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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 by Emma Helen Blair

Part 3 out of 5

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5. _That the inhabitants of the islands may trade with Piru or any
other country._ Fifth: We ask that the inhabitants of these islands
may make voyages to Japon, Macan, and all other kingdoms and posts,
whether Portuguese or pagan, that admit our trade.

6. _That the Audiencia be abolished, or paid from Mexico._ Sixth:
The citizens of this city and of these islands are very few and poor
to carry so great a burden as the royal Audiencia, and the numerous
expenses caused and incurred by its officials; accordingly if there
are any reasons why the Audiencia should remain, his Majesty should
allow their salaries to be paid from the treasury of Mexico. The
father will inform his Majesty of the arguments on both sides,
according to the detailed memoranda and the discussions and opinions
expressed here. His Majesty will take what action he deems suitable.

Chapter fourth. Of other matters on which depend the establishment
and increase of this state and kingdom

1. _That farming and stock raising be encouraged._ First: It should
be brought to his Majesty's attention that, up to this time, this
country has had no adequate means of support--whether in estates,
farming, stock-raising, or anything else that sustains and enriches
countries; but that its first settlers came only to conquer and subdue
what little there is, and that afterward all thought and care were
transferred to traffic and gain. On this account all the country
has remained uncultivated and unsettled; and it is necessary that
an earnest effort be made to maintain what we now hold. To this end
his Majesty should undertake to send every year from Castilla, Nueba
Espana, or elsewhere, eight or ten married farmers with daughters; his
Majesty should pay the expenses of their voyage and settlement here,
and provide here their houses and farm implements, and grant them
other favors; and for this should issue very particular commands. He
should be told that there are so extensive and so fertile lands,
with abundance of wood and iron; and that there are many workmen and
much game, and everything else needed by farmers.

2. _That the farmers and settlers be exempt from all taxes for a
certain period._ Second: All coming to settle and cultivate the
soil should be exempt for the present from tithes, pecho, [41] and
any other tax--with assurance and agreement that for the future,
for such period as his Majesty may consider advisable, they shall
incur no molestation from the collector of tithes; and that each be
furnished the assurance of exemption which shall be necessary with
the church and other persons.

3. _That the Spaniards and Indians of the farms be exempt from war
and other personal labor._ Third: They, and all the Indians who aid
them or accompany them to their farms, should be exempt from war or
other personal labor in boats or on buildings, or anything else that
might hinder or fatigue them.

4. _That those coming as farmers be not allowed to change their
occupation._ Fourth: His Majesty should order that those coming for
this purpose shall not change or be transferred to any other pursuit
or means of gain; but that they be compelled to do the work for which
the above-mentioned, and what else shall appear necessary, is given,
so that they may be forced to it with good reason. Therefore, those
who shall be sent should be of humble and low estate, and only fit
for and accustomed to this work.

5. _That the Indians accompany our farmers and learn farming_. Fifth:
The Indian chiefs and timaguas should be ordered to associate
themselves with our farmers by just contracts and division, so that
they may grow to like and learn our method of farming, and that the
Spaniards may have someone to furnish them with people and other
necessary aids--since these Indians are sagacious and know how to
look out for themselves with the farmers, especially if the latter
be simple people, as above stated.

6. _That many cattle and horses be brought from China and Japon,
and that buffaloes be domesticated._ Sixth: His Majesty should give
imperative orders that an effort be made to have many horses and cattle
brought from China and Japon; and that these farmers and the Indian
chiefs and villages, be ordered to domesticate and breed buffaloes. By
these means they may have the animals which are necessary to cultivate
the land, for their other work, and for food.

7. _That the encomiendas be granted with the obligation to cultivate
them._ Seventh: His Majesty should order that, now and henceforth,
the encomiendas be granted under this obligation and charge, namely,
that the encomendero shall cultivate a portion of the land, and cause
it to be cultivated, and shall induce the said Indians and Spaniards
to do the same; that the governors attend to this with vigilance, and
that they require from the encomenderos a certain number of animals,
or so much cultivated land, or produce--either by themselves, or in
company with the said chiefs and farmers.

8. _That dowries be established here, so that some women may be married
every year._ Eighth: For a larger and better settlement and increase,
his Majesty should provide for this land dowries and alms--amounting
to four hundred or five hundred pesos, or thereabout, as may seem
advisable to his Majesty--so that every year ten, fifteen, or twenty
women, brought from Espana, may be married to the common people of
these islands, such as soldiers and others, that thus the country
may secure an increase of population--which it has not at present,
for lack of women and marriages.

9. _That there be dowries so that Indian women may be married to poor
Spaniards._ Ninth: His Majesty should assign other and lesser dowries,
so that the Indian women may be married to poor Spaniards (soldiers
and sailors) of the lower rank. In both these ways the country may
be increased, in these regions so remote and so lacking in people.

10. _That offices be not sold._ Tenth: His Majesty should know that
it has been proposed and intended here to have all the offices sold;
and, if his Majesty desire this increase, it is all the more important
not only that he should order that no more be sold, but that even,
if possible, those offices which were sold should be bought back. All
the offices should be given to those who come here, and remain in
lands so remote and of so few advantages. The offices include those of
secretaries, notaries, alguazils, clerks of records, assayer, and any
others whatever. No persons should come with appointments from Espana,
but appointments should be made here, as stated in chapter second,
sections 6 and 7.

11. _That the encomiendas be of such extent that they may provide
the taxes for tithes, instruction, and other expenses._ Eleventh:
We ask that, so far as the disposal of the land and the settlement
of the Indians allow, no encomiendas of less than eight hundred
or one thousand Indians be allotted, in order that there may be
sufficient for the instruction, tithes, and other expenses--which
cannot be covered in encomiendas of five hundred tributes, but which
are necessary. His Majesty should grant permission that those who
possess but few Indians may, if they so desire, dispose of and sell
them to another and neighboring encomendero, in order that a larger
encomienda may be formed; at present, this cannot be done.

Chapter fifth. Of some matters pertaining to the Indians

1. _That the Indians should not pay the tenth on gold, either new
or old._ First: His Majesty should grant this grace and exemption
to the Indians--namely, that for certain years they shall not pay
the tenth of their gold; for with this concession they would better
conform to the law, and would have gold in greater abundance, and
openly and above-board; for now they dig but little of it, and hide
most of that, in order to sell it to other nations. Although it has
been ordained that the old gold be not taxed the tenth, yet, on the
pretext of its being new, they tax it all, without the knowledge of
the governor. This evil cannot be remedied among the alcaldes-mayor
or other Spaniards who are concerned in the matter; nor do even the
governors care greatly about it, or remedy it.

2. _That, in the suits of the Indians, the process be summary._ Second:
In their law-suits, proceedings should not be conducted with such
preparation, and so great expenses and long terms, as are usual among
the Spaniards in a European chancilleria; but they should be summary,
and only sufficient records be kept to give evidence, so that, in the
future, no new suit can be instituted on the same ground. In regard
to this the father will relate our difficulties, past and present and
to come; and what the officers of justice do with the Indians--and the
same as regards the ecclesiastics. The Indians should not be condemned
to pay money fines, either for municipal purposes, or for charitable
institutions; but other penalties in use among the Indians should be
imposed, such as lashes, service in the hospitals, and other labors.

3. _That the collection of tributes by force, and without any
instruction being given to the Indians, excites and disturbs the
country._ Third: His Majesty should be informed of what has occurred
in the collection of tributes from the disaffected or never-pacified
encomiendas, and of how little heed is paid to his ordinances;
and he should order them to be executed. Such Indians should not
be compelled to submit; nor should all the tribute be collected
from them, but only something as recognition, since they receive no
benefit, nor know why it is demanded. Thus they regard it as a theft,
and us as robbers. Severe penalties should be imposed on those who
by only collecting the tribute each year and returning to this city,
or by sending soldiers to do it as above stated (disturb the country
and--_Madrid MS_.) render it impossible that the country can ever
be pacified. For this reason many districts of these islands are
disaffected, and must be subdued, as Burney, Maluco, Mindanao, and
others near them. The same should be understood also in regard to the
encomiendas allotted to the royal crown. This matter needs serious
attention and correction.

4. _The difficulty of furnishing instruction in some of the pacified
islands_. Fourth: His Majesty should be informed how little instruction
is given in these islands, the difficulty of many [encomenderos] in
furnishing it, and the much greater difficulty which arises from the
topography of the country--because it is all islands, and several, or
many, of them are so small that they do not allow an entire encomienda,
since three hundred, four hundred, or five hundred tributes are not
sufficient for the expenses of an encomienda; and many of these have
only one hundred or two hundred tributes. To this difficulty is added
the burden and danger of the voyage, the heat and rains, and the
poor roads of the country. In regard to this matter should be stated
whatever remains to be told; also the remedy that may be applied by
adding to the tributes, and by making some islands dependent upon
others, as his Majesty may deem best.

5. _That a protector of the Indians, with a salary, be appointed,
who shall not be the royal fiscal._ Fifth: A protector of the Indians
should be appointed, a Christian man, and with authority to defend
them, and prosecute their suits. In order to avoid the losses and
expenses generally caused to the Indians by protectors, because of
their being common men, he should have a good salary; and the royal
fiscal should not be the protector, because in his duties more cases
against the Indians than in their defense necessarily arise, and he
cannot neglect to prosecute them. Therefore it is advisable that the
two offices be not merged in one person; and that the said protector
be authorized to prosecute, even to the deprivation of encomiendas or
other penalties, pecuniary or personal; that he have a voice and vote
in the cabildo, both actively and passively; that he take precedence
of the regidors and alguazil-mayor, and sit with the advocates and
not with the prosecutors; that he be not an encomendero, and that the
alcaiceria [i.e., silk-market], and the care of the Chinese residing
in Manila, be annexed to his office.

Chapter sixth. Of matters pertaining to the soldiers

1. _The serious troubles and annoyances which result from the soldiers
not being paid._ First: His Majesty should be informed that the
country is not settled or pacified, because it is poorly governed
and has so small a military force. There is lack of men, and even
the few that we have serve with no pay or means of gain, but with
many hardships and dangers, and in extreme poverty and desolation,
and worse than captivity, since they are forced to service without any
pay or support. From this ensue many evils. The first is, that they do
nothing, and they cannot and even will not do anything voluntarily; and
in this alone they are lacking in natural loyalty and fidelity to their
king. Second: They go--poor, despised, disgraced, sick, and needy--to
serve masters who are often mean, and persons who, although just to
others, sometimes give these men no compensation. With such hardships,
sorrows, and famine, and but few delicacies or provisions for their
illnesses, many of them die, and that in great wretchedness. Third:
They try to escape, as often as they can--now to Macan or to Malaca,
sometimes to Maluco, but most commonly to Nueva Espana--under a
thousand pretexts and excuses of being married, or sick, or bound to
religion, and others. Fourth: On this account, the country has so bad a
reputation in Mexico and in the other countries whence they might come,
that no one of worth comes, but only very mean and worthless beggars,
and destitute, shiftless, and useless fellows; and it would matter
very little, and would even be better, if they did not come. Fifth:
It is a pitiable thing to see men of rank and quality, and gentlemen,
who have come for private opportunities and objects, poor, ill-clad,
without shelter, service, or food, and needy, enduring great hunger
and shame for the sake of supplying these needs--in the same day
dining at one house and supping at another. Sixth: On this account,
the captains and commanders neither dare nor can order anything
freely, nor are the soldiers willing to obey; and therefore, not only
is nothing accomplished, but there remains neither military order,
nor respect for superiors, nor organization. Seventh: They have no
weapons, or, if they have them, they are compelled to pawn or sell
them for clothing and food. Eighth: On this account, many of them
are almost forced to inflict injuries on the natives of the country
in order to get food, and others to live with native women for the
same reason. From all of these follows the ninth and greatest evil
of all--namely, that the little that has been conquered has been so
weakened that it is not growing, and shows no sign of future growth;
and nearly all the rest is so disaffected, and without our having
any opportunity or power to hold it, that not only will it remain
as now, but it is even feared that the little already conquered will
be ruined--especially as, besides the foe at home, there are so many
surrounding enemies, those of Japon, China, Cian, Patan, Jabas, Burney,
and Maluco, and other innumerable peoples. All this is in the utmost
need of remedy, so that this Spanish state may not be destroyed, and
so many souls of the natives lost, and the glory of their Creator and
the knowledge of Jesus Christ effaced and forgotten. Nor should the
enlargement of so great lands and kingdoms, for so much gain, honor,
and renown of our Catholic sovereigns and of their faithful vassals,
the Spanish nation, be neglected.

