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The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of by Richard Hakluyt

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sawe but two of those trees, by reason that we went more to the Eastward.
And here we road still from the 14 of Februarie vntill the 14 of Aprill,
with the winde at Southwest.

The 16 of Februarie we rode still in fiue fadom, and the currant ranne
still to the Westward, the winde at Southwest, and the boat and pinnesse
came to vs againe out of the riuer, and told vs that there was but ten
foote water vpon the barre. All that night was drowsie, and yet reasonable

The 17 a close day, the winde at Southwest. Our marchants wayed their goods
and put them aboord the pinnesse to goe into the riuer, and there came a
great currant out of the riuer and set to the Westward.

The 18 the marchants went with the boat and pinnesse into the riuer with
their commodities. This day was close and drowsie, with thunder, raine, and

The 24 a close morning and temperate, and in the afternoone the boat came
to vs out of the riuer with our marchants.

Twesday the 4 of March, a close soultry hot morning, the currant went to
the Westward, and much troubled water came out of the riuer.

[Sidenote: Sicknesse among our men.] The 16 our pinnesse came a boord and
Anthonie Ingram in her, and she brought in her 94 bags of pepper, and 28
Elephants teeth, and the Master of her and all his company were sicke. This
was a temperate day and the winde at Southwest.

The 17. 18. and 19 were faire temperate weather and the winde at Southwest.
This day the pinnesse went into the riuer againe, and carried the Purser
and the Surgion.

The 25 of the said moneth 1589 we sent the boate into the riuer.

[Sidenote: The death of the Captaine. Pepper and Elephants Teeth.] The 30
our pinnesse came from Benin, and brought sorowfull newes, that Thomas
Hemstead was dead and our Captaine also, and she brought with her 159
Cerons or sackes of pepper and Elephants teeth.

[Sidenote: A good note.] Note that in all the time of our abiding here, in
the mouth of the riuer of Benin, and in all the coast hereabout it is faire
temperate weather, when the winde is at Southwest. And when the winde is at
Northeast and Northerly, then it raineth, with lightning and thunder, and
is very intemperate weather.

The 13 of Aprill 1589 we set saile homewards in the name of Iesus. In the
morning we sayled with the winde at Southwest, and lay West and by North,
but it prooued calme all that night, and the currant Southeast.

The 14 the riuer of Benin was Northeast 7 leagues from the shore, and there
was little winde and towards night calme.

The l7 a faire temperate day the winde variable, and we had of latitude
foure degrees and 20 minutes.

The 25 a faire temperate day the winde variable, and here we had three
degrees and 29 minuts of latitude.

[Sidenote: A deceiptfll currant.] The 8 of May we had sight of the shore,
which was part of Cauo de Monte, but we did not thinke we had beene so
farre, but it came so to passe by reason of the currant. In this place M.
Towrson was in like maner deceiued with the currant.

The 9 we had sight of Cauo de monte.

The 17 a darke drowsie day, this was the first night that I tooke the North

The 26 a temperate day with litle winde, and we were in 12 degrees and 13
minutes of latitude.

The 30 we met a great sea out of the Northwest.

The 6 of Iune we found it as temperate as if we had beene in England, and
yet we were within the height of the sunne, for it was declined 23 degrees,
and 26 minuts to the Northward, and we had 15 degrees of latitude.

The 8 faire and temperate as in England, here we met with a counter sea,
out of the Southborde.

The 15 a faire temperate day, the winde variable, here we had 18 degrees
and fiftie nine minutes;

[Sidenote: Rockweed or Saragasso all along the sea.] The 12 of Iuly in 30
degrees of latitude we met with great store of rockweed, which did stick
together like clusters of grapes, and this continued with vs vntill the 17
of the said moneth, and then we saw no more, at which 17 day we were in two
and thirtie degrees sixe and fortie minutes of latitude.

The 25 at sixe of the clocke in the morning, we had sight of the Ile of
Pike, it bare North and by East from vs, we being 15 leagues off.

The 27 we spake with the poste of London and she told vs good newes of

The nine and twentieth we had sight of the Island of Cueruo, and the 30 we
saw the Island of Flores.

The 27 of August in 41 degrees of latitude we saw 9 saile of Britons, and
three of them followed vs vntill noone, and then gaue vs ouer.

The 30 we had sight of Cape Finisterre.

The eight of September at night wee put into Plimouth sound, and road in
Causon Bay all night.

The 9 we put into Catwater and there stayed vntill the 28 of September, by
reason of want of men and sicknesse.

The nine and twentieth we set sayle from Plimouth, and arriued at London
the second of October 1589.

The commodities that we caried in this voyage were cloth both linnen and
woollen, yron worke of sundry sorts, Manillios or bracelets of copper,
glasse beades, and corrall.

The commodities that we brought home were pepper and Elephants teeth, oyle
of palme, cloth made of Cotton wool very curiously wouen, and cloth made of
the barke of palme trees. Their monie is pretie white shels, for golde and
siluer we saw none. [Sidenote: Inamia, a kind of bread in Benin.] They haue
also great store of cotton growing: their bread is a kind of roots, they
call it Inamia, and when it is well sodden I would leaue our bread to eat
of it, it is pleasant in eating, and light of digestion, the roote thereof
is as bigge as a mans arme. Our men vpon fish-dayes had rather eate the
rootes with oyle and vineger, then to eate good stockfish. [Sidenote: Wine
of palm trees.] There are great store of palme trees, out of which they
gather great store of wine, which wine is white and very pleasant, and we
should buy two gallons of it for 20 shels. They haue good store of sope,
and it smelleth like beaten violets. Also many pretie fine mats and baskets
that they make, and spoones of Elephants teeth very curiously wrought with
diuers proportions of foules and beasts made vpon them. There is vpon the
coast wonderfull great lightning and thunder, in so much as I neuer hard
the like in no Countrey, for it would make the decke or hatches tremble
vnder our feete, and before we were well acquainted with it, we were
fearefull, but God be thanked we had no harme. The people are very gentle
and louing, and they goe naked both men and women vntill they be married,
and then they goe couered from the middle downe to the knees. [Sidenote:
Abundance of honey.] They would bring our men earthen pottes of the
quantitie of two gallons, full of hony and hony combes for 100 shelles.
They would also bring great store of Oranges and Plantans which is a fruit
that groweth upon a tree, and is like vnto a Cucumber but very pleasant in
eating. It hath pleased God of his mercefull goodnesse to give me the
knowledge how to preserue fresh water with little cost, [Marginal note:
This preseruatiue is wrought by casting into an hogshead of water an
handful of bay-salt, as the author told me.] which did serve vs sixe
moneths at the sea, and when we came into Plimmouth it was much wondered
at, of the principal men of the towne, who said that there was not sweeter
water in any spring in Plimmouth. Thus doth God prouide for his creatures,
vnto whom be praise now and for euermore, Amen.

* * * * *

The voiage set forth by M. Iohn Newton, and M. Iohn Bird marchants of
London to the kingdome and Citie of Benin in Africa, with a ship called
the Richard of Arundell, and a pinnesse, in the yere 1588. briefly set
downe in this letter following, written by the chiefe Factor in the
voyage to the foresaid Marchants at the time of the ships first arriual
at Plimouth.

Worshipful Sirs, the discourse of our whole proceeding in this voyage wil
aske more time and a person in better health then I am at this present, so
that I trust you will pardon me, till my comming vp to you: in the meane
time let this suffice. Whereas we departed in the moneth of December from
the coast of England with your good ship the Richard of Arundell and the
pinnesse, we held on our direct course towards our appointed port, and the
14 day of Februarie following we arriued in the hauen of Benin, where we
found not water enough to carry the ship ouer the barre, so that we left
her without in the road, and with the pinnesse and ship boat, into which we
had put the chiefest of our marchandise, [Sidenote: Goto in Benin.] we went
vp the riuer to a place called Goto, where we arriued the 20 of February,
the foresaid Goto being the neerest place that we could come to by water,
to go for Benin. [Sidenote: The great citie of Benin.] From thence we
presently sent Negroes to the king, to certifie him of our arriuall, and of
the cause of our comming thither: who returned to vs againe the 22 day with
a noble man in their company to bring vs vp to the Citie, and with 200
Negroes to carrie our commodities: hereupon the 23 day we deliuered our
marchandize to the Kings Factor, and the 25 day we came to the Citie of
Benin, where we were well intertained: The sixe and twenty day we went to
the Court to haue spoken with the king, which (by reason of a solemne feast
then kept amongst them) we could not doe: but yet we spake with his
Veadore, or chiefe man, that hath the dealing with the Christians: and we
conferred with him concerning our trading, who answered vs, that we should
have all thing to our desire, both in pepper and Elephants teeth.

The first of March, we were admitted to the kings presence, and he made vs
the like courteous answere for our traffike: the next day we went againe to
the Court, where the foresaid Veadore shewed vs one basket of greene
pepper, and another of dry in the stalkes: wee desired to haue it plucked
from the stalks and made cleane, who answered, that it would aske time, but
yet it should be done: and that against another yeere it should be in
better readines, and the reason why we found it so vnprepared was, because
in this kings time no Christians had euer resorted thither, to lade pepper.
The next day there were sent vs 12 baskets, and so a litle euery day vntill
the 9 of March at which time we had made vpon 64 serons of pepper, and 28
Elephants teeth. In this time of our being at Benin (our natures at this
first time not so well acquainted with that climate) we fell all of vs into
the disease of the feuer, whereupon the Captaine sent me downe with those
goods which we alreadie had receiued, to the rest of our men at Goto: where
being arriued, I found all the men of our pinnesse sicke also, and by
reason of their weaknes not able to conuey the pinnesse and goods downe to
the place where our ship road: but by good hap within two houres after my
comming to Goto, the boate came vp from the ship, to see how all things
stood with vs, so that I put the goods into the boat, and went downe
towards the ship: but by that time I was come aboord, many of our men died:
namely, Master Benson, the Cooper, the Carpenter, and 3 or 4 more, and my
selfe was also in such a weake state that I was not able to returne againe
to Benin. Whereupon I sent vp Samuel Dunne, and the Chirurgian with him to
our men, that were about to let them blood, if it were thought needfull:
who at their comming to Benin, found the Captaine and your sonne William
Bird dead, and Thomas Hempsteede very weake, who also died within two dayes
after their comming thither. This sorrowfull accident caused them with such
pepper and teeth, as they could then find, speedily to returne to the ship,
as by the Cargason will appeare: at their comming away the Veadore tolde
them, that if they could or would stay any longer time, he would vse all
possible expedition to bring in more commodities: but the common sicknesse
so increased and continued amongst vs all, that by the time our men which
remained were come aboord, we had so many sicke and dead of our companie,
that we looked all for the same happe, and so thought to loose both our
ship, life, countrey and all. Very hardly and with much adoe could we get
vp our ankers, but yet at last by the mercie of God hauing gotten them vp,
but leauing our pinnesse behind vs, we got to sea, and set saile, which was
vpon the 13 of Aprill. After which by little and little our men beganne to
gather vp their crums and to recouer some better strength: and so sailing
betwixt the Ilands of Cape Verde, and the maine we came to the Islands of
the Azores vpon the 25 of Iuly, where our men beganne a fresh to grow ill,
and divers died, among whom Samuel Dun was one, and as many as remained
liuing were in a hard case: but in the midst of our distresse, it fell so
well out, by Gods good prouidence, that we met with your ship the Barke
Burre, on this side the North cape, which did not only keepe vs good
companie, but also sent vs sixe fresh men aboord, without whose helpe, we
should surely haue tasted of many inconueniences. But by this good meanes
we are now at the last arriued in Plimouth, this 9 day of September: and
for want of better health at this time, I referre the further knowledge of
more particularities till my comming to London. Yours to commaund Antony

* * * * *

The second voyage to Benin, set foorth by Master Iohn Newton, and Master
Iohn Bird Marchants of London in the yeere 1590 with a ship called the
Richard of Arundell of the burthen of one hundreth tunnes, and a small
pinnesse, in which voyage Master Iames Welsh was chiefe Maister.

The third of September 1590 we set saile from Ratclife, and the 18 of the
said moneth we came into Plimouth sound, and the two and twentieth we put
to sea againe, and at midnight we were off the Lisart, and so passed on our
voyage vntill the 14 of October, on which day we had sight of Forteuentura
one of the Canarie Islands, which appeared very ragged as we sailed by it.

The 16 of October, in the latitude of 24 degrees and nine minutes we met
with a great hollow sea, the like whereof I neuer saw on this coast, and
this day there came to the ships side a monstrous great fish (I thinke it
was a Gobarto) which put vp his head to the steepe tubs where the cooke was
in shifting the victuals, whom I thought the fish would haue caried away.

The 21 in this latitude of 18 degrees we met with a countersea out of the
North boord, and the last voyage in this very place we had the countersea
out of the South, being very calme weather as now it is also.

[Sidenote: A token of a Northerly winde.] The 24 we had sight of Cauo
Verde, and the 25 we met with a great hollow sea out of the North, which is
a common signe that the winde will be Northerly, and so it prooued.

The 15 of Nouember we met with three currants out of the West and
Northwest, one after another, with an houres time betweene each currant.
This was in the latitude of 6 degrees and 42 minutes.

[Sidenote: Great currants.] The 18 day we met with two other great currants
out of the Southwest, and the 20 we saw another current out of the
Northeast, and the 24 we had a great current out of the Southsouthwest, and
at 6 of the clocke towards night we had 3 currents more.

