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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 by Emma Helen Blair

Part 4 out of 5

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of sand lies in fifty-two degrees of latitude and fifty-two and
one-half degrees of longitude. From this sand-point to the other
side is about five leagues. Inside this bay we found a strait of
about one league in width. From this entrance to the sand-point it is
straight east and west. On the left side of the bay is a large angle
in which are many sunken rocks. But as you enter you keep toward the
north, and as you enter the strait you go toward the southwest by a
mid channel. And as you enter you observe some shoals in front at a
distance of three leagues from the mouth, and afterward you will find
two sandy islets, and then the open channel, and you can doubtless
sail at will therein. Passing this strait we found another small bay,
and then another strait like unto the first. From one entrance to
the other the direction is east and west, and the strait runs from
the northeast to the southwest. After we had passed through the two
mouths or straits we found a very large bay, and some islands. In one
of the latter we anchored and took the altitude, which we found to be
fifty-two and one-third degrees. From this point we sailed southeast
and found a point to the left, at a distance from the first entrance
of about thirty leagues.... There are many turns in this strait,
and the mountains are very high and covered with snow. Afterward we
sailed northeast by east, passing many islands on the way. At the
farther end of the strait the coast turns northward. At the left we
saw a cape and an island, and we named them Cape Fermoso and Cape
Deseado. It lies in the same altitude as Cape Las Virgines, which is
the first point at the entrance. From the said Cape Fermoso we sailed
northeast, north, and north-northwest, for two days and three nights,
and on the next day we saw land ... and this land we saw the first
day of December." On the twenty-fourth of January, 1521, they find
an islet, which they name San Pablo. On the sixth of March two small
islands are sighted, and they see many small sails. A further note
of this same day says "The islands of the Ladrones are three hundred
leagues from Gilolo." March 16, they sight more islands, giving names
to two, Suluan and Yunagan--the first island of the archipelago of
San Lazaro [the Philippines]. They land successively at the islands
of Gada, Seilani, and Mazava, and pass by or anchor at Matan, Subu,
Baibai. "We left Subu sailing southeast ... between the Cape of Subu
and an island named Bohol; and on the western side of the Cape of Subu
is another island, by name, Panilongo, inhabited by blacks. This island
and Subu have gold and quantities of ginger.... We anchored at the
island of Bohol." Thus the log continues without date for some time,
the islands of Quipit, Quagayan, Poluan, and Borney being noted. At
the latter place in a brush with the natives, they seize a junk,
on which "was a son of the king of Luzon, which is a very large
island." The ship passes on through the Moluccas, which are named:
"Terrenate, Tidori, Mare, Motil, Maquiam, Bachian, Gilolo--these are
all that have cloves." On the fourth of May, 1522, the Cape of Good
Hope is founded. (No. xxii, pp. 209-247.)

The cargo of cloves brought by the "Victoria" amounted to three
hundred and eighty-one sacks, with a net weight of five hundred
and twenty-four quintals, twenty-one and one-half libras. This was
delivered to Cristobal de Haro, through an agent, in accordance with
a royal decree of October 10, 1522. The cargo also contained other
spices, and a feather ornament, besides the private stores. (No. xxiii,
pp. 247, 248.)

October 18, 1522. Certain questions are to be put to those coming
in the "Victoria." These included: the cause of the discord between
Magalhaes and Cartagena and others; the reason for the capture and
killing of Mendoza, and if any reward were promised to Espinosa for
killing him; the reason for Magalhaes's abandonment of Cartagena
and the ecclesiastic, and if he acted right toward Quesada, Mendoza,
and others; whether the punishments were meted out for the purpose
of putting the Portuguese accompanying him, and who were kin to him,
in command of the ships; the reason for Magalhaes's long delays
in various ports, thus wasting provisions and losing valuable time;
questions affecting trade; as to the manner in which Magalhaes met his
death from the Indians, and why some say he died in another manner;
those who were left behind at the island where Magalhaes had been
killed, and whether they could be rescued. Answers are given to these
questions by Juan Sebastian Del Cano, captain, Francisco Albo, pilot,
and Fernando de Bustamente, barber, all of the "Victoria." (No. xxv,
pp. 285-294.)

The expedition begun by Magalhaes made treaties of peace with various
petty kings or governors among the islands. One was made with the
seignior of Poluan, a vassal of the king of Borneo. The interpreter
in this treaty was "a Moro who was seized in the island of the king
of Lozon and knew some Castilian." Presents were made to seal the
peace. Treaties were made also in Tidori, Cebu, and Gilolo. (No. xxvii,
pp. 295-298.)

1523. Diego de Barbosa presents a memorandum to the king regarding some
events of Magalhaes's voyage, and the methods for trading in the spice
regions. He cites the memorandum left by the latter on his departure
from Seville in 1519. He adds "And now, ... I believe that the time
has come when this must be investigated, and I determined to present
this memorandum to your Majesty in order that you may not be deceived
in the routes, and in the trade of those regions which you have in
your power, since it was discovered at so great expense and toil to
Magallanes, and his death ..." He justifies the conduct of the latter,
and urges the king to see justice done. Speaking of the trade he says,
"Your Majesty should believe that the sport of this business that you
have in your power is of what extent you may desire, only your Majesty
must know the game well, because in these first beginnings lies its
good. Whence I say, that before all else your Majesty ought, in this
case, to give such examples to those sailing in the fleet which you
expect to have prepared, so that those who go shall not be betrayed
... as happened in the past, and that the captain-general ... be one
who knows thoroughly what he must do, and that those accompanying him
go so instructed that after telling him their opinion, they shall
not dare to instruct him in his duties; for where confusion exists
there is the whole mistake." He urges a powerful fleet in order
to be able to show sufficient force to the natives, and to punish
those who killed Magalhaes. He cites the example of the Portuguese
who send large fleets to the east, and gain respect through fear,
"for if the King of Portugal has prestige in the Indies, it is because
he has always tried to demonstrate his power there, sending as large
a fleet as possible each year. Therefore not only did he rule those
lands with love and good works, but to a greater degree by means
of fear." In the matter of trading, the king should keep control;
for if traders are allowed to trade on their own account they will
ruin everything, and will sell lower, being content with thirty or
forty per cent when they might gain one hundred per cent or more. He
advises the king that trading should be under the control of his
Majesty's factor. (No. xxviii, pp. 298-301.)

Chainho, 1523. Antonio Brito writes to the king of Portugal in regard
to events in India and the voyage of Magalhaes. "I arrived at Tidore
May 13, 522 [sic]. The Castilians had been there and loaded two of the
five vessels that sailed from Castilla; and I learned that the one had
left there four months before, and the other one month and a half." On
October 20, news is brought of a ship. Brito orders it brought to port,
and finds, as he had supposed, that it is a Castilian vessel. Of their
crew of fifty-four men, thirty had died. Their maps and instruments
are seized; and the ship and cargo confiscated, the wood of the
former being used in the fortress. "They said that the bishop of
Burgos and Cristobal de Haro had fitted out this fleet." A short
account of the voyage is given. From Rio de Janeiro the Castilians
"sailed to the river called Solis, where Fernando Magallanes thought
a passage would be found; and they stayed there forty days.... They
coasted along shore to a river called San Juan, where they wintered
for four months. Here the captains began to ask where he was taking
them, especially one Juan de Cartagena.... Then they tried to rise
against Magallanes and kill him." The flight of the "San Antonio"
is narrated, "and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla
or whether it was lost." The discovery of the strait is noted, with
a brief description of its location. The succeeding events--the
death of Magalhaes, the election of two captains (Duarte Barbosa,
"a Portuguese, and brother-in-law of Magallanes;... and Juan Serrana,
a Castilian"), and the death of Barbosa and thirty-five or thirty-six
men at the hands of natives, are briefly narrated. "They sailed to
an island called Mindanao ... and had an interview with the king, who
showed them where Borneo lay," whither they next journeyed. Here they
were taken by the natives for Portuguese, and were well treated. They
asked for pilots to conduct them to the Moluccas, but the king gave
them only as far as Mindanao "on the opposite side from which they
had come, where they would get other pilots. Mindanao is a very large
and fertile island." Brito relates further the disposition made of
the Castilians and their cargo. (No. xxx, pp. 305-311.)

Valladolid, August 2, 1527. Investigations are instituted by the
Council of the Indies in regard to the seizure and confiscation by
the Portuguese of the "Trinidad," one of Magalhaes's vessels. This
court of inquiry is in charge of the bishop of Ciudad, Rodrigo,
who examines under oath the captain of the vessel, Gonzalo Gomez
de Espinosa and the two pilots Gines de Mafra and Leon Pancado. The
investigation brings out, in the form mainly of question and answer,
the communication of the Castilians with the Portuguese, and the
confiscation of their ship and cargo. (No. xi, pp. 378-388.)