2. _The great importance of paying the soldiers._ Second: All this
will be remedied, provided that his Majesty order that, inasmuch as
there is an evident and imperative need here for troops, and for their
participation, as now, in the exercise and labors of war--conquering,
pacifying, conserving, controlling, and anticipating dangers; carrying
the responsibilities of presidios [i.e., fortified towns], garrisons,
and sentries; and enduring other duties and hardships, greater in this
country than in any other--they be granted what is just and necessary,
either from the treasury of Mexico or of some other country, or
in such manner and method as his Majesty may consider better; and
that the pay be the ordinary rate that is paid in the Yndias--or,
if he chooses, even less. This will not only put an end to the said
evils and annoyances, but will give rise to so great blessings; since
the country will be quiet and settled, and there will be continual
necessity for subduing and converting more lands, and conquering all
of the neighboring islands and kingdoms. These will have the fear and
respect that they ought to have for the power and might of his Majesty,
and for the Spanish people--of which much has been lost and little
gained of late years, because we have been so shut in and abandoned.

3. _That three hundred and fifty soldiers with six captains, six
standard-bearers, sergeants, and corporals are sufficient for that
country._ Third: For the above object, it will be sufficient that
his Majesty maintain here three hundred or three hundred and fifty
soldiers, with six captains, six standard-bearers, six sergeants,
and twelve corporals, well drilled and equipped. This can be done
in the Yndias at the price of fifteen pesos [to each soldier], and
to the captains fifty, to the standard-bearer twenty-five, and one
thousand pesos of additional pay, to be distributed annually at the
will of the general.

4. _That the soldiers should have no other duty or occupation_. Fourth:
We recommend that any one of the soldiers, on receiving an encomienda
or other appointment, shall draw no more pay; and that while he
draws pay, he shall not be allowed to trade or traffic, under severe
penalties--for this lure and anxiety is the destruction of soldiers;
it lessens and intimidates their resolution, and occupies them and
distracts them from their proper aim, which is so necessary for the
safety and increase of this land and of Christendom.

5. _That the soldiers shall not be servants of the governors or
others._ Fifth: We recommend that no servants of the governors,
captains royal officials or others, may be provided from any garrison
of soldiers; but that all the latter be soldiers only, with the
occupation and exercise of arms, or of what pertains thereto.

6. _That the exemptions of soldiers be observed._ Sixth: The exemptions
from arrest for debts incurred while a soldier, or from executions on
weapons, horse, or anything else necessary and proper to the soldier,
should be maintained.

7. _That the captains and commanders enjoy their privileges._ Seventh:
The captains and commanders should be protected in their privileges,
by which they have ordinary power and authority to govern and punish
the soldiers, and in all matters pertaining to the soldiery; and
these powers should be granted to and exercised by them.

8. _That the governor and captain-general have a guard of twenty-four
halberdiers._ Eighth: Twenty-four halberdiers should be given to the
governor and captain-general, to guard his person and maintain his
authority, as do those of the captain of Malaca; for it is only by such
display that due respect is inspired in the natives and foreigners,
and their minds kept from planning revolts and treasons. It also
confers authority upon the person of him who represents the person
of our king, and increases the honor and reverence paid to him. To
these guards should be given each month, from the royal exchequer,
eight pesos and three fanegas of rice; and to the captain of the guard,
twenty-five pesos.

9. _That those coming from Mexico be soldiers, and not boys, or pages
of the captains._ Ninth: His Majesty should order great caution to be
employed as to who come from Nueba Espana, assigned and at his cost,
that they be soldiers and bear arms: for those who generally come now
are only young lads, mestizos, and even some full-blooded Indians,
and these without weapons; and many others are pages and servants of
the captains and other persons, who--they and their masters--under
the name of soldiers draw the pay.

Chapter seven. Of the forts and presidios needed in this country

1. _That Manila should be walled, and the ease with which this can
be accomplished._ First: His Majesty should be informed of the ease
and cheapness with which stone buildings are made and can be made. He
should urgently and imperatively order that this city of Manila be
enclosed with stone, on the side where that is needed, and on the other
sides with water; that the fort be built where it shall be determined
by the advice of all; and that a tower be erected on the point at the
junction of the river and sea. The part where a wall is necessary is
very little, extending from the beach to a marsh of the river--about
sixty brazas; but it will never be done, unless his Majesty so order.

2. _That until forts are built, the country will not be settled._
Second: Having this and the garrison for the fort, not only will the
city be secure from the perils that have hitherto menaced it, and its
present dangers from revolts; but the natives (like the Chinese and
foreigners--_Madrid MS._) and the Chinese, the foreigners, and all
others, will cease to devour it, and will despair of our having to
depart or perish, as they may desire, and of their hopes and designs
(which they continually cherish--_Madrid MS._) of expelling or putting
an end to us. With this stronghold, the whole country will be greatly
quieted, and the neighboring peoples will be afraid and have less
inclination to resist, or resolution to attack the city. Occasion will
not then be given for either natives or foreigners to regard us as so
barbarous and not able to govern--which they impute to the weakness
and negligence of our king, when they see, as now, everything here so
unprotected, with but one small wooden fort, dilapidated and liable
to be burned easily in one hour, and, in another part of the city,
part of a small tower begun with small stones (and, although belonging
to an estate of the country, it remains unfinished--_Madrid MS._),
and that the city is, at the very least, in a ruinous state.

3. _Five dangers that are feared from revolt, and their remedy._ Third:
There are five dangers to be feared from revolts or invasions. The
first is from the natives, who are numerous, heavily oppressed, and
but thinly settled; the second, from the Chinese, of whom four or five
thousand reside here, and have ingress and egress. The third is from
the Japanese, who make a descent almost every year, and, it is said,
with the intent of colonizing Lucon; the fourth from the inhabitants
of Maluco and Burney, who are infuriated and irritated, and have
quite lost their fear of us, having driven us twice from their lands;
and it is feared lest they unite, as they have threatened, in order
to drive us from our own. The fifth is from the English, who were in
Maluco and noted our weakness (who, when in Maluco, had information
of the weakness of Manila--_Madrid MS._). A fort is needed in Ylocos
or Cagayan, as a defense against the Japanese and Chinese robbers;
another in Cebu, against Burney and the Malucos; another in Panpanga,
against the Canvales, or rebels. These with the fort of Manila will
give security, and at a very slight cost to his Majesty, more than
to order it, for materials are abundant, and almost all the natives
are workmen.

4. _That there should be ships to ensure the safety of the islands._
Fourth: Besides these presidios, there should be some coasting galleys
or fragatas, to make the coasts secure, and ward off the invasions
of the Japanese. They (are accustomed to come every year, chiefly
to the region of Cagayan and Ylocos, to--_Madrid MS._) rob and kill
many natives, and seize the Chinese vessels that bring us food and
goods, so that much is lost, and commerce and plenty hindered. They
also cause the Chinese, returning from Manila to their country, not
to take the usual route; and they harm our Indians by sea and land,
as they do even now. The fragatas can also protect us against other
Chinese and Bornean pirates; and against any other emergencies and
dangers, from foreigners or from the natives.

5. _That no confidence can be placed in the natives._ Fifth: In order
that the necessity for these forts and presidios above mentioned may
be understood, notification should be given that, with the arrival of
Englishmen or any other enemy, it would be necessary for the Spaniards,
for lack of these forts, especially in Manila, to seek refuge and be
dispersed inland. There, beyond, any doubt, they would all be killed,
or run great risk of it, because the Indians of the Philippinas are
knaves (very warlike; and the Spaniards and soldiers have so harassed
them, on account of having no pay or food, that--_Madrid MS._);
and as they receive so many wrongs and such ill treatment from the
soldiers (who can almost be excused for doing it, by their poverty),
if they had such an opportunity, they would kill as many as possible,
since even now, without having such occasion for it, they never lose
any opportunity, and daily kill Spaniards.

Chapter eighth. Of the expeditions and pacifications necessary

1. _That much can be gained, and many Christians made, at but little
cost._ First: To his Majesty should be declared the new mode and new
circumstances in which we can justly make (and they have been made
for several years) expeditions and pacifications in this land. He
should know that this may be done with few troops, and at slight cost,
and with great facility, and the advantage that will be gained if the
troops are paid and under military rule; for the land is so divided
into many islands, and between many petty rulers--who quarrel easily
among themselves, and ally themselves with us, and maintain themselves
with but little of our assistance. In all this, his Majesty has a
very extensive equipment for performing great service to our Lord
(and doing good to so many souls--_Madrid MS._), and in extending
the Christian religion and the church, and his royal name, in lands
so strange, and broad, and thickly populated.

2. _How little establishment has been made in the country._ Second:
Inasmuch as this pacification can be made justifiably, there is the
utmost need for it (even in the very region where the Spaniards reside
and travel--_Madrid MS._), both for the Spaniards and some Christians,
since it is all so disaffected and unsubdued for lack of troops, as
above stated, and because they have not the necessary pay. Thus even
in the island of Lucon are provinces that have never been conquered,
or which, although once subdued, have revolted again--as those called
Cagayan, Pangasinan, Playa Onda, Zanbales, Balete, Cataduanes, and
others, surrounding and near Manila. These are mixed up with the
pacified provinces, and thus it is neither all done nor to be done,
for the want of a little system and provision.

3. _The obligation to protect those already converted._ Third: Not
only is it necessary to establish the said equipment and system,
but it even appears that his Majesty has an obligation thereto,
because of the so great service that he has rendered to God by the
conversion of so many souls, who are under his royal protection, who
exceed two hundred and fifty thousand in number. By not being able
to protect these, they are suffering at present great hardships and
wrongs from the disaffected and unpacified natives, who daily attack
and kill them, and burn their houses, crops, and palm-trees. On this
account, and because they kill also many Spaniards, not only are
our present conquests not extended, but they are daily diminished;
and there is grave danger, as above stated, of losing them altogether
(of the Christian population being exterminated--_Madrid MS._).

