present aboue 20 sound men that are able to labour, and we haue of our
men 21 dead, and many more very sore hurt and sicke. Master Burton hath
bene sicke this 6 weekes, and at this present (God strengthen him) is so
weake that I feare he will hardly escape. Herein inclosed your worship
shall receiue a briefe of all the goods sold by vs, and also what
commodities we haue receiued for the same. Thus I leaue to trouble your
worship, reseruing all things als to our generall meeting, and to the
bringer hereof. From aboord the Primerose the 6 of August 1563.
Your obedient seruant
There are brought home this voiage An. 1363. Elephants teeth 166 weighing
1758 pounds. Graines 22 buts full.
* * * * *
A meeting at Sir William Gerards house the 11 of Iuly 1564. for the setting
foorth of a voyage to Guinea, with the Minion of the Queens, the Iohn
Baptist of London, and the Merline of M. Gonson.
At this meeting were these chiefe aduenturers, Sir William Gerrard, sir
William Chester, sir Thomas Lodge, Anthonie Hickman, and Edward Castelin.
Where it was agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford to M.
Gonson for his letters to Peter Pet to goe about the rigging of the Minion
vpon the Queenes maiesties charges, and so the said Francis to repaire with
the same letters to Gillingham with money to supplie our charge there.
Also that euery one of the fiue partners shall foorthwith call vpon their
partners to supply towards this new rigging and victualling, 29 li. 10s.
6d. for euery 100. li. value.
Also that euery one of the fiue partners shall foorthwith bring in 50 li.
towards the furniture of the premisses.
Likewise it is agreed that if M. Gonson giue his consent that the Merline
shall be brought about from Bristoll to Hampton, that a letter be drawen
whereunto his hand shall be, before order be giuen for the same.
* * * * *
The successe of this Voiage in part appeareth by certaine briefe relations
extracted out of the second voyage of Sir Iohn Hawkins to the West
Indies, made in the sayd yeere 1564, which I thought good to set downe
for want of further instructions, which hitherto I could not by any
meanes come by, albeit I haue vsed all possible indeuour for the
obtaining of the same: Take them therefore in the meane season as
Master Iohn Hawkins, with the Iesus of Lubeck a ship of 700. tonnes, and
the Salomon, a ship of 7 score, the Tiger a barke of 50, and the Swalow 30
tonnes, being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundred
threescore and ten, as also with ordinance and victuall requisite for such
a voiage, departed out of Plimmouth the 18 day of October in the yeere of
our Lord 1564. with a prosperous winde: at which departing, in cutting the
foresaile, a marueilous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the
ship, who by the pullie of the sheat was slaine out of hand, being a
sorowfull beginning to them all. And after their setting out 10 leagues to
the Sea, hee met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queens
Maiesties, whereof was captaine Dauid Carlet, and also her consort the Iohn
Baptist of London being bound to Guinea likewise, who hailed one the other
after the custome of the sea, with certaine pieces of ordinance for ioy of
their meeting: which done, the Minion departed from him to seeke her other
consort the Merline of London, which was a stone out of sight, leauing in
M. Hawkins companie the Iohn Baptist her other consort.
Thus sailing forwards on their way with a prosperous wind until the 21 of
the same moneth, at that time a great storme arose, the wind being at
Northeast about 9 of the clocke at night, and continued so 23 houres
together, in which storme M. Hawkins lost the company of the Iohn Baptist
aforesaid, and of his pinnasse called the Swallow, the other 3 ships being
sore beaten with the storme. The 23 day the Swalow, to his no small
reioicing, came to him againe in the night 10 leagues to the Northward of
Cape Finister, hauing put roomer and not being able to double the Cape, in
that there rose a contrary wind at Southwest. The 25 the wind continuing
contrary, he put into a place in Galicia called Ferol, where he remained 5
daies and appointed all the masters of his ships an order for the keeping
of good company.
[Sidenote: The firing and sinking of the Merline bound for Guinea.] The 26
day the Minion came in also where he was, for the reioycing whereof he gaue
them certaine pieces of ordinance after the curtesie of the Sea for their
welcome, but the Minions men had no mirth because of their consort the
Merline, whom at their departure from M. Hawkins vpon the coast of England,
they went to seeke, and hauing met with her, kept company two dayes
together, and at last by misfortune of fire (through the negligence of one
of the gunners) the pouder in the gunners roome was set on fire, which with
the first blast stroke out her poope, and therewithall lost 3 men, besides
many sore burned (which escaped by the Brigandine being at her sterne) and
immediatly to the great losse of the owners, and most horrible sight of the
beholders, she sunke before their eies. The 30 day of the moneth M. Hawkins
with his consorts and company of the Minion hauing now both the Brigandines
at her sterne, weighed anker, and set saile on their voiage hauing a
prosperous wind thereunto. The 4 of Nouember they had sight of the Iland of
Madera, and the 6 day of Teneriffa, which they thought to haue bene the
Canarie, in that they supposed themselues to haue bene to the Eastward of
Teneriffa but were not: but the Minion beyng 3 or 4 leagues a head of vs
kept on her course to Teneriffa, hauing better sight thereof then the other
had, and by that means they parted company.
The foresaid Sir Iohn Hawkins passing on his voiage by Cauo Verde and
Sierra Leona, and afterward crossing ouer the maine Ocean comming to the
towne of Burboroata vpon the coast of Terra firma in the West Indies, had
further information of the euill successe of this Guinean voyage, as in the
same hereafter is verbatim mentioned.
The 29 of April, we being at anker without the road, a French ship called
the green Dragon of Newhauen, whereof was captaine one Bon Temps came in,
who saluted vs after the maner of the sea, with certaine pieces of
ordinance, and we resaluted him with the like againe: with whom hauing
communication, he declared that hee had bene at the Mina in Guinea, and was
beaten off by the Portugals gallies, and enforced to come thither to make
sale of such wares as he had: and further that the like was hapned vnto the
Minion: also that captaine Dauid Carlet, and a marchant, with a dozen
mariners were betraied by the Negros at their first arriuall thither,
remaining prisoners with the Portugals, besides other misaduentures of the
losse of their men hapned through the great lacke of fresh water, with
great doubts of bringing home the ships: which was most sorrowfull for vs
* * * * *
The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinie, and the Islands of Cape Verde, in
the yeere of 1566. with three ships, to wit the Admirall called the
Castle of Comfort, the May Flower, and the George, and a pinnasse also:
Written by Walter Wren.
The 10 day of December, in the yeere abouesayd, we departed from Plimmouth,
and the 12 day we were thwart of Vshant.
The 15 day in the morning being Sunday, wee had sight of Cape Finister, and
the same night we lost the company of our Admiral, wherefore we sayled
along the coast of Portugall, hoping that our Admiral had bene before vs.
The 18 day we met with a French ship of whom wee made inquirie for our
Admirall, but he could not tell vs newes of him: so we followed our course
to the Ilands of the Canaries.
The 25 day in the morning we fell with a small Iland called Porto Santo,
and within 3 houres wee had sight of another Iland called Madera which is 6
leagues from Porto Santo.
The said 25 day being the day of the Natiuitie, we hoised out our boat, and
fet Master Edward Fenner captaine of the May Flower aboord vs, being in the
George, with the master whose name was Robert Cortise and others of the
sayd shippe, and feasted them with such cheere as God had sent vs.
The 28 day we fel with an Iland called Tenerif, which is 27 leagues from
the said Iland, and on the East side thereof we came to an anker in 40
fadome water, within a base shot of the shore, in a little Baie wherein
were 3 or 4 small houses: which Baie and houses were distant from a litle
towne called Santa Cruz, a league or thereabout, and as we rode in the said
Baie, we might see an Iland called The grand Canarie, which was 6 or 7
leagues from vs.
The 29 day the May Flower for that she could not fet into ye road where we
were at an anker, by reason the wind was off the shore, and because she
bare more roomer from the land then we did, in the morning came bearing in
with the towne of Santa Cruz, thinking to come to an anker in the road
against the towne, and before she came within the reach of any of their
ordinance, they shot at her foure pieces which caused her to come roome
with vs, and came at last to an anker by vs. And about one of the clocke in
the afternoone, the forenamed captaine of the May Flower wrote a letter a
shoare, directing it to the head officer of the towne of Santa Cruz, to the
intent to vnderstand the pretense of the shooting off the said ordinance.
The letter being written, Robert Courtise master of the May Flower, and
Walter Wren were appointed to deliuer the same a land at 3 or 4 houses to
bee conueid to the foresayd towne, and so went with six men in the boate,
and rowed to the shore as neere as they might, for setting the boate on
ground, for the sea went cruelly at the shore.
The people stood in number 30 persons with such armour as they had: the
foresayd Wren called to them in Spanish, declaring to them that they had a
letter which they would very gladly haue conueid vnto the towne, shewing
that they would traffique with them as marchants, desiring their helpe for
the conuenience of the same letter. With that one of the Spaniards willed
vs to come on land, and we should be welcome, but doubting the worst, the
said Walter answered them that they would not come on land, vntill they had
answere of their letter which they had brought.