Letter of Authorization to Falero and Magallanes

Inasmuch [212] as we have commanded a certain contract and agreement
to be made with you, Ruy Falero, bachelor, and Fernando de Magalhayns,
knight, natives of the Kingdom of Portogal, in order that you make
an expedition of discovery in the Ocean Sea; and inasmuch as for
the said voyage we have ordered five ships to be armed, manned,
provisioned, and supplied with whatever else is necessary for said
voyage, having confidence that you are such persons as will guard
our service, and that you will execute fully and loyally what we
command and entrust to you: it is our will and pleasure to appoint
you--as by this present we do--as our captains of the said fleet. We
also authorize you so that, during the time of your voyage and until
(with the blessing of Our Lord) you shall return to these kingdoms,
you may and shall hold office as our captains, both on sea and land,
in your own names and those of your lieutenants, in every case and
in everything relating and pertaining to said office. You shall see
that there is proper execution of our justice in the lands and islands
that you shall discover, according to and in the manner followed by
those who have been our sea captains hitherto. By this our letter,
we command the masters, mates, pilots, seamen, roustabouts, boys,
any other persons and officials of the said fleet, and whatsoever
persons may see this present, and shall reside in the said lands and
islands that you shall discover, and whomsoever the contents of this
letter may concern or affect in any manner whatever, that they regard,
accept, and consider you as our captains of the said fleet. As such,
they shall obey you and fulfil your commands, under the penalty or
penalties which, in our name, you shall impose or order imposed,
and which, by this present, we impose and consider as imposed. We
authorize you to execute sentence on their persons and goods, and that
they observe and cause to be observed all the honors, favors, grace,
privileges, liberties, preeminences, prerogatives and immunities,
which as our captains, you should hold and enjoy, and which must be
kept for you. It is our pleasure and we command that, if during the
voyage of said fleet, there should be any disputes or differences,
either on land or sea, you shall be empowered to sentence, judge,
and execute justice in brief form, summarily and without process of
law. We authorize you to decide and judge the said disputes, and to
execute all the remaining contents of this our letter and whatever is
incumbent upon and pertains to said office of captain, with whatever
may be incident, dependent, or connected in any way with the same;
and neither yourselves nor others shall act contrary to this.

Given at Valladolid, the xxij day of March, of the year one thousand
five hundred and eighteen. I, the King. I, Francisco de los Covos,
Secretary of the Queen [213] and of the King, her son, our Sovereigns,
write it by their command.

[_Endorsed:_ "Authorization as sea-captains, given to Fernando
Magallayns and the bachelor Ruj Fallero for the time while they shall
be in the fleet which your Highness ordered to be equipped, until
their return to Espana. Johanes le Sauvaige. Fonseca, archbishop and
bishop. Registered. Juan de Samana. (Seal) Guilhermo, chancellor."]

Carta de El Rei de Castella para El Reid Manuel


S_mo_ y muy ex_te_ Rey y principe mj muy caro y muy amado hr_o_ y tio
Recebi vra letra de xij de hebrero con q he avido muy gran plazer en
saber de vra salud, y de la S_ma_ Reyna vra muger mj muy cara y muy
amada hermana especialment del contentamjento q me escreujs q tenys de
su companja q Lo mjsmo me escreujo Su Ser_d_ asi la he esperado sienpre
y: demas de conplir lo q deveys a vra Real persona a mj me hazeys en
ello muy singular conplazencia porq yo amo tanto a la dicha S_ma_
Reyna mj hermana, q es muy mas lo q la qero q el debdo q con ella
tengo. afectuosamente vos Ruego sienpre me hagays saber de vra salud
y de la suya q asi sienpre os hare saber de la mja y lo q de present
ay de mas desto q dezires q por cartas q de alla me han escrito he
sabido q vos teneys alguna sospecha q del armada q mandamos hazer
para yr a las Jndias de q van por capitanes hernando magallanes y
Ruy falero podria venjr algun perjuizo a lo q a vosos pertenece di
aqllas partes de las Jndias bien crehemos q avn q algunas personas
qaran jnformas dealgo desto q vos terneys por cierta nra voluntad
y obra para las cosas q os tocare q es la q el debdo y amor y la
Razon lo reqere mas porq dello no os qde pensamjento acorde de vos
escreujr po q sepays q nra voluntad ha sido y es de muy cumplidamente
guardar todo lo q sobre la demarcacio fue asentado y capitulado
con los cathocos Rey y Reyna mjs senores y abuelos q ayan _glra_
y q la dicha armada no yra ni tocara en parte q en cosa perjudiq a
vro _drho_ q no solamente q remos esto mas avn qrriamos dexaros de
lo q a nos pertenece y tenemos y el primer capitulo y mandamjeto nro,
q lleban los dichos capitans es q guarden la demarcacio y q no toque
en njnguna manera y so graves penas en las partes y terras y mares
q por la demarcacio a vos os estan senaladas yos pertenece y asi lo
guardara y complira y desto no tengays ninguna dubda. S_mo_ y muy
ex_te_ Rey & _pn_cipe nro muy caro y muy amado hr_o_ y tio nro Senor
vos aya en su especial guarda y Recomjenda de barcelona a xxviij dias
de hebrero de dxjx as. Yo Elrey. Couos, sect?

(_Sobrescripto_:) S_mo_ y muy ex_te_ Rey * * * cipe de portugal * *
* muy caro y muy * * o hermano y tio.

Letter from the King of Castile to the King Don Manuel


Most Serene and very excellent King and Prince and very dear and
beloved brother and uncle: I received your letter of the twelfth
of February and I was extremely pleased to learn concerning the
state of your health and that of the most serene queen, your wife,
my very dear and much loved sister; and especially was I gratified
to hear of the pleasure you take in her company, of which her serene
highness likewise wrote me. So I have always wished it, and, besides
fulfilling what you owe your royal character, you do me therein very
great pleasure, for I love the most serene queen, my sister, so much,
that my love for her far exceeds that which is due her from me. I pray
you affectionately always to inform me concerning your health and hers,
and I will always let you hear as to mine. And now with regard to what
is further to be said, I have been informed by letters which I have
received from persons near you that you entertain some fear that the
fleet which we are dispatching to the Indies, under command of Hernando
Magallanes and Ruy Falero, might be prejudicial to what pertains to
you in those parts of the Indies. We believe that, in spite of the
fact that certain persons desire to imbue you with such an idea,
you are assured of our good will and deed in all matters affecting
you, which are such as love, duty, and reason demand. Nevertheless,
in order that your mind may be freed of anxiety, I thought it best
to write to you to inform you that our wish has always been, and
is, duly to respect everything concerning the line of demarcation
which was settled and agreed upon with the Catholic king and queen
my sovereigns and grandparents (may they rest in glory); and that
the said fleet will not in any way enter a district so that your
rights would be at all injured; and not only do we desire this but
would even wish to give over to you that which belongs to and is
held by us. And our first charge and order to the said commanders
is to respect the line of demarcation and not to touch in any way,
under heavy penalties, any regions of either lands or seas which were
assigned to and belong to you by the line of demarcation; and that
they will keep and fulfil this injunction I beg you to entertain
no doubt. Most Serene and very excellent King and Prince, our very
dear and well beloved brother and uncle, may our Lord have you in his
special keeping and recommendation. Barcelona xxviij February dxjx. I,
the King; Covos, secretary.

[_Superscription:_ "Most Serene and very excellent King, [pr]ince of
portugal [our] [214] very dear and well [belov]ed brother and uncle."]

Instructions to Cartagena

I, the King. That which you, Juan de Cartagena our captain, are to
do in the fulfilment of your duties as our inspector-general of the
fleet, which we are sending under command of Ruy Falero and Fernando
de Magallains, our captains, knights of the order of San Tiago,
on the voyage of discovery which, with the blessing of Our Lord,
they are about to undertake as our captain-generals of said fleet,
is as follows:

First: in order that you may go well-informed, the instructions and
agreement made with our said captains for the voyage of discovery
are as follows:

I, the King. Inasmuch as you, Fernando de Magallains, knight, native
of the kingdom of Portogal and bachelor Ruy Falero, also native of
said kingdom, wish to do us signal service, binding yourselves to
discover within the boundaries which pertain to and belong to us in
the Ocean Sea, within the limits of our demarcation, those islands
and mainlands, riches, spices, and other things with which we shall be
well pleased and these our kingdoms well profited, we order herewith
the following agreement to be made with you:

First: in order that you may and shall with good fortune go on a
voyage of discovery in that part of the Ocean Sea within our limits
and demarcation; and as it would not be just that since you are going
yourselves to perform the aforesaid, other persons should venture to
do the same; and considering that you are to have the hardship of this
enterprise: it is my will and pleasure (as I now promise) that, for
the term of the first ten years ensuing we shall not permit any other
person to go on a voyage of discovery by the same route and course that
you may take; and that if anyone else should wish to undertake it and
ask permission, it shall not be granted until you have been informed
thereof, so that, if at the same time you should so desire, you may
undertake it also, being as well prepared, equipped, and furnished with
as many vessels as equally well-conditioned, equipped, and manned as
those of the other persons wishing to make the said discovery. But it
is to be understood that if we should wish to order or permit other
persons to undertake such an enterprise by the western route, in the
district of those islands, with Tierra Firme and all other places
already discovered, towards the desired direction, for the purpose of
seeking the strait of those seas, we may so order or permit to these
others. If they should wish to start on their discoveries from Tierra
Firme or from the island of Sant Miguel, and go through the southern
sea, they may do so. Likewise if the governor or people who, by our
mandate, are now, or may be in the future, in the said Tierra Firme,
or any others of our subjects and vassals should wish to set out on
a voyage of discovery in the southern sea, wherein such discovery is
permitted; and if they wish to send out ships for further discoveries;
then our said governor, vassals, and any other persons who, according
to our pleasure, should go upon such discovery in that direction,
may do so, notwithstanding the aforesaid of any section and clause
whatever in this agreement. But we also desire that if you should wish
to do so, you may discover by any of these said routes, provided the
place be not already discovered or found.