4. _The many peoples that can be pacified now--a thing which it will
be impossible to do later._ Fourth: Besides the said provinces, which
in many places are in revolt, between ourselves and those already
converted, are others, which, although not so near in distance or in
the disposition of the people, still cannot be called new discoveries,
because they are already known and studied. Daily they are becoming
more deteriorated and perverted; and it will be necessary for their
good and our safety to pacify and rule them--which later will be
very difficult or impossible to do. These provinces are Ba[bu]yanes,
the island of Hermosa [Formosa], the island of Cavallos, Lequios,
the island of Aynao [Hainan], Jabas, Burney, Paraguan, Calamianes,
Mindanao, Siao, Maluco, and many others.

5. _That the governor be empowered to make expeditions._ Fifth:
His Majesty is informed that, on account of these conditions in the
country, it is here unanimously considered necessary that the governor
of Manila should have authority and power to make these expeditions
and this pacification at the cost of the royal exchequer, in the
most important cases that arise (and are continually arising), if
he consult as to the law with the ecclesiastics and lawyers, and,
as to the execution of his plans, with captains and with men of
experience and conscience. He should also seek counsel in regard to
the other important details, in order that the expenses be only those
necessary, and such as shall produce results. For lack of this power,
in lands so remote, and since he must wait so long for the proceedings
of the Council, and a reply from Espana, when the reply comes most
important opportunities will have passed, and great difficulties
will have resulted; and no matter how important these things may be
considered here, seldom is there anyone who pays any attention to
anything except his own individual concerns. (As for this country,
every one looks after his own interests and enrichment, and there is
no longer anyone who will spend a maravedi, even if the country is
endangered--_Madrid MS._).

6. _That the governor may be empowered to entrust expeditions by
contract to other Spaniards._ Sixth: In order that this may be done
more easily, and at less cost, the governor should be permitted to make
agreements and contracts with captains, encomenderos, and other persons
who wish to cooeperate with the king, to undertake these expeditions
at their own expense, or partly so, as may seem most advisable--for
there are and will be many persons who, although not able to make
them at their own expense, can make them with this aid. And in such
contracts the governor should have power to concede and grant, on the
part of his Majesty, appointments and titles of governor, adelantado,
mariscal, and other honors which are and have been conceded, in the
Yndias, to such men.

Chapter ninth. Of other matters common to Indians and Spaniards

1. _That his Majesty should aid in atoning for the wrongs inflicted
by the first conquerors._ First: His Majesty should be informed
that, as this country has been recently conquered, the majority of
the first conquerors are still alive, who inflicted great injuries
in their expeditions; and that as either the Indians on whom they
inflicted them, or their heirs, are likewise living, or at least the
villages and provinces remain, the confessors refuse to absolve these
conquerors unless they pay, each one the whole amount _in solidum_,
or all together unite to pay it. This they can never do, as it is
a vast sum, and because many are dead, or gone, or poor, so that
those remaining are but few; and an exceeding great sum is assigned
to them, which they refuse, or are unable to pay, except with great
injury to themselves, and many of them being left poor and in their
former condition. They beg that, since these wrongs were inflicted in
gaining the country for his Majesty, and as they remain but little
or no richer thereby, and because these are damages inflicted in
the act of conquest, his Majesty will aid them with a certain sum of
money--in order that with what the conquerors are prepared to give,
the Indians may be recompensed, and they themselves may be confessed
and at peace with themselves and the ecclesiastics; or, at least,
that his Majesty write to the pope to grant a bull for the adjustment
of this matter. This he may concede, so that each one may comply by
paying what wrong he thinks he has done, and not the whole; and they
request that what they have restored hitherto at the advice of their
confessors for pious works be taken into account (of the total sum of
which they are uncertain), especially when an Indian, or his heirs,
of those aggrieved is not alive.

2. _That many encomenderos do not furnish ministers of instruction._
Second: His Majesty should be informed that although certain of
the encomenderos, fearful of their consciences, strive to furnish
the necessary instruction in their encomiendas, there are others
who furnish none (many others who will not furnish any--_Madrid
MS._), or not the amount necessary, notwithstanding that there are
enough ministers (who reside in the encomienda--_Madrid MS._). Thus
they do not lighten the burdens on the conscience of his Majesty,
to whom belongs the country, and to whom it pertains to furnish
instruction, and thus to justify the chief argument for collecting
the tributes. This requires rigor on the part of his Majesty, in order
that the Indians, since all can be and are so assiduously compelled by
their encomenderos to pay tribute, may and shall be also instructed;
for up to this time there are encomiendas which have been peaceably
paying their tributes for fifteen, twenty (twenty-five--_Madrid MS._)
or more years, without ever having seen a minister or hearing one
word about God; and who cannot imagine why they are paying tribute,
unless it be by sheer violence. And, in the same way, there are many
others, who are disaffected and pay by sheer force of soldiers and
arquebuses, and by compulsion, etc. The principal reason for their
disaffection is that they have not ministers; for there is nothing
that settles and calms the Indians better than the treatment of all
alike, and mildness, and an upright life, or at least to see that
one has not an evil intention. The ministers also serve as a check
on the encomenderos, collectors, and other Spaniards, who go among
the Indians, and cause the usual altercations and scandals. And
since there is no means besides force, even for the temporal,
that his Majesty can use, and so that the pacified may not become
disaffected, and that the disaffected may be held in check, severe
and forcible measures should be taken to see that this instruction
is given them. His Majesty should decide whether the encomenderos
(who, in order not to spend money, do not furnish instruction) can
collect the entire amount of their tributes, or he should inflict
upon them what penalty he deems advisable; and he should decide--if,
in order that they may furnish the instruction, it is necessary to
increase the tributes somewhat--whether it can be done, as stated.

3. _The injuries inflicted in the collection of tributes._ Third:
His Majesty should be informed of the great lack of system and
the confusion existing in the collection of tributes, and the many
injuries inflicted on the Indians by the Spaniards and their great
opportunity for inflicting them; for, as he who made the assessments
in die beginning was not a lawyer (as the first governors were not
lawyers--_Madrid MS._), nor acquainted with the mischief that could
happen later in the collections, he rendered them very confused and
vexatious. Although, in its general understanding, and in the usage
of the first years, it is seen that the tribute amounted to the value
of eight reals, paid in what the Indian possessed and desired to pay,
still in certain words and clauses regarding the assessments and the
articles which they fix as payment for the tributes--such as cotton
cloth, rice, and other products of the country, or three mayces of gold
and one fowl--opportunity is given for the lack of system now existing,
each one collecting as he pleases, with great offense to the Indians,
and harm to the country. For when gold is plentiful, and reals scarce,
they ask for reals; when the latter are plentiful, and there is a
scarcity of gold, they ask for gold, even when the Indians have to buy
it; and when crops are plentiful, they ask for money, but when these
are lacking, they ask for produce--such as rice, etc.--even all that
the Indians have, and they are compelled to travel great distances
to try to buy it at high rates. Thus, where the tribute is eight
reals, some collect fifteen, and others twenty, twenty-five, thirty,
and more, on account of the value of the articles that they demand,
which they compel the Indians to search for and bring from other
districts. Through this the Indians endure so great oppression and
distress, that, on this account, several provinces have revolted, and
others will not pay, except by force and with much disturbance. All,
including the encomenderos themselves, desire that this matter be
cleared up; but the royal Audiencia did not care to meddle with it,
as it is a matter of tributes, and pertains solely to his Majesty. It
is necessary that the tributes be in the standard of Castilian reals,
paid in money, or in the produce of the soil, as the Indian has them,
and as he chooses, provided that their value remains.

4. _That his Majesty order the Spaniards to release their Indian
slaves._ Fourth: Although many of the Spaniards (all the Spaniards
who have tender consciences--_Madrid MS._), have, in obedience to his
Majesty's decrees, given up the Indians whom they held as slaves, many
others still retain them--forbidding them to have house or property
of their own, or to live in their own villages and doctrinas. [42]
A new decree is necessary, so that an end may be put to all this pest,
as was done in Nueba Espana and Piru.

5. _That the enslavement of Indians by other Indians be regulated._
Fifth: His Majesty is informed that all the chief and wealthy Indians,
and even many of the common people among them, have and continually
make, many slaves among themselves, and sell them to heathen and
foreigners, although the slave may be a Christian. It is ascertained
that of the twenty and more different methods of enslavement not one
is justifiable. Although in regard to those who are recently enslaved,
and are known, reform is easy, still regarding the many held from
former times, the bishop and all his assistants are in great doubt
and perplexity, because, on the one hand, they see that the Indians
possess and inherit the slaves from their parents and grandparents,
while on the other, the ecclesiastics are certain that none, or almost
none, of the slaves were made so justly. Therefore, hardly any learned
and conscientious religious is willing, not only to absolve, but
even to baptize or marry the Indian, unless he gives up his slaves;
for these generally are, or were, stolen from other countries,
or taken in unjustifiable petty warfare, or made slaves for very
small debts--of which the majority admit no other payment than their
enslavement--others by usury and barter according to their custom,
and by other methods, even more unjust than these. It is necessary
for his Majesty to ordain some method so that, now and henceforth, at
least those who are under our control, may make no more slaves; that
children born to those who are now slaves, or appear to be slaves,
should be born free; that those that wish to redeem themselves may
do so at a price adjudged reasonable by arbitrators; and that those
held at present may not be sold to pagans, or to Indians not subject
to his Majesty.

6. _The annoyances to the Indians from lawsuits and the
preparation therefor._ Sixth: His Majesty should prevent the
annoyances and troubles suffered by the Indians from the ministers
of justice--alcaldes-mayor, deputies, notaries, and alguazils--by
the many suits that they stir up among them, not only about events
occurring since the advent of the Spaniards and a government,
but also about events of former days, occurring in their heathen
condition, and regarding their ancestors; these may be either civil
or criminal. And these are not summary cases, but are conducted with
all the preparation made in a chancilleria of Espana; and as the
ministers of justice and their assistants are so many (and as there
are so many alguazils, attorneys, secretaries, reporters, summoners,
notaries, clerks, and servants of all these--_Madrid MS._), and the
Indians are so poor, ignorant, and cowardly, the latter spend their
entire substance (all they have is quickly consumed--_Madrid MS._),
and they are left without any property or any conclusion to the suit,
which keeps them frightened and uneasy. The encomenderos and ministers
of instruction, who see the spiritual and temporal scandal occasioned
to the Indians, desire that his Majesty remedy this; and the same
is desired by the president and auditors--although one says that,
without an order from his Majesty, no summary process can be conducted,
but that justice must take its ordinary course.

Chapter tenth. Of the advice necessary to the religious who come to
Manila and go to other countries

1. _That the religious leave the islands for other countries without
orders from the governor or bishop._ First: His Majesty should
be informed of the disorder in these islands which arises from the
religious being allowed to leave them whenever they wish, and for any
place where they choose to go, and that they have gone four times,
without permission of governor, bishop, or any other authority in
the islands--saying that, by the full power given them by the pope,
whosoever shall hinder them will be excommunicated. By these departures
they have caused and are causing many losses, and are gathering no
harvest of souls.

2. _The injuries caused by the departures of the religious._ Second:
The injuries on the part of the islands are, that the religious, whom
his Majesty sends from Espana at so much cost to himself, declare,
as soon as they have arrived here, that they do not come for the
islands, but for China; and therefore they do not give themselves to
the language of the Indians, or intercourse with them--but rather,
to give color to their own acts in traveling farther to satisfy their
curiosity and see new lands, they speak evil of the natives and of
the country, thus giving it a bad name, in speech and by letter. They
prevent religious, soldiers, and settlers from coming from Espana and
Mexico, while in the islands they disquiet the other religious with
desires to travel farther, or to return; and they rouse and excite
the seculars and soldiers, so that, moved and deceived by the same
curiosity; they should furnish them with fragatas and equipment, and
go with them. Therefore, religious, soldiers, and vessels leave the
islands--all of which has cost his Majesty so much money and causes
great want.

