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The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of by Richard Hakluyt

Part 2 out of 8

vasselli tanto grossi como picholi, si comnanda a qual si voglia, che
truando il sopradetto Thomas Shingleton Inglese nelli mari di Genua,
Francia Napoli, Calabria, e Sardigna con suo vassello e mercantia, et
homini de che nationi si siano, non gli debba molestare, ne piggliare, ne
toccare cosa de nessuna manero tanto di denare, como di qual si voglia
altra robba, sotto la pena e disgratia di perdir la vita et la robba: Et
per quanto hauete a caro la gratia del Gran Signor nostro patrone Soltan
Murates Ottomano, lo lasciarete andare per suo camino senza dargli nessuno
impedimento. Dato in Algieri in nostro regio Palazzo, sigillato del nostro
reggio sigillo, e fermato della gran ferma, et scritto del nostro reggio
Secretario, il di 23 de Ienaro, 1583.

The same in English.

We Assan Bassha Viceroy and lieutenant, and captaine of the iurisdiction of
Algier, giue and grant free safeconduct to Thomas Singleton marchant, that
with his ship and mariners, of what nation soeuer they be, and with his
marchandize of what countrey soeuer, he may go and come, and trade and
traffique freely in this city of Algier, and other places of our
iurisdiction, as well of the West as of the East. And in like sort we
further command the captaine of the sea of Algier, and other places of our
iurisdiction, the Reiz of vessels and captaines of the Leuant, and other
captaines of vessels aswell great as small, whosoeuer they be, we do
command them, that finding the forsayd Thomas Shingleton Englishman in the
seas of Genua, France, Naples, Calabria, and Sardinia, with his ship and
merchandize, and men of what nation soeuer they be, that they molest them
not, neither take nor touch any kind of thing of theirs, neither money nor
any other kind of goods, vnder paine and peril of loosing of their liues
and goods: and as you make account of the fauour of the Grand Signor our
lord Sultan Murates Hottoman, so see you let him passe on his way without
any maner of impediment. Dated at Alger in our kingly palace, signed with
our princely Signet, and sealed with our great seale, and writen by our
Secretarie of estate, the 23. of Ianuarie, 1583.

* * * * *

A letter written in Spanish by Sir Edward Osborne, to the king of Alger,
the 20. of Iuly, 1584 in the behalfe of certeine English captiues there

Muy alto y poderoso Rey,

Sea seruida vostra alteza. Como la muy alta y potentissima magestad del
Gran Sennor tiene hecho articulos de priuilegios con la Serenissima
Magestad de nuestra Reyna d'Inglatierra, para los vassalos della poder
libremente yr y boluer, y tratar por mar y tierra en los dominios de su
potentissima Magestad, Como a la clara paresce por los dichos articulos, de
che embiamos el tractado al Senor Iuan Tipton nuestro commissario, para le
muestrar a vostra Alteza. Contra el tenor de los quales articulos por dos
galeras de su ciudad de Alger ha sido hechado al fondo en la mar vn des
nuestros nauios que venia de Patras, que es en la Morea, cargado de
corintes y otras mercaderias, que alla se compraron, y las mas de la gente
del la matados y ahogados en la mar, y el resto est an detenidos por
esclauos: cosa muy contraria a los dichos articulas y priuilegios. Que es
occasion, que por esto supplicamos a vostra Alteza muy humilmente, que,
pues que la potentissimo magestad del grand Sennor es seruida nos
fauorescer por los dichos articulos, tambien sea seruida vostra Alteza
assistimos en ellos, otorgandonos por vostra autoridad su auida y fauor,
segun que esperamos, para que puedan estar libres, y boluer para aca
aquellos pobres hombres ansi hechos esclauos, como dicho es. Y ansi mismo,
que mande vostra Alteza dar orden a los capitanes, maestres y gente de las
galeras, que nos dexen de aqui adelante hazer nuestro trafico con seys naos
cada anno para Turquia a los dominios del Gran Sennor a paz y a saluo, por
no cotrariar a los dichos nuestros priuilegios, Lleuando cada vna de
nuestras dichas naos pot se conoscer vn saluo condutto de su alta et
potentissima magestad. Y con esta vostra tan senallada merced y fauor que
en esso reciberemos, quedaremos nosotros con grandissima obligation a
vostra Alteza de seruir la por ello, segun que el dicho Sennor Iuan Tipton,
a quien nos reportamos de todo lo demas, mejor informira vostra Alteza:
Cuya serenissima persona y estado supplicamos y pidimos a Dios omnipotente
prosperu y accrescente con toda felicitad y honra. Del la ciuidad de
Londres a los veynte dias de Iulio del mil y quinientos y ocbenta y quatro

Al seruitio de vuestra Alteza per y en hombre de todos los tratantes en
Tutquia, lo el Mayor de Londres,

Edward Osborne.

The same in English.

Right high and mightie king,

May it please your highnesse to vnderstand, that the most high and most
mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor hath confirmed certaine articles of
priuileges with the most excellent maiestie of our Queene of England, that
her subjects may freely go and come, and traffique by sea and land in the
dominions of his most mighty maiesty, as appeareth more at large by the
said articles, whereof we haue sent the copy vnto M. Iohn Tipton our
Commissarie to shew the same vnto your highnes. [Sidenote: An English ship
sunke by two gallies of Alger.] Against the tenor of which articles, one of
our ships which came from Patras which is in Morea, laden with corants and
other merchandizes which were bought in those parts, was sunke by 2.
gallies of your citie of Alger, and the greatest number of the men thereof
were slain and drowned in the sea, the residue being detained as slaues: An
acte very contrary to the meaning of the aforesaid articles and priuileges:
which is the occasion that by these presents we beseech your highnesse very
humbly that since it hath pleased the most mightie maiestie of the Grand
Signor to fauour vs with the sayd priuileges, it would please your
Highnesse in like maner to assist vs in the same, graunting vs by your
authoritie, your ayde and fauour, according as our hope is that these poore
men so detained in captiuitie, as is aforesaid, may be set at libertie, and
returne into their countrey. And likewise that your highnesse would send to
giue order to the captaines, masters and people of your gallies, that from
hencefoorth they would suffer vs to vse our traffique with sixe ships
yerely into Turkie vnto the dominions of the Grand Signor in peace and
safetie, that they do not withstand those our said priuileges, euery one of
our foresaid ships carying with them a passeport of his most high and most
mightie maiestie to be knowen by. And for that your so singular fauour and
curtesie which in so doing we shall receiue, we on our part with all
bounden duetie vnto your highnesse, will seeke to honour you in that
behalfe, according as the sayd Master Iohn Tipton (to whom wee referre our
selues touching all other circumstances) shall more at large informe your
highnesse, whose most excellent person and estate, we pray and beseech
Almighty God to prosper and increase with all felicitie and honour. From
the Citie of London, the 20. of Iuly, 1584.

At the seruice of your highnesse, for and in the name of our whole company
trading into Turkie, I Maior of London. Edward Osburne.

* * * * *

Notes concerning the trade of Alger.

The money that is coined in Alger is a piece of gold called Asiano, and
Doublaes, and two Doublaes make an Asiano, but the Doubla is most vsed, for
all things be sold by Doublaes, which Doubla is fiftie of their Aspers

The Asper there is not so good by halfe and more, as that in
Constantinople; for the Chekin of gold of the Turkes made at Constantinople
is at Alger worth an 150 Aspers, and at Constantinople, it is but 66.

The pistolet and roials of plate are most currant there.

The said pistolet goeth for 130. Aspers there: and the piece of 4 roials
goeth for 40 Aspers, but oftentimes is sold for more, as men need them to
carie vp into Turkie.

Their Asianos and Doublaes are pieces of course gold, worth here but 40. s.
the ounce, so the same is currant in no place of Turkie out of the kingdom
of Alger, neither the Aspers, for that they be lesse then others be, for
they coine them in Alger.

The custome to the king is inward 10. per centum, to the Turke, to be paid
of the commoditie it selfe, or as it shall be rated.

There is another custome to the Ermine, of one and an halfe per centum,
which is to the Iustice of the Christians: the goods for this custome are
rated as they are for the kings custome.

Hauing paid custome inwards, you pay none outwards for any commoditie that
you doe lade, more then a reward to the gate keepers.

The waight there is called a Cantare for fine wares, as mettals refined,
and spices &c. which is here 120. li. subtil.

Mettall not refined, as lead, iron, and such grosse wares, are sold by a
great Cartare, which is halfe as big againe: so it is 180. li. subtil of
ours here.

The measure of corne is by a measure called a Curtia, which is about 4.
bushels of our measure, and corne is plentiful there and good cheape,
except when there hapneth a very dry yeere.

The surest lodging for a Christian there is in a Iewes house: for if he
haue any hurt, the Iew and his goods shall make it good, so the Iew taketh
great care of the Christian and his goods that lieth in his house, for
feare of punishment.

An Englishman called Thomas Williams, which is M. Iohn Tiptons man, lieth
about trade of merchandize in the streete called The Soca of the Iewes.

* * * * *

Notes concerning the trade in Alexandria.

Alexandria in Egypt is a free port, and when a man commeth within the
castles, presently the Ermyn sends aboord to haue one come and speake with
him to know what goods are aboord: and then hee will set guards aboord the
ship to see all the goods discharged. And then from the Ermin you goe to
the Bye, [Marginal note: This is another officer.] onely for that he will
inquire newes of you, and so from thence to the Consuls house where you
lie. The Venetians haue a Consul themselues. But all other nations goe to
the French nations Consul, who will giue you a chamber for your selues
apart, if you will so haue it.

The customs inward of all commodities are ten in the hundred, and the
custome is paid in wares also that you buy: for the same wares in barter
you pay also ten in the hundred, at the lading of the wares. [Marginal
note: Other smal customs you pay besides, which may be at two in the
hundred: and for Consulage you pay two in the hundred.] But if you sell for
mony, you pay no more custome but the ten aforesaid, and one and a halfe in
the hundred, which is for the custome of the goods you lade for the sayd
mony, for more custome you pay not. But for all the money you bring thither
you pay nothing for the custome of the same. And if you sell your wares for
mony, and with the same money buy wares, you pay but two in the hundred for
the custome thereof. And if you steale any custome, if it be taken, you pay
double custome for that you steale.

The weight of Alexandria is called Pois Forforeine, which is a kintal in
that place, which maketh at Marseils 109. li. of Marseils waight, at 15
ounces the pound, which is 103. li. of 16. ounces to the li. There is
another waight called Pois Gerrin, which is 150. li. of Marseils waight, by
which are sold all things to eate: but spice is sold by the former waight.

From Alexandria to Cairo is three daies journey, but you must take a
Ianissarie with you: and to go vp thither by water it is 8. dayes journey.
Roials of Spaine are currant mony there, and are the best money you can
cary. And 4. roials are worth 13. Medins, and 2. Medins, are 3. Aspers.
Pistolets and crownes of France and Dollers will goe, but of all Roials are

Rice is not permitted to goe out of the land, but is kept for a victuall.
But with a present to the Bye and Ermine some may passe.

All sortes of spices be garbled after the bargaine is made, and they be
Moores which you deale withall, which be good people and not ill disposed.
And after you be searched and haue leaue to passe, you must presently
depart out of the port, and if you doe not, they will search you againe.
And you must depart in the day, for in the night the castles will not
suffer you to depart. The duetie to the Consul is 2 in the hundred, for his
aide, and meate, and drinke and all. And the port of Alexandria is good
when one is within it with good ankers and cables. Silver is better currant
then gold in Alexandria, but both are good.

Commonly the Carauans come thither in October from Mecca to Cairo, and from
thence to Alexandria, where the merchants be that buy the spices, and
therefore the spices are brought most to Alexandria, where each Christian
nation remaineth at the Consuls houses. Yet oftentimes the Christians go vp
to Cairo to buy drugs and other commodities there, as they see cause. And
the commodities there vendible are all sorts of kersies, but the most part
blewes, and of clothes all colours except mingled colours and blacks.
Pepper is usually sold for 24. ducats the quintal, Ginger for 14. ducats.
You most take canuas to make bags to put your commoditie in from
Alexandria, for there is none. There is also fine flaxe, and good store of
Buffe hides.

* * * * *

A letter of the English ambassador to M. Edward Barton.

Master Barton I send you 3. commandements in Turkish, with a copy thereof
in English, to the ende our ships might not come in danger of breach of
league, if they should shoote at the gallies of those of Algier, Tunis, and
Tripolis in the West: which after you haue shewed the Bassas, receiue
againe into your hands, and see them registred, and then deliuer one of
them to our friend M. Tipton, and the like you are to do with the priuilege
which you cary with you, and see them iointly registered in the Cadies
booke, deliuering the copy of the said priuilege sealed by the Cadi, also
to the sayd our friend M. Tipton, taking a note of his hand for the receipt
thereof, and for deliuerie at all times to vs or our assignes. And require
them in her maiesties and the grand Signors name, that they will haue our
ships passing too and fro vnder licence and safeconduct for recommended in
friendly maner. Touching your proceedings in Tripolis with Romadan, as I
haue not receiued any aduise thereof, since your departure, so must I leaue
you to God and my former direction. The ship patronised of Hassan Rayes,
which you wrote to be ours, prooued to be a Catalonian. As for ours, by
report of that Hassan and other Iewes in his ship, it was affirmed to be
sold to the Malteses, which with the rest you are to receiue there. And
hauing ended these affaires and registred our priuilege, and these three
commandements, in Tripolis, Tunis, and Alger, I pray you make speedy
returne, and for that which may be recouered, make ouer the same either to
Richard Rowed for Patrasso in Morea, or otherwise hither to Iohn Bate in
the surest maner you may, if the registring of that your priuilege and
these commandements will not suffer you in person to returne with the same.
From my mansion Rapamat in Pera this 24. of Iune 1584.