The aforesaid discovery must be made in such manner that you do not
discover or do anything to his prejudice, within the demarcation
and limits of the most serene king of Portogal, my very dear and
well beloved uncle and brother, but only within the limits of our

And acknowledging your wish to serve us which has moved you to
undertake the said discovery; the service which we shall receive
therefrom; and the benefit of our royal crown--as a remuneration for
the labor and danger which you will have to undergo, it is our will
and pleasure, and our desire in all the islands and mainlands that you
may discover, to grant you--as we do in this present--that of all the
profit and gain from all the lands and islands you may so discover,
both rents and rights, and whatever else accrues to us in any way,
you shall have and take the twentieth part (after first deducting
all expenses which may be involved); also you shall have title as our
_adelantados_ [215] and governors of said lands and islands, you, your
children, and lawful heirs forever. This shall be on condition that
the supremacy of the same shall pertain to us and to the kings after
us, and if your children and heirs are natives of our kingdoms and
married therein; and if the said government and title of _adelantado_
shall descend to your son or heir after your death. We shall have
your letters and privileges to this effect sent to you in proper form.

We also grant you grace and give you license and power, so that each
year hereafter you may take and send, and you shall send, either in our
vessels or in any others that you may prefer, to said islands and lands
that you shall discover, as above, the value of one thousand ducats
first cost. This is to be employed at your risk, and in the place and
manner you may deem best. And you can sell this there and use it as
you shall decide and desire. You shall bring the returns thereof to
these kingdoms, paying us as our rights the twentieth part thereof,
without being obliged to pay any other taxes whatsoever, those usually
imposed or those which may be newly levied. It is to be understood,
however, that this is to be after the return from the first voyage,
not during the same.

Moreover, it is our will and pleasure that if the islands, which you
shall discover in this manner, exceed six in number, having first
chosen six [for us], you may assign to yourselves two of those that
remain. Of these you shall have and take the fifteenth part of all
the profit and gain of rent and rights pertaining to us, left clear,
over and above the expenses involved.

_Yten_: We wish and it is our will and pleasure that, considering
the expenses and labors involved by you on said voyage, to grant you
grace--as we do by this present--that at the return of this first
fleet and for this once you shall have and take the fifth part of
whatever pertains to us in the things that you bring from those
regions, which remains clear, over and above the expenses involved
in the said fleet. In order that you may accomplish the aforesaid
better, and that the necessary caution may be observed, I shall order
five ships to be armed for you, two of one hundred and thirty tons,
two of ninety and one of sixty tons, all to be sufficiently manned,
provisioned, and armed. It should be known that said ships shall be
provisioned for two years and shall have two hundred and thirty-four
persons to manage them, counting masters, mariners, deck hands and
all others necessary, according to the memorandum of the same. This
we shall order to be put into effect immediately by our officials of
the India House of Trade who reside in the city of Sevilla.

Because it is our will and pleasure that the aforesaid should
be kept and complied with in every respect, we desire that, if,
in the prosecution of the aforesaid, either of you should die, the
contents of this present instrument shall be observed and fulfilled
by the remaining one, and as faithfully as it must be kept, should
both live. Furthermore, in order that there may be justice and a
good account of the aforesaid, and the suitable caution as regards
our estates, we are to appoint, and we shall appoint a treasurer,
accountant, and clerks for said ships, who shall keep and record the
account and calculation of every thing, and before [whom shall pass]
[216] and be delivered everything acquired by the said fleet.

This I promise you and I pledge on my royal faith and word that I
will order it kept and observed in every particular, according to
the contents herewith. I order this present instrument given, signed
with my name. Given at Valladolid, March twenty-two, one thousand
five hundred and eighteen. I, the King. By command of the King:
Francisco de los Covos.

Then when you shall come to the city of Sevilla, you shall show our
officials of the India House of Trade, residing there, the despatch
which you bring concerning your said office, informing them fully
and specifically of the method which you think you ought to employ
in guarding the interests of our estates; also of the said voyage,
and the contents of this instruction.

_Yten_: You will cause our accountant of said fleet to take note of
everything spent and which will be spent in said fleet; everything in
the cargo taken in the ships from the said city of Sevilla; and the
wages and provisions, the merchandise carried, both that belonging
to us, and that belonging to others who may supply anything for
the furnishing and maintenance of the said fleet. You must see to
it that a book is kept in which you will make entry of all that is
loaded in the holds. These things must be marked with your mark,
each different class of merchandise being by itself; and you must
designate particularly what belongs to each person, because, as will
be seen later, the profits must be allotted at so much to the pound,
in order that there may be no fraud.

_Yten_: You will ask the said officials of Sevilla to give you, before
the departure of said fleet, an inventory of all the merchandise
and other articles placed on board, both on our account and for any
other persons. Our accountant must put all this in the charge of
our treasurer of said fleet, entry being made in the books of both,
in order that, when, with the blessing of Our Lord, said fleet shall
return, they may give an account and calculation of everything which
can be easily verified and explained. And I order these latter to
give you such account, so that whenever the said articles shall be
bartered in the said lands and islands, during the bartering, the
things bartered shall be unloaded in presence of the said treasurer,
and he shall note everything bartered for them, and he shall do this,
setting down everything fully and specifically.

Furthermore, as you will see, I have ordered certain merchants to
place on board the said fleet the merchandise and articles to be
sent for ransoms. These are they whom the father bishop of Burgos,
very reverend in Christ and a member of our council, may appoint to
furnish the same to the amount of four thousand ducats, which after
subtracting the twentieth part of the profits which God shall give
to said fleet, must be used for the redemption of captives. The
remainder is to be divided between us and said merchants, each of
whom draws profit according to the number of pounds he has placed
on board. Also in all the expenses of the said fleet, the wages and
costs, both in the merchandise and other things, you must see to it
that our accountant takes note of what is placed on board, in our name
and in the names of others, so that the amount of the shares will be
known and what is due us. You shall deliver everything to our said
treasurer in the presence of our accountant, who shall enter it on
his books, their names and yours being signed at each entry, so that
in everything there may be due caution and the requisite clearness.

You shall also see to it carefully that the bartering and trading of
said fleet is done to the greatest possible advantage to our estates,
and that everything is delivered to said treasurer, said accountant
of said fleet taking note, in your presence, in order to bring it
to us. The aforesaid portion which belongs to us you shall deliver
to our officials at Sevilla; that which is due to said merchants and
other persons you shall give and deliver to them after the return of
the said fleet to these kingdoms, according to the order given you
as hereinbefore stated. In everything, you must take care that the
said treasurer records in his book and in that of said accountant,
stating what is delivered to him, and the results of the bartering,
it being entered in his book and in that of the said accountant--every
one being present at the entries in said books, in order that each
division of said entries may correspond with that of the other book,
no more in one book than in the other. This will be signed by you and
by said treasurer and accountant, as before stated, in the manner
and according to the order prescribed in this our instructions. We
command this so that everything may be stated clearly and that
requisite caution be exercised in regard to our estate.

Moreover, you must watch and see to it that all the rents belonging
to us [in (?)--blank space in _Alguns documentos_] whatever manner,
in said lands and islands that are discovered by said fleet, [whether
(?)--blank space in _Alguns documentos_] in trade or in any other
way; also the rents of the salt marshes which in the said islands and
lands have belonged up to the present and will hereafter belong to us.