3. _The wrongs committed in the countries where the religious and
the seculars go without orders._ Third: The injuries on the part
of the countries whither they go are not less, because those people
are all disturbed and offended, and consider the religious as spies
and explorers. Therefore they are continually preparing defenses and
building fortifications, as those in China have done, who have added
many war vessels and garrisons, because of their suspicions of these
departures. And, as these religious go without order or provision, they
cause our affairs--of both religion and war--to be held in contempt
and ridicule; and the foreigners arrest the religious and soldiers,
to whom they offer many insults, while they keep the fragatas and
their cargoes--as they have done five or six times.

4. _The difficulty caused by thinking that China and other kingdoms
can be converted, since it is not so._ Fourth: Likewise one may reckon
as a harm and a serious difficulty the settled opinion formed in Nueba
Espana, Castilla, and Roma, through letters, that China or Cochinchina,
Canboja, Sian, and other districts, will be converted. Therefore,
it is necessary that his Majesty be undeceived and that people in
Europe [Nueba Espana, etc.] should be informed that, after all these
departures, an embassy was sent by order of the governor, the bishop,
and the community, who traversed all those kingdoms, even Malaca, yet
now they are all more tightly closed than ever; while the religious,
who have gone without orders, have accomplished nothing more than to
be insulted and maltreated, and to leave the pagans more haughty and
more on their guard.

5. _That no secular person may leave the islands, nor give the
religious aid to leave them._ Fifth: It is very needful, for a reform
of the said disorders, that his Majesty order the governor of Manila,
under severe penalties, that no secular Spaniard may leave the islands
for any place or for any business, or furnish a fragata, supplies,
or any other aid to any religious in order that the latter may leave
the islands, without showing a special order from his Majesty, from
the governor, bishop, or any one else whom (or, in Manila--_Madrid
MS._) his Majesty may consider a suitable person.

6. _That the religious come from Espana and Mejico for the islands,
and for no other place._ Sixth: His Majesty should order that, now and
henceforth--since all the mainland is so closed, and there is, on the
other hand, in the islands a very wide open gate for the increase of
Christianity and of his kingdoms--the religious coming from Espana and
Mexico shall come assigned for the Philippinas Islands, where there
is the greatest abundance of souls. Many who are already baptized,
are yet without instruction or ministers; many others pacified,
and yet to be baptized, are daily asking for baptism; and there are
an infinite number of others to be pacified, who have no knowledge
of God--all for lack of ministers; and it is a most serious error
that, while this land is so ready, all thought is centered on China,
which is wholly averse to the faith; and its doors are closed against
it. This is the, art of Satan, so that neither the one nor the other
may be effected. [43]

The Proposed Entry Into China, In Detail

First: The person who is sent as an eye-witness will give his Majesty
a brief relation of the vastness of China, of the abundance of its
fruits and provisions, of the richness of its merchandise, and the
great quantity of gold and silver, quicksilver, copper, iron, and
other metals; of the immensity and certainty of the treasures, and
the infinite amount and variety of the products of the handicrafts
and of human industry; and, above all, the endless things that may
be said about the people and their life, health, peace, and plenty;
and how, with and by all this, there is offered to his Majesty the
greatest occasion and the grandest beginning that ever in the world
was offered to a monarch. Here lies before him all that the human mind
can desire or comprehend of riches and eternal fame, and likewise all
that a Christian heart, desirous of the honor of God and his faith,
can wish for, in the salvation and restoration of myriad souls,
created for Him, and redeemed by His blood, and now deluded and
possessed by the devil, and by his blindness and wickedness.

Second: If we, who are here, and see and hear these things, should
neglect for any consideration whatsoever--either to escape the labor,
anxiety, danger, and cost, or for any other reason--to advise his
Majesty of this and to persuade him to undertake so grand a work, we
would fulfil neither our duty to heaven, which we owe to God and to
the souls of our kinsmen; nor the faith and loyalty, which in such a
juncture we owe to our king, our religion, and our fatherland. Surely,
we should all be known as vile-spirited cowards, and men of little
valor, since, standing on the threshold that bounds so much good,
we are content with the little we now possess; and by dint of idling
and amusing ourselves with the little that we have here, we fail to
look or reach for an object so important for the world, for God, for
our king, for ourselves, and above all for the people of this country.

Third: Let his Majesty come to a decision in this matter, for we who
dwell here know that either this matter must be left, and entirely
given over, and lost forever, or it must be taken up now, because
the chance is slipping by, never to return. Thus, a few years ago,
it might have been accomplished with no labor, cost, or loss of life;
today it cannot be done without some loss, and in a short time it
will be impossible to do it at any cost. For the Chinese are each day
becoming more wary, and more on their guard. They are even laying
in munitions of war, fortifying themselves, and training men--all
which they have learned, and are still learning, from the Portuguese
and our people. Seeing the Portuguese in that country, and us here,
they are fearful, and especially so from the accounts the Portuguese
give them of us, telling how we go about subjecting foreign lands,
overthrowing native kings and setting up our own, and that this has so
far been our sole object in coming, and other things that the father
has heard from the mouths of the mandarins themselves, and which he
will recount. Besides, there is the passage of the fragatas, which they
have seen on their way from here to Macan, having met nearly all of
them in their ports or with their fleets; and, most of all, the course
of affairs in these islands, which, if it were presently made known,
would be understood in such wise as to destroy all hope of success.

Fourth: Further, if, for their sins and ours, the doctrine of Mahoma
comes into their country--and it has already spread over nearly the
whole of Yndia as far as Malaca, Samatra, Javas, Burney, Maluco, Lucon,
and almost all other lands--if it should get a foothold there, and some
have already entered there, it would be an insurmountable obstacle,
not only to cleansing the soul from such an obstinate error, but to
winning the land; because they will enter straightway and teach the
use of arms, munitions, and the science of war.

Of the right and ground for this entry

First: As for the right and justification which we have for entering
and subduing this land, the father who is going to Espana will discuss
and explain this to his Majesty, as he has considered it long and often
with the Castilians here, as well as elsewhere with the Portuguese of
Yndia, China, and of Japon, with all persons of scrupulous conscience
and broad experience; and he knows what all of them think of this
project. His Majesty may think it necessary to learn what the father
has heard and known and felt respecting the fight and ground which
exists, or may exist, both for the preaching of the gospel, and because
of the injury that we from day to day sustain, and for the sake of
these islands, but much more on account of Macan and the Portuguese.

Of the necessary means for this entry; and, first, of the personnel
and troops

First: Considering the condition and climate of the land of China,
and its populace, it will be necessary and sufficient for ten or
twelve thousand men to come from Espana, either Spaniards, Italians,
or other own subjects of his Majesty; but try to have them, as far as
possible, Biscayans. If possible, the expedition will set out with an
addition here of five or six thousand Japanese, and as many Visayans,
who are subjects of his Majesty in our islands, and are a spirited
and sturdy people.

Second: Although there are persons here of great valor and experience,
yet for so great an undertaking they are few; and some captains and
persons of tried capabilities must come from Espana, as so great an
affair demands--since it can only be carried out if picked noblemen
are brought over, who are prouder of the glories of war and honorable
deeds for their God and their king and the world, and of the fame of
them, and who have little lust for other gain or sordid lucre.

Third: The governor of these islands should also be the commander of
the expedition; and he should be some great person, superior in rank
to all the rest, of whatever nation they may be, with whom he may have
to deal in this expedition, or anything pertaining to it in these
parts, whether they be Portuguese or Castilian. In the allotment of
the offices and positions, the veteran captains and soldiers should
be preferred, and especially the Castilian and Portuguese citizens
of these islands, who have merited it by their loyalty, labors, and
services, both because they have won and kept this land and because
they have had much experience with the country and the people. Besides
they are already acclimated and used to the country, its climate,
heat, and rain; wherefore their help and counsel should be highly
valued, and they deserve recompense and preference in every way.

Fourth: The troops sent should be infantry with arquebuses, corselets,
and pikes; and, besides, a few musketeers.

Fifth: Crews for four galleys should be sent, with skilled boatswains
and foremen for them.

Sixth: There should be sent, as soon as his Majesty comes to a
decision, three or four artillery founders.

Seventh: His Majesty should then order the viceroy of Yndia to send
here, or give to whomsoever may go there for them, five hundred slaves,
because they are so plentiful and cheap there.

Eighth: There should be sent from Espana one or two machinists for
engines of war, and fire-throwing machines, and a few artisans to make
pitch (with some already prepared), as there are materials here for it.

Ninth: There should be some master shipwrights for building galleys
and fragatas with high sides, which are the best kind of craft for
this purpose. In the island of Cuba lives Francisco de Gutierrez,
a neat workman, who built Pero Melendez's boats, that proved the
terror of the French.

Tenth: A captain should be sent ahead with orders from his Majesty,
and with a mandate from the general of the Society of Jesus for
his religious in Japon, that they may receive him and further his
mission. He should bring sufficient money to pay the troops that are to
be brought from that country and take them to an appointed place. They
should be paid a ducat or twelve reals a month, or even less.

Arms and supplies needed

First: Besides the regular arms to be brought by the soldiers from
Espana, there should be, for emergency, a number of coats of mail,
and arquebuses; and, above all, five hundred muskets and three or
four thousand pikes, a thousand corselets, and a thousand Burgundian
morions from Nueva Espana.

Second: Good flints and locks for the arquebuses can be had here
cheaply; but the barrels must be brought from Espana, and should be
all of one bore, so that the same bullets may be furnished for them.

Third: From China we can procure very cheaply copper, saltpeter, and
bullets; and in this island are ample mines of copper and sulphur,
[44] and all the requisites can be bought cheaply at various places. It
is said that the necessary tin and saltpeter can be obtained cheaply
and in abundance.

Fourth: There must be brought from Yndia two thousand quintals of
cordage, which will cost two thousand pesos or as many ducats. This
will make a saving of considerable money, and at the same time the
cordage will not arrive frayed and worn out by the hard journey
from Vera Cruz to Mexico and thence to Acapulco, over mountains,
valleys, and rivers. The anchors and necessary grappling tackle
should be brought from the same country, together with the slaves
already mentioned.

Fifth: From Nueva Espana should be brought cloth (gray and other
colors, and mixed) for the protection of the troops in seasons of rain
and storm, for the country is rather cold and very wet. _Item:_ there
should be blankets and garments for the sick, and other necessaries.

Sixth: Have his Majesty send two hundred thousand pesos to cover
and provide for these and many other things, and pay the Japanese,
and other incidental expenses.

Seventh: Have the commander of the expedition bring a number of
presents to win over some of the mandarins and other persons of
importance; and for this have brought from Espana velvets, scarlet
cloths, mirrors, articles of glass, coral, plumes, oil paintings,
feather-work, globes, and other curiosities, and some red and white
wine for the same purpose.

What can be and is provided for here in the islands

That his Majesty may understand that his subjects truly wish to
serve him in this country in so important an undertaking, and that
he may grasp more clearly what is being done and provided for here,
it is described in the following.