Whereupon one of the Spaniards vnraied himselfe, and lept into the water,
and swam to the boat, whom we receiued. And he saluted vs, and demaunded
what our request was: we made him answere, that by misfortune we lost the
companie of our Admirall, and being bound to this Iland to traffique for
wines and other things necessary for vs, do here mind to stay vntill he
Concerning our letter he made vs answere, that he would with all diligence
cary it, and deliuer it according to the direction, and so the said Walter
knit the letter in a bladder, and deliuered it unto him, and also gaue him
foure roials of Spanish money for his paines: and promising that we should
haue answere of it, he tooke his leaue and swamme againe on shore, where
the people stood ready to receiue him. And after that they had talked with
him, and vnderstood our meaning, some of them threw vp their hats, and the
other put them off holding them in their hands, and made vs very curteous
signes, alwaies desiring that the boat would come a land, but we resaluting
them rowed backe againe aboord.
The 30 day the Gouernors brother of Santa Cruz came aboord the May Flower
with sixe or seuen Spaniards with him, who concluded with the Captaine that
we might come a shoare and traffique with them, but that day we did not,
for we had sufficient pledge of theirs for our assurance. Our Captaine
entertained them well, and at their departure gaue them foure pieces of
ordinance for a farewell, and bestowed vpon them two cheeses with other
The said Gouernors brother promised our Captaine that hee should haue
sufficient pledges the morrow following, which was not done, whereupon wee
grew suspicious, and went not that day a shore.
The first day of Ianuary our captaine sent Nicholas Day and Iohn Sumpter a
shore, who were very well entertained with as many of our company as went
In the said Iland is a maruellous high hill called the Pike, which is a far
off more like a cloud in the aire, then any other thing: the hill is round
and somewhat small at the top, it hath not bene knowen that euer any man
could goe vp to the top thereof. And although it stand in 28 degrees which
is as hote in January, as it is in England at Midsommer, yet is the top of
the said hil Winter and Sommer seldome without snow.
In this Iland about two leagues from the said Santa Cruz is a citie called
The third day wee departed about the Westerne point of the Iland, about 12
or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz, into a Baie which is right agaynst the house
of one Petro de Souses, in which Baie we came to an anker the 5 day, where
we heard that our Admirall had bene there at an anker 7 dayes before vs,
and was gone thence to an Iland called Gomera, whereupon we set saile
presently to seeke him.
The 6 day we came to an anker against the towne of Gomera, where we found
our Admirall, which was very ioyfull of our comming, and we also of his
In the sayd road we found Edward Cooke, in a tall ship, and a shippe of the
Coppersmiths of London, which the Portugals had trecherously surprised in
the Baie of Santa Cruz, vpon the coast of Barbarie, which ship we left
there all spoiled.
Our General and merchants bought in the said towne for our provision, 14
buts of wine, which cost 15 duckats a but, which were offred vs at Santa
Cruz in Tenerif for 8, 9, and 10 duckats.
The 9 day we departed from this road to another Baie, about 3 leagues off
and there tooke in fresh water: and so the 10 day we set saile towards Cape
Blanke, which is on the coast of Guinea.
The 12 day we fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Pargos, which is 35
leagues from Cape Blanke. But hauing no knowledge of that coast, we went
with Cape Blanke, and at the fall of the land we sounded and had 16 fadome
water two leagues from the shore. The land is very lowe and white sand.
[Sidenote: A good caueat.] Vpon the fall of the sayd coast beware how you
borow in 12 or 10 fadome, for within 2 or 3 casts of the lead you may be on
The 17 day we set saile from Cape Blanke, directing our course South and by
East and South among, and so fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape
Verde, about 16 leagues, and about sixe leagues from the shore. The sayd
land seemed vnto vs as if it had bene a great number of shippes vnder
saile, being indeed nothing els but the land which was full of Hummoks,
some high some lowe, with high trees on them. We bare with the said land
till we were within 3 leagues of the shore, and then we sounded, and found
28 fadome water, black oase. This day we saw much fish in sundry sculs
swimming with their noses with the brim of the water.
Passing along this coast we might see two small round hils, seeming to vs
about a league one from the other, which is the Cape, and betweene them are
great store of trees, and in all our dayes sailing we saw no land so high
as the said two hils.
The 19 day we came to an anker at the Cape, in a roade fast by the
Westermost side of two hils in 10 fadome of water where you may ride in
fiue or sixe fadome, for the ground is faire, and alwayes you shall haue
the winde off the shore. And as soone as we were all at an anker our
Generall came aboord vs, and with him the master of the Admirall, whose
name was William Bats, and with them the captaine of the Viceadmirall,
whose name was master Edward Fenner, and Robert Curtise the master, and
dined aboord of vs being in the George, wherein was Captaine Iohn Heiwood,
and Iohn Smith of Hampton master, and there we concluded to goe a land,
which was halfe a mile from vs: [Sidenote: The foolish rashness of Wil.
Bats perswading company to land unarmed.] and by the counsel of William
Bats both Captaine and marchants and diuers of the companie went without
armour: for he sayd, that although the people were blacke and naked, yet
they were ciuill: so that hee would needs giue the venter without the
consent of the rest to go without weapon. Thus they rowed to shore, where
we being in the shippe might see a great companie of Negros naked, walking
to and fro by the sea side where the landing place was, waiting for the
comming of our men, who came too soone, and landed to their losse as it
fell out afterwards.
There went a shore the Admirals skiffe, and the May Flowers boate, and in
them the number of 20 persons or thereabouts, as M. George Fenner the
Generall, his brother M. Edward Fenner, Thomas Valentine, Iohn Worme and
Francis Leigh marchants, Iohn Haward, William Bats, Nicholas Day, Iohn
Thomson and others.
At their comming to the shore there were 100 Negros or vpward, with their
bowes and arrowes: our Captaines and merchants talked with them, and
according to the vse of the country, the one demanded pledges of the other,
and they were content to deliuer 3 of their Negros for 5 of our men. Our 5
mens names were these, Iohn Haward, Wil. Bats, Nich. Day, Ioh. Tomson, and
Iohn Curtise: these were deliuered them, and we receiued 3 Negros into our
Our men being a shore among the Negros, began to talke with them, declaring
what ware and marchandize we had, as woollen cloth, linnen cloth, iron,
cheese and other things. The Negros answered againe, they had ciuet, muske,
gold and graines, which pleased our captaines and marchants very well. Then
the Negros desired to haue a sight of some of our wares, to the which our
marchants were content, and foorthwith sent aboord one of the boats for
part of their marchandise, and in the meane time while the boate went to
the ship, our fiue men were walking on the shore with the Negros, and our
Generall and marchants staied in the other boat by the sea side, hauing the
3 Negros with them.
Our boate then came againe and brought iron and other marchandise, with
bread, wine, and cheese which they gave vnto him. Then two of the Negros
(which were the pledges) made themselues sicke, desiring to goe a shore,
promising to send other two for them. Captaine Haiward perceiuing that our
men had let the Negros come a shore, asked what they meant, and doubting
the worst began to drawe toward the boate, and two or three of the Negros
folowed him. And when hee came to the boate they began to stay him, and he
made signes vnto them that hee would fetch them more drinke and bread:
notwithstanding, when he was entering into the boate, one of them caught
him by the breeches and would haue staied him, but hee sprang from him and
leapt into the boate, and as soone as hee was in, one of the Negros a shore
beganne to blow a pipe, and presently the other Negro that was in our boate
sitting on the boates side, and master Wormes sword by him, suddenly drew
the sword out of the scabberd, and cast himselfe into the Sea, and swamme a
shore, and presently the Negros laied handes on our men that were on shore,
and tooke three of them with great violence, and tore all their apparell
from their backes and left them nothing to couer them, and many of them
shot so thicke at our men in our boates, that they could scarse set hand to
any Oare to rowe from the shore, yet (by the helpe of God) they got from
them with their boates although many of them were hurt with their poysoned
arrowes: and the poison is vncurable, if the arrow enter within the skin
and drawe blood, and except the poison be presently suckt out, or the place
where any man is hurt bee foorthwith cut away, he dieth within foure dayes,
and within three houres after they bee hurt or pricked, wheresoeuer it be,
although but at the litle toe, yet it striketh vp to the heart, and taketh
away the stomacke, and causeth the partie marueilously to vomite, being
able to brooke neither meat nor drinke.
The Negros hauing vsed our men with such cruelty, whose names were Nicholas
Day, William Bats, and Iohn Tomson, led them away to a towne which was
within a mile of the water side, or thereabout.
The 20 day we sent to land a boate or skiffe wherein were eight persons,
and one of them was the foresayd Iohn Tomson and our interpreter which was
a Frenchman, (for there was one of the Negros which spake good French:) and
they caried with them two harquebusses, two targets and a mantell.