_Yten_: You shall see to it that our treasurer of the said fleet
collect the fifth and other rights whatsoever belonging to us, of all
and whatsoever bartering that be made or shall be made in the future
in said islands and lands; also the slaves, guanins, [217] pearls,
and precious stones, drugs, or spices and other things whatsoever
that must be delivered and which belong to us, fulfilling that which
is commanded to and agreed upon with the said captains, merchants,
and other persons. You will see that said accountant entrusts this
to said treasurer, as aforesaid, in your presence, observing therein
the order as before stated.

Moreover you must see to it that the said treasurer shall receive
all the fines that have been imposed and shall be imposed by our
said captains and by any justice and person whatever, and that said
accountant shall enter them in a separate book, in your presence.

Moreover, you must exercise much care and vigilance to see that
our service is complied with and to effect what is proper for the
colonization and pacification of the lands that are found. You
will advise us fully and specifically of the manner in which our
instructions and mandates are complied with in said islands and lands;
of our justice; of the treatment of the natives of said lands, with
whom you must be careful to use good faith and fulfil all that is
promised--they must be treated most affectionately, both in order
that they may be influenced to become good Christians, which is our
principal desire, and that they may with good will serve us and be
under our government, subjection, and friendship; how said captains and
officers observe our instructions, and other matters of our service;
and of everything else of which you think I should be informed,
as I state and declare herein.

When, with the blessing of Our Lord, the fleet shall set sail,
you together with our other said captains, inspector general, and
officers shall write me of the departure and of the caution you
are employing. [Blank space in _Alguns documentos_]. In the future
whenever you write me of the events of the said voyage and of those
matters concerning which you must inform me, you will all together
write me in one letter, but if you think that I should be advised
privately of anything which relates to our service, you may do so.

Moreover, you must treat our said captains and officials well since
they are those to whom we have entrusted duties, and they shall do the
same to you. For I am sure that they will serve us on this voyage and
in the future as good and loyal subjects as they have shown themselves
to be heretofore; and it is my will to show them favor and grace. All
that you see which may be suitable for our service you must guide
and direct, aiding in all possible way to serve us to the best of
your ability.

_Yten_: When in due time you have arrived in the regions where said
fleet shall discover, you must investigate and ascertain what land it
is. If it should be a land where you must barter, you must first effect
the bartering of the merchandise of the said fleet before attending
to any other private interest, following the decision and opinion of
our said officials of the said fleet. After bartering the belongings
of the fleet, the officers and people may barter the other merchandise
of which, according to this mandate, they shall pay us the fifth part.

_Yten_: As one of the principal things required in such voyages is
concord among the persons in charge, you must see to it carefully that
there may be unity and harmony among you, and our said captains, and
other officials. If there should be any misunderstanding among them,
they must desist from all differences, and you and your companions
shall settle all such and prevent them from taking place. Do the same
yourselves and all being in harmony the interests of our service will
be better guarded, which if the contrary is observed, would not be
the case. This I order and charge you because therein you will serve
me well.

Moreover, although the offices of our captains and inspector,
treasurer, and accountant of said fleet are independent of each
other, in that which relates to the trust of each, inasmuch as it
is convenient for the good of our service and the increase of our
royal income, for the colonization and pacification of our lands,
each one must keep account of what pertains to the office of the
other. Inasmuch as the office you hold as inspector general of the
said fleet is an office of great trust, and it is necessary that
there be exercised therein much diligence, care, and vigilance, I
order you to charge and entrust yourself with this trust because it
is the one office of said fleet on which all the others depend. Even
should there be any negligence in the other offices and should there
be no such good foresight and caution as is proper, if you fulfil your
duty, it would be less inconvenient. You must labor and endeavor with
all your strength to observe the care and thoroughness in everything
relating to your said office and necessary for our service with that
care and diligence which I expect from you, so that there may be a
good record and the proper caution.

Although it has not been before stated, you are to have a separate
book in which you shall enter all the aforesaid. Nevertheless you
must be present at all entries and sign the books of our treasurer and
accountant of the said fleet, because (though God forbid), should any
accident befall any of the ships in which the said officials sail, it
were well that in everything there should be due caution and a record
of it; and that, besides being always present you have a separate
book. Therefore I order and charge you that this book be similar to and
contain the same account of the affairs of the said fleet as the one
kept by the said accountant. You will keep a separate book, in which
you will set down the accounts of the treasurer as herein stated. You
will cause said treasurer and accountant to sign also in your book; but
you shall not, on this account, neglect to be present in all matters,
and observe diligence in the books of the others, as before mentioned.

Furthermore, that we may be informed of all, when at good time you
will arrive at those lands and islands for which the said fleet is
bound, you shall make a book and full relation of everything you
see and find there. When you are about to return you shall have five
copies made of this, placing one copy in each ship, so that in case
of accident to any one of the said ships there may be a full account
of everything. You must also place in each ship a list of everything
which the said fleet brings in each one of the ships, each list being
identical and in accordance with your books. You must take care that
the goods brought by said fleet be divided among all the ships, placing
in each one the amount deemed proper for our captains and officials.

I charge and order you to do all this and more which you may consider
advantageous to our service and to the good interest of our estates
and of said fleet, with that diligence and fidelity which I expect
from you.

Barcelona, the sixth day of the month of April, one thousand, five
hundred and nineteen. I, the King. By command of the King: Francisco
de los Covos.

[_Endorsed_: "Instructions to Cartagena."]

Carta do Rei de Castella a Fernando de Magalhaes e a Ruy Falero


El Rey

fernando de magallains & Ruy falero caualleros de la orden de san
tiago nros capitans generales dell annada q mandamos haser para yr
a descobrir & a los otros capitans particulares de la dha armada &
pilotos & maestres & contramaestres & marineros de las naos de la dha
armada, porquanto yo tengo por cierto segund la mucha informacio que
he avido de personas que por esperiencia lo An visto q en las islas
de maluco ay la especieria q principalmente ys a buscar con esa dha
armada & my voluntad es que derechamente sigais el viage a las dhas
islas por la forma e mana que lo he dicho e mandado a vos el dcho
fernando de magallains, porende yo vos mando A todos & a cada uno de
vos q en la navegacion del dho viage sigais el parecer & determinacio
del dho fernando de magallains para que ants e primero que a otra parte
alguna vais a las dhas islas de maluco sin que en ello Aya ninguna
falta, porq asy cumple A nro seruicio & despues De fecho esto se podra
buscar lo demas que convenga conforme A lo q ileuais madado & los unos
nj los otros non fagads njn fagan ende Al por alguna mana, so pena,
de pdimy de biens e las psonas a la nra merced fecha en Barcelona a
diez & nueve dias del mes de abril ano de mjll quinientos & diez e
nueve anos. Yo El Rey. Por mandado dEl Rey Fran_co_ de los covos.

pa q los del armada sigan el parecer y determynacio de magallanes pa
q ants y prno q a otra p_te_ vaya a la especierja.

Letter from the King of Castile to Fernando de Magalhaes and Ruy Falero


The King.

Fernando de Magallains and Ruy Falero, knights of the order of San
Tiago, our captain-generals of the fleet which we are about to despatch
on an expedition of discovery, and the other individual captains of
the said fleet; the pilots, sailing masters, boatswains, and sailors
in the ships of the said fleet: inasmuch as I am quite well assured by
those who have actually been there, that the Maluco Islands are rich
in spices--the chief article sought by the said fleet,--order you,
the said Fernando de Magallains, to pursue a direct course to the
above-mentioned islands, exactly as I have told and commanded you. And
I order you all individually and collectively, that, in the said voyage
you heed strictly the counsels and decisions of the said Fernando de
Magallains; and that, first and foremost, before sailing elsewhere, you
proceed without fail to the said Maluco Islands, for in this wise do
you perform our service. Afterwards you may seek other suitable things,
in accordance with your orders. And none of you shall act contrary
to this our will, in any manner, under penalty of loss of property
and life. Barcelona, April nineteen one thousand five hundred and
nineteen: I, the King. By command of the King: Francisco de los Covos.

[_Endorsed:_ "In order that those sailing in the fleet may heed the
counsels and decisions of magallanes, and that first and foremost,
before proceeding elsewhere, they may sail to the spice islands."]