The 27 we thought that we had gone at the least 2 leagues and a halfe euery
watch, and it fell out that we sailed but one league euery watch for the
space of 24 houres, by meanes of a great billow and current that came still
out of the South.

The 5 of December in setting the watch we cast about and lay East
Northeast, and Northeast, and here in 5 degrees and a halfe our pinnesse
lost vs wilfully.

The 7 at the going downe of the Sunne we saw a great blacke spot in the
Sunne, and the 8. day both at rising and setting we saw the like, which
spot to our seeming was about the bignesse of a shilling, being in 5
degrees of latitude, and still there came a great billow of the

The 14 we sounded and had 15 fadom water and grosse red sand, and 2 leagues
from the shore the currant set Southeast along the shore with a billow
still out of the southerboord.

[Sidenote: Two rocks.] The 15 we were thwart a rocke somewhat like the
Mewstone in England, it was 2 leagues from vs, here we sounded and had 27
fadom, but the rocke is not aboue a mile from the shore, and a mile farther
we saw another rocke and betweene them both broken ground; here we sounded
and had but 20 fadome and blacke sand, and we might see plaine that the
rockes went not along the shore, but from the land to the seaward, and
about 5 leagues to the Southwards we sawe a great bay, here we had 4
degrees and 27 minuts.

[Sidenote: A French ship of Hunfleur.] The 16 we met with a French ship of
Hunfleur, who robbed our pinnesse, we sent a letter by him, and this night
we saw another spot in the sunne at his going downe. And towards euening we
were thwart of a riuer, and right ouer the riuer was a high tuft of trees.

[Sidenote: Cauo del las Palmas.] The 17 we ankered in the riuers mouth, and
then we found the land to be Cauo de las Palmas, and betweene vs and the
cape was a big ledge of rockes, one league and a halfe into the sea, and
they bare to the West of the Cape, we saw also an Island off the point of
the foreland, thus it waxed night that we could perceiue no more of the
lande, but onely that it trended in like a bay, where there runneth a
streame as if it were in the riuer of Thames, and this was the change day
of the Moone.

The 19 a faire temperate day, and the wind South, we went East, and the
lande a sterne of vs West, and it shewed low by the water side like
Islands, this was the East of Cauo de las Palmas, and it trended in with a
great sound, and we went East all night, and in the morning wee were but 3
or 4 leagues from the shore.

The 20 we were thwart of a riuer railed Rio de los Barbos.

The 21 we went along the shore East, and 3 or 4 leagues to the West of Cauo
de tres puntas, I find the bay to be set deeper then it is by 4 leagues,
and at 4 of the clocke the land begun to shewe high, and the first part of
it full of Palme trees.

The 24 still going by the shore, the land was very low and full of trees by
the water side, and at 12 of the clocke we ankered thwart of the riuer
called, Rio de Boilas. Here we sent our boate a shore with the marchants,
but they durst not put into the riuer because of a great billow that
continually brake at the entrance vpon the barre.

The 28 we sailed alongst the shore, and ankered at night in seuen fadom
because a great current would haue put vs backe, which came from the East
Southeast from Papuas.

[Sidenote: Arda.] The 29 at noone we were thwart of Arda, and there we
tooke a Carauel but the men were fled on land, then we went aboord her, but
she had nothing in her but only a litle oyle of Palme trees, and a few
roots. The next morning, our Captaine and marchants went to meete
Portugals, that came in a boate to speake with vs, where they communed
about the buying of the Carauell of our men againe, and the Portugals
promised that we should haue for the Carauell, certaine bullocks and
Elephants teeth, and they gaue vs one tooth and one bullocke presently, and
sayd they would bring vs the rest the next day.

[Sidenote: Ianuarie.] The first of Ianuarie our Captaine went on land to
speake with the Portugales, but when he saw they did dissemble, he came
aboord againe, and presently we vnrigged the Carauell, and set her on fire
before the towne. Then we set saile and went along the coast, where we saw
a Date tree, the like whereof is not in all that coast vpon the water side,
also we fell on ground a litle in one place: [Sidenote: Villa longa.] Thus
we went to Villa longa, and there ankered.

[Sidenote: Rio de Lagoa.] The third we were as far shot as Rio de Lagoa,
where our marchants went a shore and vpon the barre they found 3 fadom
flat, but they went not in because it was late. There is also to the
Eastward of this riuer a Date tree higher than all the rest of the other
trees thereabout. Thus we went along the coast, and euery night ankered,
and al the shore as we went was full of trees and thicke woods.

[Sidenote: The riuer Iaya.] The 6 day in the morning it was very foggy, so
that we could not see the land, and at three of the clocke in the
afternoone it cleared vp, and then we found our selues thwart of the riuer
of Iaya, and when we found the shallow water, we bare into the sea South,
as we did the voyage before, and came to an ancre in fiue fadom water.
[Sidenote: The riuer Benin.] The next day we set saile againe, and towards
noone we were thwart of the riuer of Benin in foure fadom water.

The 10 day our Captaine went on land with the shallop at 2 a clocke in the
afternoone. All this weeke it was very foggy euery day vntill ten a clocke,
and all this time hitherto hath beene as temperate as our summer in
England. This day we went into the road and ankered, and the west point of
the road bare East northeast off vs, wee riding in foure fadome water.

[Sidenote: Goto.] The 21 a faire temperate day, this day M. Hassald went to
the towne of Goto, to heare newes of the Captaine.

The 23 came the Carauell, and Samuell in her, and she brought 63 Elephants
teeth, and three bullocks.

The 28 a faire temperate day, and towards night there fell much raine,
lightning, and thunder, this day our boate came aboord from Goto.

The 24 of Februarie, we tooke in 298 Cerons or sackes of pepper, and 4
Elephants teeth, and the winde was at Southeast. And the 26 we put the rest
of our goods into the Carauell, and M. Hassald went with her to Goto.

The 5 of March the Carauel came againe and brought 21 Cerons of pepper, and
4 Elephants teeth.

The 9 of Aprill our Carauell came aboord with water for our prouision for
the sea, and this day also we lost our shallope.

The 17 a drowsie rainie day, and in the afternoone we saw 3 great spoutes
of raine, two on our larbord side, and one right with the ships head, but
God be thanked, they came not at vs, and this day we tooke in the last of
our water for the sea, and the 26 we victualed our Carauell to go with vs
to the sea.

The 27 we set saile to goe homewarde with the winde at Southwest, and at
two a clocke in the afternoone, the riuer of Benin was Northeast 8 leagues
from vs.

The 3 of May we had such a terrible gust with raine, lightning and thunder,
that it tore and split our fore saile, and also the Carauels foresayle and
maine-sayle, with the wind at Southeast.

The 12 a faire temperate day, much like our sommer mornings in England,
being but one degree and a halfe from the line, but at midnight we had a
cruell gust of raine; and the wind at northeast.

The 24 we were South from Cauo de las Palmas 37 leagues.

The first of Iuly we had sight of the Iland of Braua, and it bare East 7
leagues off, and this Island is one of the Islands of Cauo Verde.

The 13 of August we spake with the Queenes ships, the Lord Thomas Howard
being Admirall, and sir Richard Greeneuill Viceadmirall. They kept vs in
their company vntill the 15 day night, themselues lying a hull, in waight
for purchase 30 leagues to the Southwest of the Island of Flores.

[Sidenote: We departed in company of a prise.] The 15 we had leaue to
depart with a fly-boat laden with sugar that came from Sant Thome, which
was taken by the Queenes ships, whereof my Lord Admirall gaue me great
charge, not to leaue her vntill she were harbored in England.

The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island of Coruo bare of
vs East and by South sixe leagues off.

The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth that came out of the
West Indies, but she could tell vs no newes. The next day we had sight of
another sayle, this day also one of our company named M. Wood died.

The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland, whereof Master
Iuie was Maister.

The second of October we met with a ship of New-castle which came from
Newfoundland, and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish.

The 6 we had sight of Sillie, and with raine and winde we were forced to
put into S. Maries sound, where we staied all night, and 4 dayes after.

The 11 we set saile againe, and comming out had three fadom vpon the barre
at a high water, then we lay out Southeast, through Crow-sand, and shortly
after we had sight of the lands end, and at ten of the clocke we were
thwart of the Lysart.

The 13 we were put into Dartmouth, and there we stayd vntill the 12 of
December. From thence we put out with the winde at West, and the 18 of
December, God be praised, we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames, where we
discharged 589 sacks of Pepper, 150 Elephants teeth, and 32 barrels of oile
of Palme trees.

The commodities that we caried out this second voyage were Broad cloth,
Kersies, Bayes, Linnen cloth, Yron vnwrought, Bracelets of Copper, Corall,
Hawks belles, Horsetails, Hats, and such like.

This voyage was more comfortable vnto vs then the first, because we had
good store of fresh water, and that very sweet: for as yet we haue very
good water in the shippe which we brought out of the riuer of Benin the
first day of Aprill 1591. and it is at this day (being the 7 of Iune 1592.)
to be seene aboord the ship as cleare and as sweet as any fountaine can

In this voyage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a degree of the
equinoctiall line, and there we found it more temperate than where we rode.
[Marginal note: It is more temperate vnder the equinoctiall, then on the
coast of Guinie and Benin.] And vnder the line we did kill great store of
small Dolphines, and many other good fishes, and so did we all the way,
which was a very great refreshing vnto vs, and the fish neuer forsooke vs
vntil we were to the Northwards of the Ilands of Azores, and then we could
see no more fish, but God be thanked wee met with good company of our
countrey ships which were great comfort vnto vs, being fiue moneths before
at Sea without any companie. By me Iames Welsh master of the Richard of
Arundell, in both these voyages to the riuer of Benin.

* * * * *

An Aduertisement sent to Philip the second king of Spaine from Angola by
one Baltazar Almeida de Sousa, touching the state of the forsayd
countrey, written the 21 of May. 1591.

The 26 of Iuly I certified your maiestie by Iohn Frere de Bendanha your
majesties pay-master and commissioner, with the gouernour Paulo Dias, which
is lately deceased, of all things that happened the 28 of December in the
yere last past 1590. Now I thought it conuenient to aduertise your maiestie
what hath fallen out since that time, which is as foloweth. The gouernour
Luis Serrano encamped himselfe eight leagues from Cabasa, where the Negro
king dwelleth with 350 Portugal souldiers: and afterward being there
encamped, it hapned that the King of Matamba sent a strong and mightie
army, and in warlike maner, with strange inuentions for the sayd purpose.
[Sidenote: 114 Portugals slaine in Angola.] So the king of Angola gaue this
other king battell, and the gouernour sent 114 souldiers Portugals to helpe
the said king of Angola: in which battell it was the will of God that our
army was ouerthrown and all slaine, as well our Portugals as the Moores
which tooke part with them. So with this ouerthrow it happened that this
realme the second time hath rebelled against your maiestie. Herevpon the
Governour assembling the rest of his Portugal souldiers, to the number of
250 altogether, went to Amasanguano, which is now his place of abode.
Moreouer, besides the manifold losses which haue befallen the Portugals in
this realme, your maiestie hath sustained other great misfortunes in your
lands and goods. And because I cannot personally come to certifie your
maiestie thereof, I thought it good to write some part of the same whereby
your maiestie may vnderstand the estate of this countrey. This realme for
the most part thereof hath twise benne wonne, and twise lost for want of
good gouernment For here haue bene many gouernours which haue pretended to
do iustice, but haue pitifully neglected the same, and practised the cleane

[Sidenote: The only way to reduce a rebellous kingdom vnto obedience.] And
this I know to be most true. But the onely way to recouer this realme, and
to augment your maiesties lands, goods and treasure, must be by sending
some noble and mighty man to rule here, which must bring authoritie from
your maiestie, and by taking streight order that euery captaine which doeth
conquere here may bee rewarded according to his deserts. Likewise your
maiestie must send hither 2000 good souldiers, with munition and sufficient
store of prouision for them. And by this means your highnesse shall know
what yeerely reuenue Angola will yeeld vnto your coffers, and what profit
will grow thereof. Otherwise your maiestie shall reape but litle benefit
here. If with my presence I may doe your maiestie any seruice in giuing
information of the state of this realme, as one which haue had experience
thereof, and haue seene the order of it, vpon the vnderstanding of your
maiesties pleasure herein, I will do my best endeuour. [Sidenote: An vsuall
trick of lewd gouernours.] And the cause whereof I haue not done this
heretofore hath bene, by reason that the Gouernors of this realme would
suffer none of the captaines which haue conquered this countrey to informe
your maiestie of that which is needfull for your seruice, and the
augmenting of this conquest. Our lord preserue your catholique person with
increase of many kingdomes, and the augmentation of youre crowne. Written,
in the conquest of the realme of Angola the 21 of May 1591. Your majesties
most loiall subiect, Baltazar Almeida de Souza.

* * * * *

Confimatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum, et Ioannem
secundum Regem Portugalliae, datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8
Februarij, et apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris, 1482, anno regni 22
Regis Eduardi quarti, lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta.

Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende, que tracta da vida e feitos del Rey
dom Ioham secundo.

Embaixada que el Ray mandou a el Rey d'Inglaterra, cap.33

Eda qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores a el rey dom Duarte de
Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal e de muyto bon saber e credito, de
que el Rey muyto confiaua, e ho doutor Ioam d'Eluas, e Fernam de Pina por
secretario. E foram por mar muy honradamente com muy boa companhia: hos
quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra, que
polla condisan dellas ho nouo Rey de hum reyno e do outro era obrigado a
mandar confirmar: e tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no
senhorio de Guinee, pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse
em todos seus reynos, que ninguen armasse nem podesse mandar a Guinee: e
assi mandasse desfazer buna armada, que pera las faziam, per mandado do
Duque de Medina Sidonia, hum Ioam Tintam e hum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses.
Com ha qual embaixada el rey d'Inglaterra mostrou receber grande
contentamento, e foy delle com muyta honra recebida, e em tudo fez
inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores lhe foy requerido. De que elles
trouxeran autenticas [Marginal note: These writings are in the tower.]
escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram: e assi as
prouisones das aprauasones que eran necessarias: e com tudo muyto ben
acabado, e ha vontade del rey se vieram.