First: At the meeting of the junta here, consisting of the president,
auditors and fiscal, with the bishop and other persons before
mentioned, when this project was discussed, all decided that so serious
a matter, and one of such possibilities, should not be put off with no
more action than sending immediately to discuss it with his Majesty;
the necessary preparations were commenced here at once, and it was
universally resolved with considerable enthusiasm and serious purpose,
that, on account of the lack of money in the royal treasury, and the
country being so impoverished by the previous fires and the loss of
the ship, they would draw from the money of intestates held for heirs
[_caxa de difuntos_], of which there was about ten or twelve thousand
pesos, and thus begin the work. They contracted with the Chinese to
bring copper, saltpeter, and other materials. The casting of artillery
is commencing now, and the securing of powder and ammunition; for if
his Majesty should not choose to take up this enterprise, nothing will
be lost by this, and it will suffice the Chinese that the duties were
put at three per cent on whatever materials they bring for implements
and munitions of war, and supplies needed here.

Second: A ship will be sent to Malaca to bring the tin and saltpeter
needed in addition to that procured in China and powder, and a number
of slaves to aid in the foundry work and other labors.

Third: The five thousand Visayan Indians of these islands will be
brought together, and some good troops with the necessary arms.

Fourth: In whatever port of the islands the fleet is to enter, there
will be ample accommodations, and full supplies for their reception;
and, if they come to Cagayan, there are several advantages. First:
they will come directly from Espana, without danger from islands,
shoals, or the like. Second: the river has a good bar and four bracas
of water and more, at low tide. Third: it is on the China side, a two
days' sail distant. Fourth: it is nearest Xapon, Hermosa Island, and
Lequios. Fifth: between there and China there are so many islands that
the trip can be made in boats, and a close and quick communication
can be kept up, and it is easy to repair any accident. Sixth:
there are thereabout several islands, called the Babuyanes, where
there are swine, goats, and fowl in abundance, and considerable
rice. Seventh: there is in the land great store of swine and fowl,
and excellent hunting of buffalo and deer, which are so common that
two thousand large casks [_pipas_] of meat can be brought down in a
few days. Eighth: warehouses can and will be built there sufficient
to hold a hundred thousand fanegas of rice, which is the staple food
of this country. Ninth: there is great abundance of fish, as healthful
as meat. Tenth: the wine needed will be brought there in great plenty,
being palm wine, and very good. And from China can be brought what is
called _manderin_, which is very good and cheap, and is much drunk in
the islands. Eleventh: there will be a supply of jars of biscuit and
flour. Twelfth: kidney beans, even better than Spanish lentils, are
common in the islands. Thirteenth: there will be made here a supply
of sandals of _anabo_, which is an herb like hemp, of which rigging
is made for ships. There is also a great deal of cotton. Fourteenth:
linen cloth for shirts, doublets, breeches, hose, and other things
wrought of linen, is very common and cheap here, both of domestic
and Chinese make. Fifteenth: in Cagayan there is abundance of wood
for all kinds of vessels that may be built; this is true as well of
all the other islands; and nearly all, or at any rate the greater
part of the Indians, are carpenters and smiths. Sixteenth: iron for
nails, which is brought from China, is plenty, and so cheap that five
arrobas (a Chinese quintal) are worth eight or ten reals. Seventeenth:
cast-iron cannon-balls for large and medium-sized guns are furnished
by the Chinese, who sell them at two or three reals apiece, while
the manufacture alone costs eight or ten reals here. Eighteenth: the
Indians of these islands are already very skilful in making ships and
fragatas with the assistance and labor of a few Spanish carpenters,
who furnish them with plans and a model; they make them so quickly and
cheaply that a vessel of five or six hundred toneladas can be built for
three or four thousand pesos, as some have already been. Nineteenth:
above all, if his Majesty wishes to take up this enterprise seriously,
the encomenderos of these islands will provide him with fragatas, men,
and money, as they have always done for the expeditions when occasion
offered; and this they have done and will do, so gladly and loyally,
that his Majesty is bound to make this expedition, since the readiness
and desire for it are as great as the result in spiritual and temporal
good which is hoped for, both for his Majesty and for the rest.

The route to be taken by the fleet

It should be known that there are four routes which may be
followed. First: from Sevilla to Nueva Espana, passing via Mexico
to the port of Acapulco. Second: coming from Sevilla to Nombre de
Dios and Panama. Third: coming by way of the Cape of Good Hope,
to Malaca, and thence by Macan to Cagayan. Fourth: by the Strait of
Magellan. This last, by the strait, is the best and shortest of all,
no unusual danger or obstacle being found on this passage. Have this
matter considered and conferred upon, with our sentiment in regard
to it, and what is thought over there, and settle on the safest and
best The reasons why we who are here think that this is the best
route will be explained by the person who accompanies this.

It were best that the Portuguese help in the affair

First: It is important that his Majesty give the Portuguese a part in
this conquest, because they could greatly aid by the experience that
they have of the seas, lands, and people of these regions. Their army
should not come together with the Castilians, nor should the assault
be made from one side alone; but they should go by Canton, and the
Castilians should go by way of Chinchio, as nearly as possible at
the same time.

Second: His Majesty should appoint as commander of the Portuguese fleet
a person of such rank as to be above the viceroy of Yndia, or at least,
in no wise dependent upon him; for it is the universal complaint of
the Portuguese that the viceroys always hinder these great projects,
or turn them to their own profit by bringing into them their kinsmen
and dependents, or by other private interests such as are usual among
various persons, and are never lacking.

Third: This person should have his Majesty's definite and explicit
command, empowering him to take from Yndia, and from any fortress or
city in Yndia, so much as may be needed, not only of troops but also
of money, munitions, ships, and all other necessaries.

Fourth: This person should have an understanding with the commander
of the Castilian expedition both as to the time of the attack, and
whether they should meet later during the conquest, and for whatever
other question might arise between them during the progress of the
affair, which should need settlement. This should be very clear,
leaving no room for dissensions.

Fifth: If the Japanese who are to be taken on the expedition do not
wish to join the Castilians, and prefer to go in with the Portuguese,
since they already know them, and likewise because they get along
better, and the Portuguese treat them more as equals than is permitted
here [they may do so]. But if they wish to go with the Castilians,
let them come to Cagayan, and this will be arranged with them and with
the fathers of the Society of Jesus, who are to act as guides. [45]

Sixth: His Majesty should procure and bring about that the general
of the Society of Jesus should command and ordain to the fathers in
Japon, not to hinder the bringing of this reenforcement of Japanese,
and whatever may be needed therefor; and to this end he should send
a father sufficiently commissioned, who should be an Italian.

Seventh: At the proper time and juncture, which will be before the
news of the expedition has come to the knowledge of the Chinese, the
fathers of the Society who are within the borders of China, in the
city of Joaquin, should be withdrawn, that they may give information to
the armies about what they know of the country, its strength, and its
military forces and supplies; and whatever other dangers or reasons
for caution they have in mind. They will also serve as interpreters,
and persuade the Chinese to allow the Spaniards to enter in peace,
and to hear and receive the preachers, and accept the religion sent
them by God. They will tell the Chinese of the protection which his
Majesty desires to offer them, so that they may receive the Spaniards
without fear; and how great a favor he is doing them in freeing them
from the tyrannies of their mandarins, and relieving them from the
yoke of slavery that they at present bear, leaving them in freedom
of body and soul, and exacting nothing but an acknowledgment for
this gracious act. To this end the fathers should write many chapas,
and scatter them over the whole of China, and be of use in any other
way that their years of life in the country may make possible. These
should be the instructions of the general of the Society of Jesus to
his commissioner.

Eighth: Let it be known in Espana that as the voyages of the Portuguese
to the east and the Castilians to the west should and must be made and
end at the same time, the movement of the winds is favorable to them;
for the Portuguese can come to Macan at the end of May, and during
the whole of June, when the first junks usually come from Maca,
and the Castilians will arrive at Cagayan at the same time.

Ninth: Those arriving first should send a dispatch-boat to the Point,
to meet the other fleet. This can be done by two or three routes,
for at that season very small and light boats can be navigated;
and the distance is not great, about one hundred and fifty leagues
on each side.

Of dangers, and risks of great misfortunes to be known and guarded
against by his Majesty on this expedition

First: If the number of troops in both armies were small even
though well armed and equipped, since the Chinese are so numerous,
they will be deluded and offer resistance; and as the Spaniards are
brave fighters, the havoc and slaughter will be infinite, to the great
damage of the country. Therefore an effort should be made to have the
troops so numerous, well equipped, trained, and strategically handled,
that there will be no chance for resistance; and their mere presence
and a demonstration will suffice to cause the Chinese to submit,
with no great bloodshed. In this way there will be no danger that
the Spaniards, finding themselves surrounded and pressed by such
a multitude, incited and urged on by the mandarins, should cause
appalling havoc and cut them down, thus harming agriculture and
lessening the population of the country.

Second: Do not let them come so few in numbers, or ill armed and
supplied, undisciplined or insubordinate, as to cause any danger of
confusion, discouragement, or desertion, in parts so remote as these,
as this would be the ruin of the expedition; or they would go about
it in such a way as to preclude success, and leave the Chinese our
declared enemies, meanwhile losing our reputation and the bright
hopes we now have of getting the port of Macan and a passage to
Japon. There would then be no hope of the christianization which
depends on intercourse with them, and we should lose the riches which
are secured from Canton, and spread throughout all Yndia and Portugal,
together with the returns of the public granaries, and a great many
other advantages.

Third: Let his Majesty take great care and consider well whom he sends
with this expedition, both the captains, leaders, and commanders of
it; for it is very probable--nay, almost certain--that if this be
not done, things will fare just as they did in the island of Cuba,
and in other countries that were once thickly peopled and are now
deserted. If the Spaniards go into China in their usual fashion,
they will desolate and ravage the most populous and richest country
that ever was seen; and if the people of China be once driven away,
it will be as poor as all the other depopulated Yndias--for its riches
are only those that are produced by a numerous and industrious people,
and without them it would not be rich.

Fourth: His Majesty should know that the government of that people
is so wonderful, both for restraining and keeping in order so great a
multitude; and because, although lacking the further light and aid of
the faith, it is maintained with such peace and quiet, so much wealth,
happiness, and plenty, that never since its foundation, so far as is
known, has it suffered war, pestilence, or famine, in the main body
of the realm, although there are wars on the Tartar frontiers. If
that government were destroyed, they must suffer all these evils,
wherefore they should be kept under that or a similar government. To
appreciate the importance of this, one need only observe how, in the
rest of the Yndias, the laws and institutions of the natives have
been trampled down, and even our own have not been preserved. In
this way the peoples have been ruined and the country depopulated,
to say nothing of the injury to souls, bodies, and fortunes, and the
propagation of the faith, respectively. This is a grievous ill, the
worst that his Majesty or those perpetrating it could suffer; for he
is left without dominions, or with deserted ones, and they without
recompense or profit, save that which is no sooner won than exhausted.

Fifth: Let it be known and understood that what has heretofore been
said and decreed respecting preprations for war is not meant to convey
the impression that we should or could act as if we were dealing with
Turks, Moors, and other races who are unfriendly, and the declared
enemies of our belief and our king. For these people neither know nor
understand it, and are not ill-inclined. The forces are to be sent
merely to escort and protect the preachers of the faith and subjects
of the king who sends them, and to see that they are allowed to enter
the land, and may preach where they choose and consider it needful,
and so that those who hold the government shall not hinder the others
from hearing and receiving the doctrine. They will see to it also that
conversion shall go on without intimidation, and without danger that
through threats of punishment any of those already converted should
relapse or apostatize.