* * * * *

The commaundement obtained of the Grand Signior by her Maiesties ambassador
M. Wil. Hareborne, for the quiet passing of her subiects to and from his
dominions, sent in An. 1584 to the Viceroyes of Algier, Tunis, and
Tripolis in Barbary.

To our Beglerbeg of Algier.

We certifie thee by this our commandement, that the right honorable Will.
Hareborne ambassador to the Queenes maiestie of England hath signified vnto
vs, that the ships of that countrey in their comming and returning to and
from our Empire, on the one part of the Seas haue the Spaniards,
Florentines, Sicilians, and Malteses, on the other part our countreis
committed to your charge: which abouesaid Christians will not quietly
suffer their egresse and regresse, into, and out of our dominions, but doe
take and make the men captiues, and forfeit the shippes and goods, as the
last yeere the Maltese did one, which they tooke at Gerbi, and to that end
do continually lie in wait for them to their destruction, whereupon they
are constrained to stand to their defence at any such time as they might
meet with them. Wherefore considering by this means they must stand vpon
their guard, when they shall see any gallie afarre off, whereby if meeting
with any of your gallies and not knowing them, in their defence they do
shoot at them, and yet after when they doe certainly know them, do not
shoote any more, but require to passe peaceably on their voiage, which you
would deny, saying, the peace is broken because you haue shot at vs, and so
make prize of them contrary to our priuileges, and against reason: for the
preuenting of which inconuenience the said ambassadour hath required this
our commaundement. We therefore command thee, that vpon sight hereof thou
doe not permit any such matter in any sort whatsoeuer, but suffer the sayd
Englishmen to passe in peace according to the tenour of our commandement
giuen, without any disturbance or let by any meanes vpon the way, although
that meeting with thy gallies, and not knowing them afarre off, they taking
them for enemies should shoote at them, yet shall you not suffer them to
hurt them therefore, but quietly to passe. Wherefore looke thou that they
may haue right, according to our priuilege giuen them, and finding any that
absenteth himself, and wil not obey this our commandement, presently
certify vs to our porch, that we may giue order for his punishment, and
with reverence giue faithfull credite to this our commandement, which
hauing read, thou shalt againe returne it vnto them that present it. From
our palace in Constantinople, the 1. of Iune 1584.

* * * * *

A letter of the honorable M. Wil. Hareborne her maiesties ambass. with the
grand Signior to M. Tipton, appointing him Consul of the English in
Algier, Tunis, and Tripolis of Barbarie.

Master Tipton, I haue receiued among others, yours of the 10. of Nouember
1584. by Soliman Sorda, certifying the receipt of mine of the 24. of Iune
1584. with the 3. commandements, which not being registred, let it now be
done. Where you write the force of the priuilege to be broken by our ships
in shooting, and therefore be lawfully taken, you are deceiued, for of
those taken in then, hath the grand Signior now deliuered vs free, Wil.
Moore, and Rob. Rawlings, and further promised the rest in like case,
wheresoeuer they be, and that hereafter no violence shalbe shewed,
considering ours be merchants ships which go peaceably in their voiage, and
were ignorant of the orders of Algier, neither knew afar off, whether they
were friends or the Christians gallies in league with vs, of whom they most
doubted, who not suffring our ships to come into these parts, wil make
prize of the goods and captiue the men, so as they are not to let them come
nigh them: and since ours haue not done contrary to the articles of the
same priuilege, wherein is no order for Algier prescribed vs, as both by
the originall now sent vs, and also by the copy now sent you from London
you may perceiue, they according to right are as abouesaid to be set free,
and their goods restored, which if it be not there accomplished as the
grand Signior hath now commanded, and most faithfully promised, neither yet
in case of their denial, those offenders punished here, and our injuries
redressed, we are to demand our Congie, and command our merchants her
maiesties subiects, to end their traffike here, which in our countrey
commodities is prooued and found by the great Signior to be so beneficial
to his countries as we are assured so well thereof, as also for the honor
which his ancestors neuer had of friendship with so mighty a prince as is
her maiesty, he wil not but maintaine the faith promised her, and the
intercourse in due force. And where you say that the grand Signor his
letters, in the behalf of the French, were no more accepted there, then of
a mean man, nor tooke no place, that is not material to vs, our letters are
after another sort much more effectuall. For our case and theirs be found
far different, in that they be not onely now out of fauour with him, but
also the commodities which they bring hither, as sugar, paper, bracelets,
ropes of bast, almonds, &c., all which may be here wel spared, and we
contrarily so wel esteemed, as he neuer denied vs any thing since our
comming demanded, which neither their ambassador, nor the Venetian could
haue here, and therefore we rest perswaded, knowing the wisdom of the
Beglebeg, who is aduised by his friends from hence, of this our credite
with his master, he wil so respect his commandements, as to accomplish the
tenor thereof according to our desire. And where you say that the Ianizers
rule all there, I know right wel that if things be not done as the grand
Signior commandeth, his lieutenant must answer it. And therefore I am fully
perswaded if he doe what he may they dare not resist him, for if they
should, those rebels should not be vnpunished of the grand Signior. And
though they speake their pleasures among themselues there, yet they be not
so brutish, but they wel consider that their master the grand Signior may
not be gainsaid or mocked of any. For vpon his word dependeth the life or
death euen of the chiefest, as I have seene since my comming hither. So
whatsoever these Ianizaries say, they will be better aduised in their
deedes then to withstand their Viceroy, if he himselfe wil vse his lawfull
power, which if hee doe not, hee cannot purge himselfe here of their euill
proceedings against the grand Signiors friends: for the feet may not rule
the bodie, but contrarywise, the head, the feete, and all the rest of the
members. And for that neither for feare, affection or otherwise you omit as
a faithfull true subiect to her maiestie to do your dutie, I do by my
warrant going herewith charge you, and in her maiesties name, to the
vttermost to vse your good and faithfull endeuour, as becommeth a true
subiect, and in all things that may concerne her maiesties good seuice,
assisting the Chaus with the rest of our messengers in counsel, trauel, and
what els shall be thought requisite for your good discharge of your duetie.
And to the end you may boldly proceed herein as also for the good opinion
sir Edward Osborne and the company haue of you, and I no lesse perswaded of
youre wisedome, vpright dealing, and good experience in those parts, do
send you herewith the grand Signiors and our patents for exercising the
office of Consul there, in Tripolis and Tunis: by virtue of which
authoritie you may without feare proceed as the office doeth chalenge in
defence of our priuilege, to redresse all iniuries offred our nation. Which
if you cannot get reformed there of the Beglerbies vpon your complaint, I
thereof aduertised, shal doe it here, and to the vttermost maintaine you in
al rightful causes whatsoeuer, doubt you not. And hereafter according to
your aduise, I wil and doe giue our ships order not to fight with any
gallies of Alger, but to hoise out their skiffe and go aboord to shew them
their safeconduct, and to present the captain with a garment, and you there
in such like case are to take order that they do not forceably take any
thing from them. [Sidenote: The Inuentorie of our ships and goods sunke and
taken by the gallies of Alger.] Nothing doubting but the Viceroy (whose
friendship in her maiesties behalfe I desire) will not onely performe the
same your iust request, and according to right, restore to libertie our men
since the priuilege taken, but also cause those that tooke and sunke our
ships to answere the value, which I haue set down truly, and rather with
the least in the Inuentorie translated into Turkish, whereof the inclosed
is the copy in English, which I send to the end you may be the better
informed of my demand by this our Chaus Mahomet, with whom in all things
you are to conferre of matters expedient, for the honor of her maiesties
countrey, and the commoditie, and libertie of poore captiues, which if the
Viceroy do wel consider, according to his wisdome, as the grand Signior
doeth thereof, he shal wel perceiue it not onely a great honour to his
master as aforesaid, to continue this amitie with her maiestie, but chiefly
to the whole estate of his kingdom exceeding profitable, which by this
means shall be abundantly serued with the chiefest commodities they want,
with many other things of more importance to the grand Signior his
contentation, not herein to be mentioned. For I know the Viceroies
experienced wisdom can wel consider thereof, in such sort as he wil not
deny to accomplish his masters commandement, and our earnest request in so
small a matter as this we require, whereof I expect no refusall: for
thereby he shall increase his honor with the grand Signior, be in credite
with her maiestie, be void of trouble which hereafter by future suite
against him may happen, and his gallies free of such doubtful issue as
doeth chance, fighting with our ships. Which, as it is well knowen to all
the world, haue so great hearts as neuer cowardly to yeeld to their
enemies. And that therefore in that respect (after the prouerbe, like
esteeme of their like) they are the more of such a valiant prince as is
their Viceroy and his couragious souldiers to be in all friendship
cherished and better esteemed. If the captaine Bassa had bene returned from
Capha, I would in like maner haue procured his letters, which for that he
is not, I doubt nothing but that the grand Signiors will suffise. Thus
commending your selfe and these proceedings to the almighty his merciful
direction, I bid you most heartily wel to fare. From my mansion Rapamat
nigh Pera, this 30. of March, 1585.

* * * * *

Series vel registrum valoris nauium, bonorum, et hominum per triremes
Argerienses ereptorum, vna cum captiuorum hominum nominibus, Beglerbego
Argeriensi Hassano.

1 Salomon de Plimmouth habuit 36. homines, onerata cum sale, onere
trecentorum doliorum, valore Florenorum 5600.

2 Elizabetha de Garnesey cum decem hominibus Anglis, reliquis Britonibus,
valore Florenorum 2000.

3 Maria Martin de London onere centum et triginta doliorum, rectore Thoma
More cum triginta quinque hominibus, reuertens de Patrasso cum mandato
Caesareo, valore Florenorum 1400.

4 Elizabeth Stokes de London, rectore Dauid Fillie de London, Patrassum
veniens cum mandato Caesareo: huius praecipuus valor erat in talleris
numeratis, quos habuit Richardus Gibben, qui adduxit etiam Serenissimae
Reginae: maiestatis literas Caesari et oratori. Valor reliquus in mercibus
vna cum superiori in talleris, effecit Florenorum 21500.

5 Nicolaus de London, rectore Thoma Forster, onerata cum vuis siccis,
valore Florenorum 4800.

In tempore Romadan Beglerbegi Argirae spoliatae et ereptae naues, merces,
et homines.

1 Iudith de London, rectore Iacobo Beare, cum hominibus 24. valore
Florenorum 3100.

2 Iesus de London, rectore Andraea Dier, cum 21. hominibus. Valorem huius
et 14. homines, reliquis mortuis, reddidit Romadan Bassa Tripolitanus
Secretario legati, Edwardo Barten, valore Florenorum 9000.

Nomina hominum mancipatorum et viuentium tunc temporis, quando Caesar
illustrissimus, et dominus Orator Chauseum Mahumetem miserunt Algiram.

1 Ante foedus initum in naue Peter de Bristow. Iohn Winter, Robert Barton.

2 In naue Swallow de London. Rich. Crawford, Anthony Eluers, Wil. Rainolds.

Post foedus initum in naue Britona. Iames Yoong.

1 In naue Rabnet de Hampton. Thomas Lisney.

1 In naue Salomon. Iohn Tracie, Wil. Griffith, Wil. Cocke.

1 In naue Elizabeth. Iohn Woodward, Giles Naper, Leonard Iames, Oliuer
Dallimore, and Richard Maunsell.

2 In naue Maria Martin. Thomas Moore, Wil. White, Wil. Palmer, Nich. Long,
Peter March, Rich. Haslewood, Wil. Dewly, Wil. Cowel, Iohn Franke, Henry
Parker, Iohn Cauendish, Moises Robinson, Iames Sotherich, Henry Howel,
Nich. Smith, Henry Ragster, Rich. Dauison, Rich. Palmer.

3 In naue Elizabeth Stokes. Dauid Fillie, Walter Street, Laurence Wilkins,
Morgan Dauis, Iohn Quinte, Ambrose Harison, Iohn Peterson, Tristram Vois,
Roger Ribbe.

4 In naue Nicholas, Thomas Forster rector nauis et eius nautae.

* * * * *

To Assan Aga, Eunuch and Treasurer to Hassan Bassa king of Alger, which
Assan Aga was the sonne of Fran. Rowlie of Bristow merchant, taken in the

I receiued your letters of Will. Hamor gentleman my seruant very
thankfully, aswel for the feruant faith that by his report I heare you haue
in our lord Iesus Christ, by whose onely merits and bloodshedding, you
together with vs and all other good Christians so truly beleeuing, shalbe
saued, as also for your faithfull obedience like a true subiect to her
Maiestie, naturally louing your countrey and countreymen, declared in your
fauourable furtherance of the said Wil. Hamore, procuring their redemption.
Of which your good and vertuous actions, as I reioice to vnderstand, so wil
I impart the same to your singuler commendation, both to our mistresse her
Maiestie, and her most honorable counsellors the nobilitie of England, to
whom assure your selfe the report shalbe very welcome. And now this second
time I am inforced by duetie to God and her maiesty, as also by the smal
regard your master had of the Grand Signors former commandements, to
complaine vnto him, though not so vehemently as I had occasion by his most
vnworthy answer. But I hope, and the rather by your means, he will not
contrary this second commandement, threatning him, not obseruing the same,
losse of office and life. The due execution whereof by your vertuous and
careful industry procured, wil manifest to all the world, especially to her
maiesty, and me her ambassador, your true Christian mind and English heart,
intentiuely bent to Gods honor, and the libertie of the poore men, for
which I trust you be ordained another Ioseph, to folow his example in true
pietie, in such sort that notwithstanding your body be subiect to Turkish
thraldom, yet your vertuous mind free from those vices, next vnder God
addict to the good seruice of your liege Lady and soueraigne princes, her
most excellent maiesty, wil continually seeke by all good meanes to
manifest the same in this and the like faithful seruice to your singuler
commendation, wherby both my selfe and others in that place hauing found
you in all good offices faithfully affectionated, may in like case performe
the like towards you, when and where you may haue occasion to vse me: which
as I for my part do assuredly promise, and wil no lesse faithfully
performe: so accordingly I expect herein, and hereafter the like of you,
whom most heartily saluted I commend to the diuine tuition and holy
direction. From my house Rapamar, this 28. of June 1586.