Extracto de Una Carta de Las Indias

Despues de esto escrito a V.S. llego ynigo lopez a los xviij de malaca
el q_l_ truxo por nuevas q los castellanos estavan en maluco, q ptiero
tres naos de castilla y en ellas fernando magallaes por principal
y fuero a [symbol] vista del cabo de san Agustin y de allj corriero
obra de dozientas o trezientas leguas al luengo de la costa del brasil
y fuero a dar en un rrio q atravessava toda la trra del brasil y era
de agua dulce, anduviero por el seys o siete dias hasta q se viero de
la otra parte del sul y por allj comencaron de yr a buscar a maluco
anduviero cinco messes por vn golfo sin nunca [symbol] tierra nj
hallar yslas y sienpre con vientos en popa, eneste paraje fuyo vna
nao al magallanes y se torno non se sabe pte della, y eneste tpo vuo
vna grande confusion entre los castellanos de dezir q_l_ magallanes
los levana a entregar alos Portugueses y determjnaro dese levantar
con las naos. supolo magallaes y hizose doliente y enbyo allamar vno
a vno delos culpados y davale vn mallo rrodeyro en la cabeca, mato
los de qujen se temja y dio las capitanjas y cargos a otros aqujen
el qujso, yendo porsu derrora adelante con poco mantenjmjento y agua,
vuo vysta de vna ysia laqual era burneo qujsiero salir en ella contra
voluntad delos dela _trra_ vuo entre vnos y otros gran pelea en la
qual murio el magallanes y otros muchos hoh bres de faycion q qdo
el armada muy desaparejada de gente y estuviero en condicion de se
entregar ala gente dela _trra_ levantose vn piloto portugues q yva
con magallaes y tomo el leme en la mano y partio camjno de maluco
alqual llego y hallo vn hombre de don tristan de meneses q dios aya,
vujeronle ala mano y supieron todo lo q qujsieron del fizieron sus
contratos bien largamete y a voluntad delos dela _trra_ despendieron
desus bonetes bermejos y panos q lebavan por los quales les fiziero
carga destas dos naos, las quales partiero de maluco cargadas de
clavo y mal aparejadas de aparejos y costados dexaron en _trra_
dos o tres honbres con barcos y talaqras y vnos tiros fechos por
senal, estas naos trayan hecho fundamento de se venjr por las islas
de maldiva porq por el camino q fuero tenjante por peligroso po el
tpo los hizo arribar a burneo de donde se partio vna nao la mejor
aderecada pa essos rreynos la qual dios alla nos lieve, la otra con
sesenta personas se tornava pa maluco por no estar pa acometer el
camjno y fazer mucha agua, y fazia fundamento de hazer estancias en
maluco con su artilleria y esperar allj rrespuesta dela nao q partio
pa castilla le q_l_ plazera a nro s_or_ q no yra alla su el lo vujere
por su servicio. todas estas nuevas supiero por dos grumetes delas
mismas naos q se qdaro en burneo por a[symbol] mjedo de yr las naos
tan mal aderecadas, y de allj los levo don jua* a timor adonde estava
pedro merino--cargando de soldados (?) y de allj se partio con estos
dos grumetes y los truxo a malaca a donde hallo a ynigo lopez q estana
pa partir y se metio con el y llegaro a cochin a salvamento con los
castellanos grumetes de gujen se supo todo esto.

[_Addressed:_ "S. Cel. & Cath._ca_ M._ti_"]

[_Endorsed:_ "A su mag xxjx de agosto de cochin a 23 de Dics de 1522.

Avises del viage [sic] de Magallanes y su muerte y noticias dela
India portuguesa."]

Extract of a Letter from the Indies

After I had written the above to your lordship, Ynigo Lopez arrived on
the eighteenth from Malaca with the news that the Castilians were in
Maluco; that three vessels had left Castilla under command of Fernando
Magallaes. They had been sighted off the cape of San Agustin, from
which point they had run about two hundred or three hundred leagues
along the coast of Brasil. There they anchored in a river [218] which
flows across the whole of Brasil, and was of fresh water. They sailed
for six or seven days on this river until they came to the other part
of the south, whence they started in quest of Maluco, sailing for
five months in a wide expanse of waters without ever seeing land or
finding islands, and with a steady stern wind. In this region one of
the ships fled from Magallanes and started to return, but nothing more
has been heard of it At this time a great uneasiness became manifest
among the Castilians, and it was rumored that Magallanes was going to
deliver them over to the Portuguese; and they resolved to mutiny and
seize the ships. Magallanes upon obtaining information of this was
sorely grieved. He summoned the guilty ones before him one by one,
but they flatly refused to come. [219] He killed those of whom he
stood in fear, and gave their captaincies and duties to those whom he
thought proper. He continued his forward course although he had but
little food and water, and finally came in sight of an island which
was the island of Burneo. They tried to land there against the will
of the inhabitants. A great fight ensued, in which Magallanes and
many of his fighting men were killed, and when the fleet, deprived
of many men, was in such straits that it could easily have fallen
into the hands of the inhabitants of that land, a Portuguese pilot,
who had come with Magallanes, came to the rescue, took the tiller,
and turned the course of the vessel toward Maluco. He reached that
place and found there one of the followers of Don Tristan de Meneses
(may he rest in peace). They took him prisoner and obtained from him
all the information that they desired. Then they made their bargains
in detail and at the wish of those on land disposed of their red
caps and clothes which they had carried with them, in return for
which those on shore loaded their vessels; these left Maluco laden
with cloves, but in very poor condition as to their rigging and
hulls. They left two or three men with small boats and defenses,
and some shot to use for signals. It was their intention to go with
their ships through the islands of Maldiva because they considered
the course that they were taking dangerous. The weather, however,
compelled them to land at Burneo from which place one of the vessels
which was in the better condition started for those kingdoms, and may
God grant her safe arrival. The other vessel returned with sixty hands
to Maluco for it was leaking badly and not in a condition to undertake
the voyage. They resolved to make a stay at Maluco with the artillery
and wait there for news of the vessel which had left for Castilla which
may it please Our Lord not to bring to that place unless it be for his
service. All this news was had from two deck-hands of the same vessels,
who had remained at Burneo for fear of embarking in them while in so
poor condition. From this place Don Juan brought them to Timor where
Pedro Merino was in command of the soldiers, [220] and from there he
departed with these two deck-hands and brought them to Malaca where
he found Ynigo Lopez, who was about to leave. Joining with him they
both arrived in safety at Cochin with the Castilian deck-hands from
whom they obtained all the above information.

[_Addressed:_ "Sacred Caesarean and Catholic Majesty."]

[_Endorsed:_ "To his majesty, xxjx of August from Cochin, December
23, 1522.

Advices of the voyage of Magallanes and of his death, and news from
Portuguese India."]

De Molvccis Insulis

Most Reverend and Illustrious Lord: my only Lord, to you I most humbly
commend myself. Not long ago one of those five ships returned which
the emperor, while he was at Saragossa some years ago, had sent into
a strange and hitherto unknown part of the world, to search for the
islands in which spices grow. For although the Portuguese bring us a
great quantity of them from the Golden Chersonesus, which we now call
Malacca, nevertheless their own Indian possessions produce none but
pepper. For it is well known that the other spices, as cinnamon,
cloves, and the nutmeg, which we call muscat, and its covering
[mace], which we call muscat-flower, are brought to their Indian
possessions from distant islands hitherto only known by name, in
ships held together not by iron fastenings, but merely by palm-leaves,
and having round sails also woven out of palm-fibres. Ships of this
sort they call "junks," and they are impelled by the wind only when
it blows directly fore or aft.

Nor is it wonderful, that these islands have not been known to any
mortal, almost up to our time. For whatever statements of ancient
authors we have hitherto read with respect to the native soil of these
spices, are partly entirely fabulous, and partly so far from truth,
that the very regions, in which they asserted that these spices were
produced, are scarcely less distant from the countries in which it
is now ascertained that they grow, than we are ourselves.

For, not to mention others, Herodotus, in other respects a very good
authority, states that cinnamon was found in birds' nests, into which
the birds had brought it from very distant regions, among which birds
he mentions especially the Phoenix--and I know not who has ever seen
the nest of a Phoenix. But Pliny, who might have been thought to have
had better means of knowing the facts, since long before his time many
discoveries had been made by the fleets of Alexander the Great, and
by other expeditions, states that cinnamon was produced in Ethiopia,
on the borders of the land of the Troglodytes. Whereas we know now
that cinnamon is produced at a very great distance from any part of
Ethiopia, and especially from the country of the Troglodytes, _i.e._
dwellers in subterraneous caves.

Now it was necessary for our sailors, who have recently returned,
who knew more about Ethiopia than about other countries, to sail round
the whole world and that in a very wide circuit, before they discovered
these islands and returned to Europe; and, since this voyage was a very
remarkable one, and neither in our own time, nor in any former age, has
such a voyage been accomplished, or even attempted, I have determined
to send your Lordship a full and accurate account of the expedition.

I have taken much care in obtaining an account of the facts from the
commanding officer of the squadron, [221] and from the individual
sailors who have returned with him. They also made a statement to
the emperor, and to several other persons, with such good faith and
sincerity, that they appeared in their narrative, not merely to have
abstained from fabulous statements, but also to contradict and refute
the fabulous statements made by ancient authors.