Sixth: We realize here with what caution and moderation the entry
must be made, as the king has provided fully, clearly, and in a
Christianlike manner in his ordinances which relate to incursions
and discoveries. But this is never complied with in the conquests,
because they are always conducted by poor persons, not carefully
chosen, and whose Christianity has not been put to the test. The
cure for this and all the evils, dangers, and injuries that we have
described, and many another most grievous one, is that the commander of
the expedition be a man of approved Christian zeal and clemency; free
from all covetousness, and eager for the honor of the service of God
and his king; by nature humane and full of zeal for the common good,
and for the salvation of souls. The same things should be looked for in
so far as possible in the other leaders, counselors, and commanders;
and they should be men who would be bowed with shame and dishonor at
being guilty of deeds unworthy a Christian and a noble man.

Seventh: If this be not looked after thoroughly, and effective measures
taken for its remedy--both with respect to the personnel, as has been
said, and the heavy punishment that should be ordained and decreed,
and in due time executed--his Majesty will have, after heavy losses
and labors, nothing for his pains but the loss of his honor, wealth,
people, vessels, and arms, which are taken from his realm, where they
are so badly needed, and yet are sent away to ruin a land and desolate
a people--the richest and most opulent in temporal goods that could
be owned, and in spiritual possibilities, of all those that have been
discovered. The result would be that, either by the judgment of God,
to avert so many evils and the ruin of so many people and of so good a
government, the army and the expedition would be destroyed; or else,
if the land be won, the conquest would entail the destruction and
ruin of all that might have been gained, and naught would be left
but the seeds of perpetual sorrow.

Of the gains from this conquest, if it be rightly done

The first of the many and enormous benefits of this conquest, if it
be rightly ordered and carried out, is that the knowledge of God and
of Jesus Christ His Son, our Lord--which has commenced in these lands
so remote and distant from the church and the support of the Catholic
kings; and which is at present so narrowly constrained and little
disseminated in these islands, and is in danger each day of coming to
an end, if thus neglected--will not only be spread over great realms,
but by this means will be so well founded, and so widely extended,
that it shall never be ruined or extinguished; but it shall remain
and persevere in this new world with the glory and fame, before God
and man, of that king, who, by his zeal, diligence, and liberality,
has accomplished what no other monarch of the world has done.

The second: No one, if he has not seen it, can imagine or comprehend
the infinite multitude of souls that will thus come to the knowledge
and adoration of their Creator. Today they are in the utmost darkness
and neglect of Him, and in the greatest subjection and servitude to
the devil that exists upon the earth--through their great idolatry,
wickedness, and bestiality, which arises entirely from the great
abundance and the bounty of the land.

The third: Much less can one realize without seeing it, how--apart
from the corruption of sin, depravity, wickedness, and inveterate
customs--how kind, honorable, content, gentle, pleasant, tractable,
and easily governed these people are by nature; and how all China,
with but one stock, is so great and populous, and so much intercourse
is carried on in the greatest peace, regularity, quietness, justice,
and order, that has ever been known or discovered in the new world or
the old--and this with no aid from the divine light, or any fear of
punishment or reward, but by the mere strength, or rather gentleness,
of a good native government.

The fourth: In this way our customs will, or at least may, be
introduced, together with the articles of our faith, with the utmost
ease, both because of their gentleness, and because of their great
intelligence, and mental capacities, wherein they have a clear and
marked advantage over us.

The fifth: It will be necessary to establish immediately a large
number of schools, where our writing, language, and literature may be
easily and quickly learned, having them abandon their own, which are
extremely difficult, so much so that even they cannot understand them
while still children. These are a diabolic invention to keep them busy
all their lives with their whole minds, so that they can neither go on
to other sciences, nor can others teach them, without first ridding
them of this hindrance. Once rid of it, not only the children, but
even the grown persons of all ages will learn our letters, language,
and literature--as well on account of the ease of our writing, and
the relief from the burden of the other, as because of their natural
aptitude, the gentleness of their dispositions, and their natural
adaptability to guidance, when there is a hand to guide.

The sixth: From the beginning a large number of churches and
monasteries will be founded, not only for the purpose above mentioned,
but especially to instruct in our faith, doctrine, and mode of life.

The seventh: There will be no difficulty in pacifying and converting
the peasants, countrymen, and villagers, who are so numerous that
nearly all the land is covered with villages; for they are quite simple
and unsophisticated, and suffer great oppression and tyranny. With
the women, who are very numerous, there will be even less difficulty
in introducing the faith, because of their virtue and great reserve,
which is remarked by all who know of them--to such a degree that they
lack only Christianity to be much beyond us in all matters of morality.

The eighth: It will result in time in preventing the entry of the
cursed doctrine of Mahoma, which has already infected almost all the
other realms, and its establishment there, which would be an easy
thing, as the Chinese are so sensual and full of vices; and if it
once enter that country, the conversion of souls will be extremely
difficult, and the conquest of the land almost impossible, for this
wicked belief renders men obstinate in its retention, and ferocious
in its defense.

The ninth: And it makes us sad here to think that if this opportunity
be let slip, all hope will be lost of the greatest conversion of souls
and acquirement of riches that ever lay within the power of man,
just as we have lost so many great realms in Yndia, which have so
strengthened and fortified themselves that little or nothing remains
of them. [46] And these benefits, in particular, will be lost.

Of other especial advantages

First: Not only is that country sufficient for its own maintenance,
but his Majesty can also, with what he will obtain from it, check
and menace all our old enemies. For he can easily exact every year,
without injury to any one, five galleons--built and rigged, equipped
with artillery and munitions, and even loaded with materials and
military supplies. Further, if the Chinese are well treated and paid,
from them will go the men necessary to work the ships; they are no
less industrious and capable than our seamen, as we consider them
very expert in the Portuguese ships.

Second: Those vessels, or as many others, can be loaded every year with
gold, raw silk, and all sorts of silken fabrics--taffetas, satins,
damasks, etc.; with musk, chests inlaid with ivory, boxes, wrought
and gilded curtains, and whatever kinds of furniture, appliances,
ornaments, and jewels are used by man; and many a web of linen cloth,
of every sort and kind. Thus there would be no necessity for bringing
to Espana, as is now done, these goods from foreign lands; and our
money and wealth would be retained in Espana, as it now is not.

Third: Many persons who have seen them know that the towers of the
treasure-house are of gold and silver, and of great size. They tell us
what abundance of silver goes into general use because no other money
is current, and how so much comes in continually from other countries
and never goes out; and that is besides the many and exceedingly rich
mines of the country. They say, too, that the king will not allow
the mines to be worked, in order that trade and the culture of the
soil may not cease. For that reason silver is continually carried
into the country, and that contained in it is not carried away--on
which account, they say, that metal remains there as a treasure.

Fourth: The amount of the rents and taxes, and profits which his
Majesty can enjoy, from the first, from general sources, is very
great--and that without injury to the civil and local government
of the country. He will gain this through the mere respect for his
universal sovereignty; and the protection and introduction of the
faith, accomplished at his own cost, care, and diligence; and through
the obligation to maintain and defend not only the faith, but good
and firm government, in order to preserve it.

Fifth: The number of encomiendas that can be divided and distributed
among our people will be great; and so rich are they that each person
on whom one is conferred can maintain, worthily and liberally, the
others who remain there. And his district would be so extensive that,
if he chose to apportion it to each of his followers, he would have
enough to provide for all, without any person being neglected.

Sixth: There will be many and very different offices and dignities
of administration and justice which his Majesty must establish,
to bestow upon his vassals.

Seventh: There will also be many captaincies and subordinate places,
and military offices, and employments for the soldiers; and with
these three kinds of opportunity a great part of the Spanish people
could come to reside there, and be ennobled, and the country could
be placed on a very substantial and safe footing.

Eighth: Since the people are so clever and intelligent, with agreeably
fair complexions and well-formed bodies, and are so respectable and
wealthy, and have nothing of the Indian in their nature, they have
the advantage of us in everything except salvation by the faith,
and courage. And since the women are exceedingly virtuous, modest,
and reserved, and are very faithful wives, very humble and submissive
to their husbands; and as they are even more graceful, beautiful,
and discreet than are the women of Spain; and as they are wealthy and
of good standing--it will be a very simple and ordinary proceeding,
and very creditable and honorable, for them to marry (as some are
already doing in Macan) the Spanish captains, merchants, and men of
all classes. These will become noble with their wives, and will be
settled and established in China. Thus the two peoples will mingle,
and they will propagate and multiply the race; and all will be, in
short, united and fraternal, and Christian. This is something which
has never occurred or been accomplished in any part of the Yndias
which has been discovered and settled, since those people were so
barbarous and brutal, so ugly, vile, and poor, that [Europeans]
have seldom formed unions in the bonds of marriage. In the few cases
of such marriages, they have been considered ignominious, and the
parties, with their children and descendants, have incurred a sort
of infamy and disgrace. On this account, there has been among these
nations neither friendship, unity, nor safety; on the side of the
natives, neither confidence, nor increase of numbers, nor development,
nor sincerity; and, for the Spaniards, neither fixed residence nor
industry. Accordingly there has been neither settlement nor government;
and everywhere there has been a barbarous mode of life, and ruin and
depravity, in both spiritual and temporal matters. In the laws and
government, and in regard to estates, villages, and individuals,
everything has steadily gone from bad to worse, and is in a very
feeble condition. Nothing of this sort will occur in China, nor will
there be room for these disorders, on account of the opportunity
which such marriages will furnish for friendship, and for familiar
intercourse as between equals. We shall thus maintain ourselves, and
become established in that land, on account of the said traits of the
people--their virtue and beauty, dignity, wealth, and prudence--and
many other advantages of that country.

Ninth: Not only for this reason, but because that country is very
healthful and well supplied, and prolific in all generation and
progagation, there will soon be born a great multitude of boys and
youths among the Spaniards and Chinese. Then will be needed not
only schools to teach reading and writing, as has been said, but the
sciences; and universities--in which will be taught, besides Latin and
other languages, philosophy, theology, and other forms of learning. For
these studies, the Chinese possess excellent memories and understanding
and very keen faculties. They have gentle dispositions, and well-shaped
figures. They are very neat, and polite and serious in behavior, and
lead temperate lives. They have the qualifications and the possessions
for any office or dignity, and they occupy and represent these with
much more authority and severity than do our people. On the other
hand, they display much gentleness and suavity--all the more since
there are no severe or outrageous punishments in those realms, which
are so settled and peaceable, and ruled with such justice that it
compels admiration.

Tenth: From what has been said, it follows that there will be among
those natives--whether pure-blooded, or partly of Spanish blood,
as has been said--after the two peoples have become united and
connected, persons suited to become priests and religious; and to
assume the government and official posts of the state, and military
offices; and to undertake all the other services and enterprises
of the country. With these, it will be evident how well established,
peaceful, and united the country will be, since those persons will look
after it as their own; and on account of the bond and union which will
exist between its parts, and of the many ties of kindred--of wives,
and children, and relatives--and of estates, which will constrain
them to aid one another, and take care of the country.