Your louing and good friend her Maiesties Ambassador with the Grand Signor,

Wil. Hareborne.

* * * * *

The originall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco
in Barbarie, begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of
London, whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam, as appeareth by
this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie, to the worshipfull master
Michael Locke, which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first
inuentor of this trade.

Worshipful Sir, hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute
the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai, if therein with my knowledge,
trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice, I am readie to doe it and
therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point. Trueth it is, that I
haue bene by some men (not my friends) euill spoken of at London, saying
that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and
Cosmographie, and that I haue bene the inuentor of some voyages that be now
growen to great effect; yet say they maliciously and without iust cause,
that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that
I haue taken in hand, taking example especially of two voyages. The one was
when I was master in the great Barke Aucher of the Leuant, in which voyage
I went not, but the causes they did not know of my let from the same, nor
of the other. But first the very trueth is, that I was from the same voyage
letted by the Princes letters, which my Master Sebastian Gabota had
obtained for that purpose, to my great griefe. And as touching the second
voyage which I inuented for the trade of Barbarie, the liuing God knoweth
that I say most true, that when the great sweate was, (whereon the chiefe
of those with whom I ioyned in that voyage died, that is to say, Sir Iohn
Lutterell, Iohn Fletcher, Henry Ostrich and others) I my selfe was also
taken with the same sweate in London, and after it, whether with euill diet
in keeping, or how I know not, I was cast into such an extreame feuer, as I
was neither able to ride nor goe: and the shippe being at Portesmouth,
Thomas Windam had her away from thence, before I was able to stand vpon my
legges, by whom I lost at that instant fourescore pound. Besides I was
appointed by them that died (if they had liued) to haue had the whole
gouernment both of shippe and goods, because I was to them the sole
inuenter of that trade.

In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores, being noblemen,
whereof one was of the Kings blood, conuayed by the said Master Thomas
Windham into their Countrey out of England,

Yours humble at your commandement,

Iames Alday.

* * * * *

The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552. Set foorth by the right
worshipfull Sir Iohn Yorke, Sir William Gerard, Sir Thomas Wroth, Master
Frances Lambert, Master Cole and others; Written by the relation of
Master Iames Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chiefe Captaine of
this voyage.

The shippes that went on this voyage were three, whereof two were of the
Riuer of Thames, That is to say, the Lyon of London, whereof Master Thomas
Windham was Captaine and part owner, of about an hundred and fiftie tonnes:
The other was the Buttolfe about fourescore tunnes, and a Portugall Carauel
bought of certaine Portugals in Newport in Wales, and fraightened for this
voyage, of summe sixtie tunnes. The number of men in the Fleete were an
hundred and twentie. The Master of the Lyon was one Iohn Kerry of Mynhed in
Somersetshire, his Mate was Dauid Landman. The chiefe Captaine of this
small Fleete was Master Thomas Windham a Norffolke gentlemen borne, but
dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire. This Fleete departed out of
King-rode neere Bristoll about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Munday
in the morning: and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in the euening came
to an ancker at their first port in the roade of Zafia, or Asafi on the
coast of Barbarie, standing in 32. degrees of latitude, and there put on
land part of our Marchandise to be conueied by land to the citie of
Marocco: which being done, and hauing refreshed our selues with victuals
and water, we went to the second port called Santa Cruz, where we
discharged the rest of our goods, being good quantitie of linnen and
woollen cloth, corall, amber, Iet, and diuers other things well accepted of
the Moores. In which road we found a French ship, which not knowing whether
it were warre or peace betweene England and France, drewe her selfe as
neere vnder the towne wals as she could possible, crauing aide of the towne
for her defence, if need were, which in deed seeing vs draw neere, shot at
vs a piece from the wals, which came ouer the Lion our Admirall, between
the maine mast and her foremast. [Sidenote: The English were at Santa Cruz
the yere before being 1551.] Whereupon we comming to an anker, presently
came a pinnes aboord vs to know what we were, who vnderstanding that we had
bene there the yere before, and came with the good leaue of their king in
marchant wise, were fully satisfied, and gaue vs good leaue to bring our
goods peaceably on shore, where the Viceroy, whose name was Sibill Manache,
within short time after came to visite vs, and vsed vs with all curtesie.
But by diuers occasions we spent here very neere three moneths before we
could get in our lading, which was Sugar, Dates, Almonds, and Malassos or
sugar Syrrope. And for all our being here in the heate of the Sommer, yet
none of our company perished by sicknesse. Our ships being laden, we drew
into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England. But being at sea, a great
leake fell vpon the Lion, so that we were driuen to Lancerota, and
Forteuentura, where, betweene the two Ilands, we came to a road, whence wee
put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chests of Sugar vpon Lancerota, with
some dozen or sixteene of our company, where the inhabitants supposing we
had made a wrongfull prize of our carauell, suddenly came with force vpon
our people, among whom I my selfe was one, tooke vs prisoners, and spoiled
the sugars: which thing being perceiued from our ships, they manned out
three boates, thinking to rescue vs, and draue the Spaniards to flight,
whereof they slew eighteene, and tooke their gouernour of the Iland
prisoner, who was a very aged gentleman about 70 yeeres of age. But chasing
the enemies so farre, for our recouerie, as pouder and arrowes wanted, the
Spaniardes perceiuing this, returned, and in our mens retire they slew sixe
of them. Then a Parle grew, in the which it was agreed, that we the
prisoners should be by them restored, and they receiue their olde
gouernour, giuing vs a testimonie vnder his and their hands, what damages
wee had there receiued, the which damages were here restored, and made good
by the king of Spaine his marchants vpon our returne into England. After
wee had searched and mended our leake, being returned aboord, we came vnder
saile, and as wee were going to the sea on the one side of the Iland, the
Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the
other, and came to anker in the road from whence we were but newly
departed, and shot off their great ordinance in our hearing. And here by
the way it is to bee vnderstood that the Portugals were much offended with
this our new trade into Barbarie, and both in our voiage the yeere before,
as also in this they gaue out in England by their marchants, that if they
tooke vs in those partes, they would vse vs as their mortall enemies, with
great threates and menaces. But by God and good prouidence wee escaped
their hands. From this Iland shaping our coast for England, we were seuen
or eight weekes before we could reach the coast of England. The first port
wee entered into was the hauen of Plimmouth, from whence within short time
wee came into the Thames, and landed our marchandise at London, about the
ende of the moneth of October, 1552.

* * * * *

A voiage made out of England vnto Guinea and Benin in Affrike, at the
charges of certaine marchants Aduenturers of the Citie of London, in the
yeere of our Lord 1553.

I was desired by certaine of my friends to make some mention of this
Voiage, that some memorie thereof might remaine to our posteritie, if
either iniquitie of time consuming all things, or ignorance creeping in by
barbarousness and contempt of knowledge should hereafter bury in obliuion
so woorthie attempts, so much the greatlier to bee esteemed, as before
neuer enterprised by Englishmen, or at the least so frequented, as at this
present they are, and may bee, to the great commoditie of our marchants, if
the same be not hindered by the ambition of such, as for the conquering of
fortie or fiftie miles here and there, and erecting of certaine fortresses,
thinke to be Lordes of half the world, enuying that other should enioy the
commodities, which they themselues cannot wholly possesse. And although
such as haue bene at charges in the discouering and conquering of such
landes ought by good reason to haue certaine priuileges, preheminences, and
tributes for the same, yet (to speake vnder correction) it may seeme
somewhat rigorous, and agaynst good reason and conscience, or rather
agaynst the charitie that ought to be among Christian men, that such as
inuade the dominions of other should not permit other friendly to vse the
trade of marchandise in places neerer, or seldome frequented of them,
whereby their trade is not hindered in such places, where they themselues
haue at their owne election appointed the Martes of their traffike. But
forasmuch as at this present it is not my intent to accuse or defend,
approoue or improoue, I will cease to speake any further hereof, and
proceed to the description of the first voyage, as briefly and faithfully
as I was aduertised of the same, by the information of such credible
persons, as made diligent inquisition to know the trueth thereof, as much
as shall be requisite, omitting to speake of many particular things, not
greatly necessarie to be knowen: which neuerthelesse, with also the exact
course of the navigation, shall be more fully declared in the second
voiage. And if herein fauour or friendship shall perhaps cause some to
thinke that some haue bene sharply touched, let them lay apart fauour and
friendship, and giue place to trueth, that honest men may receiue prayse
for well doing, and lewd persons reproch, as the iust stipend of their
euill desertes, whereby other may be deterred to doe the like, and vertuous
men encouraged to proceed in honest attempts.

But that these voyages may be more plainly vnderstood of all men, I haue
thought good for this purpose, before I intreat hereof, to make a briefe
description of Africa, being that great part of the world, on whose West
side beginneth the coast of Guinea at Cabo Verde, about twelue degrees in
latitude, on this side the Equinoctiall line, and two degrees in longitude
from the measuring line, so running from the North to the South, and by
East in some places, within 5, 4, and 3 degrees and a halfe vnto the
Equinoctiall, and so foorth in maner directly East and by North, for the
space of 36 degrees or thereabout, in longitude from the West to the East,
as shall more plainly appeare in the description of the second voyage.

A briefe description of Afrike gathered by Richard Eden.

In Africa the lesse are these kingdoms: the kingdom of Tunis and
Constantina, which is at this day under Tunis, and also the region of
Bugia, Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Afrike is very barren by reason of
the great deserts, as the deserts of Numidia and Barca. The principall
ports of the kingdome of Tunis are these: Goletta, Bizerta, Potofarnia,
Bona, and Stora. The chiefe cities of Tunis are Constantina and Bona, with
diuers other. Vnder this kingdom are many Ilands, as Zerbi, Lampadola,
Pantalarea, Limoso, Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta, where at this present is the
great master of the Rhodes. Vnder the South of this kingdom are the great
deserts of Lybia. All the nations in this Africa the lesse are of the sect
of Mahomet, and a rusticall people, liuing scattred in villages. The best
of this part of Afrike is Barbaria lying on the coast of the sea

Mauritania (now called Barbaria) is diuided into two parts, as Mauritania
Tingitana, and Caesariensis. Mauritania Tingitania is now called the
kingdom of Fes, and the kingdom of Marocco. The principall citie of Fes
is called Fessa: and the chiefe citie of Marocco is named Marocco.

Mauritania Caesariensis is at this day called the kingdom of Tremisen, with
also the citie called Tremisen or Telensin. This region is full of deserts,
and reacheth to the Sea Mediterraneum, to the citie of Oram, with the port
of Mersalquiber. The kingdom of Fes reacheth vnto the Ocean Sea, from the
West to the citie of Argilla: and the port of the sayd kingdom is called

The kingdom of Marocco is also extended aboue the Ocean Sea, vnto the citie
of Azamor and Azafi, which are vpon the Ocean Sea, toward the West of the
sayd kingdom. Nere Mauritania Tingitana (that is to say, by the two
kingdoms of Fes, and Marocco) are in the Sea, the Ilands of Canarie, called
in old time, The fortunate Ilands. Toward the south of this region is the
kingdom of Guinea, with Senega, Ialofo, Gambra, and many other regions of
the Blacke Moores, called Aethiopians or Negros all which are watered with
the riuer Negro, called in old time Niger. In the sayd regions are no
cities, but onely certaine lowe cottages made of boughes of trees,
plastered with chalke, and couered with strawe. In these regions are also
very great deserts.

The kingdom of Marocco hath vnder it these seuen kingdoms: Hea, Sus,
Guzula, the territorie of Marrocca, Duccala, Hazchora, and Tedle. The
kingdom of Fes hath as many: as Fes, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, Errif, Garet,
and Elcair. The kingdom of Tremisen hath these regions: Tremisen, Tenez,
and Elgazair, all which are Machometists. But all the regions of Guinea are
pure Gentiles, and idolatrous, without profession of any religion, or other
knowledge of God, then by the law of nature.

Africa the great is one of the three parts of the world, knowen in old
time, and seuered from Asia, on the East by the riuer Nilus, on the West
from Europe by the pillars of Hercules. The hither part is now called
Barbarie, and the people Moores. The inner part is called Lybia and
Aethiopia. Afrike the lesse is in this wise bounded: On the West it hath
Numidia; On the East Cyrenaica: On the North, the sea called Mediterraneum.
In this countrey was the noble city of Carthage.