For who ever believed that the Monosceli, or Sciapodes [one-legged
men], the Scyrites, the Spithamaei [persons a span--seven and one-half
inches--high], the Pigmies [height thirteen and one-half inches], and
such-like were rather monsters than men? Yet, although the Castilians
in their voyages westwards, and the Portuguese sailing eastwards,
have sought out, discovered, and surveyed so many places even beyond
the Tropic of Capricorn, and now these countrymen of ours have sailed
completely round the world, none of them have found any trustworthy
evidence in favor of the existence of such monsters; and therefore
all such accounts ought to be regarded as fabulous, and as old wives'
tales, handed down from one writer to another without any basis of
truth. But, as I have to make a voyage round the world, I will not
extend my prefatory remarks, but will come at once to the point.

Some thirty years ago, when the Castilians in the West, and the
Portuguese in the East, had begun to search after new and unknown
lands, in order to avoid any interference of one with the other,
the kings of these countries divided the whole world between them,
by the authority probably of Pope Alexander VI, on this plan, that a
line should be drawn from the north to the south pole through a point
three hundred and sixty leagues west of the Hesperides which they now
call Cape Verde Islands, which would divide the earth's surface into
two equal portions. All unknown lands hereafter discovered to the
east of this line were assigned to the Portuguese; all on the west
to the Castilians. Hence it came to pass that the Castilians always
sailed southwest, and there discovered a very extensive continent,
besides numerous large islands, abounding in gold, pearls, and other
valuable commodities; and have quite recently discovered a large inland
city named Tenoxtica [Mexico] situated in a lake like Venice. Peter
Martyr, [222] an author who is more careful as to the accuracy of
his statements than of the elegance of his style, has given a full
but truthful description of this city. But the Portuguese sailing
southward past the Hesperides [Cape Verde Islands] and the Fish-eating
Ethiopians [West Coast of Africa], crossed the Equator and the Tropic
of Capricorn, and sailing eastward discovered several, very large
islands heretofore unknown, and also the sources of the Nile and the
Troglodytes. Thence, by way of the Arabian and Persian Gulfs, they
arrived at the shores of India within the Ganges, where now there is
the very great trading station and the kingdom of Calicut. Hence they
sailed to Taprobane which is now called Zamatara [Sumatra]. For where
Ptolemy, Pliny, and other geographers placed Taprobane, there is now
no island which can possibly be identified with it. Thence they came
to the Golden Chersonesus, where now stands the well-peopled city of
Malacca, the principal place of business of the East. After this they
penetrated into a great gulf, as far as the nation of the Sinae, who
are now called Schinae [Chinese], where they found a fair-complexioned
and tolerably-civilized people, like our folks in Germany. They believe
that the Seres and Asiatic Scythians extend as far as these parts.

And although there was a somewhat doubtful rumour afloat, that the
Portuguese had advanced so far to the east, that they had come to
the end of their own limits, and had passed over into the territory
appointed for the Castilians, and that Malacca and the Great Gulf
were within our limits, all this was more said than believed, until,
four years ago, Ferdinand Magellan, a distinguished Portuguese,
who had for many years sailed about the Eastern Seas as admiral
of the Portuguese fleet, having quarreled with his king, who he
considered had acted ungratefully towards him, and Christopher Haro,
brother of my father-in-law, of Lisbon, who had, through his agents
for many years carried on trade with those eastern countries, and
more recently with the Chinese, so that he was well acquainted with
these matters (he also, having been ill-used by the King of Portugal,
had returned to his native country, Castille), pointed out to the
emperor, that it was not yet clearly ascertained, whether Malacca
was within the boundaries of the Portuguese or of the Castillians,
because hitherto its longitude had not been definitely known; but
that it was an undoubted fact that the Great Gulf and the Chinese
nations were within the Castilian limits They asserted also that it
was absolutely certain, that the islands called the Moluccas, in which
all sorts of spices grow, and from which they were brought to Malacca,
were contained in the western, or Castilian division, and that it would
be possible to sail to them, and to bring the spices at less trouble
and expense from their native soil to Castille. The plan of the voyage
was to sail west, and then coasting the Southern Hemisphere round
the south of America to the east. Yet it appeared to be a difficult
undertaking, and one of which the practicability was doubtful. Not
that it was impossible, _prima facie_, to sail from the west round
the Southern Hemisphere to the east; but that it was uncertain,
whether ingenious Nature, all whose works are wisely conceived, had
so arranged the sea and the land that it might be possible to arrive
by this course at the Eastern Seas. For it had not been ascertained
whether that extensive region, which is called Terra Firma, separated
the Western Ocean [the Atlantic] from the Eastern [the Pacific]; but
it was plain that that continent extended in a southerly direction,
and afterwards inclined to the west. Moreover two regions had been
discovered in the north, one called Baccalearum from a new kind of
fish, [223] the other called Florida; and if these were connected
with Terra Firma, it would not be possible to pass from the Western
Ocean to the Eastern; since although much trouble had been taken to
discover any strait which might exist connecting the two oceans, none
had yet been found. At the same time it was considered that to attempt
to sail through the Portuguese concessions and the Eastern Seas would
be a hazardous enterprise, and dangerous in the highest degree.

The emperor and his council considered that the plan proposed by
Magellan and Haro, though holding out considerable advantages, was one
of very considerable difficulty as to execution. After some delay,
Magellan offered to go out himself, but Haro undertook to fit out
a squadron at the expense of himself and his friends, provided that
they were allowed to sail under the authority and patronage of his
majesty. As each resolutely upheld his own scheme, the emperor himself
fitted out a squadron of five ships, and appointed Magellan to the
command. It was ordered that they should sail southwards by the coast
of Terra Firma, until they found either the end of that country or
some strait, by which they might arrive at the spice-bearing Moluccas.

Accordingly on the tenth of August, 1519, Ferdinand Magellan with his
five ships sailed from Seville. In a few days they arrived at the
Fortunate Islands, now called the Canaries. Thence they sailed to
the islands of the Hesperides [Cape Verde]; and thence sailed in a
southwesterly direction towards that continent which I have already
mentioned [Terra Firma or South America], and after a favorable
voyage of a few days discovered a promontory, which they called
St. Mary's. Here admiral John Ruy Dias Solis, while exploring the
shores of this continent by command of King Ferdinand the Catholic,
was, with some of his companions, eaten by the Anthropophagi, whom the
Indians call Cannibals. Hence they coasted along this continent, which
extends far on southwards, and which I now think should be called the
Southern Polar land, then gradually slopes off in a westerly direction,
and so sailed several degrees south of the Tropic of Capricorn. But
it was not so easy for them to do it, as for me to relate it. For not
till the end of March in the following year, [1520] did they arrive at
a bay, which they called St. Julian's Bay. Here the Antarctic polestar
was forty-nine and one-third degrees above the horizon, this result
being deduced from the sun's declination and altitude, and this star
is principally used by our navigators for observations. They stated
that the longitude was fifty-six degrees west of the Canaries. [224]
For since the ancient geographers, and especially Ptolemy reckoned
the distance easterly from the Fortunate Islands [Canaries] as far
as Cattigara to be one hundred and eighty degrees, and our sailors
have sailed as far as possible in a westerly direction, they reckoned
the distance from the Canaries westward to Cattigara to be also one
hundred and eighty degrees. Yet even though our sailors in so long a
voyage and in one so distant from the land lay down and mark certain
signs and limits of the longitude; they appear to me rather to have
made some error in their method of reckoning of the longitude than
to have attained any trustworthy result.

Meanwhile, however this may be, until more certain results are arrived
at, I do not think that their statements should be absolutely rejected,
but merely accepted provisionally. This bay appeared to be of great
extent, and had rather the appearance of a strait. Therefore admiral
Magellan directed two ships to survey the bay; and himself remained
with the rest at anchor. After two days, they returned, and reported
that the bay was shallow, and did not extend far inland. Our men on
their return saw some Indians gathering shell-fish on the sea-shore,
for the natives of all unknown countries are commonly called
Indians. These Indians were very tall, ten spans high [seven feet
six inches], clad in skins of wild beasts, darker-complexioned than
would have been expected in that part of the world; and when some of
our men went on shore and showed them bells and pictures, they began
to dance round our men with a hoarse noise and unintelligible chant,
and to excite our admiration they took arrows a cubit and a half long,
and put them down their own throats to the bottom of their stomachs
without seeming any the worse for it. Then they drew them up again,
and seemed much pleased at having shown their bravery. At length three
men came up as a deputation, and by means of signs requested our men
to come with them further inland, as though they would receive them
hospitably. Magellan sent with them seven men well equipped, to find
out as much as possible about the country and its inhabitants. These
seven went with the Indians some seven miles up the country, and came
to a desolate and pathless wood. Here was a very low-built cottage
roofed with skins of beasts. In it were two rooms, in one of which
dwelt the women and children, and in the other the men. The women and
children were thirteen in number, and the men five. These received
their guests with a barbarous entertainment, but which they considered
to be quite a royal one. For they slaughtered an animal much resembling
a wild ass, and set before our men half-roasted steaks of it, but no
other food or drink. Our men had to cover themselves at night with
skins, on account of the severity of the wind and snow.