The cause of sending them was to learne what ransome they demaunded for
Bats and Day whom they detained. And when they came to the shore and told
the Negros what they desired, they went and fetched them from among the
trees, and brought them loose among fortie or fiftie of them. And being
come within a stones cast of the sea side, William Bats brake from them,
and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat, and he was not
so soone in the water but hee fell downe, either breath or his foote
failing him in the sand being soft: so that the Negros came and fell on him
and tooke him and haled him, that we thought they had torne him in pieces:
[Sidenote: The danger of poysoned arrowes.] for they tore againe all the
apparell from his backe, so that some of them caried our men againe to the
towne, and the rest shot at vs with their poisoned arrowes, and hurt one of
our men called Androwes in the smal of the leg, who being come aboord, (for
all that our Surgeons could do) we thought he would haue died.
Our Generall (notwithstanding all this villanie) sent agayne to them, and
offered them any thing that they desired for the raunsome of our men, but
they would not deliuer them: giuing vs this answere: That there was in the
foresayd roade, three weekes before we came, an English shippe which had
taken three of their people, and vntill we did bring or send them againe,
wee should not haue our men although wee would giue our three shippes with
The 21 day a French shippe of the burden of 80 tunnes (or thereabouts,)
came to the place where we were, being bound to traffique at the Cape: we
told them of the detaining of our two men by the Negros: and seeing that
these Frenchmen were very well welcome to the Negros, we wished them to see
whether they could procure them againe of the Negros, and bring them along
with them, and our Generall promised the Frenchmen 100 li. to obtaine them.
So wee committed the matter to the Frenchmen and departed.
Of our men that were hurt by the Negros arrowes, foure died, and one to
saue his life had his arme cut off. Androwes that was last of all hurt, lay
lame not able to helpe himselfe: onely two recouered of their hurts. So we
placed other men in the roomes of those that we lost, and set saile.
The 26 day between Cape Verde and Bona vista we sawe many flying fishes of
the bignesse of herrings, whereof two flew into our boat, which we towed at
The 28 day we fell with an Iland called Bona vista, which is from Cape
Verde 86 leagues. The Northside of the sayde Iland is full of white sandie
hils and dales, and somewhat high land.
The sayd day wee came to an anker within the Westermost point, about a
league within the point and found in our sounding faire sand in ten fadome
water, but you may go neere till you be in fiue or six fadome, for the
ground is faire.
As soone as we were at an anker, our Generall sent his pinnasse a land, and
found fiue or sixe small houses, but the people were fled into the
mountains: and the next day he sent a shore againe, and met with two
Portugals, who willingly went aboord with his men, and at their comming he
welcommed them, although they were but poore and simple, and gaue each of
them a paire of shoes, and so set them a shore againe.
The 30 day we weighed and sailed into a Bay within a small Iland about a
league from vs, and tooke plentie of diuers sortes of fishe. The foresayd
Iland lieth in sixteene degrees. And if you meane to anker in the said Bay,
you may borow in four or fiue fadome of the Southermost point of the sayd
Iland, which you may see when you ride in the road. But beware of the
middle of the Baie, for there lieth a ledge of rocks, which at lowe water
breaketh, yet there is three fadome water ouer them.
The last day of Ianuarie our Generall with certaine of his men went a shore
in the Baie to the houses, where be found 12 Portugals. In all the Iland
there were not aboue 30 persons, which were banished men for a time, some
for more yeeres, some for lesse, and amongst them there was one simple man
which was their captaine.
They liue vpon goats flesh, cocks, hennes, and fresh water: other victuals
they haue none, sauing fish, which they esteeme not, neither haue they any
boats to take them.
They reported that this Iland was giuen by the king of Portugall to one of
his gentlemen, who hath let it foorth to rent for one hundreth duckats a
yeere, which rent is reared onely in goates skinnes. For by their speaches
there hath bene sent foorth of the sayd Iland into Portugall 40000 skins in
We were to these men marueilously welcome, and to their powers very wel
entertained, and they gaue vs the flesh of as many hee-goates as wee would
haue, and tooke much paines for vs in taking them, and bringing them from
the mountains vpon their asses.
They haue there great store of the oyle of Tortoises, which Tortoise is a
fish which swimmeth in the Sea, with a shell on his backe as broad as a
target. It raineth not in this Iland but in three moneths of the yeere,
from the midst of Iuly to the midst of October, and it is here alwayes very
hote. Kine haue bene brought hither, but by reason of the heate and drought
they haue died.
The 3 of February wee departed from this Iland, and the same day fell with
another Iland called the Iland of Maiyo, which is 14 leagues from the other
Iland: there is in the midst of the way between these two Ilands a danger
which is alwayes to be seene.
We ankred in the Northwest side of the sayd Ile in a faire Baie of eight
fadomes water and faire sand, but here we staied not, but the fourth day
weighed and sailed to another Iland called S. Iago, which lieth off the
said Iland of Maiyo East and by South, and about fiue leagues one from the
other. Being come within the Westermost point, we saw a faire road, and a
small towne by the water side, and also a fort or platforme by it: there we
purposed to come to anker, and our marchants to make some sale. But before
we came within their shot, they let flie at vs two pieces, whereupon we
went roomer and sailed along the shore two or three leagues from the road,
where we found a small Baie and two or three small houses, where we came to
an anker in 14 fadome faire ground.
Within an houre after we had ankered we might see diuers horsemen and
footmen on the land right against vs riding and running to and fro.
The next day being the fift of Februarie, a great companie of their
horsemen and footmen appeared on the shoare side, vnto whom our Generall
sent to vnderstande whether they would quietly trafike with vs: And they
sent him worde againe, desiring that they might speake with him, promising
that if he came to trafike as a marchant he should be welcome, and also
that he should haue any thing that he or the marchant would with reason
When this answere was brought vnto our Generall he was very glad thereof
and the whole companie, and presently (with as much speede as he could) he
caused his boates to be made readie: but doubting the villanie of the
Portugales, he armed his boates putting a double base in the head of his
pinnesse, and two single bases in the head of the Skiffe, and so sent to
the May-floure, and the George, and willed them in like sort to man their
These boates being thus manned and well appointed, our Generall entered
into his Skiffe, and with the rest rowed to the shoare where were
threescore horsemen or more, and two hundreth footemen readie to receiue
them. Our Generall marueiled that they came in so great a number and all
armed, and therefore with a flagge of truce sent to them to knowe their
pleasure: and they answered him with many faire promises and othes, that
their pretence was all true, and that they meant like Gentlemen and
Marchantes to trafike with him, declaring also that their Captaine was
comming to speake with him, and therefore desired our Generall to come and
speake with him himselfe.
With this answere the boate returned, and then our Generall caused his
pinnesse to rowe to them, and as he came neere the shoare they came in a
great companie with much obeysance, opening their hands and armes abroade,
bowing themselues with their bonnets off, with as much humble salutations
outwardly as they might: earnestly desiring our Generall and Marchants to
come on lande to them, wherevnto he would not agree without sufficient
gages of Gentlemen and Marchants. At length they promised to sende two
gages to our Generals contentment, promising fresh water, victuall, money,
or Negroes for ware, if it were such as they liked: and therefore desired
our Generall and Marchants to sende them a shoare in writing the quantitie
of their wares, and the names of them: all which our Generall departed to
performe, looking for their answere the morrowe following. And being gone a
litle from the shoare, he caused his bases, curriers, and harquebusses to
be shot off, and our ships in like case shot off fiue or sixe pieces of
great ordinance, and so came aboord to prepare the note. The Portugales
most of them departed, sauing those that were left to watch and to receiue
the note, which about foure or five a clocke in the afternoone was sent,
and it was receiued. [Sidenote: The treason of the Portugals in S. Iago to
our men.] But all the purposes of the Portugal were villainously to betray
vs, (as shal appeare hereafter) although we meant in truth and honestie,
friendly to trafike with them.
There was to the Westward of vs and about two leagues from vs, a towne
behinde a point fast by the sea side, where they had certaine carauels, or
shippes and also two Brigandines, whereof they (with all the speede that
they might) made readie foure Carauels, and both the brigandines which were
like two Gallies, and furnished them both with men and ordinance as much at
they could carrie, and as soone as it was night, they came rowing and
falling towardes vs: so that the land being high and the weather somewhat
cloude or mystie, and they comming all the way close vnder the shoare we
could not see them till they were right against one of our ships called the
By this time it was about one or two of the clocke in the morning, and the
May-floure roade neerer them then the other two by a base shotte, so they
made a sure account either to haue taken her or burnt her. In the meane
time our men that had the watch (litle thinking of such villainous
treacheries after so many faire wordes) were singing and playing one with
the other and made such a noyse, that (being but a small gale of winde, and
riding neere the lande) they might heare vs from the shoare: so that we
supposed that they made account that we had espyed them, which indeede we
had not, neither had any one piece of ordinance primed, or any other thing
in a readinesse.