Eleventh: In the other Yndias all this has been lacking, and
continually have been supplied from Espana, or from the pure Spaniards,
all the priests and religious; the governors, and judges both superior
and inferior; with all the other positions and commands, both in peace
and war--and even the mechanics, and the assistants and subordinates
of the above-mentioned persons. Besides, the Spaniards have always
managed the state for themselves, and separately from the natives of
the land--disdaining to give them a share in any matter of honor or
profit, but remaining always foreigners and aliens, and even objects of
dread, to the natives. For when some of the Spaniards die, or return
to Spain, others come anew, who are always strangers to the people
of the country and regard the natives as barbarians. From this have
resulted two serious evils, and the beginnings of many others. First:
The Spaniards are always few in number, and have but little experience
or knowledge of the country; they have little affection for it, and
few ties or interests therein. It is always their intention to return
to the mother-country, and to procure their own enrichment--whether
it be by fair means or foul, or even by destroying and consuming, in
their eagerness to attain that end--not troubling themselves whether
the country be ruled rightly or wrongly, whether it be ruined or
improved. The second evil is that, to the Spaniards, the commonalty
of the Indians is something new and strange, and the latter are always
regarded as menials and slaves, and objects for the insolence of those
who come into possession of them. Accordingly, they are always scorned,
despised, overworked, exhausted, and even dying--as is actually seen
to be the case. With all this, it is impossible that their numbers
should increase or their condition or their lands improve; rather,
they are continually deteriorating and dying--as in many districts
they are already ruined; and everywhere there is a tendency to this, in
the opinion and judgment of all who see and understand their condition.

Twelfth: All this has arisen from two sources. The first is, as has
been already said, that the people are so low, barbarous, poor,
ill-favored, rude, ignorant, and unworthy of being mingled with
Spanish nobility and valor. The second is, that the country is so
poor, and what wealth it has is so unsubstantial; it has no roots,
or anything in which it could take root and become established. For
almost the only wealth of these people has been in the mines and
metals, and in their personal belongings, which are not permanent
or fixed. There are no hereditaments or cultivated farms, or crops,
or regular supplies; no products of the industry of workmen, and no
machinery; no general provision for ordinary use. But all is a desert,
and destitute, and at a standstill, and unsettled--as they say,
belonging to the east wind. And therefore the Spaniards also have
been and are as unsettled as if they were stopping at an inn. Such
are the lands that they have won.

Thirteenth: In China, conditions are altogether different, since its
people are, as has been said, qualified for marriage, friendship, and
union and equality; and they are fitted for offices and dignities and
authority, both spiritual and temporal. And, further, the richness
of the country is so great and of such sort--being realty, crops,
and necessaries of life; provisions of rice, wheat, and barley;
all manner of fruits, and many varieties of wine; domestic fowl,
ducks, and many other kinds of poultry; many cattle, horses, cows,
goats, sheep, and buffaloes; abundant hides, endless store of silk,
and considerable cotton; musk, honey and wax; numerous varieties of
valuable woods, many kinds of perfume, and other things produced by
the soil; besides an abundance of mines and metals, as has already
been stated. To all this is added the results of the industry of
so many people, so apt, thrifty, industrious, and well governed. It
is incredible how great is the number and abundance of the crafts,
arts, inventions, industries, and manufactures of everything that
could be asked for human use--of necessaries, ornaments, dainties,
jewels--and all the shops and articles of merchandise, both for the
use of the country and for the trade with foreigners. All this,
together with what has already been said of the people, should,
God willing, be cause enough to give us an entry into those realms,
so that, in short, they may become pacified, intermixed and united,
hispanized and christianized. So that one cannot mention all the great
benefits arising from this, both spiritual and temporal--a new light
of the faith, good modes of life, salvation for the Chinese and many
souls, and glory to God; wealth, honor, and eternal fame for our king;
great renown, prosperity, and multiplication for the Spanish nation,
and through it, for all Christianity. Besides, there will be all
these that follow.

Other benefits besides those already mentioned

In the first place, there could be established straightway
archbishoprics and bishoprics (as many as in all the former Christian
world, over there), with a patriarch.

Second: There might be founded new military orders with larger
revenues than those of the old country; or the old ones of Santiago,
Calatrava, Alcantara, and San Juan may be extended, and it will even
be a great advantage if these and other new ones should be used during
the conquest.

Third: A number of titled lords can be created, such as counts, dukes,
and marquesses, just as, at present, encomenderos are appointed--for
the encomiendas must be much larger there; and with such prospects
the entry will be much more certain, and the land much more secure
afterward, since there are so many lords.

Fourth: His Majesty may appoint four or six viceroys, as there are
now fifteen in the fifteen provinces, who have as much power and
state as kings have elsewhere.

Fifth: After all these things have been seen to, and the land is in
a settled condition, his Majesty may levy from it a great income and
much merchandise for his realms, as has already been said.

Sixth: Peace can be made and an understanding reached with the Tartar
and other tribes that lie in the region from China to the land of the
Turk; and we can better know his condition and strength, and find a
way to harass him from here in the East.

Seventh: Couriers and relay postmen can be sent to Spain by land;
for, although some have already come by land, they are all the time
finding shorter and better routes.

Eighth: The former peace and amity with the Sofi and the Armenians,
[47] and any other people that may be discovered or treated with,
or become known, in all Asia, will be greatly strengthened.

Ninth: When his Majesty is lord of China, he immediately becomes lord
of all the neighboring states of this coast, including Cochinchina,
Canboxa, Sian, Patan, and even as far as Malaca; and it would be very
easy to subject the islands of Samatra, Javas, Burney, Maluco, &c.

Tenth: Therewith can be secured the states of Yndia, and the returns
from the merchandise coming from China--without whose commerce
they could not be maintained; and which is now not secure, but very
doubtful, unless it be conquered.

Eleventh: The reason for establishing these possessions in some
kingdoms, and alliances and commerce in others, will be cogent--the
opportunity for the conversion of souls; by this means the knowledge
of the name of Christ may be brought into all these regions, and in
all of them souls may continually be converted.

Twelfth: The Chinese will navigate the seas to the Yndias of Peru
and Nueva Espana; and their relations with us will be more settled
and confirmed.

Thirteenth: The population of that country is so great and so dense
that many of the Chinese can be brought to these islands as colonists,
and thus enrich themselves and this land.

Fourteenth: The immediate occupation of China will forestall the danger
that the French and English, and other heretics and northern nations,
will discover and navigate that strait which certainly lies opposite
those regions--that of Labrador, [48] as those peoples say.

These are, in brief, the many evils which should be averted, and some
(not to speak of many others) of the numerous benefits--which it would
take long to enumerate in writing, and cannot even be imagined--which
would result if his Majesty should choose to put his hand to so great
an undertaking; and may God our Lord grant him the grace and favor
to proceed with it.

Doctor Santiago de Vera
The Bishop of the Filipinas
The licentiate Melchor Davalos
The licentiate Pedro de Rojas
The licentiate Ayala
The Archdeacon of Manila
Antonio Sedeno, rector
Alonso Sanchez
Fray Diego Alvarez, provincial
Hernan Suarez
Fray Juan de Plasencia, custodian of the order of St. Francis
Fray Vicente Valero, guardian
Fray Alonso de Castro
Fray Pedro de Memdieta
Fray Juan de Quinones
The canon Don Juan de Armendariz
The canon Luis de Barruelo
The mariscal Graviel de Ribera
The accountant Andres Cauchela
Juan Baptista Roman
Don Francisco de Poca y Guevara
Pedro de Chaves
Diego de Castillo
Juan de Argumedo
Don Juan Ronquillo del Castillo
Juan de Moron
Ballesteros de Saavedra
Don Antonio Jufre Carrillo
Andres de Villanueva
Luis de Bivanco
Agustin de Arceo
Hernando Munoz de Poyatos
Bernardo de Vergara
Gaspar de Acebo
Juan Pacheco Maldonado
Gomez de Machuca
Francisco Mercado de Andrada
Francisco Rodriguez
Gaspar Osorio de Moya
Don Bartolome de Sotomayor
Diego de Camudio
Bernardino de Avila
Luis Velez Cherino
Pedro Martin
Francisco Garcia
Melchor de Torres
Christoval Munoz
Diego Fernandez Vitoria
Alonso Beltran, Secretary

[On the back of the Sevilla copy are written, in the same hand as
are the marginal notes, various memoranda, apparently as references
for the use of the council. On the left-hand side appear the following:

"1: There was an assembly of all the estates, who resolved to send a
person to his Majesty; and all appointed Father Alonso Sanchez; August
[sic; but should be April] 19, in the year 86. 2: On the fifth of May,
86, the royal Audiencia of Manila appointed Father Alonso Sanchez as
envoy. 3: On the twentieth of June, 86, the bishop and cathedral of the
city of Manila appointed the same. 4: On the sixteenth of April, 86,
the bishop and the superiors of the religious appointed the same. 5: On
the 25th of June, 86, the judiciary, magistracy, and cabildo of Manila
appointed the same. 6: On the twenty-eighth of May, the master-of-camp
and the captains of the Filipinas Islands appointed the same."

Then follows a list of letters and other documents accompanying the
"Memorial," several of which are presented in our text. On the right
hand is written: "Filipinas Islands, city of Manila, assembly of
April 19, 1586. Royal Audiencia, judiciary, and magistracy. Bishop
and clergy. Orders, and religious and ecclesiastical estate. The
master-of-camp, captains, and soldiers, and the secular estate. The
person who should come: Father Sanchez." Other memoranda refer to
various letters from Philippine officials, dated during the years
1583-86, which seem to have been consulted in reference to the

[In the library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, is a collection of MSS.,
transcripts from documents in Spanish archives, which were made
during the years 1859-65 by a Spanish official at Madrid, who had
been in the Philippine Islands, named Ventura del Arco: it has been
kindly loaned to us by Mr. Ayer for use in the present work. This
series, in five volumes, large octavo size, contains some 3,000
pages of matter regarding these islands, from the original MSS. in
the archives; some is copied in full, but often a synopsis only is
given. To many of the documents are added tracings of the original
autograph signatures. Although spelling, punctuation, and capitals
are considerably modernized, the work of transcription appears to have
been otherwise done carefully, intelligently, and _con amore_; and the
collection contains much valuable material in Philippine history. It
covers the period of 1586-1709, and begins with the proceedings of the
junta of 1586, which are found in vol. i, pp. 1-101. The "Memorial"
is given in a full resume; and at the end is cited (pp. 48-49) the
following paragraph, which is not contained in our Sevilla copy,
or in that of the Madrid MS. which we have followed:]

In the city of Manila, on July 26 of the year 1586, the following
persons met in the royal building: The honorable president and auditors
of the royal Audiencia of these islands, and his Majesty's fiscal of
the Audiencia; Don Fray Domingo de Salazar, bishop of the Filipinas;
and the religious, the captains, the magistrates, and the municipal
officers of this city--who hereunder signed their names. They met
to discuss fully the matters contained in this document, about which
Father Alonso Sanchez as procurator-general of this country, and acting
in its name, is to confer with his Majesty, and solicit aid from him,
that the prosperity and colonization of these islands may continue
to increase, and that God and his Majesty may be served. The above
articles having been read, as they are here recorded, _de verbo ad
verbum_, all the above persons declared, unanimously and with one
consent and opinion, that this memorial was properly drawn up; and
that Father Alonso Sanchez should communicate all its contents to
his Majesty, and other matters as seemed to him necessary. The above
honorable persons made the required attestations to the document,
and signed it with their names, as did other persons. I, the clerk
of the court [of the Audiencia], attest this.