Before they went to sleep they arranged for a watch to be kept;
the Indians did the same and lay near our men by the fire, snoring
horribly. When day dawned, our men requested them to return with
them, accompanied by their families to our ships. When the Indians
persisted in refusing to do so, and our men had also persisted
somewhat imperiously in their demands, the men went into the women's
chamber. The Spaniards supposed that they had gone to consult their
wives about this expedition. But they came out again as if to battle,
wrapped up from bead to foot in hideous skins, with their faces painted
in various colours, and with bows and arrows, all ready for fighting,
and appearing taller than ever. The Spaniards, thinking a skirmish was
likely to take place, fired a gun. Although nobody was hit, yet these
enormous giants, who just before seemed as though they were ready to
fight and conquer Jove himself, were so alarmed at the sound, that
they began to sue for peace. It was arranged that three men, leaving
the rest behind, should return with our men to the ships, and so they
started. But as our men not only could not run as fast as the giants,
but could not even run as fast as the giants could walk, two of the
three, seeing a wild ass grazing on a mountain at some distance,
as they were going along, ran off after it and so escaped. The third
was brought to the ships, but in a few days he died, having starved
himself after the Indian fashion through homesickness. And although
the admiral returned to that cottage, in order to make another of the
giants prisoner, and bring him to the emperor, as a novelty, no one was
found there, as all of them had removed elsewhere, and the cottage had
disappeared. Hence it is plain that this nation is a nomad race, and
although our men remained some time in that bay, as we shall presently
mention, they never again saw an Indian on that coast; nor did they
think that there was anything in that country that would make it worth
while to explore the inland districts any further. And though Magellan
was convinced that a longer stay there would be of no use, yet since
for some days the sea was very rough and the weather tempestuous, and
the land extended still further southward, so that the farther they
advanced, the colder they would find the country, their departure was
unavoidably put off from day to day, till the month of May arrived,
at which time the winter sets in with great severity in those parts,
so much so, that, though it was our summer-time, they had to make
preparations for wintering there. Magellan, perceiving that the voyage
would be a long one, in order that the provisions might last longer,
ordered the rations to be diminished. The Spaniards endured this with
patience for some days, but alarmed at the length of the winter and
the barrenness of the land, at last petitioned their admiral Magellan,
saying that it was evident that this continent extended an indefinite
distance south-wards, and that there was no hope of discovering the
end of it, or of discovering a strait; that a hard winter was setting
in, and that several men had already died through scanty food and
the hardships of the voyage; that they would not long be able to
endure that restriction of provisions which he had enacted; that
the emperor never intended that they should obstinately persevere in
attempting to do what the natural circumstances of the case rendered
it impossible to accomplish; that the toils they had already endured
would be acknowledged and approved, since they had already advanced
further than the boldest and most adventurous navigators had dared to
do; that, if a south wind should spring up in a few days, they might
easily sail to the north, and arrive at a milder climate. In reply,
Magellan, who had already made up his mind either to carry out his
design, or to die in the attempt, said that the emperor had ordered
him to sail according to a certain plan, from which he could not and
would not depart on any consideration whatever, and that therefore
he should continue this voyage till he found either the end of this
continent, or a strait. That though he could not do this at present,
as the winter prevented him, yet it would be easy enough in the summer
of this region; that if they would only sail along the coast to the
south, the summer would be all one perpetual day; that they had means
of providing against want of food and the inclemency of the weather,
inasmuch as there was a great quantity of wood, that the sea produced
shell-fish, and numerous sorts of excellent fish; that there were
springs of good water, and they could also help their stores by hunting
and by shooting wild fowl; that bread and wine had not yet run short,
and would not run short in future, provided that they used them for
necessity and for the preservation of health, and not for pleasure
and luxury: that nothing had yet been done worthy of much admiration,
nor such as could give them a reasonable ground for returning; that
the Portuguese not only yearly, but almost daily, in their voyages
to the east, made no difficulty about sailing twelve degrees south
of the tropic of Capricorn: what had they then to boast of, when
they had only advanced some four degrees south of it; that he, for
his part, had made up his mind to suffer anything that might happen,
rather than to return to Spain with disgrace; that he believed that
his companions, or at any rate, those in whom the generous spirit of
Spaniards was not totally extinct, were of the same way of thinking:
that he had only to exhort them fearlessly to face the remainder
of winter; that the greater their hardships and dangers were, the
richer their reward would be for having opened up for the emperor a
new world rich in spices and gold.