In the East side of Afrike beneath the red sea, dwelleth the great and
mighty Emperour and Christian king Prester Iohn, well knowen to the
Portugales in their voyages to Calicut. His dominions reach very farre on
euery side: and hath vnder him many other Kings both christian and heathen
that pay him tribute. This mightie prince is called Dauid the Emperour of
Aethiopia. Some write that the king of Portugall sendeth him yeerely eight
ships laden with marchandize. His kingdom confineth with the red Sea, and
reacheth far into Afrike toward Aegypt and Barbarie. Southward it confineth
with the Sea toward the Cape de Bona Speranza: and on the other side with
the sea of sand, called Mare de Sabione, a very dangerous sea lying between
the great citie of Alcair, or Cairo in Aegypt, and the country of
Aethiopia: In the which way are many vnhabitable deserts, continuing for
the space of fiue dayes iourney. And they affirme, that if the sayd
Christian Emperour were not hindered by those deserts (in the which is
great lacke of victuals, and especially of water) he would or now haue
inuaded the kingdom of Egypt, and the citie of Alcair. The chiefe city of
Ethiopia, where this great emperor is resident, is called Amacaiz, being a
faire citie, whose inhabitants are of the colour of an Oliue. There are
also many other cities, as the city of Saua vpon the riuer of Nilus, where
the Emperour is accustomed to remaine in the Sommer season. There is
likewise a great city named Barbaregaf, and Ascon, from whence it is said
that the Queene of Saba came to Hierusalem to heare the wisedom of Salomon.
This citie is but litle, yet very faire, and one of the chiefe cities in
Ethiope. In this prouince are many exceeding high mountains, vpon the which
is said to be the earthly paradise: and some say that there are the trees
of the Sunne and Moone, whereof the antiquitie maketh mention: yet that
none can passe thither by reason of great deserts of an hundred daies
iourney. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Bona Speranza. And to
haue said thus much of Afrike it may suffice.

The first voiage to Guinea and Benin.

In the yeere of our Lord 1553. the twelfth day of August, sailed from
Portsmouth two goodly ships, the Primerose and the Lion, with a pinnas
called the Moone, being all well furnished aswell with men of the lustiest
sort, to the number of seuen score, as also with ordinance and victuals
requisite to such a voiage: hauing also two captaines, the one a stranger
called Anthonie Anes Pinteado, a Portugall, borne in a towne named The Port
of Portugall, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who for his cunning in
sailing, being as well an expert Pilot as a politike captaine, was sometime
in great fauour with the king of Portugall, and to whom the coasts of
Brasile and Guinea were committed to be kept from the Frenchmen, to whom he
was a terrour on the Sea in those parts, and was furthermore a gentleman of
the king his masters house. But as fortune in maner neuer fauoureth but
flattereth, neuer promiseth but deceiueth, neuer raiseth but casteth downe
againe: and as great wealth and fauour haue alwaies companions, emulation
and enuie, he was after many aduersities and quarels made against him,
inforced to come into England: where in this golden voyage he was euil
matched with an vnequal companion, and vnlike match of most sundry
qualities and conditions, with vertues few or none adorned. Thus departed
these noble ships vnder saile on their voyage: But first captaine Windam
putting forth of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head
marchants, and shewing herein a muster of the tragicall partes hee had
conceiued in his braine, and with such small beginnings nourished so
monstrous a birth, that more happy, yea and blessed was that yong man being
left behind, then if he had bene taken with them, as some do wish he had
done the like by theirs. Thus sailed they on their voyage, vntill they came
to the Iland of Madera, where they tooke in certaine wines for the store of
their ships, and paid for them as they agreed of the price. At these Ilands
they met with a great Galion of the king of Portugall, full of men and
ordinance: yet such as could not haue preuailed if it had attempted to
withstand or resist our ships, for the which cause it was set foorth, not
onely to let and interrupt these our shippes of their purposed voiage, but
al other that should attempt the like: yet chiefly to frustrate our voiage.
For the king of Portugall was sinisterly informed, that our ships were
armed to his castle of Mina in those parties, whereas nothing lesse was

After that our ships departed from the Iland of Madera forward on their
voiage, began this worthy captaine Pinteados sorow, as a man tormented with
the company of a terrible Hydra, who hitherto flattred with him, and made
him a faire countenance and shew of loue. Then did he take vpon him to
command all alone, setting nought both by captain Pinteado, and the rest of
the marchants factors, sometimes with opprobrious words, and sometimes with
threatnings most shamfully abusing them, taking from Pinteado the seruice
of the boies and certain mariners that were assigned him by the order and
direction of the worshipful merchants, and leauing him as a common mariner,
which is the greatest despite and grief that can be to a Portugale or
Spaniard, to be diminished of their honor, which they esteem aboue all
riches. Thus sailing forward on their voiage, they came to the Ilands of
Canarie, continuing their course from thence vntil they arriued at the
Iland of S. Nicholas, where they victualled themselues with fresh meat, of
the flesh of wild goats, whereof is great plenty in that Iland, and in
maner of nothing els. From hence following on their course and tarying here
and there at the desert Ilands in the way, because they would not come too
timely to the countrey of Guinea for the heat, and tarying somewhat too
long (for what can be well ministred in a common wealth, where inequalitie
with tyrannie wil rule alone) they came at the length to the first land of
the country of Guinea, where they fel with the great riuer of Sesto, where
they might for their marchandizes haue laden their ships with the graines
of that countrey, which is a very hote fruit, and much like vnto a fig as
it groweth on the tree. For as the figs are full of small seeds, so is the
said fruit full of graines, which are loose within the cod, hauing in the
mids thereof a hole on euery side. This kind of spice is much vsed in cold
countries, and may there be sold for great aduantage, for exchange of other
wares. But our men, by the perswasion or rather inforcement of this
tragicall captaine, not regarding and setting light by that commoditie, in
comparison of the fine gold they thirsted, sailed an hundred leagues
further, vntil they came to the golden land: where not attempting to come
neere the castle pertaining to the king of Portugall, which was within the
riuer of Mina, they made sale of their ware only on this side and beyond
it, for the gold of that country, to the quantitie of an hundred and fiftie
pounds weight, there being in case that they might haue dispatched all
their ware for gold, if the vntame braine of Windam had, or could haue
given eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado. For when that Windam
not satisfied with the gold which he had, and more might haue had if he had
taried about the Mina, commanding the said Pinteado (for so he tooke vpon
him) to lead the ships to Benin, being vnder the Equinoctial line, and an
hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina, where he looked to haue their
ships laden with pepper: and being counselled of the said Pinteado,
considering the late time of the yeere, for that time to go no further, but
to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold, wherby they might
haue bene great gainers: Windam not assenting hereunto, fell into a sudden
rage, reuiling the sayd Pinteado, calling him Iew, with other opprobrious
words, saying, This whoreson Iew hath promised to bring vs to such places
as are not, or as he cannot bring vs vnto: but if he do not, I will cut off
his eares and naile them to the maste. Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell
to go no further for the safegard of the men and their liues, which they
should put in danger if they came too late, for the Rossia which is their
Winter, not for cold, but for smothering heate, with close and cloudie aire
and storming weather, of such putrifying qualitie, that it rotted the
coates of their backs: or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat
of the sunne, which caused them to linger in the way. [Sidenote: The king
of Benin his court.] But of force and not of will brought he the ships
before the riuer of Benin, where riding at an Anker, they sent their pinnas
vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues, from whence certaine of the marchants
with captaine Pinteado, Francisco, a Portugale, Nicholas Lambert gentleman,
and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained,
ten leagues from the riuer side, whither when they came, they were brought
with a great company to the presence of the king, who being a blacke Moore
(although not so blacke as the rest) sate in a great huge hall, long and
wide, the wals made of earth without windowes, the roofe of thin boords,
open in sundry places, like vnto louers to let in the aire.

And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king, it is
such, that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ, we should remooue
from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and

So it is therefore, that when his noble men are in his presence, they neuer
looke him in the face, but sit cowring, as we vpon our knees, so they vpon
their buttocks, with their elbowes vpon their knees, and their hands before
their faces, not looking vp vntil the king command them. And when they are
comming toward the king, as far as they do see him, they do shew such
reuerence, sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before.
Likewise when they depart from him, they turn not their backs toward him,
but goe creeping backward with like reuerence.

[Sidenote: The communication between the king of Benin and our men.] And
now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and
our men, you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the
Portugall tongue, which he had learned of a child. Therefore after he had
commanded our men to stand vp, and demanded of them the cause of their
comming into that countrey, they answered by Pinteado, that they were
marchants trauelling into those parties for the commodities of his
countrey, for exchange of wares which they had brought from their
countries, being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his
people. The king then hauing of old lying in a certaine store house 30 or
40 kintals of Pepper (euery kintall being an hundred weight) willed them to
looke vpon the same, and againe to bring him a sight of such marchandizes
as they had brought with them. [Sidenote: The kings gentlenes towards our
men. ] And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of
his men to conduct them to the waters side, with other to bring the ware
from the pinnas to the court. Who when they were returned and the wares
seen, the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes
the lading of al their ships with pepper. And in case their merchandizes
would not extend to the value of so much pepper, he promised to credite
them to their next returne, and thereupon sent the country round about to
gather pepper, causing the same to be brought to the court: So that within
the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper.

In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues, but eating
without measure of the fruits of the countrey, and drinking the wine of the
Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the
same, and in such extreme heate running continually into the water, and
vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations (then the which nothing
is more dangerous) were thereby brought into swellings and agues: insomuch
that the later time of the yeere comming on, caused them to die sometimes
three and sometimes 4 or 5 in a day. Then Windam perceiuing the time of the
30 daies to be expired, and his men dying so fast, sent to the court in
post to Captaine Pinteado, and the rest to come away and to tary no longer.
But Pinteado with the rest, wrote backe to him againe, certifying him of
the great quantity of pepper they had alreadie gathered, and looked daily
for much more: desiring him furthermore to remember the great praise and
name they should win, if they came home prosperously, and what shame of the
contrary. With which answere Windam not satisfied, and many of their men
dying dayly, willed and commaunded them againe either to come away
forthwith, or els threatened to leaue them behinde. When Pinteado heard
this answere, thinking to perswade him with reason, hee tooke his way from
the court toward the ships, being conducted thither with men by the kings

[Sidenote: The Death of Windham.] In the meane season Windam all raging,
brake vp Pinteados Cabin, brake open his chestes, spoiled such prouision of
cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health, and left
him nothing, neither of his instruments to saile by, nor yet of his
apparell: and in the meane time falling sicke, himselfe died also. Whose
death Pinteado comming aboord, lamented as much as if he had bene the
deerest friend he had in the world. [Sidenote: Pinteado euill vsed of the
mariners.] But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his
face, some calling him Iewe, saying that he had brought them thither to
kill them: and some drawing their swords at him, making a shew to slay him.
Then he perceiuing that they would needs away, desired them to tarry that
he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court, but
they would not grant this request. Then desired he them to giue him the
ship-boate, with as much of an old saile as might serue for the same,
promising them therwith to bring Nicholas Lambert and the rest into
England, but all was in vaine. [Sidenote: This Lambert was a Londiner
borne, whose father had bin Lord Maior of London.] Then wrote he a letter
to the court to the marchants, informing them of all the matter, and
promising them if God would lend him life to returne with all haste to
fetch them. And thus was Pinteado kept ashipboord against his will, thrust
among the boyes of the ship, not vsed like a man, nor yet like an honest
boy, but glad to find fauour at the cookes hand. Then departed they,
leauing one of their ships behind them, which they sunke for lacke of men
to cary her. [Sidenote: The death of Pinteado.] After this, within 6 or 7
dayes sayling, dyed also Pinteado for uery pensiuenesse and thought that
stroke him to the heart. A man worthy to serue any prince, and most vilely
vsed. And of seuenscore men came home to Plimmouth scarcely forty, and of
them many died. [Sidenote: Pinteado first perswaded our men to the voiage
of Guinea.] And that no man should suspect these words which I haue saide
in commendation of Pinteado, to be spoken vpon fauour otherwise then
trueth, I haue thought good to adde hereunto the copie of the letters which
the king of Portugall and the infant his brother wrote vnto him to
reconcile him, at such time as vpon the king his masters displeasure (and
not for any other crime or offence, as may appeare by the said letters) he
was only for pouertie inforced to come into England, where he first
perswaded our marchants to attempt the said voyages to Guinea. But as the
king of Portugall too late repented him that he had so punished Pinteado,
vpon malicious informations of such as enuied the mans good fortune: euen
so may it hereby appeare that in some cases euen Lions themselues may
either be hindered by the contempt, or aided by the helpe of the poore
mise, according vnto the fable of Esope.

* * * * *

The copie of Anthonie Anes Pinteado his letters patents, whereby the king
of Portugall made him knight of his house, after all his troubles and
imprisonment, which, by wrong information made to the king, he had
susteined of long time, being at the last deliuered, his cause knowen and
manifested to the king by a gray Friar the kings Confessor.

[Sidenote: Seven hundred reis are ten shillings. Alcayre is halfe a
bushell.] I the king doe giue you to vnderstand lord Francis Desseaso, one
of my counsell and ouerseer of my house, that in consideration of the good
seruice which Anthony Anes Pinteado, the sonne of Iohn Anes, dwelling in
the towne called the Port, hath done vnto me, my will and pleasure is, to
make him knight of my house, allowing to him in Pension seuen hundred reis
monethly, and euery day one alcayre of barly, as long as he keepeth a
horse, and to be paid according to the ordinance of my house. Prouiding
alwaies that he shall receiue but one marriage gift. And this also in such
condition, that the time which is accepted in our ordinance, forbidding
such men to marry for getting such children as might succeede them in this
allowance, which is 6 yeres after the making of this patent, shalbe first
expired before he do marry. I therfore command you to cause this to be
entred in the booke called the Matricula of our houshold, vnder the title
of knights. And when it is so entred, let the clarke of the Matricula, for
the certeintie therof, write on the backside of this Aluala, or patent, the
number of the leafe wherein this our grant is entred. Which done, let him
returne this writing vnto the said Anthonie Anes Pinteado for his warrant.