They came so neere vs that they were within gunshot of vs, and then one of
our men chanced to see a light, and then looking out spied the 4 ships, and
suddenly cried out, Gallies, gallies, at which crie we were all amazed, and
foorthwith they shot at vs all the great ordinance that they had, and their
harquebusses, and curriers, and so lighted certaine tronkes or pieces of
wilde fire, and all of them with one voice (as well they on the shoare as
they in the shippes) gaue a great shoute, and so continued hallowing with
great noyses, still approaching neerer and neerer vnto the May-floure. We
(with all the speede that we might) made readie one piece of ordinance and
shotte at them, which caused them somewhat to stay, so they charged their
ordinance and shot at vs freshly againe, and while they shotte this second
time at vs, we had made readie three pieces which we shot at them, but they
approched still so neere, that at last we might haue shot a sheafe arrowe
to them. Wherevpon we hauing a gale of winde off the shoare hoysed our
foresayle, and cut our cable at the hawse, and went towarde our Admirall,
and they continued following and shooting at vs, and sometime at our
Admirall, but our Admirall shotte one such piece at them, that it made them
to retire, and at length to worpe away like traiterous villaines, and
although they thus suddenly shot all their shot at vs, yet they hurt
neither man or boye of ours, but what we did to them we know not.
But seeing the villanie of these men we thought it best to stay there no
longer, but immediately set sayle towardes an Iland, called Fuego, 12
leagues from the said Iland of S. Iago. At which Island of Fuego we came to
an anker the 11 day of this moneth, against a white chappell in the West
end of the sayd Iland, within half a league of a litle towne, and with in a
league or thereabout of the vtternost point of the said Island.
In this Island is a marueilous high hill which doth burne continually, and
the inhabitants reported that about three yeeres past the whole Island was
like to be burned with the abundance of fire that came out of it.
About a league from the chappel to the Westward is a goodly spring of fresh
water, where we had as much as we would. Wheate they haue none growing
here, but a certaine seede that they call Mill, and certaine peason like
Guinie peason, which Mill maketh good breade, but they haue here good store
of rother beasts and goates. [Sidenote: Cotton in Fuego.] Their marchandize
is cotton, which groweth there.
The inhabitants are Portugals which haue commandement from the king to
trafike neither with Englishmen nor Frenchmen for victuall or any other
thing, except they be forced so to doe.
There lieth off this Iland another called Ila Braua, which is not passing
two leagues ouer, it hath good store of goates and many trees, but there
are not passing three or foure persons dwelling in it.
[Sidenote: They returne.] The 25 day of February we departed towardes the
Islands at Azores: and on the 23 day March we had sight of one of them
called Flores, and then wee might see another Island to the Northward of it
called Cueruo, lying two leagues or thereabouts off the other.
The 27 we came to an anker in Cueruo ouer against a village of about twelue
simple houses; but in the night by a gale of winde, which caused vs to
drawe our anker after vs we hoysed sayle and went to the aforesayd Island
of Flores, where we sawe strange streames of water running downe from the
high cliffes by reason of the great abundance of raine that had suddenly
The 29 day we came againe to Cueruo and cast anker, but a storme arose and
continued seuen or eight houres together, so that we let slip a cable and
anker, and after the storme was alayed we came againe thinking to haue
recouered the same, but the Portugals had either taken it, or spoiled it:
the cable was new and neuer wet before, and both the cable and anker were
better worth then 40 li. So that we accompt our selues much beholding to
the honest Portugales.
The 18 day of April we tooke in water at the Island of Flores, and hauing
ankered our cable was fretted in sunder with a rocke and so burst, where
wee lost that cable and anker also, and so departed to our coast.
Then wee set sayle to an Islande named Faial, about the which lie three
other Islands, the one catted Pico, the other Saint George, and the other
Graciosa, which we had sight of on the eight and twentieth day.
The 29 we came to an anker in the Southwest side of Faial in a faire bay,
and 22 fadom water against a litle towne where we had both fresh water and
fresh victuall. In this Iland by the report of the inhabitants, there
groweth certaine greene woad, which by their speeches is faire better then
the woad of S. Michael or of Tercera.
The 8 day of May we came to Tercera where we met with a Portugall ship, and
being destitute of a cable and anker, our Generall caused vs to keepe her
companie, to see if she could conueniently spare vs any. The next morning
we might see bearing with vs a great shippe and two Carauels, which we
iudged to be of the king of Portugals Armada, and so they were, wherevpon
we prepared our selues for our defence. [Sidenote: A Portugall Galiasse of
400 tunnes.] The said ship was one of the kings Galliasses, about the
burden of foure hundred tunnes, with about three hundred men in her, the
shippe being well appointed with brasse pieces both great and small, and
some of them so bigge that their shot was as great as a mans head, the
other two Carauels were also very warlike and well appointed both with men
[Sidenote: A fight betweene one English ship and 7 Portugals.] As soone as
they were within shotte of vs, they waued vs amaine with their swords, we
keeping our course, the greatest shippe shot at vs freely and the carauell
also, and we prepared our selues, and made all things cleare for our
safegard as neere as we could. Then the great shippe shot at vs all her
broad side, and her foure greatest pieces that lay in her sterne, and
therewith hurt some of our men, and we did the best we could with our shot
to requite it. At last two other Carauels came off the shoare, and two
other pinnesses full of men, and deliuered them aboord the great shippe,
and so went backe againe with two men in a piece of them. The ship and the
Carauell gave vs the first day three fights, and when the night was come
they left off shooting, yet notwithstanding kept hard by vs all the night.
In the meane time we had as much as wee could doe all the night to mende
our ropes, and to strengthen our bulwarkes, putting our trust in God, and
resoluing our selues rather to die in our defence then to bee taken by such
The next day being the 10 of May in the morning, there were come to the
aide the said Portugals foure great Armadas or Carauels more which made
seuen, of which 4 three of them were at the least 100 tunnes a piece, the
other not so bigge, but all well appointed and full of men. All these
together came bearing with vs being in our Admirall, and one of the great
Carauels came to lay vs aboorde (as we iudged) for they had prepared their
false nettings, and all things for that purpose, so that the Gallias came
vp in our larboord side, and the Carauell in our starboord side.
Our Captaine and master perceiuing their pretence, caused our gunners to
make all our ordinance readie with crossebarres, chaineshotte and
haileshot: so the ship and Carauell came vp, and as soone as they were
right in our sides, they shotte at vs as much ordinance as they could,
thinking to haue layde vs presently aboord: whereupon we gaue them such a
heate with both our sides, that they were both glad to fall asterne of vs,
and so paused the space of two or three houres being a very small gale of
Then came vp the other fiue and shot all at vs, and so fell all asterne of
vs, and then went to counsell together.
Then our small barke named the George came to vs, and wee confered together
a great space. And as the Portugall shippes and Carauels were comming to vs
againe, our barke minding to fall asteme of vs and so to come vp againe,
fell quickly vpon the lee, and by reason of the litle winde, it was so long
before she could fill her sailes againe, that both the shippe and Carauels
were came vp to vs, and she falling in among them made reasonable shift
with them, but they got a head of her, so that she could not vs: then 5 of
the Carauels followed her, but we saw she defended her selfe against them
Then came the great shippe and the Carauell to vs, and fought with vs all
that day with their ordinance.
The May-floure our other consort being very good by the winde, tooke the
benefite thereof and halde all that day close by the winde, but could not
come neere vs. So when night againe was come, they gaue ouer their fight
and followed vs all the night.
In these many fights it could not otherwise be but needes some of our men
must be slaine, (as they were indeede) and diuers hurt, and our tackle much
spoyled: yet for all this we did our best indeuour to repaire all things,
and to stand to it to the death with our assured trust in the mercie and
helpe of God.
This night the May-floure came vp to vs, and our Captaine tolde them his
harmes and spoyles, and wished them if they could spare halfe a dosen fresh
men to hoyse out their boate and sende them to him, but they could not
spare any, and so bare away againe. Which when our enemies sawe in the next
morning that we were one from another, they came vp to vs againe and gaue
vs a great fight with much hallowing and hooping, making accompt either to
boorde vs or els to sinke vs: but although our companie was but small, yet
least they should see vs any whit dismayed, when they hallowed we hallowed
also as fast as they, and waued to them to come and boorde vs if they
durst, but that they would not, seeing vs still so couragious: [Sidenote:
The 7 Portugals depart with shame from one English ship.] and hauing giuen
vs that day foure fights, at night they forsooke vs with shame, as they
came to vs at the first with pride.
They had made in our ship some leakes with their shot which we againe
stopped with al speed, and that being done, we tooke some rest after our
long labour and trouble.
The next day in the morning the May-floure came to vs, and brought vs sixe
men in her boate which did vs much pleasure, and we sent to them some of
our hurt men.
Then we directed our course for our owne countrey, and by the second day of
Iune we were neere to our owne coast and sounded being thwart the Lyzard.
The third day we had sight of a shippe which was a Portugall, who bare with
vs, and at his comming to vs (the weather being calme) our Captaine caused
him to hoyse foorth his boate to come aboord to speake with him, and at
their comming our Captaine and Marchants demanded of them what ware they
had, and whether they were bound, and they made answere that their lading
was sugar and cotton. Then our Captaine and Marchants shewed them fiue
Negroes that we had, and asked them whither they would buy them, which they
were very desirous to doe, and agreed to giue for them 40 chests of sugar,
which chests were small hauiug not aboue 26 loaues in a piece: so they with
their boate did fetch fiue of the chestes and deliuered them and went for
more, and when they had laden their boate and were come againe, we might
see bearing with vs a great ship and a small, which our Captaine supposed
to be men of warre or Rouers, [Marginal Note: A Portugall ship
(notwithstanding all their villanies) defended by our men from Rouers.] and
then willed the Portugales to carie their sugar to their ship againe,
purposing to make our selues readie for our defence. But the Portugales
earnestly intreated our Captaine not so to forsake them, and promised him
(if he would safegard them) to giue him aboue the bargain ten chests of
sugar: whereupon our Captaine was content, and the Portugall not being good
of sayle, we spared our topsayles for her; so at last the foresaid ship
bare with vs, and (seeing that we did not feare them) gaue vs ouer. And the
next morning came two others bearing with vs, and seeing vs not about to
flie a iot from them forsooke vs also.