The Ambassage which king Iohn the second, king of Portugall, sent to Edward
the fourth king of England, which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam,
and one William Fabian English men, from proceeding in a voyage which
they were preparing fot Guinea, 1481, taken out of the booke of the
workes of Garcias de Resende, which intreateth of the life and acts of
Don Iohn the second, king of Portugall. Chap. 33.

And afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior
to king Edward the fourth of England, Ruy de Sousa, a principall person,
and a man of great wisedome and estimation, and in whom the king reposed
great trust, with doctor Iohn d'Eluas, and Ferdinand de Pina, as
secretarie. And they made their voyage by sea very honourably, being very
well accompanied. [Sidenote: The first cause of this ambassage.] These men
were sent on the behalfe of their king, to confirme the ancient leagues
England, wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the
other kingdome, should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues.
[Sidenote: The second cause.] And likewise they had order to shew and make
him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of
Ginnee, to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same, he
should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes, that no man should arme or set
foorth ships to Ginnee: [Sidenote: The third cause.] and also to request
him, that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine
fleet, which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian, English men, were
making, by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia, to goe to the
aforesayd parts of Ginnee. With which ambassage the king of England seemed
to be very well pleased, and they were receiued of him with very great
honour, and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him,
at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which
they had performed, with publication thereof by the heralds: and also
prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary. And hauing
dispatched all things well, and with the kings good will, they returned
home into their countrey.

* * * * *

A relation sent by Melchior Petoney to Nigil de Moura at Lisbon, from the
Iland and Castle of Arguin, standing a little to the southward of Cape
Blanco, in the Northerly latitude of 19 degrees, concerning the rich and
secret trade from the inland of Africa thither: Anno 1591.

[Sidenote: Commodities fit for Arguin.] As concerning the trade to this
Castle and Iland of Arguin, your worship is to vnderstand, that if it would
please the kings maiesty to send hither two or three carauels once in a
yeere with Flanders and Spanish commodities, as Bracelets of glasse,
Kniues, Belles, Linnen-cloth, Looking-glasses, with other kindes of small
wares, his hignesse might do great good here. For 50 leagues vp into the
land the Moores haue many exceedingly rich golde mines; insomuch that they
bring downe their golde to this Castle to traffique with vs: and for a
small trifle they will give vs a great wedge of gold. And because here is
no trade, the sayd Moores cary their golde to Fez being 250 leagues distant
from hence, and there doe exchange the same for the forsayd kindes of
commodities. By this meanes also his maiesty might stop that passage, and
keepe the king of Fez from so huge a mass of golde. [Sidenote: Scarlet and
fine Purple cloth greatly accepted.] Scarlet-clothes, and fine Purples are
greatly accepted of in these parts. It is a most fertile country within the
land, and yeeldeth great store of Wheat, flesh of all kindes, and abundance
of fruits. [Sidenote: A good harbor before the Castle of Arguin.] Therefore
if it were possible, you should do well to deale with his maiesty, either
himselfe to send a couple of carauels, or to giue your worship leaue to
traffique here: for here is a very good harbour where ships may ride at
ancre hard by the Castle. The countrey where all the golde-mines are is
called The kingdome of Darha. [Marginal note: Concerning this kingdome
reade Leo Africanus a little after the beginning of his 6 booke.] In this
kingdome are great store of cities and townes; and in euery city and towne
a Captaine with certaine souldiers; which Captaines are lords and owners of
the sayd townes. One city there is called Couton, another Xanigeton, as
also the cities of Tubguer, Azegue, Amader, Quaherque, and the towne of
Faroo. The which townes and cities are very great and fairely built, being
inhabited by rich Moores, and abounding with all kinde of cattell, Barley
and Dates. And here is such plenty of golde found vpon the sands by the
riuers side, that the sayd Moores usually cary the same Northward to
Marocco, and Southward to the city of Tombuto in the land of Negros, which
city standeth about 300 leagues from the kingdome of Darha; and this
kingdome is but 60 leagues from this Iland and Castle of Arguin. Wherefore
I beseech your worship to put his maiesty in remembrance hereof; for the
sayd cities and townes are but ten dayes iourney from hence. I heartily
wish that his maiesty would send two or three marchants to see the state of
the Countrey, who might trauell to the aforesayd cities, to understand of
their rich trade. For any man may go safe and come safe from those places.
And thus without troubling of your worship any further, I humbly take my
leaue. From the Iland and Castle of Arguin the 20 of Ianuary 1591.

Your worships seruant

Melchior Petoney.

* * * * *

The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the riuers of Senega
and Gambra adioning vpon Guinea, 1591 with a discourse of the treasons of
certaine of Don Antonio his seruants and followers.

By vertue of her Maiesties most gracious charter giuen in the yeere 1588,
and in the thirtieth yeere of her Highnesse reigne, certaine English
marchants are granted to trade, in and from the riuer of Senega to and in
the riuer of Gambra, on the Westerne coast of Africa. The chiefest places
of traffique on that coast betweene these riuers, are these:

[Sidenote: The names of the chiefe places of traffike between Senega and
Gambra.] 1 Senega riuer: The commodities be hides, gumme, elephants teeth,
a few graines, ostrich feathers, amber-griece, and some golde.

2 Beseguiache, a towne by Capo Verde * [sic--KTH] leagues from Senega
riuer: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth.

3 Refisca Vieio, a towne 4 leagues from Beseguiache: The commodities be
small hides, and a few teeth now and then.

4 Palmerin, a towne 2 leagues from Refisca: The commodities be small hides,
and a few elephants teeth now and then.

5 Porto d'Ally, a towne 5 leagues from Palmerin: The commodities be small
hides, teeth, amber-griece, and a little golde: and many Portugals are

6 Candimal, a towne halfe a league from Porto d'Ally: The commodities be
small hides, and a few teeth now and then.

7 Palmerin, a towne 3 leagues from Candimal: The commodities be small
hides, and a few teeth now and then.

8 Ioala, a towne 6 leagues from Palmerin: The commodities be hides, waxe,
elephants teeth, rice, and some golde: and many Spaniards and Portugals are

9 Gambra riuer: The commodities are rice, waxe, hides, elephants teeth, and

The Frenchmen of Diepe and New-hauen haue traded thither aboue thirty
yeres: and commonly with four or five ships a yere, whereof two small barks
go into the riuer of Senega. The other were wont (vntill within these foure
yeres, that our ships came thither) to ride with their ships in the road of
Porto d'Ally and so sent their small shaloups of sixe or eight tunnes to
some of these places on the Sea coast before repeated. Where in all places
generally they were well beloued and as courteously entertained of the
Negros, as if they had been naturally borne in the country. And very often
the Negros come into France and returne againe, which is a further
increasing of mutuall loue and amity. Since our comming to that coast the
Frenchmen ride with their shippes at Refisca Vieio and suffered vs to ancre
with our shippes at Porto d'Ally. The Frenchmen neuer vse to go into the
riuer of Gambra: which is a riuer of secret trade and riches concealed by
the Portugals. For long since one Frenchman entered the riuer with a small
barke which was betrayed, surprised and taken by two gallies of the

In our second voyage and second yeere there were by vile treacherous meanes
of the Portugals and the king of the Negros consent in Porto d'Ally and
Ioala about forty Englishmen cruelly slaine and captiued, and most or all
of their goods confiscated: whereof there returned onely two, which were
marchants. And also by procurement of Pedro Gonsalues, one of Don Antonio
the kings seruants, Thomas Dassel and others had bene betrayed, if it had
not pleased Almighty God to reueale the same, whereby it was preuented.

From the South side of Senega riuer on the Sea coast vnto about Palmerin is
all one kingdome of Negros. The kings name is Melick Zamba, who dwelleth
two dayes iourney within the land from Refisca.

The 12 of Nouember 1591, I Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel factors in a
ship called the Nightingale of London 125 tunnes, and a pinnesse called the
Messenger of 40 tonnes arriued neere vnto Capo Verde at a little Iland
called The Iland of liberty. At this Iland we set vp a small pinnesse, with
which we cary our marchandise on land when wee traffique. And in the meane
time Thomas Dassel went with the great pinnesse to traffike with Spaniards
or Portugals in Porto d'Ally or Ioala. Ouer against the sayd Iland on the
maine is an habitation of the Negros called Besegueache. The alcaide or
gouernor thereof with a great traine came aboord in their canoas to receiue
the kings dueties for ankerage and permitting the quiet setting vp of our
pinnesse: who liked passing well that no Portugall came in the shippe,
saying, we should be better thought of by the king and people, if we neuer
did bring Portugall, but come of our selues as the Frenchmen euer did and
doe. And to purchase the more loue, I Richard Rainolds gaue him and all his
company courteous entertainment. Also vpon his intreaty, hauing sufficient
pledge aboord, I and others went on land with him. At this instant there
was great warre betweene this alcaide and another gouernor of the next
prouince. Neuerthelesse vpon our arriuall truce was taken for a space; and
I with our company conducted among both enemies to the gouernors house in
Besegueache, and were gently and friendly feasted after their maner, and
with some presents returned safe aboord againe. The next day the alcaide
came aboord againe, to wil me to send some yron and other commodities in
the boat to traffike with the Negros, and also requested me that I would go
to Refisca with the ship; which I did. And one thing I noted, that a number
of Negros attended the alcaides landing in warlike maner with bowes and
poisoned arrowes, darts poisoned, and swords, (because that the enemies by
reason of the truce taken were there also to view the ship) who for the
most part approched to him kneeling downe and kissed the backe of his hand.

The 17 of Nouember we weyed anker; and by reason no French ship was yet
come, I went to the road of Refisca: where I sent for the alcaides
interpreters, who came thither aboord, and receiued of me the kings duties
for to haue free traffike with the Negros, with whom dayly I exchanged my
yron and other wares for hides and some elephants teeth, finding the people
very friendly and tractable. And the next day after our arriuall I went vp
into the land about three miles to the towne of Refisca, where I was
friendly vsed and well entertained of the alcaide, and especially of a
yoong nobleman called Conde Amar Pattay, who presented me with an oxe for
my company, goats and some yoong kids, assuring me that the king would be
glad to heare of the arriuall of a Christians ship, whom they called
Blancos, that is, white men: especially of an English ship. And so dayly
the yong Conde came with a small company of horsemen to the sea side,
feasting me very kindly and courteously. And the fift of December he with
his traine came aboord to see the ship; which to them seemed woonderfull,
as people that seldome had seene the like: who tolde me that his messenger
from the king was returned; and the king reioyed much to heare that English
men were come with a ship to trade in his ports; and being the first
Englishman that euer came with a ship, I was the better welcome; promising
that I or any Englishman hereafter should be wel intreated and find good
dealing at their hands. And further the Conde on the kings behalfe and his
owne, earnestly requested, that before my departure off the coast I would
returne againe to his road to conferre with him for the better continuance
and confirming of amity betweene them and Englishmen: which I agreed vnto.
And so shewing him and his company the best friendship and courtesie I
could, he went on shore, and should haue had the honor of our ordinance but
that he desired the contrary, being amazed at the sight of the ship and
noise of the gunnes, which they did greatly admire.

The 13 of December at night we weighed anker, and arriued the 14 day at the
road of Porto d'Ally, which is another kingdome: the king thereof is called
Amar Meleck, and sonne to Meleck Zamba the other king, and dwelleth a dayes
iourney and an halfe from Porto d'Ally. When we had ankered, the kings
kinsmen being gouernors, with all the officers of that towne came aboord to
receiue all duties for the ship and licence to traffike due to the king;
who there generally seemed to be very glad that no Portugall was come in
our ship out of England; saying it was the kings pleasure we should bring
none hereafter; for that the king did esteeme them as people of no truth;
and complained of one Francisco de Costa seruant to Don Antonio, how he had
often and the last yere also abused and deluded their king Amar Meleck in
promising to bring him certaine things out of England, which he neuer
performed, and deemed that to be the cause of his staying behinde this
voyage, and that neither Spaniard nor Portugall could abide vs, but
reported very badly and gaue out hard speeches tending to the defamation
and great dishonour of England: [Sidenote: The monstrous lies of a
Portugall.] and also affirmed that at the arriuall of an English ship
called The Command, of Richard Kelley of Dartmouth, one Pedro Gonsalues a
Portugall that came in the sayd ship from Don Antonio reported vnto them,
that we were fled out of England and come away vpon intent to rob and do
great spoile vpon this coast to the Negros and Portugals, and that Thomas
Dassel had murdered Francisco de Acosta since our comming from England, who
was comming to their king in our ship with great presents from Don Antonio,
and desired that at our arriuall stay might be made of our goods and our
selues in secret maner; which they denied, not giuing credit to his report,
hauing bene often abused by such friuolous and slanderous speeches by that
nation; telling me their king was sory for the former murder and captiuity
of our nation, and would neuer yeeld to the like, hauing the Portugals and
Spaniards in generall hatred euer since, and conceiueth much better of our
countrey, and vs, then these our enemies report of. [Sidenote: Port Dally
the chief place of trade.] For which I yeelded them hearty thanks, assuring
them they should finde great difference betweene the loyalty of the one and
disloyalty of the other; and so payed their dueties: and for that it was
the chiefe place of trade, I shewed them how I was resolued to goe to their
king with certaine presents which we had brought out of England; which we
determined for the more honor and credit of our countrey, and augmenting of
their better affection toward vs.