I Diego Henriques haue written this in Almarin the two and twentie day of
September, in the yeere of our Lord 1551. And this beneuolence the king
gaue vnto Anthonie Anes Pinteado, the fiue and twentie day of Iuly this
present yeere.


The Secretaries declaration written vnder the kings grant.

Your Maiestie hath vouchsafed, in respect and consideration of the good
seruice of Anthonie Anes Pinteado, dwelling in the port, and sonne of Iohn
Anes, to make him knight of your house, with ordinarie allowance, of seuen
hundred reis pension by the moneth, and one alcaire of barley by the day,
as long as he keepeth a horse: and to be paide according to the ordinance
of your house, with condition that hee shall haue but one marriage gift:
and that not within the space of sixe yeres after the making of these
letters Patents. The Secretaries note. Entred in the booke of the
Matricula. Fol. 683.

Francisco de Siquera.

The copie of the letter of Don Lewes the infant, and brother to the king of
Portugall, sent into England to Anthonie Anes Pinteado.

Anthony Anes Pinteado, I the infant brother to the king, haue me heartily
commended vnto you. Peter Gonsalues is gone to seeke you, desiring to bring
you home againe into your countrey. And for that purpose he hath with him a
safe conduct for you, granted by the king, that therby you may freely and
without all feare come home. And although the weather be foule and stormie,
yet faile not to come: for in the time that his Maiestie hath giuen you,
you may doe many things to your contentation and gratifying the king,
whereof I would be right glad: and to bring the same to passe, I will do
all that lieth in me for your profite. But forasmuch as Peter Gonsalues
will make further declaration hereof vnto you, I say no more at this
present. Written in Lisbone, the eight day of December. Anno 1552.

The infant Don Lewes.

All these foresaid writings I saw vnder seale, in the house of my friend
Nicholas Liese, with whom Pinteado left them, at his vnfortunate departing
to Guinea. But, notwithstanding all these friendly letters and faire
promises, Pinteado durst not attempt to goe home, neither to keepe companie
with the Portugals his countrey men, without the presence of other:
forasmuch as he had secrete admonitions that they intended to slay him, if
time and place might haue serued their wicked intent.

* * * * *

The second voyage to Guinea set out by Sir George Barne, Sir Iohn Yorke,
Thomas Lok, Anthonie Hickman and Edward Castelin, in the yere 1554. The
Captaine whereof was M. Iohn Lok.

As in the first voiage I haue declared rather the order of the history,
then the course of the nauigation, whereof at that time I could haue no
perfect information: so in the description of this second voyage, my chiefe
intent hath beene to shew the course of the same, according to the
obseruation and ordinarie custome of the mariners, and as I receiued it at
the handes of an expert Pilot, being one of the chiefe in this voyage, who
also with his owne handes wrote a briefe declaration of the same, as he
found and tried all things, not by coniecture, but by the art of sayling,
and instruments perteining to the mariners facultie. Not therefore assuming
to my selfe the commendations due vnto other, neither so bold as in any
part to change or otherwise dispose the order of this voyage so well
obserued by art and experience, I haue thought good to set forth the same,
in such sort and phrase of speech as is commonly vsed among them, and as I
receiued it of the said Pilot, as I haue said. Take it therefore as

[Sidenote: Robert Gainsh was master of the Iohn Euangelist.] In the yeere
of our Lord 1554 the eleuenth day of October, we departed the riuer of
Thames with three goodly ships, the one called the Trinitie, a ship of the
burden of seuenscore tunne, the other called the Bartholomew, a ship of the
burden of ninetie, the third was the Iohn Euangelist, a ship of seuen score
tunne. With the sayd ships and two pinnesses (wherof the one was drowned on
the coast of England) we went forward on our voyage, and stayed at Douer
fourteene dayes. We staied also at Rie three or foure dayes. Moreouer last
of all we touched at Dartmouth.

The first day of Nouember at nine of the clocke at night, departing from
the coast of England, we set off the Start, bearing Southwest all that
night in the sea, and the next day all day, and the next night after,
vntill the third day of the said moneth about noone, making our way good,
did runne threescore leagues.

The 17. day in the morning we had sight of the Ile of Madera, which doth
rise to him that commeth in the Northnortheast part vpright land in the
west part of it, and very high: and to the Southsoutheast a low long land,
and a long point, with a saddle thorow the middest of it, standing in two
and thirtie degrees: and in the West part, many springs of water running
downe from the mountaine, and many white fieldes like vnto corne fields,
and some white houses to the Southeast part of it: and the toppe of the
mountaine sheweth very ragged, if you may see it, and in the Northeast part
there is a bight or bay as though it were a harborow: Also in the said
part, there is a rocke a little distance from the shoare, and ouer the sayd
bight you shall see a great gappe in the mountaine.

The 19 day at twelue of the clocke we had sight of the isle of Palmes and
Teneriffa and the Canaries. The Ile of Palme riseth round, and lieth
Southeast and Northwest, and the Northwest part is lowest. In the South is
a round hill ouer the head land, and another round hill aboue that in the
land. There are between the Southeast part of the Ile of Madera and the
Northwest part of the Ile of Palme seuen and fifty leagues. This Isle of
Palme lieth in eight and twenty degrees. And our course from Madera to the
Ile of Palme was South and South and by West, so that we had sight of
Teneriffa and of the Canaries. The Southeast part of the Ile of the Palme,
and the Northnortheast of Teneriffa lie Southeast and Northwest, and
betweene them are 20 leagues. Teneriffa and the great Canary called Gran
Canaria, and the West part of Forteuentura stande in seuen and twenty
degrees and a halfe. Gomera is a faire Island but very ragged, and lieth
Westsouthwest off Teneriffa. And whosouer wil come betweene them two Ilands
must come South and by East, and in the South part of Gomera is a towne and
a good rode in the said part of the Iland: and it standeth in seuen and
twentie degrees and three terces. Teneriffa is an high land, with a great
high pike like a sugar loafe, and vpon the said pike is snow throughout all
the whole yeere. And by reason of that pike it may be knowen aboue all
other Ilands, and there we were becalmed the twentieth day of Nouember,
from sixe of the clocke in the morning, vntill foure of the clocke at

The two and twentieth day of Nouember, vnder the Tropike of Cancer the
Sunne goeth downe West and by South. Vpon the coast of Barbarie fiue and
twentie leagues by North Cape blanke, at three leagues off the maine, there
are fifteene fadomes and good shelly ground, and sande among and no
streames, and two small Ilands standing in two and twentie degrees and a

From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is an hundred leagues, and our course was
South and by East. The said Cape standeth in two and twentie and a halfe:
and all that coast is flatte, sixteene or seuenteene fadome deepe. Seuen or
eight leagues off from the riuer del Oro or Cape de las Barbas, there vse
many Spaniardes and Portugals to trade for fishing, during the moneth of
Nouember: and all that coast is very low lands. Also we went from Cape de
las Barbas Southsouthwest, and Southwest and by South, till we brought our
selues in twentie degrees and a halfe, reckoning our selues seuen leagues
off: and there were the least sholes of Cape Blanke.

Then we went South vntil we brought our selues in 13 degrees, reckoning our
selues fiue and twentie leagues off. And in 15 degrees we did reare the
Crossiers, and we might haue reared them sooner if we had looked for them.
They are not right a crosse in the moneth of Nouember, by reason that the
nights are short there. Neuertheless we had the sight of them the 29 day of
the said moneth at night.

The first of December, being in 13 degrees we set our course South and by
East, vntill the fourth day of December at 12 of the clocke the same day.
Then we were in nine degrees and a terce, rekoning our selues 30 leagues of
the sholes of the riuer called Rio Grande, being Westsouthwest off them,
the which sholes be 30 leagues long.

The fourth of December we beganne to set our course Southeast, we being in
sixe degrees and a halfe.

The ninth day of December we set our course Eastsoutheast: the fourteenth
day of the sayde moneth we set our course East, we being in fiue degrees
and a halfe, reckoning our selues thirty and sixe leagues from the coast of

The nineteenth of the said moneth we set our course East and by North,
reckoning our selues seuenteene leagues distant from Cape Mensurado, the
said Cape being Eastnortheast of vs, and the riuer of Sesto being East.

The one and twentieth day of the said moneth, we fell with Cape Mensurado
to the Southeast, about two leagues off. This Cape may be easily knowen, by
reason yet the rising of it is like a Porpose-head. Also toward the
Southeast there are three trees, whereof the Eastermost tree is the
highest, and the middlemost is like a hie stacke, and the Southermost like
vnto a gibet: and vpon the maine are foure or fiue high hilles rising one
after another like round hommocks or hillocks. And the Southeast of the
three trees, brandiernwise: and all the coast along is white sand. The said
Cape standeth within a litle in sixe degrees.

The two and twentieth of December we came to the riuer of Sesto, and
remained there vntill the nine and twentieth day of the said moneth. Here
we thought it best to send before vs the pinnesse to the riuer Dulce,
called Rio Dulce, that they might haue the beginning of the market before
the comming of the Iohn Euangelist.

At the riuer of Sesto we had a tunne of graines. This riuer standeth in
sixe degrees, lacking a terce. From the riuer of Sesto to Rio Dulce are
fiue and twentie leagues. Rio Dulce standeth in fiue degrees and a halfe.
The river of Sesto is easie to be knowen, by reason there is a ledge of
rockes on the Southeast part of the Rode. And at the entring into the hauen
are fiue or sixe trees that beare no leaues. The is a good harborow, but
very narow at the entrance into the riuer. There is also a rocke in the
hauens mouth right as you enter. And all that coast betweene Cape de Monte,
and cape de las Palmas, lieth Southeast and by East, Northwest and by West,
being three leagues off the shore. And you shal haue in some places rocks
two leagues off: and that, betweene the riuer of Sesto and cape de las

Betweene the riuer of Sesto and the riuer Dulce are fiue and twentie
leagues: and the high land that is betweene them both, is called Cakeado,
being eight leagues from the riuer of Sesto. And to the Southeastwarde of
it is a place called Shawgro, and another called Shyawe or Shauo, where you
may get fresh water. Off this Shyawe lieth a ledge of rockes: and to the
Southeastwarde lieth a hedland called Croke. Betweene Cakeado and Croke are
nine or ten leagues. To the Southeastward off, is a harborow called S.
Vincent: Right ouer against S. Vincent is a rocke vnder the water two
leagues and a halfe off the shore. To the Southeastward of that rocke you
shal see an island about three or foure leagues off: this island is not
past a league off the shore. To the Eastsoutheast of the island, is a rocke
that lieth aboue the water, and by that rocke goeth in the riuer Dulce,
which you shall know by the said riuer and rocke. The Northwest side of the
hauen is flat sand, and the Southeast side thereof is like an Island, and a
bare plot without any trees, and so is it not in any other place.

In the Rode you shall ride in thirteene or foureteene fadomes, good oaze
and sand, being the markes of the Rode to bring the Island and the
Northeast land together, and here we ankered the last of December.

The third day of Ianuarie, we came from the riuer Dulce.

Note that Cape de las Palmas is a faire high land, but some low places
thereof by the water side looke like red cliffes with white strakes like
hie wayes, a cable length a piece, and this is the East part of the cape.
This cape is the Southermost land in all the coast of Guinea, and standeth
in foure degrees and a terce.

The coast from Cape de las Palmas to Cape Trepointes, or de Tres Puntas, is
faire and cleare without rocke or other danger.

Twentie and fiue leagues from Cape de las Palmas, the land is higher then
in any place, vntill we come to Cape Trepointes: And about ten leagues
before you come to Cape Trepointes, the land riseth still higher and
higher, vntill you come to Cape Trepointes. Also before you come to the
said Cape, after other 5 leagues to the Northwest part of it, there is
certaine broken ground, with two great rockes, and within them in the bight
of a bay, is a castle called Arra, perteining to the king of Portugall. You
shall know it by the said rockes that lie off it: for there is none such
from Cape de las Palmas to Cape Trepointes. This coast lieth East and by
North, West and by South. From Cape de las Palmas to the said castle is
fourescore and fifteene leagues. And the coast lieth from the said castle
to the Westermost point of Trepoyntes, Southeast and by South, Northwest
and by North. Also the Westermost point of Trepoyntes is a low lande, lying
halfe a mile out in the sea: and vpon the innermost necke, to the
land-ward, is a tuft of trees, and there we arriued the eleuenth day of

The 12 day of Ianuary we came to a towne called Samma or Samua, being 8
leagues from Cape Trepointes toward Eastnortheast. Betweene Cape Trepointes
and the towne of Samua is a great ledge of rockes a great way out in the
sea. [Sidenote: The pledge was sir Iohn Yorke his Nephew.] We continued
foure dayes at that Towne, and the Captaine thereof would needs haue a
pledge a shore. But when they receiued the pledge, they kept him still, and
would trafficke no more, but shot off their ordinance at vs. They haue two
or three pieces of ordinance and no more.