The 5 day of Iune we had sight of the Stert, and about noone we were thwart
of the bay of Lime, and so sounded and had 35 fadom water.
The sixt day we came in at the Needles and so came to an anker vnder the
Isle of Wight at a place called Meadhole, and from thence sayled to
Southampton where we made an ende of this voyage.
* * * * *
The Ambassage of M. Edmund Hogan, one of the sworne Esquires of her
Maiesties person, from her Highnesse to Mully Abdelmelech Emperour of
Marocco, and king of Fes and Sus: in the yeere 1577, written by himselfe.
I Edmund Hogan being appointed Ambassadour from the Queenes Maiestie to the
aboue named Emperour and King Mully Abdelmelech, departed with my company
and seruants from London the two and twentie day of April 1577, being
imbarked in the good ship called the Gallion of London, and arriued in
Azafi a port of Barbarie the one and twentie day of May next following.
Immediatly I sent Leonell Edgerton a shoare with my letters directed to
Iohn Williams and Iohn Bampton, who dispatched a Trottero to Marocco to
knowe the kings pleasure for my repaire to the Court, which letters came to
their hands on the Thursday night.
They with all speede gaue the king understanding of it, who being glad
thereof speeded the next day certaine Captaines with souldiers and tents,
with other prouision to Azafi, so that vpon Whitsunday at night the said
Captaines with Iohn Bambton, Robert Washborne, and Robert Lion, and the
kings officers came late to Azafi.
In the meane time I remained a boord, and caused some of the goods to be
discharged for lightning of the shippe, and I wrote in my letter that I
would not lande, till I knewe the Kings pleasure.
The 22 day being Saturday, the Make-speede arriued in the roade about two
of the clocke in the afternoone.
The 27 day, being Whitsunday, came aboord the Gallion Iohn Bampton, and
others, giuing me to vnderstande how much the King reioyced of my safe
arriuall, comming from the Queenes Maiestie, and how that for my safe
conduct to the Court he had sent foure Captaines and an hundred souldiers
well appointed, with a horse furnished which he vsed himselfe to ride on
with all other furniture accordingly: they wished mee also to come on lande
in the best order I could, as well for my selfe as my men, which I did,
hauing to the number of tenne men, whereof three were trumpetters.
The ships being foure appointed themselues in the best order they could for
the best shew, and shot off all their ordinance to the value of twentie
Markes in powder.
At my comming a shoare, I found all the souldiers well appointed on
horsebacke, the Captaines and the Gouernour of the towne standing as neere
the water side as they could, with a Iennet of the kings, and receiued mee
from the boate declaring how glad his maiestie was of my safe arriuall,
comming from the Queenes Maiestie my Mistresse, and that hee had sent them
to attend vpon me, it being his pleasure that I should tarie there on shore
fiue or sixe dayes for my refreshing.
So being mounted vpon the Iennet, they conducted mee through the Towne into
a faire fielde vpon the Sea-side where was a tent prouided for mee, and all
the ground spread with Turkie carpets, and the Castle discharged a peale of
ordinance, and all things necessarie were brought into my tent, where I
both tooke my table and lodging, and had other conuenient tents for my
The souldiers enuironed the tents, and watched about vs day and night as
long as I lay there, although I sought my speedier dispatch.
On the Wednesday towards night, I tooke my horse and traueiled ten miles to
the first place of water that we could finde, [Marginal Note: In Barbarie
they haue no Innes but they lodge in open fieldes where they can find
water.] and there pitched our tents till the next morning, and so traueiled
till ten of the clocke, and then pitched our tents till foure, and so
traueiled as long as day light would suffer about 26 miles that day.
The next day being Friday I traueiled in like order but eight and twentie
miles at the most, and by a Riuer being about sixe miles within sight of
the Citie of Marocco we pitched our tents.
[Sidenote: The singular humanitie of the king to our Ambassadour.]
Immediatly after came all our English marchants, and the French on
horsebacke to meete me, and before night there came an Alcayde from the
king with fiftie men, and diuers mules laden with victuall and banket, for
my supper, declaring vnto me how glad the king shewed himselfe to heare of
the Queenes Maiestie, and that his pleasere was I should be receiued into
his country as neuer any Christian the like: and desired to knowe what time
the next day I would come into his citie, because he would that all the
Christians as also his nobilitie should meete me, and willed Iohn Bampton
to be with him early in the morning, which he did.
About seuen of the clocke being accompanied with the French and English
marchants, and a great number of souldiers, I passed towards the citie, and
by that time I had traueiled 2 miles, there met me all the Christians of
the Spaniards and Portugals to receiue me, which I knowe was more by the
kings commandement then of any good wils of themselues: for some of them
although they speake me faire hung downe their heads like dogs, and
especially the Portugales, and I countenanced them accordingly. [Marginal
Note: The Spaniards and Portugales were commanded by the king in paine of
death, to meete the English Ambassadour.]
So I passed on till I came within two English miles of the Citie, and then
Iohn Bampton returned, shewing me that the king was so glad of my comming,
that hee could not deuise to doe too much, to shewe the good will that hee
did owe to the Queenes Maiestie, and her Realme.
His counsellors met me without the gates, and at the entrie of the gates,
his footmen and guard were placed on both sides of my horse, and so brought
me to the kings palace.
The king sate in his chaire with his Counsell about him, as well the Moores
as the Elchies, and according to his order giuen vnto me before, I there
declared my message in Spanish, and made deliuerie of the Queenes Maiesties
letters, and all that I spake at that present in Spanish, hee caused one of
his Elchies to declare the same to the Moores present, in the Larbe tongue.
Which done, he answered me againe in Spanish, yeelding to the Queenes
Maiestie great thankes, and offering himselfe and his countrey to bee at
her Graces commaundement, and then commaunded certaine of his Counsellers
to conduct mee to my lodging, not being farre from the Court.
The house was faire after the fashion of that countrey, being daily well
furnished with al kind of victuall at the kings charge.
The same night he sent for mee to the Court, and I had conference with him
about the space of two houres, where I throughly declared the charge
committed vnto mee from her Maiestie, finding him conformable, willing to
pleasure and not to vrge her Maiestie with any demaundes, more then
conueniently shee might willingly consent vnto, hee knowing that out of his
countrey the Realme of England might be better serued with lackes, then bee
in comparison from vs.
[Sidenote: The king of Spaine sought to disgrace the Queene and her
Ambassadour.] Further he gaue me to vnderstand, that the king of Spaine had
sent vnto him for a licence, that an Ambassadour of his might come into his
countrey, and had made great meanes that if the Queenes maiesty of England
sent any vnto him, that he would not giue him any credit or intertainment,
albeit (said he) I know what the king of Spaine is, and what the Queene of
England and her Realme is: for I neither like of him nor of his religion,
being so gouerned by the Inquisition that he can doe nothing of himselfe.
Therefore when he commeth vpon the licence which I haue granted, he shall
well see how litle account I will make of him and Spaine, and how greatly
will extoll you for the Queenes maiestie of England.
He shall not come to my presence as you haue done, and shall dayly: for I
minde to accept of you as my companion and one of my house, whereas he
shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his message.
After the end of this speech I deliuered Sir Thomas Greshams letters, when
as he tooke me by the hand, and led me downe a long court to a palace where
there ranne a faire fountaine of water, and there sitting himselfe in a
chaire, he commanded me to sit downe in another, and there called for such
simple Musicians as he had.
[Sidenote: The king of Barbarie sent into England for Musicians.] Then I
presented him with a great base Lute, which he most thankfully accepted,
and then he was desirous to heare of the Musicians, and I tolde him that
there was great care had to prouide them, and that I did not doubt but vpon
my returne they should come with the first ship. He is willing to giue them
good intertainment with prouision of victuall, and to let them liue
according to their law and conscience wherein he vrgeth none to the
I finde him to be one that liueth greatly in the feare of God, being well
exercised in the Scriptures, as well in the olde Testament as also in the
New, and he beareth a greater affection to our Nation then to others
because of our religion, which forbiddeth worship of Idols, and the Moores
called him the Christian king.
[Sidenote: A rich gift bestowed upon our Ambassadour.] The same night being
the first of Iune, I continued with him till twelue of the clocke, and he
seemed to haue so good liking of me, that he tooke from his girdle a short
dagger being set with 200 stones, rubies and turkies, and did bestow it
vpon me, and so I being conducted returned to my lodging for that time.