All this while Thomas Dassel was with our great pinnesse at the towne of
Ioala, being in the kingdome of king Iocoel Lamiockeric, traffiking with
the Spaniards and Portugals there. And the forenamed Pedro Gonsalues, which
came out of England, was there also with other English marchants about the
busines of Rich. Kelley; and as it should seeme, for that he could not
obtaine his mischieuous pretended purpose against Thomas Dassel and others
at the towne of Porto d'Ally, where I Richard Rainolds remained, he
attempted with consent of other Portugals which were made priuy to his
intent to betray the sayd Thomas Dassel at this towne, and had with bribes
seduced the chiefe commanders and Negros to effect his wicked and most
villanous practise: which as God would, was reuealed to the sayd Thomas
Dassel by Rich. Cape an Englishman and seruant to the forenamed Rich.
Kelley: to whom this sayd Pedro Gonsalues had disclosed his secret
treachery, willing him with all expedition to stand vpon his guard. [The
Cherubin of Lime at Ioala.] Whereupon Thomas Dassel went aboard a small
English barke called The Cherubin of Lime, and there one Iohn Payua a
Portugall and seruant of Don Antonio declared, that if he and one Garcia a
Portugall of the sayd towne would haue consented with Pedro Gonsalues, the
sayd Thomas Dassel had bene betrayed long before. And vpon this warning
Thomas Dassel the next day hauing gotten three Portugals aboord, aduised
for our better securities to send two on land, and detained one with him
called Villa noua, telling them that if the next day by eight of the
clocke, they would bring Pedro Gonsalues aboard to him, he would release
the sayd Villa noua, which they did not. And Thomas Dassel hauing
intelligence that certaine Negros and Portugals were ridden post ouerland
to Porto d'Ally with intent to haue Richard Rainolds and his company stayd
on land, being doubtfull what friendship soeuer the vnconstant Negros
professed (by reason they be often wauering being ouercome with drinking
wine) how they would deale, to preuent the dangerous wiles that might be
effected in the road by Portugals, and for better strength, the 24 of
December he came with his pinnesse and Portugall to ride in the road of
Porto d'Ally, where our great shippe the Nightingall was: who was no sooner
arriued but he had newes also from the shore from Iohn Baily Anthony
Dassels seruant, who was there with our goods detained by the Portugals
means, that aboue 20 Portugals and Spaniards were come from Ioala by land,
and Pedro Gonsalues in their company, to take order for the releasing of
Villa noua. So hauing had conference two or three dayes with the
Commanders, the Negros, some Spaniards, and some Portugals, in the end by
due examination of the matter the Negros seeing how vilely Pedro Gonsalues
had delt, he being in their power, sayd he should suffer death or be
tortured, for an example to others. But we in recompense of his cruelty
pitied him and shewed mercy, desiring the Negros to intreat him well though
vndeserued: and therevpon the Commanders brought him aboord the pinnesse to
Thomas Dassel to do with him what he would: where at his comming from the
shore, for lauish speeches which he used of Princes, he was well buffetted
by a Spaniard, and might haue bene slaine, if for our sakes he had not bene

[Sidenote: Note.] While I went on shore with Villa noua, the sayd Pedro
Gonsalues confessed vnto Thomas Dassel that he did enquire of some Negros
and Portugals if he might not stay him and his goods in the land, and that
he did nothing but by commission from his king by his letters which he
receiued from London in Dartmouth after we were departed from London, for
that we presumed to come to Guinea to traffike without a seruant of his:
and further, that he had power or procuration from Francisco de Costa the
Portugall that stayed behinde in England to detaine the goods of Anthony
Dassel in Guinea.

By consent of M. Francis Tucker, Iohn Browbeare, and the rest of the
factours of Richard Kelley, with whom this Pedro Gonsalues came, for
auoiding further mischiefe that might be practised, we agreed that the sayd
Pedro Gonsalues should stay aboord our shippe, and not goe any more on land
vntill they departed. So the ninth of Ianuary he was deliuered aboord to
goe for England in the same ship wherein he came: who was all the time of
his abode in our shippe both courteously and friendly vsed at my hands,
much against the mariners willes, who could not abide such a wicked
creature and caitiue, that is nourished and relieued in our countrey, and
yet by villanous meanes sought the destruction of vs all.

The Spaniards and Portugals though they be dissemblers and not to be
trusted, when they perceiued how king Amar Melicks Negros befriended and
fauored vs, and that it would be preiudiciall to their trade for diuers
respects, if we should any way be iniuried, renounced the sayd practises,
detesting the author, and protested to defend vs in such cases with all
faithfulnesse: desiring we would, as the king of Negros had commanded vs,
neuer bring Portugal with vs more: vsing this phrase in disdaine of such as
came out of England, let your Portugals be barres of yron: for in trueth in
regard of the rich trade maintained by Frenchmen and by vs of late, they
esteeme more of one barre of yron then of twenty Portugals which we should
bring out of England: who at their comming thither very subtilly
disaduantage vs, and doe great hurt to euery party.

At the beginning of these broiles the king Amar Melick had sent his chiefe
secretary and three horses for me Richard Rainolds: but I denied to goe by
reason of the hurley burley, though I might haue had Negros of account for
pledges aboord: yet we sent the presents vnto the king; who so soone as he
vnderstood the cause why I came not to him, being sory and offended
thereat, commanded presently by proclamation, that no iniury should be
offered vs in his dominions by his owne people, or suffered to be done by
Spaniards or Portugals. And if the Negros ioyning to his kingdome should
confederate with the Spaniards and Portugals to molest or trouble vs; that
his subiects the Negros should be ready to ayde, succor and defend vs. In
which people appeared more confident loue and good will toward vs, then
euer we shall finde either of Spaniards or Portugals, though we should
relieue them of the greatest misery that can be imagined.

In the riuer of Senega no Spaniard or Portugall vse to trade: and onely one
Portugall called Ganigoga dwelleth farre within the riuer, who was maried
to a kings daughter.

[Sidenote: Note this trade.] In the townes of Porto d'Ally and Ioala, being
townes of chiefest trade, and in the townes of Canton and Cassan in the
riuer of Gambra are many Spaniards and Portugals resident by permission of
the Negros; who haue rich trades there along the coast, especially to San
Domingo and Rio grande, not far distant from Gambra riuer; whither they
transport the yron which they buy of Frenchmen and vs, and exchange it for
Negros; which be caried continually to the West Indies in such ships as
came from Spaine. [Sidenote: A rich trade for golde in Rio grande.] Also by
the gouernors order and Renters of Castel de Mina and other places, where
golde is, vpon the coast of Guinea, they haue a place limited how farre
they must go to trade within the riuer of Gambra; and further they may not
go vpon paine of confiscation of their goods, and losse of life: for that
the Renters themselues send at certaine times their owne barkes within the
riuer to such places, where as they haue great store of golde. And in all
these places hereabouts, where we vse to trade, they haue no Fort, Castle,
or place of strength, but onely trading by the Negros safeconduct and
permission. And the most part of the Spaniards and Portugals that be
resident in these places be banished men or fugitiues, for committing most
hainous crimes and incestuous acts, their life and conuersation being
agreeable; and they are of the basest behauiour that we haue euer seene of
these nations in any other countrey.

* * * * *

A briefe relation concerning the estate of the cities and prouinces of
Tombuto and Gago written in Marocco the first of August 1594, and sent to
M. Anthony Dassel marchant of London.

My hearty commendations premised: your letter of late I receiued, and found
that you would haue me discouer vnto you the estate and quality of the
countreyes of Tombuto and Gago. And that you may not thinke me to slumber
in this action, wherein you would be truely and perfectly resolued, you
shall vnderstand, that not ten dayes past here came a Cahaia of the
Andoluzes home from Gago, and another principall Moore, whom the king sent
thither at the first with Alcaide Hamode, and they brought with them thirty
mules laden with gold. I saw the same come into the Alcasaua with mine owne
eies: and these men themselues came not poore, but with such wealth, that
they came away without the kings commandement; and for that cause the king
will pay them no wages for the time they haue beene there. On the other
side they dare not aske the king for any wages. And when Alcaide Hamode saw
that the Cahaia of the Andoluzes would not stay in Gago with him, he
thought good to send these thirty mules laden with golde by him, with
letters of commendations, by which the king smelled their riches that they
brought with them: and this was the cause of the kings displeasure towards
them. So now there remaineth in Gago Alcaide Hamode, and Alcaide Iawdara,
and Alcaide Bucthare. And here are in a readinesse to depart in the end of
next September Alcaide Monsor, Ben Abdrahaman Allies, Monsor Rico with fiue
thousand men, most of the fettilase, that is to say, of fier match, and
muskets. [Sidenote: Commodities for Gago.] There is gone good store of reds
and yellowes: and this yere here was want of the same commodity; but I
trust the next yere wil be no want. But in fine the king doth prosper wel
in those parts, and here are many pledges come hither, and namely three of
the kings sonnes of Gago and the Iustice; I saw them come in with the
treasure. Now when Alcaide Monsor commeth to Gago, the which will be in
Ianuary next, then returneth hither Alcaide Hamode with all the treasure,
and Alcaide Monsor is to keepe Gago vntill the king take further order. And
thus much for Gago. Thus not hauing any other thing to write at this
present, I commend you to the mercifull tuition of the almighty.

From Marocco the first of August 1594.

Your assured friend Laurence Madoc.

* * * * *

Another briefe relation concerning the late conquest and exceeding great
riches of the cities and prouinces Tombuth and Gogo, written from Morocco
the 30 August 1594, to M. Anthony Dassel marchant of London aforesayd.

Louing friend M. Dassel, two of your letters I haue receiued, one by the
shippe called The Amity, the other by the Concord: the chiefest matter
therein was to be satisfied of the king of Morocco his proceedings in
Guinea. Therefore these are to let you vnderstand that there went with
Alcaide Hamode for those parts seuenteene hundred men: who passing ouer the
sands, for want of water perished one third part of them: [Sidenote:
Tombuto taken.] and at their comming to the city of Tombuto, the Negros
made some resistence: but to small purpose, for that they had no defence
but with their asagaies or iauelings poisoned. [Sidenote: Gago taken.] So
they tooke it, and proceeded to the city of Gago, where the Negros were in
numbers infinite, and meant to stand to the vttermost for their countrey:
but the Moores slew them so fest, that they were fain to yeeld, and do pay
tribute by the yere. The rent of Tombuto is 60 quintals of golde by the
yeere: the goodnesse whereof you know. What rent Gago will yeeld, you shall
know at the Spring, for then Alcaide Hamode commeth home. The rent of
Tombuto is come by the cafelow or carouan, which is, as aboue mentioned, 60
quintals. The report is, that Mahomed bringeth with him such an infinite
treasure as I neuer heard of: it doth appeare that they haue more golde
then any other parte of the world beside. The Alcaide winneth all the
countrey where he goeth without fighting and is going downe towards the sea
coast. The king of Marocco is like to be the greatest prince in the world
for money, if he keepe this countrey. But I make account assoone as the
king of Spaine hath quietnesse in Christendome, he wil thrust him out: for
that the kings force is not great as yet; but he meaneth to be stronger.
There is a campe ready to go now with a viceroy: the speech is with 3000
men: but I thinke they will be hardly 2000; for by report, 3000 men are
enough to conquer all the countrey: for they haue no defence of importance
against an enemy. I thinke Hamode will be returned home in Ianuary or
thereabout: for he stayeth but for the comming of the viceroy. Mulley
Balasen the kings sonne of Marocco was slaine in Guinea by his own men, and
they were presently killed, because they should tell no tales. And thus
leauing to trouble you, I commit you to God, who prosper you in all your
proceedings. From Marocco the first of August 1594.

Yours to command for euer Laurence Madoc.

Of these two rich cities and kingdomes of Tombuto and Gago Leo Africanus
writeth at large in the beginning of his seuenth booke of the description
of Africa, which worthy worke is to be annexed vnto the end of this second

* * * * *

A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton, and
others, for traffique betweene the riuer of Nonnia and the riuers of
Madrabumba and Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea, in the yeere 1592.

In May the 34 yeere of our gracious soueraigne Queene Elizabeth, a patent
of speciall licence was granted to Thomas Gregory of Tanton in the county
of Somerset, and to Thomas Pope, and certaine other marchants to traffique
into Guinea from the Northermost part of the riuer of Nonnia to the
Southermost parts of the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona, and to
other parts as well to the Southeast as to the Northwest, for a certaine
number of leagues therein specified which amount to an hundred or
thereabout. Which patent was granted for the terme of ten yeeres: as
appeareth at large in the sayd patent recorded in the Rolles in her
Majesties Chancery.

* * * * *

The maner of the taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksiluer and the
Popes bulles, bound for the West Indies, by M. Thomas White in the Amity
of London, 1592.