Alonso Beltran

[Then follow thirty signatures, all tracings of the original

Letter to Felipe II, From Various Officials

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

To fulfil the obligations resting on us, we the master-of-camp and
the captains who are serving your Majesty in these Filipinas Islands,
give your Majesty, whenever we have an opportunity, a report of matters
concerning this camp, and what things are desirable in it. That your
Majesty may be better served, we are sending this report by the ships
that are now sailing, notwithstanding that our captain-general, the
president of the royal Audiencia here, is writing a more detailed
relation (as being the person who has given the most attention to
this), of all that he thinks necessary to improve matters in these
islands, so that their increase may be constant.

The care that your Majesty has always had and continues to have for
the preservation of these islands, and the great expense that your
Majesty has incurred therein, since they began to be pacified (a
work which still continues) without your Majesty's royal exchequer
having any profit, cause your Majesty's very Christian zeal to be
well understood, and that what you principally aspire to is the great
service which is rendered to our Lord, in spreading His holy evangel
in lands so remote, and among people so far removed from the true
knowledge, by which, through His goodness and mercy, so many thousands
of souls have been converted, and are being converted every day,
to His holy faith, to say nothing of many who in this time have been
born in and enjoyed holy baptism. The latter are extremely numerous,
which has resulted from the employment of soldiers stationed here,
for with their protection the religious who aid in conversions and
preaching can do so in security. Without such protection this would be
impossible, unless by the special grace of God, because these natives
are a people untamed, rebellious, and exceedingly cruel. If they are
obedient, it is plainly evident that they are so on account of this
check; and that if they were not thus restrained, not only would
the work not go forward, but the gains would be turned to losses,
through inability to retain them. What your Majesty has so happily
commenced here would come to an end, although these districts and
the neighborhood promise so excellent beginnings, of the very best,
in those places so near this country--which are, as your Majesty
well knows, China, Japan, Borney, Sian, and Patan, and many other
very rich and prosperous provinces. Furthermore, a manifest and great
service would be rendered to our Lord, when their peoples should come
to know Him. Your Majesty's royal crown would be extended by wider
boundaries, as your Majesty's greatness and Christian zeal worthily
merit. Therefore what has been thus far gained is of very great
consequence, and your Majesty should order that it be preserved with
the care hitherto manifested, since it is of so great importance. This
can in no wise be accomplished without the assistance of soldiery.

That this should be more efficiently done, it is quite necessary
that your Majesty should order that the usual force here consist of
three or four companies, which contain in all about four hundred
soldiers. These with their captains and officers, should be paid
by the month, as is the custom in the rest of your Majesty's camps
and frontiers; for thus they will all serve with great assiduity,
and support themselves honorably, having good weapons and munitions
and everything else necessary for military operations. They shall
understand that, when pay is given them, they must take care to render
obedience to orders and commands, with great readiness--being subject
to their commanders, which is the principal thing required; and the
captains must punish those who may exceed their orders, as is done
in all districts where garrisons are established, and as it was done
here before your Majesty ordered the royal Audiencia to come to these
islands. For, notwithstanding the fact that until then the soldiery
here had never been paid, they have not on that account failed to be
usually very willing and obedient to orders given them. They are well
supplied with weapons and munitions of war, and are as experienced
therein as those who, more than they, follow the art of war in all
regions. This they have clearly demonstrated on certain occasions
that have taken place in these islands, and by the reputation which
they have everywhere gained for maintaining themselves among so
many enemies, always attacking these with great personal bravery,
without having had forts or defenses for their protection. Their
alertness, good will, and discipline has all been due to the fact
that the governors and captains-general who have come here on your
Majesty's service, provide everything that, in the opinion of your
master-of-camp and the captains, may appear to be requisite for
your Majesty's service, without its being necessary for anyone to
lend a hand in it. On account of this regularity in affairs, both
captains and soldiers have performed their duties freely, lending
their assistance with much care in whatever was necessary, and doing
whatever they were ordered without any shirking--for, besides fearing
the punishment which would be meted out to them for doing anything
improper, they expected a reward for their services. They saw that
those who merited it were constantly being rewarded with encomiendas
and other means of support; consequently everyone exerted himself in
the service with much more willingness and courage, without shirking
any labor or peril, however great it was, and without stopping to
make any demands that they should be given their usual pay--as now
they claim in regard to your Majesty's royal decree respecting the
towns that shall be vacated and placed under the royal crown. For
this has so disheartened the soldiers of this royal Audiencia who
have come so far in the hope of being rewarded for their services,
that there is not a soldier who does not refuse to obey the orders he
receives. Since the royal Audiencia has come here, there have been so
great dissensions that very few or none take any pride in military
service or carrying arms as before, except it be ourselves, the
master-of-camp and the captains. To remedy such a state of affairs,
it is not enough to make rules which point out their duty; but in
rewarding each man who goes the rounds, does sentry duty, or the
like, support is given to the royal Audiencia, whose orders lately
fail of execution; for when we or they order anything to be done,
the soldiers go away and do as they please. As a result the latter
have grown so arrogant, that many times when they have been summoned
by their sergeants to do certain things which are their usual duty,
and indispensable for the defense of this city, they have refused
to obey them. On the contrary, officers have been publicly insulted
and stabbed; and this has occurred not once but many times. This
boldness has increased to such an extent that it is displayed on the
slightest occasion. On this account we cannot maintain sentinel duty,
or the necessary precautions, because we, the master-of-camp and the
captains, cannot punish them as formerly. The soldiers no longer have
for us the fear and respect that they once had, which has caused in
these islands the complete loss of that military discipline which was
formerly so strict. This has been shown repeatedly, so that the natives
indulge in all sorts of daring, holding us in very slight estimation,
as they did last year in Panpanga, five leagues from this city. They
placed at their head two chiefs, who in two days' time had a large
following, well armed and supplied, who could disturb the whole land
with the insolence and the effrontery that they displayed. Because they
said that they were coming to destroy this city, it was necessary for
myself and some captains, and all the good soldiers to be found here,
to go out to prepare for them. This was done and the president sent
your Majesty a detailed account thereof on the ship which sailed from
here at that time.

Feeling that this was right, and due to your Majesty's service, I held
a council of the captains; and I set before them these difficulties,
and others that might result from the complete ruin of the military
service. Unanimously we all petitioned "that this royal Audiencia
here shall be freely allowed to have charge of war affairs in general
because in this way we could act as a unit, as we did before. We
should strive to reduce the evil condition which obtains at present to
that good order which we are wont to have, because what has taken so
many years to acquire should not be lost in one hour." The result was
that a suit was instituted against us on the ground that the petition
which we presented was disrespectful, and that we were rebellious. We
were imprisoned for a long time and condemned to an excessive fine,
where we had expected to be rewarded for our ardent zeal and desire to
please your Majesty, which we have always had. We send your Majesty
a copy of the proceedings, notwithstanding that it is to terminate
in the court of appeals, so that your Majesty may see how, without
any fault of ours, we who have served your Majesty here during so
many years, and with so great fidelity, are personally ill-treated,
and our property despoiled. We humbly entreat your Majesty to order
that our grievances be considered and remedied, as injuries have
been done us; for in that way our many and zealous services shall
not be forgotten. By this, and other things that we have referred to,
your Majesty may see how troublesome it is and will continue to be,
for the preservation and development of the islands, that the royal
Audiencia remain here. For, as is obvious, it is not of so much
importance as are the soldiery in a land of so many enemies, where,
except for the neighboring districts by which we are surrounded,
the natives are all hostile, and nothing can be done or undertaken,
except it be with weapons in hand. To maintain justice for the
Spanish who reside among them, it would seem to be sufficient to have
a governor, as there always has been, since there are not more than
one hundred encomenderos and seven hundred soldiers here. In Spain,
however small a city or town may be, it has a larger population and
more litigation; yet, with only one corregidor or alcalde-mayor,
its affairs are justly administered. Besides, the salaries of the
Audiencia will be of assistance in many important matters concerning
your Majesty's service which are continually arising. These often fail
of execution on account of the lack of funds in the royal exchequer,
as a result of the expense of keeping this door open. By placing in
charge of soldiers who merit it, the encomiendas which become vacant,
a reform will be effected in this camp--which is necessary in order
to execute any plans which may be difficult. We advise your Majesty
as loyal vassals, regarding what seems to be most necessary for your
Majesty's better service and the increase of your Majesty's royal
dominion and renown. May our Lord watch over your Majesty's sacred
royal Catholic person for many fortunate years, with the addition
of greater realms and seigniories, as we, your Majesty's vassals,
and all Christendom desire. Manila, June 24, 1586. Sacred Catholic
Royal Majesty. We, your Majesty's vassals and servants kiss your
Majesty's royal feet.

Alfonso de Chaves
Don Juan Ronquillo
Juan Maldonado de Castro
Bernardo de Vergara
Agustin de Arciol
Juan de Moron
Rodrigo Albarez

[Endorsed: "To the sacred royal Catholic Majesty, king don Philipe
our lord." "Written by Juan de Ledesma, for the master-of-camp, and the
captains in the Filipinas." "Philipinas.--To the king our sovereign,
Philipe. From the master-of-camp and captains. June 24."]

Letter from the Manila Cabildo to Felipe II

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

Section I. Last year, eighty-five, this city of Manila wrote to your
Majesty, sending a relation of affairs in these islands. Because of our
extreme and continually increasing necessities, and the magnificent
opportunities for your Majesty's service that are lost daily, and on
account of our having no one at court to look after our affairs, or
anyone to inform your Majesty, as is requisite, of matters pertaining
to this realm, we resolved to request Father Alonso Sanchez, a master
of sacred theology and a religious of the Society of Jesus, to go
to confer with your Majesty about all these things, as a man who is
experienced in all these matters, and one who will discuss them with
all sincerity and certainty. Therefore he agreed to undertake this task
for the service of God and of your Majesty, and indeed of this state,
having therefor the permission and order of his superior. In order
to decide what must be laid before your Majesty, and what petitions
made, many assemblies were held, composed of the president, auditors,
fiscal, bishop, superiors of the orders, cities, royal officials,
captains, and other men who were intelligent, and zealous for the
service of your Majesty. The said father is authorized by those men
and by this entire country; and we humbly entreat that your Majesty
be pleased to give him entire faith and credit, to listen to him, and
to show us the mercy and favor that we hope from the munificence of
your Majesty. Although we have charged him to petition your Majesty
for everything needful, yet we shall give a brief relation of the
most necessary, in which, if such be your Majesty's pleasure, you
may favor and protect this your city and these your vassals.

Section 2. It has been proved by experience that the royal Audiencia
cannot be maintained here without the total destruction of this state;
for in this city there are scarcely seventy citizens, and in all the
other settlements together not as many more. The military power,
which maintains this frontier, is totally disorganized, because
its usages are so at variance with the procedures and exactness
rendered necessary by the rigor of the laws forcibly enacted by the
Audiencia. Furthermore, our Portuguese neighbors imagine that this
tribunal has been instituted here to overpower and govern them, since
they cannot believe that it was established for one hundred and thirty
households and so few soldiers. Accordingly, they have shut the door
to the commerce, friendship, and intercourse, which was commencing
between them and us. In addition to this your Majesty possesses no
income here with which to pay the salaries of president, auditors,
fiscal, and other officials of the Audiencia. These salaries, added
to what is wasted in this country, would establish it, and put it in

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