The next day because he knew it to be Sunday and our Sabbath day he did let
me rest. But on the Munday in the afternoone he sent for me, and I had
conference with him againe, and musicke.
Likewise on the Tuesday by three of the clocke he sent for me into his
garden, finding him layd vpon a silke bed complayning of a sore leg: yet
after long conference he walked into another Orchard, where as hauing a
faire banketting-house and a great water, and a new gallie in it, he went
aboord the gallie and tooke me with him, and passed the space of two or
three houres, shewing the great experience he had in Gallies, wherein (as
he said) he had excercised himselfe eighteene yeeres in his youth.
After supper he shewed me his horses and other commodities that he had
about his house, and since that night I haue not seene him, for that he
hath kept in with his sore legge, but he hath sent to me daily.
The 13 of Iune at sixe of the clocke at night I had againe audience of the
king, and I continued with him till midnight, hauing debated as well for
the Queenes commission as for the well dealing, with her marchants for
their traffike here in these parts, saying, he would do much more for the
Queenes maiesty and the Realme offering that all English ships with her
subiects may with good securitie enter into his ports and dominions as well
in trade of marchandise, as for victuall and water, as also in time of
warre with any her enemies to bring in prises and to make sales, as
occasion should serue, or else to depart againe with them at their
Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along his coast of
Barbarie, and thorow the straites into the Leuant seas, that he would
graunt safe conduct that the said ships and marchants with their goods
might passe into the Leuant seas, and so to the Turks dominions, and the
king of Argiers, as his owne, and that he would write to the Turke and to
the king of Argier his letters for the well vsing of our ships and goods.
Also that hereafter no Englishmen that by any meanes be taken captiues,
shall be solde within any of his dominions: whereupon I declared that the
Queenes maiesty accepting of these his offers was pleased to confirme the
intercourse and trade of our marchants within this his countrey, as also to
pleasure him with such commodities as he should haue need of, to furnish
the necessities and wants of his countrey in trade of marchandise, so as he
required nothing contrarie to her honour and law, and the breach of league
with the Christian princes her neighbours. [Sidenote: A good prouiso.]
The same night I presented the king with the case of combes, and desired
his maiestie to haue special regard that the ships might be laden backe
againe, for that I found litle store of saltpeter in readinesse in Iohn
Bamptons hands. He answered me that I should haue all the assistance
therein that he could, but that in Sus he thought to haue some store in his
house there, as also that the Mountayners had made much in a readinesse: I
requested that he would send downe, which he promised to doe.
The eighteene day I was with him againe and so continued there till night,
and he shewed me his house with pastime in ducking with water-Spaniels, and
baiting buls with his English dogges.
At this time I moued him againe for the sending downe to Sus, which he
granted to doe, and the 24. day there departed Alcayde Mammie, with Lionell
Edgerton, and Rowland Guy to Sus, and caried with them for our accompts and
his company the kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet, and Alcayde
Shauan, and the Viceroy.
The 23. day the king sent me out of Marocco to his garden called
Shersbonare, with his gard, and Alcayde Mamoute, and the 24. at night I
came to the court to see a Morris dance, and a play of his Elchies. He
promised me audience the next day being Tuesday, but he put it off till
Thursday: and the Thursday at night I was sent for to the king after
supper, and then he sent Alcayde Rodwan, and Alcayde Gowry to conferre with
me, but after a little talke I desired to be brought to the King for my
dispatch. And being brought to him, I preferred two bils of Iohn Bamptons
which he had made for prouision of Salt-peter: also two bils for the quiet
traffique of our English marchants, and bils for sugars to be made by the
Iewes, as well for the debts past, as hereafter, and for good order in the
Ingenios. Also I mooued him againe for the Salt-peter, and other
dispatches, which he referred to be agreed vpon by the two Alcaydes. But
the Friday being the 20. the Alcaydes could not intend it, and vpon
Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fell sicke, so on Sunday we made meanes to the
King, and that afternoone I was sent for to conferre vpon the bargaine with
the Alcaydes and others, but did not agree.
Vpon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for my dispatch, and the same
afternoone I was called againe to the Court, and referred all things to the
King, accepting his offer of Salt-peter.
That night againe the King had me into his Gallie, and the Spaniels did
hunt the ducke.
The Thursday I was appointed to way the 300. kintals grosse of Salt-peter,
and that afternoone the Tabybe came vnto mee to my lodging, shewing mee
that the king was offended with Iohn Bampton for diuers causes.
The Sunday night late being the 7. of Iuly, I got the King to forgiue all
to Iohn Bampton, and the King promised me to speake againe with me vpon
Vpon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch, and then hee sent Fray
Lewes to mee, and said that he had order to write.
Vpon Wednesday I wrote againe, and he sent me word that vpon Thursday I
should come and be dispatched, so that I should depart vpon Friday without
faile, being the twelfth of Iuly.
[Sidenote: The Emperor of Maroco his priuileges to the English.] So the
Friday after according to the kings order and appointment I went to the
court, and whereas motion and petition was made for the confirmation of the
demaunds which I had preferred, they were all granted, and likewise the
priuileges which were on the behalfe of our English marchants requested,
were with great fauour and readinesse yeelded vnto. And whereas the Iews
there resident were to our men in certaine round summes indebted, the
Emperors pleasure and commandement was, that they should without further
excuse or delay, pay and discharge the same. And thus at length I was
dismissed with great honour and speciall countenance, such as hath not
ordinarily bene shewed to other Ambassadors of the Christians.
And touching the priuate affaires intreated vpon betwixt her Maiestie and
the Emperour, I had letters from him to satisfie her highnesse therein. So
to conclude, hauing receiued the like honourable conduct from his Court, as
I had for my part at my first landing, I embarked my selfe with my foresaid
company, and arriuing not long after in England, I repaired to her
Maiesties court, and ended my Ambassage to her highnesse good liking, with
relation of my seruice performed.
* * * * *
The voyage of Thomas Stukeley, wrongfully called Marques of Ireland, into
Barbary 1578. Written by Iohannes Thomas Freigius in Historia de caede
Sebastiani Regis Lusitaniae.
Venerant autem ad regem etiam sexcenti Itali, quos Papa subministrarat,
Comiti Irlandiae: qui cum Vlissiponem tribus instructis nauibus appulisset
Regi operam suam condixit, eumque in bellum sequi promisit. Cap. 7.
Totum exercitum diuisit in quatuor acies quadratas: In dextro latere primum
agmen erat Velitum et militum Tingitanorum, eosque ducebat Aluarus Peresius
de Tauara: sinistram aciem seu mediam tenebant Germani et Ital, quibus
imperabat Marchio Irlandiae, etc. Cap 11.
Inter nobiles qui in hoc praelio ceciderunt, fuerunt, praeter regem
Sebastianum, dux de Auero, Episcopi Conimbricensis et Portuensis,
Commissarius generalis a Papa missus Marchio Irlandiae, Christophorus de
Tauora, et plures alij. Cap. 13.
The same in English.
There came also to Don Sebastian the King of Portugal 600. Italians, whom
the Pope sent vnder the conduct of the Marques of Irland: [Marginal note:
Thomas Stukeley was wrongfully indued with this title.] who being arriued
at Lisbone with three tall ships, proffered his seruice to the king, and
promised to attend vpon him in the warres, &c.
He diuided the whole Armie into 4 squadrons: vpon the right wing stood the
first squadron, consisting of men lightly armed or skirmishers and of the
souldiers of Tangier, Generall of whom was Don Aluaro Perez de Tauara: the
left or midle squadron consisted of Germanes and Italians, vnder the
command of the Marques of Irland, &c. cap. 7.
Of Noblemen were slaine in this battel (besides Don Sebastian the king) the
duke de Auero, the two bishops of Coimbra and of Porto, the Marques of
Irland sent by the Pope as his Commissary generall, Christopher de Tauara,
and many others, cap. 13.
It is further also to be remembred, that diuers other English gentlemen
were in this battell, whereof the most part were slaine; and among others
M. Christopher Lyster was taken captiue, and was there long detained in
miserable seruitude. Which gentleman although at length he happily escaped
the cruel hands of the Moores; yet returning home into England, and for his
manifold good parts being in the yeere 1586. employed by the honourable the
Earle of Cumberland, in a voyage intended by the Streights of Magellan for
the South sea, as Viceadmirall, (wherein he shewed singular resolution and
courage) and appointed afterward in diuers places of speciall command and
credite, was last of all miserably drowned in a great and rich Spanish
prize vpon the coast of Cornwall.
* * * * *
Certaine reports of the prouince of China learned through the Portugals
there imprisoned, and chiefly by the relation of Galeotto Perera, a
gentleman of good credit, that lay prisoner in that Countrey many yeeres.
Done out of Italian into English by Richard Willes.
This land of China is parted into 13. Shires, the which sometimes were ech
one a kingdome by it selfe, but these many yeeres they haue bene all
subiect vnto one King. Fuquien is made by the Portugals the first Shire,
because there their troubles began, and they had occasion thereby to know
the rest. In the shire be 8 cities, but one principally more famous then
others called Fuquieo, the other seuen are reasonably great, the best
knowen whereof vnto the Portugals is Cinceo, in respect of a certaine hauen
ioyning thereunto, whither in time past they were wont for marchandise.