The 26 of Iuly 1592, in my returning out of Barbary in the ship called the
Amity of London, being in the height of 36 degrees or thereabout, at foure
of the clocke in the morning we had sight of two shippes, being distant
from vs about three or foure leagues: by seuen of the clocke we fetched
them vp, and were within gunshot: whose boldnesse, hauing the king of
Spaines armes displayed, did make vs judge them rather ships of warre then
laden with marchandise. And as it appeared by their owne speeches, they
made full account to haue taken vs: it being a question among them, whether
it were best to cary vs to S. Lucar, or to Lisbon. We waued ech other a
maine. They hauing placed themselues in warlike order one a cables length
before another, we began the fight. In the which we continued, so fast as
we were able to charge and discharge, the space of fiue houres, being neuer
a cables length distant either of vs from other. In which time we receiued
diuers shot both in the hull of our ship, masts, and sailes, to the number
of 32 great, besides 500 musket shot and harquebuzes a crocke at the least,
which we tolde after the fight. And because we perceiued them to be stout,
we thought good to boord the Biscaine, which was on head the other: where
lying aboord about an houre, and plying our ordinance and small shot; in
the end we stowed all his men. Now the other in the flieboat, thinking we
had entred our men in their fellow, bare roome with vs, meaning to haue
layed vs aboord, and so to haue intrapped vs betwixt them both: which we
perceiuing, fitted our ordinance so for him, as we quitted our selues of
him, and he boorded his fellow: by which meanes they both fell from vs.
Then presently we kept our loofe, hoised our top-sailes, and weathered
them, and came hard aboord the flieboat with our ordinance prepared, and
gaue her our whole broad side, with the which we slew diuers of their men;
so as we might see the blood run out at the scupper holes. After that we
cast about, and new charged all our ordinance, and came vpon them againe,
willing them to yeeld, or els we would sinke them: whereupon the one would
haue yeelded, which was betweene winde and water; but the other called him
traitor. Vnto whom we made answere, that if he would not yeeld presently
also, we would sinke him first. [Sidenote: Marke this othe.] And thereupon
he understanding our determination, presently put out a white flag, and
yeelded, and yet refused to strike their own sailes, for that they were
sworne neuer to strike to any Englishman. We then commanded their captaines
and masters to come aboord vs; which they did. And after examination and
stowing them, we sent certaine of our owne men aboord them, and strook
their sailes, and manned their ships: finding in them both 126 persons
liuing, and 8 dead, besides those which they themselues had cast ouerboord.
So it pleased God to giue vs the victory being but 42 men and a boy,
whereof 2 were killed and 3 wounded: for the which good successe we giue
God the only praise. These two rich prizes laden with 1400 cheste of
quicksiluer with the armes of Castile and Leon fastened vpon them, and with
a great quantity of bulles or indulgences, and gilded Missals or Seruice
books, with an hundred tonnes of excellent wines, we brought shortly after
into the riuer of Thames vp to Blacke-wall.

By the taking of this quicksiluer, about 1400 chests, the king of Spaine
loseth for euery quintall of the same a quintall of siluer that should haue
beene deliuered him by the masters of the mines there, which amounteth to
600000 pounds.

More by taking of his bulles, to wit, two millions and 72 thousand for
liuing and dead persons for the prouinces of Noua Hispania, Iucatan,
Guatimala, the Honduras, and the Phillippinas, taxed at two reals the
piece. And more for eighteene thousand bulles taxed at foure reals,
amounteth all to 107700 pounds. Summa totalis 707700 li.

More there were taken ten fardels of gilt missals and breuiaries sent for
the kings account.

So the hindrance that the king receiueth by the losse of his bulles and
quicksiluer amounteth as is abouesaid: besides the sacking of his wines,
about 100 tunnes, whereby his fleet is disappointed of a great part of
their prouision.

* * * * *

A true report of the honourable seruice at Sea perfourmed by Sir Iohn
Burrough Knight, Lieutenant generall of the fleet prepared by the honour.
Sir Walter Ralegh Knight, Lord warden of the Stanneries of Cornwall and
Deuon. Wherein chiefly the Santa Clara of Biscay, a ship of 600 tunnes
was taken, and the two East Indian caraks, the Santa Cruz and the Madre
de Dios were forced, the one burnt, and the other taken and brought into
Dartmouth the seuenth of September, 1592.

Sir Walter Ralegh vpon commission receiued from her Maiesty for an
expedition to be made to the West Indies, slacked not his vttermost
diligence to make full prouision of all things necessary, as both in his
choise of good ships, and sufficient men to performe the action euidently
appeared. For his shippes which were in numbre 14 or 15, those two of her
Maiesties, the Garland and the Foresight were the chiefest; the rest either
his owne or his good friends or aduenturers of London. For the gentlemen
his consorts and officers, to giue them their right, they were so well
qualited in courage, experience, and discretion, as the greatest prince
might repute himselfe happy to be serued with their like. The honor of
Lieutenant generall was imposed vpon sir Iohn Burrough, a gentleman, for
his manifold good and heroicall parts, thought euery way worthy of that
commandement: with whom after sir W. R. returned was ioyned in commission
sir Martin Frobisher, who for his speciall skill and knowledge in marine
causes had formerly caried imploiments of like or greater place. The rest
such as heretofore had giuen to the world sufficient proofe of their valour
in diuers seruices of the like nature. With these ships thus manned sir
Walter Ralegh departed towards the West countrey, there to store himselfe
with such further necessaries as the state of his voyage did needfully
require: where the Westerly windes blowing for a long time contrary to his
course, bound and constrained him to keepe harborough so many weeks, that
the fittest season for his purpose was gone, the mindes of his people much
altered, his victuals consumed: and withall, her Maiesty vnderstanding how
crosly all this sorted, began to call the proceeding of this preparation
into question: insomuch that, whereas the sixt of May was first come before
sir Walter could put to sea, the very next day sir Martin Frobisher in a
pinnesse of my lord Admirals called The Disdaine, met him, and brought to
him from her Maiesty letters of reuocation, with commandement to relinquish
(for his owne part) the intended attempt, and to leaue the charge and
conduct of all things in the hands of sir Iohn Burrough and sir Martin
Frobisher, But sir Walter finding his honor so farre engaged in the
vndertaking of this voyage, as without proceeding he saw no remedy either
to salue his reputation, or to content those his friends which had put in
aduentures of great summes with him; and making construction of the Queenes
letters in such sort as if her commandement had bene propounded in
indifferent termes, either to aduance forward or to retire, at his owne
discretion; would in no case yeeld to leaue his fleet now vnder saile.
Wherefore continuing his course into the sea, he met within a day or two,
with certaine sailes lately come from Spaine: among which was a ship
appertaining to Monsieur Gourdon gouernor of Caleis, and found aboord her
one M. Neuel Dauies an Englishman, who hauing endured a long and miserable
captiuity for the space of twelue yeeres, partly in the inquisition in
Spaine, was now by good fortune escaped, and vpon returne to his countrey.
This man, among other things, reported for certaine, that there was little
hope of any good this yeere to be done in the West India; considering that
the king of Spaine had sent expresse order to all the Ports both of the
Ilands and of Terra firma, that no ship should stirre that yeere, nor any
treasure be layed aboord for Spaine. But neither this vnpleasant relation
nor ought els could stay his proceedings, vntill a tempest of strange and
vncouth violence arising vpon Thursday the 11 of May, when he was athwart
the Cape Finister, had so scattered the greater part of the fleet, and
sunke his boats and pinnesses, that as the rest were driuen and seuered,
some this way and some that, sir Walter himselfe being in the Garland of
her Maiesty was in danger to be swallowed vp of the Sea. Whereupon sir W.
Ralegh finding that the season of the yere was too farre gone to proceed
with the enterprise which he had vpon Panama, hauing bene held on the
English coast from February till May, and thereby spent three moneths
victuals; and considering withall, that to lie vpon the Spanish coast or at
the Ilands to attend the returne of the East or West Indian fleets was
rather a worke of patience then ought els: he gaue directions to sir Iohn
Burgh and sir M. Frobisher to diuide the fleet in two parts; sir M. with
the Garland, cap. George Gifford, cap. Henry Thin, cap. Grenuile and others
to lie off the South cape, thereby to amaze the Spanish fleet, and to holde
them on their owne coast; while sir I. Burgh, capt. Robert Crosse, capt.
Tomson, and others should attend at the Ilands for the caraks or any other
Spanish ships comming from Mexico or other parts of the West Indies. Which
direction tooke effect accordingly; for the king of Spaines Admirall
receiuing intelligence that the English fleet was come on the coast,
attended to defend the South parts of Spaine, and to keepe himselfe as nere
sir Mart. Frobisher as he could, to impeach him in all things which he
might vndertake; and thereby neglected the safeconduct of the caraks, with
whom it fared as hereafter shall appeare. Before the fleet seuered
themselues they mette with a great Biscain on the Spanish coast called
Santa Clara a ship of 600 tunnes.