The sixteenth day of the said month we made reckoning to come to a place
called Cape Corea, where captaine Don Iohn dwelleth, whose men entertained
vs friendly. This Cape Corea is foure leagues Eastwarde of the castle of
Mina, otherwise called La mina, or Castello de mina, where we arriued the
18 day of the month. [Sidenote: The castle of Mina perteining to the king
of Portugall.] Here we made sale of all our cloth, sauing two or three

The 26 day of the same moneth we weighed anker, and departed from thence to
the Trinitie, which was seuen leagues Eastward of vs, where she solde her
wares. Then they of the Trinitie willed vs to go Eastward of that eight or
nine leagues, to sell part of their wares, in a place called Perecow, and
another place named Perecow Grande, being the Eastermost place of both
these, which you shal know by a great round hill neere vnto it, named Monte
Rodondo, lying Westward from it, and by the water side are many high palme
trees. From hence did we set forth homeward the thirteenth day of February,
and plied vp alongst till we came within seuen or eight leagues to Cape
Trepointes. About eight of the clocke the 15 day at afternoone, wee did
cast about to seaward: and beware of the currants, for they will deceiue
you sore. Whosoeuer shall come from the coast of Mina homeward, let him be
sure to make his way good West, vntill he reckon himselfe as farre as Cape
de las Palmas, where the currant setteth alwayes to the Eastward. And
within twentie leagues Eastward of Cape de las Palmas is a riuer called De
los Potos, where you may haue fresh water and balast enough, and plenty of
iuory or Elephants teeth. This riuer standeth in foure degrees, and almost
two terces. [Sidenote: Cabo de las Palmas.] And when you reckon your selfe
as farre shot as Cape de las Palmas, being in a degree, or a degree and a
halfe, you may go West, and West by North, vntill you come in three
degrees: and then you may go Westnorthwest, and Northwest and by West,
vntill you come in fiue degrees, and then Northwest. And in sixe degrees,
we met Northerly windes, and great ruffling of tides. And as we could
iudge, the currants went to the Northnorthwest. Furthermore betweene Cape
de Monte, and Cape Verde, go great currants, which deceiue many men.

The 22 day of Aprill, we were in 8 degrees and two terces: and so we ran to
the Northwest, hauing the winde at Northeast and Eastnortheast, and
sometimes at East, vntill we were at 18 degrees and a terce, which was on
May day. And so from 18 and two terces, we had the winde at East and
Eastnortheast, and sometimes at Eastsoutheast: and then we reckoned the
Island of Cape verde Eastsoutheast of vs, we iudging our selues to be 48
leagues off. And in 20 and 21 degrees, we had the winde more Easterly to
the Southward then before. And so we ran to the Northwest and
Northnorthwest, and sometimes North and by West and North, until we came
into 31 degrees, where we reckoned our selues a hundred and fourescore
leagues Southwest and by South of the Island de los Flores, and there wee
met with the winde at Southsoutheast, and set our course Northeast.

In 23 degrees we had the winde at the South and Southwest, and then we set
our course Northnortheast, and so we ran to 40 degrees, and then we set our
course Northeast, the winde being at the Southwest, and hauing the Ile de
Flores East of us, and 17 leagues off.

In the 41 degrees we met with the winde at Northeast, and so we ran
Northwestward, then we met with the winde Westnorthwest, and at the West
within 6 leagues, running toward the Northwest, and then we cast about, and
lay Northeast, vntill we came in 42 degrees, where we set our course
Eastnortheast, iudging the Ile of Coruo South and by West of vs, and sixe
and thirty leagues distant from vs.

A remembrance, that the 21st day of May we communed with Iohn Rafe, and he
thought it best to goe Northeast, and iudged himselfe 25 leagues Eastward
to the Isle de Flores, and in 39 degrees and a halfe.

Note, that on the fourth day of September, vnder nine degrees, we lost the
sight of the North starre.

Note also, that in 45 degrees, the compasse is varied 8 degrees to the

Item, in 40 degrees the compasse did varie 15 degrees in the whole.

Item, in 30 degrees and a halfe, the compasse is varied 5 degrees to the

Be it also in memory that two or three daies before we came to Cape de 3
puntas, the pinnesse went alongst the shore, thinking to sell some of our
wares, and so we came to anker three or foure leagues West and by South of
the Cape de 3 puntas, where we left the Trinitie.

Then our pinnesse came aboord with all our men, the pinnesse also tooke in
more wares. They told me moreouer that they would goe to a place where the
Primrose was, and had receiued much gold at the first voyage to these
parties, and tolde me furthermore that it was a good place: but I fearing a
brigantine that was then vpon the coast, did wey and follow them, and left
the Trinitie about foure leagues off from vs, and there we rode against
that towne foure dayes: so that Martine by his owne desire, and assent of
some of the Commissioners that were in the pinnesse, went a shoare to the
towne, and there Iohn Berin went to trafique from vs, being three miles off
trafiquing at an other towne. The towne is called Samma or Samua, for Samma
and Sammaterra, are the names of the two first townes, where we did
trafique for gold, to the Northeast of Cape de 3 puntas.

Hitherto continueth the course of the voyage, as it was described by the
sayde Pilot. Nowe therefore I will speake somewhat of the countrey and
people, and of such things as are brought from thence.

They brought from thence at the last voyage foure hundred pound weight and
odde of gold, of two and twentie carrats and one graine in finenesse: also
sixe and thirtie buts of graines, and about two hundred and fiftie
Elephants teeth of all quantities. Of these I saw and measured, some of
nine spans in length, as they were crooked. Some of them were as bigge as a
mans thigh aboue the knee, and weyed about fourescore and ten pound weight
a peece. They say that some one hath bin seene of an hundred and fiue and
twentie pound weight. Other there were which they call the teeth of calues,
of one or two or three yeeres, whereof some were a foot and a halfe, some
two foot, and some 3 or more, according to the age of the beast. These
great teeth or tusks grow in the vpper iaw downeward, and not in the nether
iaw vpward, wherein the Painters and Arras workers are deceiued. At this
last voyage was brought from Guinea the head of an Elephant, of such huge
bignesse, that onely the bones or cranew thereof, beside the nether iaw and
great tusks, weighed about two hundred weight, and was as much as I could
well lift from the ground: insomuch that considering also herewith the
weight of two such great teeth, the nether iaw with the lesse teeth, the
tongue, the great hanging eares, the bigge and long snout or troonke, with
all the flesh, braines, and skinne, with all other parts belonging to the
whole head, in my iudgement it could weigh litle lesse then fiue hundred
weight. [Sidenote: Sir Andrew Iudde. The contemplation of Gods works.] This
head diuers haue seene in the house of the worthy marchant sir Andrew
Iudde, where also I saw it, and beheld it, not only with my bodily eyes,
but much more with the eye of my mind and spirit, considering by the worke,
the cunning and wisedome of the workemaister: without which consideration,
the sight of such strange and wonderfull things may rather seeme
curiosities, then profitable contemplations.

[Sidenote: The decription and properties of the Elephant.] The Elephant
(which some call an Oliphant) is the biggest of all foure footed beasts,
his forelegs are longer then his hinder, he hath ancles in the lower part
of his hinder legges, and fiue toes on his feete vndiuided, his snout or
tronke is so long, and in such forme, that it is to him in the stead of a
hand: for he neither eateth nor drinketh but by bringing his tronke to his
mouth, therewith he helpeth vp his Master or keeper, therewith he
ouerthroweth trees. Beside his two great tusks, he hath on euery side of
his mouth foure teeth, wherewith he eateth and grindeth his meate: either
of these teeth are almost a span in length, as they grow along in the iaw,
and are about two inches in height, and almost as much in thicknesse. The
tuskes of the male are greater then of the female: his tongue is very
litle, and so farre in his mouth, that it cannot be seene: of all beastes
they are most gentle and tractable, for by many sundry wayes they are
taught, and doe vnderstand: insomuch that they learne to doe due honor to a
king, and are quick sense and sharpenesse of wit. When the male hath once
seasoned the female, he neuer after toucheth her. The male Elephant liueth
two hundreth yeeres, or at the least one hundred and twentie: the female
almost as long, but the floure of their age is but threescore yeres, as
some write. They cannot suffer winter or cold: they loue riuers, and will
often go into them vp to the snout, wherewith they blow and snuffe, and
play in the water: but swimme they cannot, for the weight of their bodies.
Plinie and Soline write, that they vse none adulterie. If they happen to
meete with a man in wildernesse being out of the way, gently they wil go
before him, and bring him into the plaine way. Ioyned in battel, they haue
no small respect vnto them that be wounded: for they bring them that are
hurt or weary into the middle of the army to be defended: they are made
tame by drinking the iuise of barley. [Sidenote: Debate between the
Elephant and the Dragon.] They haue continual warre against Dragons, which
desire their blood, because it is very cold: and therefore the Dragon lying
awaite as the Elephant passeth by, windeth his taile (being of exceeding
length) about the hinder legs of the Elephant, and so staying him,
thrusteth his head into his tronke and exhausteth his breath, or else
biteth him in the eare, whereunto he cannot reach with his tronke, and when
the Elephant waxeth faint, he falleth downe on the serpent, being now full
of blood, and with the poise of his body breaketh him: so that his owne
blood with the blood of the Elephant runneth out of him mingled together,
which being colde, is congealed into that substance which the Apothecaries
call Sanguis Draconis, (that is) Dragons blood, otherwise called
Cinnabaris, although there be an other kinde of Cinnabaris, commonly called
Cinoper or Vermilion, which the Painters vse in certaine colours.

[Sidenote: Three kinds of Elephants.] They are also of three kinds, as of
the Marshes, the plaines, and the mountaines, no lesse differing in
conditions. Philostratus writeth, that as much as the Elephant of Libya in
bignes passeth the horse of Nysea, so much doe the Elephants of India
exceed them of Libya: for the Elephants of India, some haue bene seene of
the height of nine cubits: the other do so greatly feare these, that they
dare not abide the sight of them. Of the Indian Elephants onely the males
haue tuskes, but of them of Ethiopia and Libya both kindes are tusked: they
are of diuers heights, as of twelue, thirteene, and fourteene dodrants,
euery dodrant being a measure of nine inches. Some write that an Elephant
is bigger then three wilde Oxen or Buffes. They of India are black, or of
the colour of a mouse, but they of Ethiope or Guinea are browne: the hide
or skinne of them all is very hard, and without haire or bristles: their
eares are two dodrants broad, and their eyes very litle. Our men saw one
drinking at a riuer in Guinea, as they sailed into the land.

Of other properties and conditions of the Elephant, as of their marueilous
docilitie, of their fight and vse in the warres, of their generation and
chastitie, when they were first seene in the Theatres and triumphes of the
Romanes, how they are taken and tamed, and when they cast their tusks, with
the vse of the same in medicine, who so desireth to know, let him reade
Plinie, in the eight booke of his naturall history. He also writeth in his
twelft booke, that in olde time they made many goodly workes of iuory or
Elephants teeth: as tables, tressels, postes of houses, railes, lattesses
for windowes, images of their gods, and diuers other things of iuory, both
coloured, and vncoloured, and intermixt with sundry kindes of precious
woods, as at this day are made certaine chaires, lutes, and virginals. They
had such plenty thereof in olde time, that (as far as I remember) Iosephus
writeth, that one of the gates of Hierusalem was called Porta Eburnea,
(that is) the Iuory gate. The whitenesse thereof was so much esteemed, that
it was thought to represent the natural fairenesse of mans skinne: insomuch
that such as went about to set foorth (or rather corrupt) naturall beautie
with colours and painting, were reproued by this prouerbe, Ebur atramento
candefacere, that is, To make iuory white with inke. The Poets also
describing the faire necks of beautifull virgins, call them Eburnea colla,
that is, Iuory necks. And to haue said thus much of Elephants and Iuory, it
may suffice.

[Sidenote: The people of Africa.] Now therefore I will speake somewhat of
the people and their maners, and maner of liuing, with an other briefe
description of Africa also. It is to be vnderstood, that the people which
now inhabite the regions of the coast of Guinea, and the midle parts of
Africa, as Libya the inner, and Nubia, with diuers other great and large
regions about the same, were in old time called AEthiopes and Nigritae,
which we now call Moores, Moorens, or Negroes, a people of beastly liuing,
without a God, lawe, religion, or common wealth, and so scorched and vexed
with the heat of the sunne, that in many places they curse it when it
riseth. Of the regions and people about the inner Libya (called Libya
interior) Gemma Phrysius writeth thus.

Libya interior is very large and desolate, in the which are many horrible
wildernesses and mountaines, replenished with diuers kinds of wilde and
monstrous beastes and serpents. First from Muritania or Barbary toward the
South is Getulia, a rough and sauage region, whose inhabitants are wilde
and wandering people. After these follow the people called Melanogetuli and
Pharusij, which wander in the wildernesse, carrying with them great gourdes
of water. [Sidenote: AEthiopes, Nigritae. The riuer Nigritis or Senega.]
The Ethiopians called Nigritae occupy a great part of Africa, and are
extended to the West Ocean. Southward also they reach to the riuer
Nigritis, whose nature agreeth with the riuer of Nilus, forasmuch as it is
increased and diminished at the same time, and bringeth forth the like
beasts as the Crocodile. By reason whereof, I thinke this to be the same
riuer which the Portugals called Senega: For this riuer is also of the same
nature. It is furthermore marueilous and very strange that is said of this
river: And this is, that on the one side thereof, the inhabitants are of
high stature and black, and on the other side, of browne or tawne colour,
and low stature, which thing also our men confirme to be true.