Cantan is the second shire, not so great in quantitie, as well accompted
of, both by the king thereof, and also by the Portugals, for that it lieth
neerer vnto Malacca then any other part of China, and was first discried by
the Portugals before any other shire in that prouince: this shire hath in
it seuen Cities.
Chequeam is the third shire, the chiefest Citie therein is Donchion,
therein also standeth Liampo, with other 13. or 14. boroughes: countrey
townes therein are too too many to be spoken of.
The fourth shire is called Xutiamfu, the principall Citie thereof is great
Pachin, where the King is alwayes resident. In it are fifteene other very
great Cities: of other townes therein, and boroughes well walled and
trenched about, I will say nothing.
The fift shire hath name Chelim: the great Citie Nanquin chiefe of other
fifteene cities was herein of ancient time the royall seat of the Chinish
kings. From this shire, and from the aforesaid Chequeam forward bare rule
the other kings, vntil the whole region became one kingdome.
[Sidenote: Quianci, or, Quinzi.] The 6. shire beareth the name Quianci, as
also the principal City thereof, wherein the fine clay to make vessels is
wrought. The Portugals being ignorant of this Countrey, and finding great
abundance of that fine clay to be solde at Liampo, and that very good
cheape, thought at the first that it had bene made there, howbeit in fine
they perceiued that the standing of Quinzi more neere vnto Liampo then to
Cinceo or Cantan was the cause of so much fine clay at Liampo: within the
compasse of Quinci shire be other 12. cities.
The 7. shire is Quicin, the 8. Quansi, the 9. Confu, the 10. Vrnan, the 11.
Sichiua. In the first hereof there be 16. Cities, in the next 15: how many
Townes the other 3. haue, wee are ignorant as yet, as also of the proper
names of the 12. and 13. shires, and the townes therein.
This finally may be generally said hereof, that the greater shires in China
prouince may bee compared with mightie kingdomes.
In eche one of these shires bee set Ponchiassini and Anchiassini, before
whom are handled the matters of other Cities. There is also placed in ech
one a Tutan, as you would say, a gouernour, and a Chian, that is a visiter,
as it were: whose office is to goe in circuit, and to see iustice exactly
done. By these meanes so vprightly things are ordered there, that it may be
worthily accompted one of the best gouerned prouinces in all the world.
The king maketh alwayes his abode in the great city Pachin, as much to say
in our language, as by the name thereof I am aduertised, the towne of the
kingdome. This kingdome is so large, that vnder fiue moneths you are not
able to trauaile from the Townes by the Sea side to the Court, and backe
againe, no not vnder three moneths in poste at your vrgent businesse. The
post-horses in this Countrey are litle of body, but swift of foote. Many
doe traueile the greater part of this iourney by water in certaine light
barkes, for the multitude of Riuers commodious for passage from one Citie
The king, notwithstanding the hugenesse of his kingdome, hath such a care
thereof, that euery Moone (for by the Moones they reckon their monethes)
hee is aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth therein, by these
The whole prouince being diuided into shires, and each shire hauing in it
one chiefe and principall Citie, whereunto the matters of all the other
Cities, Townes and boroughes, are brought, there are drawen in euery chiefe
Citie aforesaid intelligences of such things as doe monethly fall out, and
be sent in writing to the Court. If happely in one moneth euery Post be not
able to goe so long a way, yet doeth there notwithstanding once euery
moneth arriue one Poste out of the shire. Who so commeth before the new
moone stayeth for the deliuery of his letters vntil the moone be changed.
Then likewise are dispatched other Posts backe into all the 13. shires
Before that we doe come to Cinceo wee haue to passe through many places,
and some of great importance. For this Countrey is so well inhabited neere
the Sea side, that you cannot goe one mile but you shall see some Towne,
borough or hostry, the which are so aboundantly prouided of all things,
that in the Cities and townes they liue ciuily. Neuertheles such as dwel
abrode are very poore, for the multitude of them euery where is so great,
that out of a tree you shall see many times swarme a number of children,
where a man would not haue thought to haue found any one at all.
From these places in number infinite, you shall come vnto wo Cities very
populous, and, being compared with Cinceo, not possibly to be discerned
which is the greater of them. These Cities are as well walled as any Cities
in all the world. As you come into either of them, there standeth so great
and mighty a bridge, that the like thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugal
nor else where. I heard one of my fellowes say, that hee tolde in one
bridge 40. arches. The occasion wherefore these bridges are made so great
is, for that the Countrey is toward the sea very plaine and low, and
ouerflowed euer as the sea water encreaseth. The breadth of the bridges,
although it bee well proportioned vnto the length thereof, yet are they
equally built no higher in the middle then at either ende, in such wise
that you may see directly from the one ende to the other: the sides are
wonderfully well engraued after the maner of Rome-workes. But that we did
most marueile at was therewithall the hugenesse of the stones, the like
whereof, as we came into the Citie, we did see many set vp in places
dis-habited by the way, to no small charges of theirs, howbeit to little
purpose, whereas no body seeth them but such as doe come by. The arches are
not made after our fashion, vauted with sundry stones set together: but
paued, as it were, whole stones reaching from one piller to an other, in
such wise that they lye both for the arches heads, and galantly serue also
for the highway. I haue bene astonied to beholde the hugenesse of the
aforesaid stones: some of them are xii. pases long and vpward, the least
ii. good pases long, and an halfe.
The wayes echwhere are galantly paued with fouresquare stone, except it be
where for want of stone they vse to lay bricke: in this voyage wee
trauailed ouer certaine hilles, where the wayes were pitched, and in many
places no worse paued then in the plaine ground. This causes vs to thinke,
that in all the world there bee no better workemen for buildings, then the
inhabitants of China. The Countrey is so well inhabited, that no one foote
of ground is left vntilled: small store of cattell haue we seene this day,
we sawe onely certaine oxen wherewithall the countrey, men do plow their
ground. One oxe draweth the plough alone not onely in this shire, but in
other places also, wherein is greater store of cattell. These countreymen
by arte do that in tillage, which we are constrained to doe by force. Here
be solde the voydings of close stooles, although there wanteth not the dung
of beastes: and the excrements of man are good marchandise throughout all
China. The dungfermers seek in euery streete by exchange to buy this dirtie
ware for herbs and wood. The custome is very good for keeping the Citie
cleane. There is great aboundance of hennes, geese, duckes, swine, and
goates, wethers haue they none: the hennes are solde by weight, and so are
all other things. Two pound of hennes flesh, geese, or ducke, is worth two
foi of their money, that is, d. ob. sterling. Swines flesh is sold at a
penie the pound. Beefe beareth the same price, for the scarcitie thereof,
howbeit Northward from Fuquieo and farther off from the seacoast, there is
beefe more plentie and solde better cheape; We haue had in all the Cities
we passed through, great abundance of all these victuals, beefe onely
excepted. And if this Countrey were like vnto India, the inhabitants
whereof eate neither henne, beefe, nor porke, but keepe that onely for the
Portugals and Moores, they would be sold here for nothing. But it so
falling out, that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world,
they do feed vpon all things, specially on porke, which, the fatter it is,
is vnto them the lesse lothsome. The highest price of these things
aforesaid I haue set downe, better cheap shal you sometimes buy them for
the great plentie thereof in this countrey. Frogs are solde at the same
price that is made of hennes, and are good meate amongst them, as also
dogs, cats, rats, snakes, and all other vncleane meates.
The Cities be very gallant, specially neere vnto the gates, the which are
marueilously great, and couered with iron. The gate houses are built on
high with towers, and the lower part thereof is made of bricke and stone,
proportionally with the walls, from the walles vpward the building is of
timber, and many stories in it one aboue the other. The strength of their
townes is in the mightie walles and ditches, artillerie haue they none.
The streetes in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the Cities we haue seene are
very faire, so large and so straight, that it is wonderfull to behold.
Their houses are built with timber, the foundations onely excepted, the
which are layed with stone: in ech side of the streetes are pentises or
continuall porches for the marchants to walke vnder: the breadth of the
streets is neuertheless such, that in them 15. men may ride commodiously
side by side. As they ride they must needs passe vnder many high arches of
triumph that crosse ouer the streetes made of timber, and carued diuersly,
couered with tiles of fine clay: vnder these arches the Mercers do vtter
their smaller wares, and such as list to stand there are defended from
raine and the heate of the Sunne. The greater gentlemen haue these arches
at their doores: although some of them be not so mightily built as the
I shall haue occasion to speake of a certaine order of gentlemen that are
called Louteas. I wil first therefore expound what this word signifieth.
Loutea is as much to say in our language as Sir, and when any of them
calleth his name, he answereth Sir: and as we do say, that the king hath
made some gentlemen, so say they, that there is made a Loutea. And for that
amongst them the degrees are diuers both in name and office, I will tell
you onely of some principals, being not able to aduertise you of all.