The noise of the artillery on both sides being heard, immediatly they drew
to their fleet; where after a reasonable hot fight, the ship was entred and
mastered, which they found freighted with all sorts of small yron-worke, as
horse shoes, nailes, plough-shares, yron barres, spikes, boults, locks,
gimbols, and such like, valued by vs at 6000 or 7000 li. but woorth to them
treble the value. This Biscain was sailing towards S. Lucar, there to take
in some further prouision for the West India. This ship being first
roomaged, and after sent for England, our fleet coasted along towards the
Southcape of S. Vincent, and by the way about the Rocke neere Lisbon, sir
Iohn Burrough in the Robucke spying a saile a farre off, gaue her present
chase; which being a flieboat and of good saile, drew him farre Southwards
before he could fetch her; but at last she came vnder his lee and strooke
saile. The master of which flieboat comming aboord him, confessed that the
king indeed had prepared a great fleet in S. Lucar and Cadiz, and (as the
report in Spaine was currant) for the West Indies. But indeed the Spanish
king had prouided this fleet vpon this counsell. He receiued intelligence,
that sir Walter Ralegh was to put out strong for the West India: to impeach
him, and to ranconter his force he appointed this fleet; although looking
for the arriuall of his East Indian caraks, he first ordained those ships
to waft them from the Acores. But perswading himselfe, that if the fleet of
sir Walter Ralegh did go for the West India, then the Ilands should haue
none to infest them but some small men of warre, which the caraks of
themselues would be well able to match; his order was to Don Alonso de
Bacan brother to the Marques of Santa Cruz, and Generall of his armada, to
pursue sir Walters fleet, and to confront him, what course soeuer he held.
[Sidenote: Sir Iohn Burrough in great danger of the Spanish fleet.] And
that this was true, our men in short time by proofe vnderstood: for sir
Iohn Burrough, not long after the taking of his last prize the flieboat, as
he sailed backe againe towards the rest of his company, discouered the
Spanish fleet to sea-ward of him: which hauing likewise espied him betwixt
them and the shore, made full account to bring him safe into Spanish
harbour; and therefore spred themselues in such sort before him, that
indeed his danger was very great: for both the liberty of the sea was
brought into a narrow straight, and the shore being enemy could giue him no
comfort of reliefe: so that trusting to Gods helpe onely and his good
saile, he thrust out from among them in spight of all their force, and to
the notable illusion of all their cunning, which they shewed to the
vttermost, in laying the way for his apprehension. [Sidenote: The Ile of S.
Michael.] But now sir Iohn Burrough hauing happily escaped their clouches,
finding the coast guarded by this fleet, and knowing it was but folly to
expect a meeting there with sir Martin Frobisher (who vnderstanding of this
armada aswell as himselfe, would be sure not to come that way) beganne to
shape his course to the Acores according to sir W. Raleghs direction, and
came in sight of S. Michael, running so neere by Villa Franca, that he
might easily discerne the shippes lying there at anker. [Sidenote: Diuers
small ships taken.] Diuers small carauels both here and betweene S. Georges
and the Pike in his course towards Flores he intercepted; of which no great
intelligence for his affaires could be vnderstood. [Sidenote: Santa Cruz a
village in the Ile of Flores.] Arriuing before Flores vpon Thursday the 21
of Iune, towards euening, accompanied onely with captaine Caufield and the
Master of his shippe, the rest not being yet arriued, he made towards the
shore with his boat, finding all the people of Santa Cruz, a village of
that Iland, in armes, fearing their landing, and ready marshalled to defend
their towne from spoile. Sir Iohn contrariwise made signes of amity vnto
them by aduancing a white flagge, a common token of peace, which was
answered againe of them with the like: whereupon ensued entercourses of
good friendship; and pledges were taken on both sides, the captaine of the
towne for them, and captaine Caufield for our: so that whatsoeuer our men
wanted, which that place could supply either in fresh water, victuals, or
the like, was very willingly granted by the inhabitants; and good leaue had
they to refresh themselues on shore as much and as oft as they would
without restraint. [Sidenote: Newes of the East Indian caraks.] At this
Santa Cruz sir Iohn Burrough was informed, that indeed there was among them
no expectation of any fleet to come from the west, but from the East, that
no longer since then three dayes before his arriuall a carak was passed by
for Lisbon, and that there were foure carafes more behinde, of one consort.
Sir Iohn being very glad of this newes, stayed no longer on shore, but
presently imbarqued himselfe, hauing onely in company a small barke of
threescore tunnes belonging to one M. Hopkins of Bristoll. In the meane
while that these things thus passed at Flores, part of the rest of the
English fleet, which sir Iohn Burrough had left vpon the coast of Spaine,
drew also towards the Acores: and whereas he quickly at sea had discouered
one of the caraks, the same euening he might descry two or three of the
Earle of Cumberlands ships (whereof one M. Norton was captaine) which
hauing in like sort kenned the carak, pursued her by that course which they
saw her to runne towards the Ilands. But on no side was there any way made
by reason of a great calme which yeelded no breath to spread a saile.
Insomuch that fitly to discouer her what she was, of what burthen, force,
and countenance sir Iohn Burrough tooke his boat, and rowed the space of
three miles, to make her exactly: and being returned, he consulted with the
better sort of the company then present, vpon the boording her in the
morning. [Sidenote: A carak called The Santa Cruz set on fire.] But a very
mighty storme arising in the night, the extremity thereof forced them all
to wey ankers, yet their care was such in wrestling with the weather not to
lose the carak, that in the morning the tempest being qualified, and our
men bearing againe with the shore, they might perceiue the carak very neere
the land, and the Portugals confusedly carrying on shore such things as
they could any maner of way conuey out of her; and seeing the haste our men
made to come vpon them, forsook her; but first, that nothing might be left
commodious to our men, set fire to that which they could not cary with
them, intending by that meanes wholly to consume her; that neither glory of
victory nor benefit of shippe might remaine to ours. And least the approch
and industry of the English should bring meanes to extinguish the flame,
thereby to preserue the residue of that which the fire had not destroyed;
being foure hundred of them in number and well armed, they entrenched
themselues on land so neere to the carak, that she being by their forces
protected, and our men kept aloofe off, the fire might continue to the
consumption of the whole. This being noted by sir Iohn Burrough he soone
prouided a present remedy for this mischiefe. [Sidenote: An hundred of our
men land.] For landing one hundred of his men, whereof many did swim and
wade more then brest high to shore, and easily scattering those that
presented themselues to guard the coast, he no sooner drew toward their new
trenches, but they fled immediatly, leauing as much as the fire had spared
to be the reward of our mens paines. Here was taken among others one
Vincent Fonseca a Portugall, Purser of the carak, with two others, one an
Almaine and the second a Low-dutchman, canoniers: who refusing to make any
voluntary report of those things, which were demanded of them, had the
torture threatened, the feare whereof at the last wrested from them this
intelligence, that within fifteene dayes three other greater caraks then
that lately fired would arriue at the same Iland: and that being fiue
caraks in the fleet at their departure from Goa, to wit, the Buen Iesus
admirall, the Madre de Dios, the S. Bernardo, the S. Christophoro, and the
S. Cruz, (whose fortune you haue already heard) they had receiued speciall
commandement from the king not to touch in any case at the Iland of S.
Helena, where the Portugall caraks in their returne from the East India
were alwayes till now woont to arriue to refresh themselues with water and
victuals. And the kings reason was; because of the English men of warre,
who (as he was informed) lay there in wait to intercept them. [Sidenote:
Angola a new watering place for caraks.] If therefore their necessity of
water should driue them to seeke supply any where, he appointed them Angola
in the maine of Africa, with order there to stay onely the taking in of
water to auoid the inconuenience of infections where unto that hot latitude
is dangerously subiect. The last rendeuous for them all was the Iland of
Flores, where the king assured them not to misse of his armada thither sent
of purpose for their wafting to Lisbon. Vpon this information sir Iohn drew
to counsel, meeting there Captaine Norton, captain Dountain, captain
Abraham Cocke, captaines of three ships of the Earle of Cumberland, M.
Tomson of Harwich cap. of the Dainty of sir Iohn Haukins, one of sir W.
Raleghs fleet, and M. Christopher Newport cap. of the Golden dragon newly
returned from the West India, and others. These being assembled, he
communicated with them what he had vnderstood of the foresaid examinates,
and what great presumptions of trueth their relation did cary: wishing that
forasmuch as God and good fortune had brought them together in so good a
season, they would shew the vttermost of their indeuors to bring these
Easterlings vnder the lee of the English obedience. Hereupon a present
accord on all sides followed not to part company or leaue of those seas
till time should present cause to put their consultations in execution. The
next day her Maiesties good ship the Foresight commanded by sir Rob. Crosse
came in to the rest: and he likewise informed of the matter was soone
drawen into this seruice. Thus sir Iohn with al these ships departing
thence 6 or 7 leagues to the West of Flores, they spread themselues abroad
from the North to the South, ech ship two leagues at the least distant from
another. By which order of extension they were able to discouer the space
of two whole degrees at sea. In this sort they lay from the 29 of Iune to
the third of August, what time cap. Thomson in the Dainty had first sight
of the huge carak called the Madre de Dios, one of the greatest receit,
belonging to the crowne of Portugall. The Dainty being of excellent saile
got the start of the rest of our fleet, and begun the conflict somewhat to
her cost, with the slaughter and hurt of diuers of her men. Within a while
after, sir Iohn Burrough in the Robucke of sir W. Raleghs, was at hand to
second her, who saluted her with shot of great ordinance, and continued the
fight within musket shot assisted by cap. Tomson and cap. Newport till sir
R. Crosse viceadmirall of the fleet came vp being to leeward, at whose
arriuall sir I. Burgh demanded of him what was best to be done, who
answered, that if the carak were not boorded she would recouer the shore
and fire herselfe as the other had done. Whereupon sir I. Burgh concluded
to entangle her; and sir R. Crosse promised also to fasten himselfe to her
together at the instant; which was performed: but after a while sir Iohn
Burgh receiuing a shot with a canon perier vnder water and ready to sinke,
desired sir R. C. to fall off, that he might also cleere himselfe, and saue
his ship from sinking, which with difficulty he did: for both the Roebucke
and the Foresight were so intangled, as with much adoe could they cleere

[Sidenote: The Madre de Dios taken.] The same euening sir R. Crosse finding
the carak then sure and drawing neere the Iland perswaded his company to
boord her againe, or els there was no hope to recouer her: who after many
excuses and feares, were by him incouraged, and so fell athwart her
foreships all alone; and so hindered her sailing that the rest had time to
come vp to his succour, and to recouer the carak yer she recouered the
land: and so toward the euening after he had fought with her alone three
houres single, my lord of Cumberlands two ships came vp, and with very
little losse entred with sir R. Crosse, who had in that time broken their
courages, and made the assault easie for the rest.

The generall hauing disarmed the Portugals, and stowed them for better
security on all sides, first had presented to his eyes the true proportion
of the vast body of this carak, which did then and may still iustly prouoke
the admiration of all men not formerly acquainted with such a sight. But
albeit this first apparance of the hugenesse thereof yeelded sights enough
to entertaine our mens eyes: yet the pitifull obiect of so many bodies
slaine and dismembred could not but draw ech mans eye to see, and heart to
lament, and hands to helpe those miserable people, whose limnes were so
torne with the violence of shot, and paine made grieuous with the multitude
of woundes. No man could almost steppe but vpon a dead carkase or a bloody
floore, but specially about the helme, where very many of them fell
suddenly from stirring to dying. For the greatnesse of the stirrage
requiring the labour of twelue or fourteene men at once, and some of our
shippes beating her in at the sterne with their ordinance often times with
one shot slew foure or fiue labouring on either side of the helme; whose
roomes being still furnished with fresh supplies, and our artillery still
playing vpon them with continuall volleys, it could not be but that much
bloud should be shed in that place. [Sidenote: Exceeding humanity shewed to
the enemy.] Whereupon our Generall moued with singular commiseration of
their misery, sent them his owne chyrurgions, denying them no possible
helpe or reliefe that he or any of his company could affoord them. Among
the rest of those, whose state this chance had made very deplorable, was
Don Fernando de Mendoca Grand captaine and Commander of this Carake: who
indeed was descended of the house of Mendoca in Spaine; but being married
into Portugall, liued there as one of that nation; a gentleman well
stricken in yeeres, well spoken, of comely personage, of good stature, but
of hard fortune. In his seuerall seruices against the Moores he was twise
taken prisoner, and both times ransomed by the king. In a former voyage of
returne from the East India he was driuen vpon the Baxos or sands of Iuda
nere the coast of Cephala, being then also captaine of a caracke which was
there lost, and himselfe, though escaping the sea-danger, yet fell into the
hands of infidels on land; who kept him vnder long and grieuous seruitude.
Once more the king carying a louing respect to the man, and desirous to
better his condition, was content to let him try his fortune in this
Easterly nauigation, and committed vnto him the conduct of this caracke,
wherein he went from Lisbon Generall of the whole fleet, and in that degree
had returned, if the Vice-rey of Goa embarked for Portugall in the Bon
Iesus had not, by reason of his late office, bene preferred. Sir Iohn
intending not to adde too much affliction to the afflicted, moued with pity
and compassion of humane misery, in the end resolued freely to dismisse
this captaine and the most part of his followers, to their owne countrey,
and for the same purpose bestowed them in certaine vessels furnished with
all kindes of necessary prouision. This businesse thus dispatched, good
leasure had he to take such view of the goods as conueniency might affoord.
And hauing very prudently (to cut off the vnprofitable spoile and pillage
whereunto he saw the minds of many inclined) seised vpon the whole to her
Maiesties vse, after a short and slender romaging and searching of such
things as first came to hand, he perceiued that the wealth would arise
nothing disanswerable to expectation; but that the variety and grandure of
all rich commodities would be more then sufficient to content both the
aduenturers desire and the souldiers trauell. And here I cannot but enter
into the consideration and acknowledgement of Gods great fauor towards our
nation, who by putting this purchase into our hands hath manifestly
discouered those secret trades and Indian riches, which hitherto lay
strangely hidden, and cunningly concealed from vs; whereof there was among
some few of vs some small and vnperfect glimse onely, which now is turned
into the broad light of full and perfect knowledge. Whereby it should seeme
that the will of God for our good is (if our weaknesse could apprehend it)
to haue vs communicate with them in those East Indian treasures, and by the
erection of a lawfull traffike to better our meanes to aduance true
religion and his holy seruice. The caracke being in burden by the
estimation of the wise and experienced no lesse then 1600 tunnes had full
900 of those stowed with the grosse bulke of marchandise, the rest of the
tunnage being allowed, partly to the ordinance which were 32 pieces of
brasse of all sorts, partly to the passengers and the victuals, which could
not be any small quantity, considering the number of the persons betwixt
600 and 700, and the length of the nauigation. To giue you a taste (as it
were) of the commodities, it shall suffice to deliuer you a generall
particularity of them, according to the catalogue taken at Leadenhall the
15 of September 1592. [Sidenote: A briefe catalogue of the sundry rich
commodities of the Madre de Dios.] Where vpon good view it was found, that
the principall wares after the iewels (which were no doubt of great value,
though they neuer came to light) consisted of spices, drugges, silks,
calicos, quilts, carpets and colours, &c. The spices were pepper, cloues,
maces, nutmegs, cinamom, greene ginger: the drugs were beniamin,
frankincense, galingale, mirabolans, aloes zocotrina, camphire: the silks,
damasks, taffatas, sarcenets, altobassos, that is, counterfeit cloth of
gold, vnwrought China silke, sleaued silke, white twisted silke, curled
cypresse. The calicos were book-calicos, calico-launes, broad white
calicos, fine starched calicos, course white calicos, browne broad calicos,
browne course calicos. There were also canopies, and course diaper-towels,
quilts of course sarcenet and of calico, carpets like those of Turky;
whereunto are to be added the pearle, muske, ciuet, and amber-griece. The
rest of the wares were many in number, but lesse in value; as elephants
teeth, porcellan vessels of China, coco-nuts, hides, eben-wood as blacke as
iet, bedsteads of the same, cloth of the rindes of trees very strange for
the matter, and artificiall in workemanship. All which piles of commodities
being by men of approued iudgement rated but in reasonable sort amounted to
no lesse then 150000 li. sterling, which being diuided among the
aduenturers (whereof her Maiesty was the chiefe) was sufficient to yeeld
contentment to all parties. [Sidenote: The capacity and dimensions of the
Madre de Dios.] The cargazon being taken out, and the goods fraighted in
tenne of our ships sent for London, to the end that the bignesse, heigth,
length, bredth, and other dimensions of so huge a vessell might by the
exact rules of Geometricall obseruations be truly taken, both for present
knowledge, and deriuation also of the same vnto posterity, one M. Robert
Adams, a man in his faculty of excellent skill, omitted nothing in the
description, which either his arte could demonstrate, or any mans iudgement
thinke woorthy the memory. After an exquisite suruey of the whole frame he
found the length from the beak-head to the sterne (whereupon was erected a
lanterne) to containe 165 foote. The breadth in the second close decke
whereof she had three, this being the place where there was most extension
of bredth, was 46 feet and ten inches. She drew in water 31 foot at her
departure from Cochin in India, but not aboue 26 at her arriual in
Dartmouth, being lightened in her voyage by diuers meanes some 5 foote. She
caried in height 7 seuerall stories, one maine Orlop, three close decks,
one fore-castle, and a spar-decke of two floores a piece. The length of the
keele was 100 foote, of the maine-mast 121 foot, and the circuite about at
the partners 10 foote 7 inches, the maine-yard was 106 foote long. By which
perfect commensuration of the parts appeareth the hugenesse of the whole,
farre beyond the mould of the biggest shipping vsed among vs either for
warre or receit.

Don Alonso de Bacan hauing a great Fleet and suffering these two caraks,
the Santa Cruz to be burnt, and the Madre de Dios to be taken, was
disgraced by his prince for this negligence.

* * * * *

The firing and sinking of the stout and warrelike Carack called Las Cinque
Llaguas, or, The fiue Wounds, by three tall Ships set foorth at the
charges of the right honorable the Erle of Cumberland and his friends:
Written by the discreet and valiant captaine M. Nicholas Downton.

In the latter ende of the yeere 1593. the right honourable Erle of
Cumberland, at his owne charges and his friends, prepared 3 ships, all at
equall rate, and either of them had like quantitie of victuals, and like
numbers of men, there being embarked in all 3 ships 420 men of al sorts.
[Marginal note: Besides these three ships there was a pinnas called the
Violet, or the Why not I.] The Roial Exchange went as Admirall, wherein M.
George Caue was captaine. The May-flower Viceadmirall vnder the conduct of
William Anthonie: and the Sampson, the charge whereof it pleased his honour
to commit vnto me Nicholas Dounton. Our directions were sent vs to
Plimmouth, and we were to open them at sea.