[Sindenote: People of Libya.] There are also other people of Libya called
Garamantes, whose women are common: for they contract no matrimonie;
neither haue respect to chastitie. After these are the nations of the
people called Pyrei, Sathiodaphnitae, Odrangi, Mimaces, Lynxamatae,
Dolopes, Aganginae, Leuci Ethiopes, Xilicei Ethiopei, Calcei Ethiopes, and
Nubi. These haue the same situation in Ptolome that they now giue to the
kingdome of Nubia. Here are certaine Christians vnder the dominion of the
great Emperour of AEthiopia, called Prester Iohn. From these toward the
West is a great nation of people called Aphricerones, whose region (as
faire as may be gathered by coniecture) is the same that is now called
Regnum Orguene, confining vpon the East parts of Guinea. From hence
Westward, and somewhat toward the North, are the kingdoms of Gambra and
Budomel, not farre from the riuer of Senega. And from hence toward the
inland regions, and along by the sea coast, are the regions of Ginoia or
Guinea, which we commonly call Ginnee. [Sidenote: The Portugals Nauigation
to Brasile.] On the Westside of these regions toward the Ocean, is the
cape or point called Cabo verde, or Caput viride, (that is) the greene
cape, to the which the Portugals first direct their course when they saile
to America, or the land of Brasile. Then departing from hence, they turne
to the right hand toward the quarter of the winde called Garbino, which is
betweene the West and the South. But to speake somewhat more of AEthiopia:
although there are many nations of people so named, yet is AEthiopia
chiefly diuided into two parts, whereof the one is called Aethiopia vnder
Aegypt, a great and rich region. To this perteineth the Island Meroe,
imbraced round about with the stremes of the riuer Nilus. In this Island
women reigned in old time. Iosephus writeth, that it was sometime called
Sabea: and that the Queene of Saba came from thence to Ierusalem, to heare
the wisedom of Salomon. [Sidenote: Prester Iohn Emperour of Aethiopia.]
From hence toward the East reigneth the said Christian Emperour Prester
Iohn, whom some cal Papa Iohannes, and other say that he is called Pean
Iuan (that is) great Iohn, whose Empire reacheth far beyond Nilus, and
is extended to the coasts of the Red sea and Indian sea. The middle of the
region is almost in 66. degrees of longitude, and 12. degrees of latitude.
[Sidenote: People of the Eastside of Africa.] About this region inhabite
the people called Clodi, Risophagi, Bobylonij, Axiuntae, Molili, and
Molibae. After these is the region called Troglodytica, whose inhabitants
dwel in caues and dennes: for these are their houses, and the flesh of
serpents their meat, as writeth Plinie, and Diodorus Siculus. They haue no
speach, but rather a grinning and chattering. There are also people
without heads, called Blemines, hauing their eyes and mouth in their
breast. Likewise Strucophagi, and naked Ganphasantes: Satyrs also, which
haue nothing of men but onely shape. Moreouer Oripei, great hunters.
Mennones also and the region of Smyrmophora, which bringeth foorth myrrhe.
After these is the region of Azania, in the which many Elephants are found.
A great part of the other regions of Africke that are beyond the
Aequinoctiall line, are now ascribed to the kingdome of Melinde, whose
inhabitants are accustomed to trafique with the nations of Arabia, and
their king is ioyned in friendship with the king of Portugal, and payeth
tribute to Prester Iohn.

The other Ethiope, called AEthiopia interior (that is) the inner Ethiope,
is not yet knowne for the greatnesse thereof, but onely by the sea
coastes: yet is it described in this manner. First from the Aequinoctiall
toward the South, is a great region of Aethiopians, which bringeth forth
white Elephants, Tygers, and the beastes called Rhinocerotes. Also a
region that bringeth foorth plenty of cynamome, lying betweene the
branches of Nilus. Also the kingdome of Habech or Habasi, a region of
Christian men, lying both on this side and beyond Nilus. Here are also the
Aethiopians, called Ichthiopagi (that is) such as liue onely by fish, and
were sometimes subdued by the warres of great Alexander. Furthermore the
Aethiopians called Rhapsij, and Anthropophagi, that are accustomed to eat
mans flesh, inhabite the regions neere vnto the mountains called Montes
Lunae (that is) the mountaines of the Moone. Gazati is vnder the Tropike
of Capricorne. After this followeth the front of Afrike, the Cape of Buena
Speranza, or Caput Bonae Spei, that is, the Cape of good hope, by the
which they passe that saile from Lisbon to Calicut. But by what names the
Capes and gulfes are called, forasmuch as the same are in euery globe and
card, it were here superfluous to rehearse them.

Some write that Africa was so named by the Grecians, because it is without
colde. For the Greeke letter Alpha or A signifies priuation, voyd, or
without: and Phrice signifies colde. For in deed although in the stead of
Winter they haue a cloudy and tempestuous season, yet is it not colde, but
rather smothering hote, with hote showres of raine also, and somewhere such
scorching windes, that what by one meanes and other, they seeme at certaine
times to liue as it were in fornaces, and in maner already halfe way in
Purgatorie or hell. Gemma Phrisius writeth, that in certaine parts of
Africa, as in Atlas the greater, the aire in the night season is seene
shining, with many strange fires and flames rising in maner as high as the
Moone: and that in the element are sometime heard as it were the sound of
pipes, trumpets and drummes: which noises may perhaps be caused by the
vehement and sundry motions of such firie exhalations in the aire, as we
see the like in many experiences wrought by fire, aire and winde.
[Sidenote: The middle region of the aire is cold.] The hollowness also, and
diuers reflexions and breaking of the cloudes may be great causes hereof,
beside the vehement colde of the middle region of the aire, whereby the
said fiery exhalations, ascending thither, are suddenly stricken backe with
great force: for euen common and dayly experience teacheth vs, by the
whissing of a burning torch, what noise fire maketh in the aire, and much
more where it striueth when it is inclosed with aire, as appeareth in
gunnes, and as the like is seene in onely aire inclosed, as in Organ pipes,
and such other instruments that go by winde. [Sidenote: The strife of
Elements. Winde.] For winde (as say the Philosophers) is none other then
aire vehemently moued, as we see in a paire of bellowes, and such other.

[Sidenote: The heate of the Moone.] Some of our men of good credite that
were in this last voiage to Guinea, affirme earnestly that in the night
season they felt a sensible heat to come from the beames of the moone.
[Sidenote: The nature of the starres.] The which thing, although it be
strange and insensible to vs that inhabite cold regions, yet doeth it stand
with good reason that it may so be, forasmuch as the nature of starres and
planets (as writeth Plinie) consisteth of fire, and conteineth in it a
spirit of fire, which cannot be without heat.

And, that the Moone giueth heate vpon the earth the Prophet Dauid seemeth
to confirme in his 121. Psalme, where speaking of such men as are defended
from euil by Gods protection, hee saith thus: Per diem Sol non exuret te,
nec Luna per noctem. That is to say, In the day the Sunne shall not burne
thee, nor the Moone by night.

They say furthermore, that in certaine places of the sea they saw certaine
streames of water, which they call spouts, falling out of the aire into the
sea, and that some of these are as bigge as the great pillars of Churches:
insomuch that sometimes they fall into shippes, and put them in great
danger of drowning. Some faine that these should be the Cataracts of
heauen, which were all opened at Noes floud. But I thinke them rather to be
such fluxions and eruptions as Aristotle in his booke de Mundo saith, to
chance in the sea. For speaking of such strange things as are seene often
times in the sea, he writeth thus. Oftentimes also euen in the sea are
seene euaporations of fire, and such eruptions and breaking foorth of
springs, that the mouthes of riuers are opened. Whirlepooles, and fluxions
are caused of such other vehement motions, not only in the middest of the
sea, but also in creeks and streights. At certaine times also, a great
quantity of water is suddenly lifted vp and carried about with the Moone,
&c. By which wordes of Aristotle it doth appeare that such waters be lifted
vp in one place at one time, and suddenly fall downe in an other place at
another time. [Sidenote: A strange thing.] And hereunto perhaps perteineth
it that Richard Chancellor told me that he heard Sebastian Cabot report,
that (as farre as I remember) either about the coasts of Brasile or Rio de
Plata, his shippe or pinnesse was suddenly lifted from the sea, and cast
vpon land, I wot not howe farre. [Sidenote: The power of nature.] The which
thing, and such other like wonderfull and strange workes of nature while I
consider, and call to remembrance the narrownesse of mans vnderstanding and
knowledge, in comparison of her mightie power, I can but cease to maruell
and confesse with Plinie, that nothing is to her impossible, the least part
of whose power is not yet knowen to men. Many things more our men saw and
considered in this voyage, woorthy to be noted, whereof I haue thought good
to put some in memory, that the reader may aswell take pleasure in the
variety of things, as knowledge of the historie. Among other things,
therefore touching the maners and nature of the people, this may seeme
strange, that their princes and noble men vse to pounce and rase their
skinnes with pretie knots in diuers formes, as it were branched damaske,
thinking that to be a decent ornament. [Sidenote: Fine iewels. A bracelet.]
And albeit they goe in maner all naked, yet are many of them, and
especially their women, in maner laden with collars, bracelets, hoopes, and
chaines, either of gold, copper, or iuory. I my selfe haue one of their
brassets of Iuory, weighing two pound and sixe ounces of Troy weight, which
make eight and thirtie ounces: this one of their women did weare vpon her
arme. It is made of one whole piece of the biggest part of the tooth,
turned and somewhat carued, with a hole in the midst, wherein they put
their handes to wear it on their arme. Some haue on euery arme one, and as
many on their legges, wherewith some of them are so galled, that although
they are in maner made lame thereby, yet will they by no meanes leaue them
off. Some weare also on their legges great shackles of bright copper, which
they thinke to bee no lesse comely. They weare also collars, bracelets,
garlands, and girdles, of certain blew stones like beads. Likewise some of
their women weare on their bare armes certaine foresleeues made of the
plates of beaten golde. On their fingers also they weare rings, made of
golden wires, with a knot or wreath, like vnto that which children make in
a ring of a rush. Among other things of golde that our men bought of them
for exchange of their wares, were certaine dog-chaines and collers.

They are very wary people in their bargaining, and will not lose one sparke
of golde of any value. They vse weights and measures, and are very
circumspect in occupying the same. They that shall haue to doe with them,
must vse them gently: for they will not trafique or bring in any wares if
they be euill vsed. At the first voyage that our men had into these
parties, it so chanced, that at their departure from the first place where
they did trafick, one of them either stole a muske Cat, or tooke her away
by force, not mistrusting that that should haue hindered their bargaining
in another place whither they intended to goe. But for all the haste they
coulde make with full sailes, the fame of their misusage so preuented them,
that the people of that place also, offended thereby, would bring in no
wares: insomuch that they were inforced either to restore the Cat, or pay
for her at their price before they could trafique there.

Their houses are made of foure postes or trees, and couered with boughes.

Their common feeding is of roots, and such fishes as they take, whereof
they haue great plenty.

There are also such flying fishes as are seene in the sea of the West
Indies. Our men salted of their fishes, hoping to prouide store thereof:
but they would take no salt, and must therefore be eaten forthwith as some
say. Howbeit other affirme, that if they be salted immediately after they
be taken, they wil last vncorrupted ten or twelue dayes. But this is more
strange, that part of such flesh as they caried with them out of England,
which putrified there, became sweete againe at their returne to the clime
of temperate regions.

They vse also a strange making of bread, in this maner. They grinde
betweene two stones with their handes as much corne as they thinke may
suffice their family, and when they haue thus brought it to floure, they
put thereto a certaine quantitie of water, and make thereof very thinne
dough, which they sticke vpon some post of their houses, where it is baked
by the heate of the Sunne: so that when the master of the house or any of
his family will eate thereof, they take it downe and eate it.

They haue very faire wheate, the eare whereof is two handfuls in length,
and as bigge as a great Bulrush, and almost foure inches about where it is
biggest. The stemme or straw seemeth to be almost as bigge as the litle
finger of a mans hand, or litle lesse. The graines of this wheate are as
big as our peason, round also, and very white, and somewhat shining, like
pearles that haue lost their colour. Almost all the substance of them
turneth into floure, and maketh little bran or none. I told in one eare two
hundred and threescore graines. The eare is inclosed in three blades longer
than it selfe, and of two inches broad a piece. And by this fruitfulnes the
Sunne seemeth partly to recompence such griefes and molestations as they
otherwise receiue by the feruent heate thereof. It is doubtlesse a worthy
contemplation to consider the contrary effects of the sunne: or rather the
contrary passions of such things as receiue the influence of his beames,
either to their hurt or benefit. Their drinke is either water, or the iuise
that droppeth from the cut branches of the barren Date trees, called
Palmitos. For either they hang great gourdes at the said branches euery
euening, and let them so hang all night, or else they set them on the
ground vnder the trees, that the droppes may fall therein. They say that
this kinde of drinke is in taste much like vnto whey, but somewhat sweeter,
and more pleasant. They cut the branches euery euening, because they are
seared vp in the day by the heate of the Sunne. They haue also great beanes
as bigge as chestnuts, and very hard, with a shell in the stead of a huske.

Many things more might be saide of the maners of the people, and of the
wonders and monstrous things that are engendered in Africke. But it shall
suffice to haue saide this much of such things as our men partly sawe, and
partly brought with them.