The maner how gentlemen are created Louteas, and do come to that honour and
title, is by the giuing of a broad girdle, not like to the rest, and a cap,
at the commaundement of the king. The name Loutea is more generall and
common vnto mo, then the qualitie of honour thereby signified agreeth
withall. Such Louteas as doe serue their prince in weightie matters for
iustice, are created after trial made of their learning: but the other
which serue in smaller affaires, as Captaines, constables, sergeants by
land and sea, receiuers and such like, whereof there be in euery citie, as
also in this, very many, are made for fauour: the chiefe Louteas are serued
The whole prouince of China is diuided, as I haue said, into 13. shires, in
euery shire at the least is one gouernour called there Tutan, in some
shires there be two.
[Sidenote: Chian, or, Chaen.] Chiefe in office next vnto them be certaine
other named Chians, that is, high Commissioners as you would say, visiters,
with full authoritie in such wise, that they doe call vnto an accompt the
Tutans themselues, but their authoritie lasteth not in any shire longer
then one yere. Neuerthelesse in euery shire being at the least 7. cities,
yea, in some of them 15. or 16. beside other boroughes and townes not well
to be numbred, these visiters where they come are so honoured and feared,
as though they were some great princes. At the yeres end, their circuit
done, they come vnto that Citie which is chiefe of others in the shire, to
do iustice there: finally busying themselues in the searching out of such
as are to receiue the order of Louteas, whereof more shalbe said in another
Ouer and beside these officers, in the chiefe Citie of ech one of these
aforesaid 13. prouinces, is resident one Ponchiassi, Captaine thereof, and
treasurer of all the kings reuenues. This Magistrate maketh his abode in
one of the foure greatest houses that be in all these head Cities. And
although the principall part of his function be to be Captaine, to be
treasourer of the reuenues in that prouince, and to send these reuenues at
appointed times to the Court: yet hath he notwithstanding by his office
also to meddle with matters appertaining vnto iustice.
[Sidenote: Anchiassi, or Hexasi.] In the second great house dwelleth an
other Magistrate called Anchiassi, a great officer also, for he hath
dealings in all matters of iustice. Who although he be somewhat inferior in
dignitie vnto the Ponchiassi, yet for his great dealings and generall
charge of iustice, whosoeuer seeth the affaires of the one house and the
other might iudge this Anchiassi to be the greater.
Tuzi, an other officer so called, lieth in the thirde house, a magistrate
of importance, specially in things belonging vnto warfare, for thereof hath
There is resident in the 4 house a fourth officer, bearing name Taissu. In
this house is the principall prison of all the Citie. Ech one of these
Magistrates aforesaide may both lay euill doers in prison, and deliuer them
out againe, except the fact be heinous and of importance: in such a case
they can do nothing, except they do meet al together. And if the deed
deserueth death, all they together cannot determine thereof, without
recourse made vnto the Chian wheresoeuer hee be, or to the Tutan; and eft
soones it falleth put, that the case is referred vnto higher power. In all
Cities, not onely chiefe in ech shire, but in the rest also, are meanes
found to make Louteas. Many of them do study at the prince his charges,
wherefore at the yeeres ende they resort vnto the head Cities, whither the
Chians doe come, as it hath bene earst aside, as well to giue these
degrees, as to sit in iudgement ouer the prisoners.
The Chians go in circuit euery yeere, but such as are to be chosen to the
greatest offices meete not but from three yeeres to three yeeres, and that
in certaine large halles appointed for them to be examined in. Many things
are asked them, whereunto if they doe answere accordingly, and be found
sufficient to take their degree, the Chian by and by granteth it them: but
the Cap and girdle, whereby they are knowen to be Louteas, they weare not
before that they be confirmed by the king. Their examination done, and
triall made of them, such as haue taken their degree wont to be giuen them
with all ceremonies, vse to banquet and feast many dayes together (as the
Chineans fashion is to ende all their pleasures with eating and drinking)
and so remaine chosen to do the king seruice in matters of learning. The
other examinates founde insufficient to proceed are sent backe to their
studie againe. Whose ignorance is perceiued to come of negligence and
default, such a one is whipped, and sometimes sent to prison, where lying
that yere when this kinde of acte was, we found many thus punished, and
demaunding the cause thereof, they saide it was for that they knew not how
to answere vnto certaine things asked them. It is a world to see how these
Louteas are serued and feared, in such wise, that in publike assemblies at
one shrike they giue, all the seruitors belonging vnto iustice tremble
thereat. At their being in these places, when they list to mooue, be it but
euen to the gate, these seruitors doe take them vp, and carry them in
seates of beaten gold. After this sort are they borne when they goe in the
City, either for their owne businesse abroade, or to see ech other at home.
For the dignitie they haue, and office they doe beare, they be all
accompanied: the very meanest of them all that goeth in these seates is
vshered by two men at the least, that cry vnto the people to giue place,
howbeit they neede it not, for that reuerence the common people haue vnto
them. They haue also in their company certaine Sergeants with their maces
either siluered or altogether siluer, some two, some foure, other sixe,
other eight, conueniently for ech one his degree. The more principal and
chiefe Louteas haue going orderly before these Sergeants, many other with
staues, and a great many catchpoules with rods of Indish canes dragged on
the ground, so that the streets being paued, you may heare affarre off as
well the noyse of the rods, as the voyce of the criers. These fellowes
serue also to apprehend others, and the better to be knowen they weare
liuery red girdles, and in their caps peacocks feathers. Behinde these
Louteas come such as doe beare certaine tables hanged at staues endes,
wherein is written in siluer letters, the name, degree, and office of that
Loutea, whom they follow. In like maner they haue borne after them hattes
agreeable vnto their titles: if the Loutea be meane, then hath he brought
after him but one hat, and that may not be yealowe: but if he be of the
better sort, then may he haue two, three, or foure: the principall and
chiefe Louteas may haue all their hats yealow, the which among them is
accompted great honour. The Loutea for warres, although he be but meane,
may notwithstanding haue yealow hats. The Tutans and Chians, when they goe
abroad, haue besides all this before them ledde three or foure horses with
their guard in armour.
Furthermore the Louteas, yea and all the people of China, are wont to eate
their meate sitting on stooles at high tables as we doe, and that very
cleanely, although they vse neither tableclothes nor napkins. Whatsoeuer is
set downe vpon the boord is first carued before that it be brought in: they
feede with two sticks, refraining from touching their meate with their
hands, euen as we do with forkes: for the which respect they lesse do need
any table clothes. Ne is the nation only ciuill at meate, but also in
conuersation, and in courtesie they seeme to exceede all other. Likewise in
their dealings after their maner they are so ready, that they farre passe
all other Gentiles and Moores: the greater states are so vaine, that they
line their clothes with the best silke that may be found. The Louteas are
an idle generation, without all maner of exercises and pastimes, except it
be eating and drinking. Sometimes they walke abroad in the fields to make
the souldiers shoot at pricks with their bowes, but their eating passeth:
they will stand eating euen when the other do draw to shoot. The pricke is
a great blanket spread on certaine long poles, he that striketh it, hath of
the best man there standing a piece of crimson Taffata, the which is knit
about his head: in this sort the winners be honoured, and the Louteas with
their bellies full returne home againe. The inhabitants of China be very
great Idolaters, all generally doe worship the heauens: and, as wee are
wont to say, God knoweth it: so say they at euery word, Tien Tautee, that
is to say, The heauens doe know it. Some doe worship the Sonne, and some
the Moone, as they thinke good, for none are bound more to one then to
another. [Sidenote: After the Dutch fashion.] In their temples, the which
they do call Meani, they haue a great altar in the same place as we haue,
true it is that one may goe round about it There set they vp the image of a
certaine Loutea of that countrey, whom they haue in great reuerence for
certaine notable things he did. At the right hand standeth the diuel much
more vgly painted then we doe vse to set him out, whereunto great homage is
done by such as come into the temple to aske counsell, or to draw lottes:
this opinion they haue of him, that he is malicious and able to do euil. If
you aske them what they do thinke of the souls departed, they will answere
that they be immortall, and that as soone as any one departeth out of this
life, he becommeth a diuel if he haue liued well in this world, if
otherwise, that the same diuel changeth him into a bufle, oxe, or dogge.
[Marginal note: Pythagorean like.] Wherefore to this diuel they doe much
honour, to him doe they sacrifice, praying him that he will make them like
vnto himselfe, and not like other beastes. They haue moreouer another sort
of temples, wherein both vpon the altars and also on the walls do stand
many idols well proportioned, but bare headed; these beare name Omithofon,
accompted of them spirits, but such as in heauen doe neither good nor
euill, thought to be such men and women as haue chastly liued in this world
in abstinence from fish and flesh, fed onely with rise and salates. Of that
diuel they make some accompt: for these spirits they care litle or nothing
at all. Againe they hold opinion that if a man do well in this life, the
heauens will giue him many temporall blessings, but if he doe euil, then
shall he haue infirmities, diseases, troubles, and penurie, and all this
without any knowledge of God. Finally, this people knoweth no other thing
then to liue and die, yet because they be reasonable creatures, all seemed
good vnto them we speake in our language, though it were not very
sufficient; our maner of praying especially pleased them, and truely they