The sixt of Aprill 1594 we set sayle in the sound of Plimmouth, directing
our course toward the coast of Spaine.

The 24 of the sayd moneth at the Admirals direction wee diuided our selues
East and West from ech other, being then in the heigth of 43 degrees, with
commaundement at night to come together againe.

The 27 day in the morning we descried the May-flower and the litle Pinnasse
with a Prise that they had taken, being of Viana in Portugall, and bound
for Angola in Africa. This Barke was of 28 tunnes, hauing some 17 persons
in the same. [Sidenote: Commodities fit for Angola.] There were in her some
12 Buts of Galicia wine, whereof we tooke into euery shippe a like part,
with some Ruske in chests and barrels, with 5 buts of blew course cloth,
and certaine course linnen-cloth for Negros shirts, which goods were
diuided among our fleet.

The 4 of May we had sight of our Pinnasse, and the Admirals Shallop which
had taken three Portugall Carauels, whereof they had sent two away and kept
the third.

The second of Iune we had sight of S. Michael. The third day in the morning
we sent our small pinnasse, which was of some 24 tunnes, with the small
Carauell which we had taken at the Burlings to range the road of all the
Ilands, to see if they could get any thing in the same: appointing them to
meet vs W. S. W. 12 leagues from Faiall. Their going from vs was to no
purpose. They missed comming to vs when we appointed, as also we missed
them, when we had great cause to haue vsed them.

The 13 of Iune we met with a mightie Carack of the East. Indies, called Las
cinque Llagas, or The fiue wounds. The May-flower was in fight with her
before night. I, in the Sampson, fetched her vp in the euening, and as I
commanded to giue her the broad side, as we terme it, while I stood very
heedefully prying to discouer her strength: and where I might giue counsel
to boord her in the night when the Admirall came vp to vs, and as I
remember at the very first shot she discharged at vs, I was shot in a litle
aboue the belly, whereby I was made vnseruiceable for a good while after,
without touching any other for that night. Yet by meanes of an honest
truehearted man which I had with me, one captaine Grant, nothing was
neglected: vntill midnight when the Admirall came vp, the May-flower, and
the Sampson neuer left by turnes to ply her with their great ordinance; but
then captaine Caue wished vs to stay till morning, at what time each one of
vs should giue her three bouts with our great ordinance, and so clap her
aboord: but indeed it was long lingered in the morning vntil 10 of the
clocke before wee attempted to boord her. The Admirall laid her a boord in
the mid ship: the May-flower comming vp in the quarter, as it should seeme,
to lie at the sterne of the Admirall on the larboord-side. The captaine of
the sayd May-flower was slaine at the first comming vp: whereby the ship
fell to the sterne of the out-licar of the Carack, which (being a piece of
timber) so wounded her foresaile, that they sayd they could come no more to
fight, I am sure they did not, but kept aloofe from vs. The Sampson went
aboord on the bow, but hauing not rome enough, our quarter lay on the
Exchanges bow, and our bowe on the Caracks bowe. The Exchange also at the
first comming had her captaine M. Caue shot into both the legs, the one
whereof he neuer recouered, so he for that present was not able to doe his
office, and in his absence he had not any that would vndertake to lead out
his company to enter vpon the enemie. My friend captaine Grant did lead my
men on the Caracks side, which being not manfully backed by the Exchanges
men, his forces being smal, made the enemie bolder than he would haue bene,
whereby I had sixe men presently slaine and many more hurt, which made them
that remained vnhurt to returne aboord, and would neuer more giue the
assault. I say not but some of the Exchanges men did very well, and many
more (no doubt) would haue done the like, if there had bene any principall
man to haue put them forward, and to haue brought all the company to the
fight, and not to haue run into corners themselues. But I must needs say,
that their ship was as well prouided for defence, as any that I haue seene.
And the Portugals peraduenture encouraged by our slacke working, plaied the
men and had Barricados made, where they might stand without any danger of
our shot. They plied vs also very much with fire, so that most of our men
were burnt in some place or other: and while our men were putting out of
the fire, they would euer be plying them with small shot or darts. This
vnusuall casting of fire did much dismay many of our men and made them draw
backe as they did. When we had not men to enter, we plied our great
ordinance much at them as high vp as they might be mounted, for otherwise
we did them little harme, and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle
being close by her, we fired a mat on her beak head, which more and more
kindled, and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit, and from the mat
vp to the wood of the bow-sprit, and thence to the top saile yard, which
fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger, and to make shew of
parle. But they that had the charge before encouraged them, making shew,
that it might easily be put out, and that it was nothing. Whereupon againe
they stood stifly to their defence. Anone the fire grew so strong, that I
saw it beyond all helpe, although she had bene already yeelded to vs. Then
we desired to be off from her, but had little hope to obtaine our desire;
neuerthelesse we plied water very much to keep our ship well. Indeed I made
little other reckoning for the ship, my selfe, and diuers hurt men, then to
haue ended there with the Carak, but most of our people might haue saved
themselues in boats. And when my care was most, by Gods prouidence onely,
by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and saile, and the
ropes about the spritsaile-yarde of the Carack, whereby we were fast
intangled, we fell apart, with burning of some of our sailes which we had
then on boord. The Exchange also being farther from the fire, afterward was
more easily cleared, and fell off from abaft And as soone as God had put vs
out of danger, the fire got into the fore-castle, where, I think, was store
of Beniamin, and such other like combustible matter, for it flamed and ran
ouer all the Carack at an instant in a maner. The Portugals lept ouer-boord
in great numbers. Then sent I captaine Grant with the boat, with leaue to
vse his owne discretion in sauing of them. So he brought me aboord two
gentlemen, the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira, which (as
appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of
Huighen de Linschoten) was gouernour of Mocambique and Cefala, in the yeere
1582. and since that time had bene likewise a gouernour in a place of
importance in the East Indies. And the shippe wherein he was comming home
was cast away a little to the East of the Cape of Buona Speranza, and from
thence be traueiled ouer-land to Mocambique, and came as a passenger in
this Carack. The other was called Bras Carrero, and was captaine of a
Carack which was cast away neere Mocambique, and came likewise in this ship
for a passenger. Also three men of the inferior sort we saued in our boat,
onely these two we clothed and brought into England. The rest which were
taken vp by the other ship boats, we set all on shore in the Ile of Flores,
except some two or three Negros, whereof one was borne in Mocambique, and
another in the East Indies. This fight was open off the Sound between Faial
and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward. The people which we saued told vs that
the cause why they would not yeeld, was, because this Carack was for the
king, and that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the countrey
for that yeere in her, and that the captaine of her was in fauor with the
king, and at his returne into the Indies should haue bene Viceroy there.
And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within boord nor
without, and was more like a ship of warre then otherwise: moreouer she had
the ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Mocambique, and the company
of her, together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a
little to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza. Yet through
sicknesse which they caught at Angola, where they watered, they say, they
had not now aboue 150 white men, but Negros a great many. They likewise
affirmed that they had three noblemen and three ladies in her, but we found
them to differ in most of their talke. All this day and all the night she
burned, but the next morning her poulder which was lowest being 60 barrels
blew her abroad, so that most of the ship did swim in parts aboue the
water. Some of them say, that she was bigger then the Madre de Dios, and
some, that she was lesse: but she was much vndermastered, and vndersailed,
yet she went well for a ship that was so foule. The shot which wee made at
her in great Ordinance before we layde her aboord might be at seuen bouts
which we had, and sixe or 7 shot at a bout, one with another, some 49 shot:
the time we lay aboord might be two houres. The shot which we discharged
aboord the Carack might be some twentie Sacars. And thus much may suffice
concerning our daungerous conflict with that vnfortunate Carack.

The last of Iune after long traversing of the seas we had sight of another
mightie Carack which diuerse of our company at the first tooke to be the
great S. Philip the Admiral of Spaine, but the next day being the first of
Iuly fetching her vp we perceiued her indeede to be a Carack, which after
some few shot bestowed vpon her we summoned to yeeld; but they standing
stoutly to their defence vtterly refused the same. Wherefore seeing no good
could be done without boording her I consulted what course we should take
in the boording. But by reason that wee which were the chiefe captaines
were partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict, and because
of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions, our valiant
and resolute determinations were crossed: and to conclude a long discourse
in few words, the Carack escaped our hands. After this attending about
Coruo and Flores for some West Indian purchase, and being disappointed of
our expectation, and victuals growing short, we returned for England, where
I arriued at Portesmouth the 28 of August.

* * * * *

The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape
Sprat, without the Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbarie. 1593.

The Tobie of London a ship of 250 tunnes manned with fiftie men, the owner
whereof was the worshipful M. Richard Staper, being bound for Liuorno,
Zante and Patras in Morea, being laden with marchandize to the value of 11
or 12 thousand pounds sterling, set sayle from Black-wall the 16 day of
August 1593, and we went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great
quantine of wheate, and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay in the Isle of
Wight, the 6. day of October, the winde being faire: and the 16 of the same
moneth we were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent, where on the next morning
we descried a sayle which lay in try right a head off vs, to which we gaue
chase with very much winde, the sayle being a Spaniard, which wee found in
fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leaue her and giue her ouer.
Two dayes after this we had sight of mount Chiego, which is the first
high-land which we descrie on the Spanish coast at the entrance of the
Straight of Gibraltar, where we had very foule weather and the winde scant
two dayes together. Here we lay off to the sea. The Master, whose name was
George Goodley, being a young man, and one which neuer tooke charge before
for those parts, was very proud of that charge which he was litle able to
discharge, neither would take any counsel of any of his company, but did as
he thought best himselfe, and in the end of the two dayes of foule weather
cast about, and the winde being faire, bare in with the straights mouth.
The 19 day at night he thinking that he was farther off the land than he
was, bare sayle all that night, and an houre and an halfe before day had
ranne our shippe ypon the ground on the coast of Barbarie without the
straight foure leagues to the South of Cape Espartel. Whereupon being all
not a litle astonied, the Master said vnto vs, I pray you forgiue me; for
this is my fault and no mans else. The company asked him whether they
should cut off the main mast: no said the Master, we will hoyse out our
boate. But one of our men comming speedily vp, said, Sirs, the ship is full
of water, well sayd the Master, then cut the mayne-mast ouer boord: which
thing we did with all speede. But the afterpart suddenly split a sunder in
such sort that no man was able to stand vpon it, but all fled vpon the
foremast vp into the shrouds thereof; and hung there for a time: but seeing
nothing but present death approch (being so suddenly taken that we could
not make a raft which we had determined) we committed our selues vnto the
Lord and beganne with dolefull tune and heauy hearts to sing the 12 Psalme.
Helpe Lord for good and godly men &c. Howbeit before we had finished foure
verses the waues of the sea had stopped the breathes of most of our men.
For the foremast with the weight of our men and the force of the sea fell
downe into the water, and vpon the fall thereof there were 38 drowned, and
onely 12 by Gods prouidence partly by swimming and other meanes of chests
gote on shoare, which was about a quarter of a mile from the wracke of the
ship. The master called George Goodley, and William Palmer his mate, both
perished. M. Caesar also being captaine and owner was likewise drowned:
none of the officers were saued but the carpenter.