And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines, I described the same
to haue holes by the side (as in deede it hath, as it is brought hither)
yet was I afterward enfourmed, that those holes were made to put stringes
or twigges through the fruite, thereby to hang them vp to dry at the Sunne.
They grew not past a foote and a halfe, or two foote from the ground, and
are as red as blood when they are gathered. The graines themselues are
called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi.

[Sidenote: Shels that cleaue to ships.] At their comming home the keeles of
their shippes were marueilously ouergrowne with certaine shelles of two
inches length and more, as thicke as they could stand, and of such bignesse
that a man might put his thumbe in the mouthes of them. They certainely
affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie substance, which at
the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea, becommeth
those foules which we call Barnacles. The like shelles haue bene seene in
ships returning from Iseland, but these shels were not past halfe an inch
in length. Of the other that came from Guinea, I sawe the Primerose lying
in the docke, and in maner couered with the said shels, which in my
iudgement should greatly hinder her sayling. Their ships were also in many
places eaten with the wormes called Bromas or Bissas, whereof mention is
made in the Decades. These creepe betweene the plankes, which they eate
through in many places.

[Sidenote: A secret.] Among other things that chanced to them in this
voyage, this is worthy to be noted, that whereas they sailed thither in
seuen weekes, they could returne in no lesse space then twentie weekes. The
cause whereof they say to be this: That about the coast of Cabo Verde the
winde is euer at the East, by reason whereof they were enforced to saile
farre out of their course into the maine Ocean, to finde the winde at the
West to bring them home. [Sidenote: The death of our men.] There died of
our men at this last voyage about twentie and four, whereof many died at
their returne into the clime of the colde regions, as betweene the Islands
of Azores and England. [Sidenote: Fiue blacke Moores brought into England.
Colde may be better abiden then heate.] They brought with them certaine
black slaues, whereof some were tall and strong men, and could wel agree
with our meates and drinkes. The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat offend
them. Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot Regions may better abide
colde, then men that are borne in colde Regions may abide heate, forasmuch
as vehement heate resolueth the radicall moysture of mens bodies, as colde
constraineth and preserueth the same.

This is also to be considered as a secret worke of nature, that throughout
all Africke, vnder the AEquinoctial line, and neere about the same on both
sides, the regions are extreeme hote, and the people very blacke. Whereas
contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are vnder the same line are
very temperate, and the people neither blacke, nor with curlde and short
wooll on their heads, as they of Afrike haue, but of the colour of an
Oliue, with long and blacke heare on their heads: the cause of which
variety is declared in diuers places in the Decades.

It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage
told me: That is, that they ouertooke the course of the Sunne, so that they
had it North from them at noone, the 14. day of March. And to haue said
thus much of these voyages, it may suffice.

* * * * *

The first voyage made by Master William Towrson Marchant of London, to the
coast of Guinea, with two Ships, in the yeere 1555.

Vpon Munday the thirtieth day of September wee departed from the Isle of
Wight, out of the hauen of Neuport with two good shippes, the one called
the Hart, the other the Hinde, both of London, and the Masters of them were
Iohn Ralph, and William Carter, for a voyage to bee made vnto the Riuer de
Sestos in Guinea, and to other hauens thereabout.

It fell out by the varietie of windes, that it was the fourteenth day of
October before wee coulde fetch Dartmouth: and being there arriued wee
continued in that roade sixe dayes, and the 20. of October we warpt out of
the hauen, and set saile, directing our course towards the Southwest, and
the next morning we were runne by estimation thirty leagues.

The first of Nouember we found our selues to be in 31. degrees of latitude
by the reckoning of our Master. This day we ranne about 40. leagues also.

The second day we ranne 36. leagues.

The third day we had sight of Porto Santo, which is a small Island lying in
the sea, about three leagues long, and a league and a halfe broad, and is
possessed by Portugals. It riseth as we came from the Northnorthwest like
two small hilles neere together. The East end of the same Island is a high
land like a saddle with a valley, which makes it to beare that forme. The
West ende of it is lower with certaine small round hillocks. This Island
lieth in thirty and three degrees. The same day at 11. of the clocke we
raysed the Isle of Madera, which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo,
towards the Southwest: that Island is a faire Island and fruitfull, and is
inhabited by Portugals, it riseth afarre off like a great whole land and
high. By three of the clocke this day at after noone we were thwart of
Porto Santo, and we set our course Southwest, to leaue the Isle of Madera
to the Eastward, as we did Porto Santo. These two Islands were the first
land that we saw since wee left the coast of England. About three of the
clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera, within three leagues of
the West ende of it, and by meanes of the high hilles there, we were
becalmed: We suppose we ranne this day and night 30. leagues.

The fourth day we lay becalmed vnder thejsle of Madera, vntill one of the
clocke at afternoone, and then, the winde comming into the East, wee went
our course, and ranne that day fifteene leagues.

The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more.

The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of Tenerif, otherwise called
the Pike, because it is a very high Island, with a pike vpon the top like a
loafe of suger. The same night we raised the Isle of Palma, which is a high
land also, and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif.

The 7. day we perceiued the Isle of Gomera, which is an Island standing
betwixt Tenerif and Palma, about 12. leagues Eastward from Palma, and 8.
leagues Westward from Tenerif: and for feare of being becalmed with the
Isle of Tenerif, we left both it, and Gomera to the Eastward of vs, and
went betwixt Palma and Gomera. We ranne this day and night 30. leagues.

Note that these Islands be 60. leagues from Madera, and that there are 3
Islands more to the Westward of Tenerif, named the Grand Canaria,
Forte-ventura, and Lancerot, of which Island we came not in sight: they
being inhabited by Spaniards.

This day also we had sight of the Isle of Ferro, which is to the Southwards
13. leagues from the other Islands, and is possessed by Spaniards. All this
day and night by reason of the winde we could not double the point of the
Isle of Ferro, except we would haue gone to the Westward of it, which had
bene much out of our course: therefore we kept about, and ranne backe fiue
houres Eastnortheast to the ende we might double it vpon the next boord,
the winde continuing Southeast, which hath not bene often seene vpon that
coast by any traueilers: for the winde continueth there for the most part
Northeast, and East Northeast: so vpon the other boord by the next morning
we were in a maner with the Island, and had roome ynough to double the

The 8. day we kept our course as neere the winde as wee could, because that
our due course to fetch the coast of Barbary was Southeast and by East, but
by the scant winde we could not goe our due course, but went as neere it as
we could, and ranne this day and night 25. leagues.

The 9. day we ranne 30. leagues, the 10. 25. leagues, the 12. 24.

The 12. day we saw a saile vnder our Lee, which was as we thought a
fishermen, so that wee went roome to haue spoken with him, but within one
houre there fell such a fogge, that wee could not see the shippe nor one of
vs the other: we shot off diuers pieces to the Hinde, but she heard them
not: at afternoone she shot off a piece which wee heard, and made her
answere with another: and within one halfe houre after the fogge brake vp,
and we were within 4. leagues of the shoare vpon the coast of Barbary, and
wee sounded and had 14. fadom water. The Barke also came roome with vs and
their ankered by reason of the contrary winde. When we fell with the land,
we could not iudge iustly what part of the land it was, because the most
part of that coast is lowe land, and no part to be iudged of it but the
fore part of the shoare, which is white like chalke or sand, and very deepe
vnto the hard shoare: there immediatly we began to fish, and found great
store of a kinde of fish which the Portugals commonly fish for vpon that
coast, which they cal Pergosses, the Frenchmen call them Saders, and our
men salt-water breames. Before the clearing vp of the fogge, the shippe
which we followed shaped such a course that we could see her no more, by
reason of our shooting off to finde the Hinde againe. This part of the
coast of Barbary, by our Pilots reckoning, is about 16. leagues to the
Eastwards of the riuer del Oro.

The 13. day in the afternoone wee spyed a saile comming towards vs, which
wee iudged to be the saile that wee sawe the day before, and as soone as we
spied him, wee caused the Hinde to way her ancre and to goe towardes him,
and manned out our Skiffe in like case to lay him aboorde, or to discerne
what hee was, and wee our selues within halfe an houre after wayed also:
but after the saile had espied vs, hee kept about, and turned backe againe,
and shortly after there fell such another fogge, that wee coulde not see
him: which fogges continued all that night, so that wee were constrained to
leaue the chase. This afternoone the winde came about, and wee went our
course Southwest and by West, to goe cleare off the coast, wee ranne that
night sixteene leagues.

The foureteenth day in the morning was verie foggie: but about twelue a
clocke wee espied a Caruell of 60. tunne which was fishing, and we sent our
Skiffe to him with fiue men, and all without any weapon sauing their Oares.
[Sidenote: A Caruell taken.] The Caruell for haste let slippe her ancre,
and set saile; and they seeing that, fearing that they should not fetch
her, would tarry for no weapons, and in the ende ouertooke the Caruel, and
made her to strike saile, and brought her away, although they had
foureteene or fifteene men aboord, and euery man his weapon, but they had
not the hearts to resist our men. After they were come to vs, they let fall
their ancre, for wee had cast ancre because the winde was not good: I
caused then the Skiffe to come for mee, and I went aboorde of them to see
that no harme should bee done to them, nor to take any thing but that which
they might spare vs for our money. [Sidenote: Great store of fish vpon the
coast of Barbary.] So wee tooke of them 3. Tapnets of figges, two small
pots of oyle, two pipes of water, foure hogsheads of saltfish which they
had taken vpon the coast, and certaine fresh fish which they did not
esteeme, because there is such store vpon that coast, that in an houre and
sometime lesse, a man may take as much fish as will serue twentie men a
day. For these things, and for some wine which wee dranke aboord of them,
and three or foure great Cannes which they sent aboord of our shippes, I
payed them twentie and seuen Pistoles, which was twise as much as they
willingly would haue taken: and so let them goe to their ancre and cable
which they had let slippe, and got it againe by our helpe. After this wee
set saile, but the winde caused vs to ancre againe about twelue leagues off
the riuer del Oro, as the Portugals tolde vs. There were fiue Caruels more
in this place, but when they sawe vs, they made all away for feare of vs.

The 15. day we ridde still because of the winde.

[Sidenote: The Tropike of Cancer in 23. and a halfe.] The 16. day we set
saile and ranne our course 40. leagues. This day, by the reckoning of our
Pilots, we were right vnder the Tropike of Cancer. The 17. we ranne 25.
leagues within sight for the most part of the coast of Barbary.

The 18. day wee ranne thirtie leagues, and at twelue of the clocke by the
reckoning of our Pilots we were thwart of Cape Blanke.

The 22. day our Pilots reckoned vs to be thwart Cape Verde.

[Sidenote: The coast of Guinea.] The 12. day of December we had sight of
land of Guinea, which as soone as we saw we halled into the land Northeast,
and about 12. of the clocke at night we were neere the shoare within lesse
then 2. leagues: and then we kept about and sounded, and found 18. fadom
water. Afterwards we saw a light towards the shoare, which we thought to
haue bene a ship, and thereby iudged it to be the riuer de Sestos, which
light as soone as we espied, we came to an anker and armed our tops, and
made all things ready to fight, because we doubted that it might be some
Portugal or French man: this night we remained at an anker, but in the
morning we saw no man, only we espied 4. rockes about 2. English miles from
vs, one great rocke, and the 3. other smal ones, which when we sawe, we
supposed that the light came from the shore, and so wayed, and set saile
East Southeast along the shoare, because the Master did not well know the
place, but thought that we were not so farre to the East as the riuer de

This land all along is a low land, and full of very high trees all along
the shoare, so that it is not possible to know the place that a man doth
fall withall, except it be by the latitude. In these 24. houres I thinke we
ran 16. leagues, for all the night we had a great gale as we were vnder
saile, and had withall store of thunder and lightnings.

The 13. day for the most part we ran East Southeast all along the shoare,
within two leagues alwayes of the same, and found the land all as at the
first, ful of woods and great rocks hard aboord the shoare, and the billow
beating so sore, that the seas brake vpon the shoare as white as snow, and
the water mounted so high that a man might easily discerne it 4. leagues
off, in such wise that no boate could land there. Thus we ran vntil 12. of
the clocke, and then they tooke the Sunne and after iudged themselues to be
24. leagues past the riuer de Sestos to the Eastwards, by reason whereof we
halled into the shoare within two English miles, and there ancred and found
fifteene fadom water, and all off from the shoare the sea so smooth, that
we might wel haue rid by an Hawser. All that after-noone we trimmed our
boate and made her a saile, to the ende that she might go along by the
shoore to seeke some place to water in: for wee could not goe back againe
to the riuer de Sestos, because the winde blowes alwayes contrary, and the
Currant runneth alwayes to the Eastwards, which was also against vs.

The 14. day we set saile and went back againe along the coast, and sent our
boats hard aboord the shoare to seeke a watering place, which they found
about 12. of the clock, and we being farre into the sea, met with diuers
boats of the Countrey, small, long and narrow, and in euery boate one man
and no more: we gaue them bread which they did eat, and were very glad of
it. About 4. of the clocke our boats came to vs with fresh water: and this
night we ankered against a Riuer.

The 15. day we wayed and set saile to goe neere the shoare, and with our
leade wee sounded all the way, and found sometimes rockes, and sometimes
faire ground, and at the shallowest found 7. fadoms alwayes at the least.
So in fine we found 7. fadom and a halfe within an English mile of the
shoare, and there we ankered in a maner before the mouth of the Riuer, and
then wee sent our boats into the Riuer for water, which went about a mile
within the Riuer, where they had very good water. [Sidenote: Riuer S.

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