We twelue which the Lord had deliuered from extreme danger of the Sea, at
our comming ashore fell in a maner into as great distresse. At our first
comming on shore we all fell downe on our knees, praying the Lord most
humbly for his merciful goodnesse. Our prayers being done, we consulted
together what course to take, seeing we were fallen into a desert place,
and we traueled all that day vntill night, sometimes one way and sometimes
another, and could finde no kinde of inhabitants; onely we saw where wilde
beasts had bene, and places where there had bene houses, which after we
perceiued to haue bene burnt by the Portugals. So at night falling into
certaine groues of oliue trees, we climed vp and sate in them to auoid the
danger of lions and other wilde beasts, whereof we saw many the next
morning. The next day we trauelled vntill three of the clocke in the
afternoone without any food but water and wilde date roots: then going ouer
a mountaine, we had sight of Cape Espartel; whereby we knew somewhat better
which way to trauell, and then we went forward vntill we came to an
hedgerow made with great long canes; we spied and looked ouer it, and
beheld a number of men aswell horsemen as footmen, to the number of some
fiue thousand in skirmish together with small shot and other weapons. And
after consultation what we were best to do, we concluded to yeeld our
selues vnto them, being destitute of all meanes of resistance. So rising vp
we marched toward them, who espying vs, foorthwith some hundred of them
with their iauelings in their hands came running towards vs as though they
would haue run vs thorow: howbeit they onely strooke vs flatling with their
weapons, and said that we were Spaniards: and we tolde them that we were
Englishmen: which they would not beleeue yet. By and by the conflict being
ended, and night approching, the captaine of the Moores, a man of some 56
yeres olde, came himselfe vnto vs, and by his interpreter which spake
Italian, asked what we were and from whence we came. One Thomas Henmer of
our company which could speake Italian, declared vnto him that we were
marchants, and how by great misfortune our ship, marchandise, and the
greatest part of our company were pitifully cast away vpon their coast. But
he void of all humainity and all manhood, for all this, caused his men to
strip vs out of our apparel euen to our shirts to see what money and iewels
we had about vs: which when they had found to the value of some 200 pounds
in golde and pearles they gaue vs some of our apparel againe, and bread and
water onely to comfort vs. The next morning they carried vs downe to the
shore where our shippe was cast away, which was some sixteene miles from
that place. In which iourney they vsed vs like their slaues, making vs
(being extreame weake,) to carry their stuffe, and offering to beat vs if
we went not so fast as they. We asked them why they vsed vs so, and they
replied, that we were their captiues: we said we were their friends, and
that there was neuer Englishman captiue to the king of Marocco. So we came
downe to the ship, and lay there with them seuen dayes, while they had
gotten all the goods they could, and then they parted it amongst them.
After the end of these seuen dayes the captaine appointed twenty of his men
wel armed, to bring vs vp into the countrey: and the first night we came to
the side of a riuer called Alarach, where we lay on the grasse all that
night: so the next day we went ouer the riuer in a frigate of nine oares on
a side, the riuer being in that place aboue a quarter of a mile broad: and
that day we went to a towne of thirty houses, called Totteon: there we lay
foure dayes hauing nothing to feed on but bread and water: and then we went
to a towne called Cassuri, and there we were deliuered by those twenty
souldiers vnto the Alcaide, which examined vs what we were: and we tolde
him. He gaue vs a good answere, and sent vs to the Iewes house, where we
lay seuen dayes. In the meane while that we lay here, there were brought
thither twenty Spaniards and twenty Frenchmen, which Spaniards were taken
in a conflict on land, but the Frenchmen were by foule weather cast on land
within the Straights about Cape de Gate, and so made captiues. Thus at the
seuen dayes end we twelue Englishmen, the twelue French, and the twenty
Spaniards were all conducted toward Marocco with nine hundred souldiers
horsemen and fotmen, and in two dayes iourney we came to the riuer of Fez,
where we lodged all night, being prouided of tents. The next day we went to
a towne called Salle, and lay without the towne in tents. From thence we
trauelled almost an hundred miles without finding any towne, but euery
night we came to fresh water, which was partly running water and sometime
raine water. So we came at last within three miles of the city of Marocco,
where we pitched our tents: and there we mette with a carrier which did
trauel in the countrey for the English marchants: and by him we sent word
vnto them of our estate; and they returned the next day vnto vs a Moore,
which brought vs victuals, being at that instant very feeble and hungry:
and withall sent vs a letter with pen, inke, and paper, willing vs to write
vnto them what ship it was that was cast away, and how many and what men
there were aliue. For said they we would knowe with speed, for to morow is
the kings court: and therefore we would know, for that you should come into
the citie like captiues. But for all that we were carried in as captiues
and with ropes about our neckes as well English as the French and
Spaniards. And so we were carried before the king: and when we came before
him he did commit vs all to ward, where wee lay 15 dayes in close prison:
and in the end we were cleared by the English Marchants to their great
charges; for our deliuerance cost them 700 ounces, euery ounce in that
country contayning two shillings. And when we came out of prison we went to
the Alfandica, where we continued eight weekes with the English marchants.
At the end of which time being well apparelled by the bountie of our
marchants we were conueyed downe by the space of eight dayes iourney to S.
Cruz, where the English ships road: where we tooke shipping about the 20 of
March, two in the Anne Francis of London, and fiue more of vs fiue dayes
after in the Expedition of London, and two more in a Flemish flie-boat, and
one in the Mary Edward also of London, other two of our number died in the
countrey of the bloodie-fluxe: the one at our first imprisonment at
Marocco, whose name was George Hancock, and the other at S. Cruz, whose
name was Robert Swancon, whose death was hastened by eating of rootes and
other vnnatural things to slake their raging hunger in our trauaile, and by
our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents. Thus of fiftie
persons through the rashnesse of an vnskilfull Master ten onely suruiued of
vs, and after a thousand miseries returned home poore, sicke, and feeble
into our countrey.

Richard Iohnson.
William Williams Carpenter.
Iohn Durham.
Abraham Rouse.
Iohn Matthewes.
Thomas Henmore.
Iohn Siluester.
Thomas Whiting.
William Church.
Iohn Fox.

* * * * *

The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent by one Laurence
Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Aethiopia, 1597.

Inuictissimo potentissimoque Abassenorum regi, magnoque vtriusque
Aethiopiae imperatori &c.

Elizabetha Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, et Hiberniae regina, fidei
defensor &c. summo ac potentissimo AEthiopiae imperatori salutem. Quod ab
omnibus qui vbiuis terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibusque
praestari par et aequum est, vt quanquam maximo locorum interuallo
dissiti, et moribus ac legibus discrepantes, communem tamen generis humani
societatem tueri et conseruare, mutuaque vt occasio ferret, charitatis et
beneuolentiae officia velint exercere: in eo nos de vestra fide atque
humanitate spem certissimam concipientes huic subito nostro Laurentio
Alderseio in regnum vestrum proficiscenti, hasce literas nostras, quibus
et nostra erga vos beneuolentia testata sit, et illum hinc profectum esse
constet, potissimum vobis indicandus dedimus. Qui cum orbis terrarum
perscrutandi cognoscendique studio permotus, multis antehac regionibus
peragratis, iam tandem in eas regiones, quae vestrae ditionis sunt,
longum, periculosumque iter instituat: cum ipse existimauit, tum nos etiam
sumus in eadem opinione, ad incolumitatem suam, atque etiam ad gratiam
apud vos, plurimum illi prafuturum, si diplomate nostro munitus,
beneuolenentiae nostrae et profectionis hinc suae testimonium ad vos
deferret. Nam cum summus ille mundi conditor rectorque praepotens Deus,
regibus principibusque qui suam vicem gerunt, orbem terrarum, suis cuique
finibus pro rata portione designatis, regendum atque administrandum
dederit; eoque munere ius quoddam inter eos fraternae necessitudinis,
aeternumque foedus ab illis colendum sanxerit: non erit (vt arbitramur)
ingratum vobis, cum beneuolentiae nostrae significationem, tam immensa
maris ac terrarum spatia transgressam, ab vltima Britannia ad vos in
Aetheiopiam perferri intellexeritis. Nobisque rursus erit incundum, cum
subditorum nostrorum praedicatione, ab ipsis Nili fontibus, et ab ijs
regionibus quae solis cursum definiunt, fama vestri nominis ad nos
recurret. Erit igitur humanitatis vestrae huic subdito nostro eam largiri
gratiam, vt in ditionem vestram sub praesidio ac tutela vestri nominis
intrare, ibique saluus et incolumis manere possit: quod ipsum etiam
ab aliis principibus, per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit magnopere
petimus, nobisque ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus: neque
tamen maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus, quam vicissim omnium principum
subditis, omniumque gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrime
concedimus. Datum Londini quinto die Nouembris: anno regni nostri
tricesimo nono: annoque Dom. 1597.

The same in English.

To the most inuincible and puissant king of the Abassens, the mightie
Emperour of Aethiopia the higher and the lower.

Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland,
defender of the faith, &c. To the most high and mightie Emperour of
Aethiopia greeting. Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all
kings and princes of what lands or nations soeuer, be they neuer so much
disseuered in place or differing in customes and lawes, to maintaine and
preserue the common societie of mankinde, and, as occassion shall be
offered, to performe mutuall duties of charitie and beneuolence: we for
that cause concerning most undoubted hope of your princely fidelity and
courtesie, haue giuen vnto this our subiect Laurence Aldersey intending to
trauell into your dominions, these our letters to be deliuered without
faile vnto your Highnesse, to the end they may be a testimony of our good
will towards you and of our saide subiect his departure from England. Who,
after his trauels in many forren countreys, being as yet enflamed with a
desire more throughly to surueigh and contemplate the world, and now at
length to vndertake a long and daungerous iourney into your territories and
regions: both the sayd Laurence thought, and our selues also deemed, that
it would very much auaile him, as well for his owne safetie as for the
attayning of your fauour, if, being protected with our broad seale, hee
might transport vnto your Highnesse a testimony of our louing affection and
of his departure from hence. For sithence almightie God the highest
creatour and gouernour of the world hath allotted vnto kings and princes
his vicegerents [sic--KTH] ouer the face of the whole earth, their designed
portions and limits to be ruled and administred by them; and by this his
gift hath established among them a certaine law of brotherly kindnesse, and
an eternall league by them to be obserued: it will not (we hope) seeme
vnpleasant vnto your highnesse, when you shall haue intelligence of our
louing letters sent so huge a distance ouer sea and land, euen from the
farthest realme of England vnto you in Aethiopia. On the other side our
selues shall take great solace and delight, when as by the relation of our
owne subiects, the renowme of your name shall be brought vnto vs from the
fountains of Nilus, and from those regions which are situate vnder the
Southerne Tropike. May it please you therefore of your princely clemencie
to vouchsafe so much fauour on this our subiect, that he may, vnder the
safeguard and protection of your name, enter into your highnesse dominions,
and there remaine safe and free from danger. Which fauour and courtesie wee
doe likewise most earnestly request at the hands of other princes, through
whose Seigniories our said subject is to passe; and we shall esteeme it as
done vnto our selfe and for our honours sake.

Neither do we require any greater fauour in this behalfe, then we are vpon
the like occasion most ready to graunt unto the subiects of all princes and
the people of all Nations, trauelling into our dominions. Given at London
the fift day of Nouember, in the thirtie and ninth yeere of our reigne: and
in the yeare of our Lord 1597.



[Footnote: The Editor takes this opportunity of making grateful
acknowledgements to the Marquis of Stafford, for his permission to print
this Tract from his curious Manuscript; and to the Reverend H. J. Todd, for
furnishing him with the accurate transcript from which it is printed.]

The first and greatest occasion let slip in our Voyage was, that we did not
possess ourselues of the fleete that was bound for the Indies, the lading
whereof would not onelie haue paid all charges of the iorneie, but haue
enabled vs a great while to wage warre with Spaine, with the meanes of
Spaine. To which I aunswere, that if either I had ben followed the first
morning of our comminge before the harbor when I bare with it, or if we had
entred the same Sundaie in the afternoone when we were vnder saile, and
within cannon shot of the enemies fleete, or after the men of warre were
taken and burnt, the nexte daie if anie shipping had gone vp as I vrged by
mine owne speech sent by Sir Anthonie Ashlie, who being secretaire at wars
was to record euerie mans seruice or omission; if anie of these had ben
don, then I saie had that fleete ben easilie possessed. For the first
morning they had neither their men aboard, as it was since confessed by our
prisoners, nor were provided of any counsel what to doe. In the afternoone
the same daie we had found the men of warre and the Marchaunts fleet
altogether in one bodie, and engaged them both at once, so as at the same
time we had defeated the one, we had possessed the other. And the next daie
presentlie vpon the fight and victorie against the Kings shipps, we had
found them all so amazed and confounded as they would haue thought of
nothing but of sauing themselues, and we had taken the ships, the riches in
them, and the fleet of gallies, without striking a blow; as both our
prisoners and captaines out of the gallies haue assured vs. But the first
morninge when I boare with the harbor, almost all the fleet came to an
ancker by the point Saint Sebastian a league wide of me, and gaue the
enemie leasure to send men and all necessaries aboard. When I was gon in, I
could neither get my companion to waigh his anckor, nor most of those that
were waied to goe in with me. And the next daie I had much a do to make our
ships fight at all. And when God had giuen vs victorie, my perswasions nor
protestations could make them that were sea-commaunders go or send vp to
possess the fleet of the Indies, whiles we assailed the towne, so as the
enemie had almost 48. howers to burne his owne shipps.

The second imputation that maie be laid to vs, was, that we did abandon
Cales, when we were possesst of it, whereas the holding of it would haue
ben a naile not in the foote of this great monarch but in his side, and
haue serued for a diversion of all the wars in these parts. To which I
aunswere, that some of our sea-commaunders, and especiallie my colleague,
did not onelie oppose themselues to that designe, (whose oppositions mine
instructions made an absolute barre,) but when we came to see how the
forces that should be left there might be victualed till succours came, the
victualls were for the most part hidden and embeazled, and euery ship began
at that instant to feare their wants, and to talke of goeing home; soe as I
should neither haue had one ship to staie at Cales, nor victualls for the
garrison for 2. moneths. And therefore I was forced to leaue Cales, and did
not choose to abandon it.

The third obiection we haue to aunswere is, whie we did not lie for the
carricks and Indian ships, seing we were on the coast the verie time that
is thought fittest for their intercepting and vsual of their retourne. In
which I must first cite the testimonie of all our commanders by land and
sea, that when we had in our retourne from Cales doubled the Cape St.
Vincent comonlie called the South Cape, I vrged our going to th' Islands of
Ozores, founding my selfe vpon these reasons: first, that it was more
certaine to attend them at the land-fall where theie must needs touch, then
to seeke them in the wide sea; and next, that the aduises sent out of
Spaine and Portingall since our being of myght meete them at the Islands,
and make them divert from coming thither. Besides, the Spaniards after
theie saw vs engaged at Cales would neuer suspect or dreame of our goeing
to the Islands. And when this counsell was reiected, and we come in the
sight of Lisbon, I there againe pressed the lieing for them with a selected
fleet, and offered vpon that condition to send home the land-forces, and
all such ships as want of victualls, leaks sickness, or anie thing els had
made vnfit to staie out at sea. But first the L. Admirall and Sr. Wa[l]ter
Rawligh did directlie by attestation vnder their hands contradict the first
proposition that I made, that some ships should attend that seruice. And
when we came to the hypothesis, which were fitt and their captaines content
to staie out in all the fleet, except the Low Countrie Squadron, there
could be found but two, my L. Thom. Howard and my selfe; so as by the whole

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