Magellan thought that by this address he had soothed and encouraged the
minds of his men, but within a few days he was troubled by a wicked
and disgraceful mutiny. For the sailors began to talk to one another
of the long-standing ill-feeling existing between the Portuguese and
the Castilians, and of Magellan's being a Portuguese; that there was
nothing that he could do more to the credit of his own country than
to lose this fleet with so many men on board: that it was not to be
believed that he wished to find the Moluccas, even if he could, but
that he would think it enough if he could delude the emperor for some
years by holding out vain hopes, and that in the meanwhile something
new would turn up, whereby the Castilians might be completely put out
of the way of looking for spices: nor indeed was the direction of
the voyage really towards the fertile Molucca islands, but towards
snow and ice and everlasting bad weather. Magellan was exceedingly
irritated by these conversations, and punished some of the men,
but with somewhat more severity than was becoming to a foreigner,
especially to one holding command in a distant part of the world. So
they mutinied and took possession of one of the ships, and began to
make preparations to return to Spain, but Magellan, with the rest
of his men who had remained faithful to him, boarded that ship,
and executed the ringleader and other leading mutineers, even some
who could not legally be so treated: for they were royal officials,
who were only liable to capital punishment by the emperor and his
council. However under the circumstances no one ventured to resist. Yet
there were some, who whispered to one another, that Magellan would go
on exercising the same severity amongst the Castilians, as long as one
was left, until having got rid of everyone of them, he could sail home
to his own country again with the few Portuguese he had with him. The
Castilians therefore remained still more hostile to the admiral. As
soon as Magellan observed that the weather was less stormy and that
winter began to break up, he sailed out of St. Julian's Bay on the
twenty-fourth of August, 1520, as before. For some days he coasted
along to the southward and at last sighted a cape, which they called
Cape Santa Cruz. Here a storm from the east caught them, and one of the
five ships was driven on shore and wrecked, but the crew and all goods
on board were saved, except an African slave, who was drowned. After
this the coast seemed to stretch a little south eastwards, and as
they continued to explore it, on the twenty-sixth of November [1520]
an opening was observed having the appearance of a strait; Magellan
at once sailed in with his whole fleet, and seeing several bays in
various directions, directed three of the ships to cruise about to
ascertain whether there was any way through, undertaking to wait for
them five days at the entrance of the strait, so that they might report
what success they had. One of these ships was commanded by Alvaro de
Mezquita, son of Magellan's brother, and this by the windings of the
channel came out again into the ocean whence it had set out. When
the Spaniards [225] saw that they were at a considerable distance
from the other ships, they plotted among themselves to return home,
and having put Alvaro their captain in irons, they sailed northwards,
and at last reached the coast of Africa, and there took in provisions,
and eight months after leaving the other ships they arrived in Spain,
where they brought Alvaro to trial on the charge that it had chiefly
been through his advice and persuasion that his uncle Magellan had
adopted such severe measures against the Castilians. Magellan waited
some days over the appointed time for this ship, and meanwhile one
ship had returned, and reported that they had found nothing but
a shallow bay, and the shores stony and with high cliffs; but the
other reported that the greatest bay had the appearance of a strait,
as they had sailed on for three days and had found no way out, but
that the further they went the narrower the passage became, and it
was so deep, that in many places they sounded without finding the
bottom; they also noticed from the tide of the sea, that the flow
was somewhat stronger than the ebb, and thence they conjectured
that there was a passage that way into some other sea. On hearing
this Magellan determined to sail along this channel. This strait,
though not then known to be such, was of the breadth in some places
of three, in others of two, in others of five or ten Italian miles,
[226] and inclined slightly to the west. The latitude south was found
to be fifty-two degrees, the longitude they estimated as the same as
that of St. Julian's Bay. It being now hard upon the month of November,
the length of the night was not much more than five hours; they saw no
one on the shore. One night however a great number of fires was seen,
especially on the left side, whence they conjectured that they had
been seen by the inhabitants of those regions. But Magellan, seeing
that the land was craggy, and bleak with perpetual winter, did not
think it worth while to spend his time in exploring it, and so with
his three ships continued, his voyage along the channel, until on the
twenty-second day after he had set sail, he came out into another
vast and open sea: the length of the strait they reckoned at about
one hundred Spanish miles. The land which they had to the right was
no doubt the continent we have before mentioned [South America]. On
the left hand they thought that there was no continent, but only
islands, as they occasionally heard on that side the reverberation
and roar of the sea at a more distant part of the coast. Magellan saw
that the main land extended due north, and therefore gave orders to
turn away from that great continent, leaving it on the right hand,
and to sail over that vast and extensive ocean, which had probably
never been traversed by our ships or by those of any other nation,
in a northwesterly direction, so that they might arrive at last at the
Eastern Ocean, coming at it from the west, and again enter the torrid
zone, for he was satisfied that the Moluccas were in the extreme east,
and could not be far off the equator. They continued in this course,
never deviating from it, except when compelled to do so now and then
by the force of the wind; and when they had sailed on this course for
forty days across the ocean with a strong wind, mostly favourable,
and had seen nothing all around them but sea, and had now almost
reached again the Tropic of Capricorn, they came in sight of two
islands, [227] small and barren, and on directing their course to
them found that they were uninhabited; but they stayed there two
days for repose and refreshment, as plenty of fish was to be caught
there. However they unanimously agreed to call these islands the
Unfortunate Islands. Then they set sail again, and continued on the
same course as before. After sailing for three months and twenty days
with good fortune over this ocean, and having traversed a distance
almost too long to estimate, having had a strong wind aft almost the
whole of the time, and having again crossed the equator, they saw an
island, which they afterwards learnt from the neighboring people was
called Inuagana. [228] When they came nearer to it, they found the
latitude to be eleven degrees north; the longitude they reckoned to
be one hundred and fifty-eight degrees west of Cadiz. From this point
they saw more and more islands, so that they found themselves in an
extensive archipelago, but on arriving at Inuagana, they found it was
uninhabited. Then they sailed towards another small island, where they
saw two Indian canoes, for such is the Indian name of these strange
boats; these canoes are scooped out of the single trunk of a tree,
and hold one or at most two persons; and they are used to talk with
each other by signs, like dumb people. They asked the Indians what the
names of the islands were, and whence provisions could be procured,
of which they were very deficient; they were given to understand that
the first island they had seen was called Inuagana, that near which
they then were, Acacan, [229] but that both were uninhabited; but that
there was another island almost in sight, in the direction of which
they pointed, called Selani, [230] and that abundance of provisions
of all sorts was to be had there. Our men took in water at Acacan, and
then sailed towards Selani, but a storm caught them so that they could
not land there, but they were driven to another island called Massana,
[231] where the king of three islands resides. From this island they
sailed to Subuth [Zebu], a very large island, and well supplied, where
having come to a friendly arrangement with the chief they immediately
landed to celebrate divine worship according to Christian usage--for
the festival of the resurrection of Him who has saved us was at
hand. Accordingly with some of the sails of the ships and branches
of trees they erected a chapel, and in it constructed an altar in
the Christian fashion, and divine service was duly performed. The
chief and a large crowd of Indians came up, and seemed much pleased
with these religious rites They brought the admiral and some of the
officers into the chief's cabin, and set before them what food they
had. The bread was made of sago, which is obtained from the trunk of a
tree not much unlike the palm. This is chopped up small, and fried in
oil, and used as bread, a specimen of which I send to your lordship;
their drink was a liquor which flows from the branches of palm-trees
when cut, some birds also were served up at this meal; and also some
of the fruit of the country. Magellan having noticed in the chief's
house a sick person in a very wasted condition, asked who he was and
from what disease he was suffering. He was told that it was the chief's
grandson, and that he had been suffering for two years from a violent
fever. Magellan exhorted him to be of good courage, that if he would
devote himself to Christ, he would immediately recover his former
health and strength. The Indian consented and adored the cross, and
received baptism, and the next day declared that he was well again,
rose from his bed, and walked about, and took his meals like the
others. What visions he may have told to his friends I cannot say;
but the chief and over twenty-two hundred Indians were baptized and
professed the name and faith of Christ. Magellan seeing that this
island was rich in gold and ginger, and that it was so conveniently
situated with respect to the neighboring islands, that it would be
easy, making this his headquarters, to explore their resources and
natural productions, he therefore went to the chief of Subuth and
suggested to him, that since he had turned away from the foolish and
impious worship of false gods to the Christian religion, it would be
proper that the chiefs of the neighboring islands should obey his rule;
that he had determined to send envoys for this purpose, and if any of
the chiefs should refuse to obey this summons, to compel them to do
so by force of arms. The proposal pleased the savage, and the envoys
were sent: the chiefs came in one by one and did homage to the chief
of Subuth in the manner adopted in those countries. But the nearest
island to Subuth is called Mauthan [Matan], and its king was superior
in military force to the other chiefs; and he declined to do homage
to one whom he had been accustomed to command for so long. Magellan,
anxious to carry out his plan, ordered forty of his men, whom he could
rely on for valor and military skill, to arm themselves, and passed
over to the island Mauthan in boats, for it was very near. The chief
of Subuth furnished him with some of his own people, to guide him
as to the topography of the island and the character of the country,
and, if it should be necessary, to help him in the battle. The king of
Mauthan, seeing the arrival of our men, led into the field some three
thousand of his people. Magellan drew up his own men and what artillery
he had, though his force was somewhat small, on the shore, and although
he saw that his own force was much inferior in numbers, and that his
opponents were a warlike race, and were equipped with lances and other
weapons, nevertheless thought it more advisable to face the enemy with
them, than to retreat, or to avail himself of the aid of the Subuth
islanders. Accordingly he exhorted his men to take courage, and not
to be alarmed at the superior force of the enemy; since it had often
been the case, as had recently happened in the island [peninsula]
of Yucatan, that two hundred Spaniards had routed two or even three
hundred thousand Indians. He said to the Subuth islanders, that he
had not brought them with him to fight, but to see the valour and
military prowess of his men. Then he attacked the Mauthan islanders,
and both sides fought boldly; but as the enemy surpassed our men
in number, and used longer lances, to the great damage of our men,
at last Magellan himself was thrust through and slain. [232] Although
the survivors did not consider themselves fairly beaten, yet, as they
had lost their leader, they retreated; but, as they retreated in good
order, the enemy did not venture to pursue them. The Spaniards then,
having lost their admiral, Magellan, and seven of their comrades,
returned to Subuth, where they chose as their new admiral John Serrano,
a man of no contemptible ability. He renewed the alliance with the
chief of Subuth, by making him additional presents, and undertook to
conquer the king of Mauthan. Magellan had been the owner of a slave,
a native of the Moluccas, whom he had formerly bought in Malacca;
and by means of this slave, who was able to speak Spanish fluently,
and of an interpreter of Subuth, who could speak the Moluccan language,
our men carried on their negotiations. This slave had taken part in
the fight with the Mauthan islanders, and had been slightly wounded,
for which reason he lay by all day intending to nurse himself. Serrano,
who could do no business without his help, rated him soundly, and
told him that though his master Magellan was dead, he was still a
slave, and that he would find that such was the case, and would get
a good flogging into the bargain, if he did not exert himself and do
what was required of him more zealously. This speech much incensed
the slave against our people: but he concealed his anger and in
a few days he went to the chief of Subuth, and told him that the
avarice of the Spaniards was insatiable: that they had determined,
as soon as they should have defeated the king of Mauthan, to turn
round upon him, and take him away as a prisoner; and that the only
course for him [the chief of Subuth] to adopt was to anticipate
treachery by treachery. The savage believed this, and secretly came
to an understanding with the king of Mauthan, and made arrangements
with him for common action against our people. Admiral Serrano,
and twenty-seven of the principal officers and men, were invited to
a solemn banquet. These, quite unsuspectingly, for the natives had
carefully dissembled their intentions, went on shore without any
precautions, to take their dinner with the chief. While they were
at table, some armed men, who had been concealed close by, ran in
and slew them. A great outcry was made: it was reported in our ships
that our men were killed, and that the whole island was hostile to
us; our men saw, from on board the ships, that the handsome cross,
which they had set up in a tree, was torn down by the natives and cut
up into fragments. When the Spaniards, who had remained on board,
heard of the slaughter of our men, they feared further treachery:
so they weighed anchor and began to set sail without delay. Soon
afterwards Serrano was brought to the coast a prisoner; he entreated
them to deliver him from so miserable a captivity, saying that he
had got leave to be ransomed, if his men would agree to it. Although
our men thought it was disgraceful to leave their commander behind
in this way, their fear of the treachery of the islanders was so
great, that they put out to sea, leaving Serrano on the shore in vain
lamenting and beseeching his comrades to rescue him. The Spaniards,
having lost their commander and several of their comrades, sailed on
sad and anxious, not merely on account of the loss they had suffered,
but also because their numbers had been so diminished, that it was
no longer possible to work the three remaining ships.

On this question they consulted together, and unanimously came to the
conclusion, that the best plan would be to burn one of the ships,
and to sail home in the two remaining. They therefore sailed to a
neighboring island, called Cohol [Bohol], and having put the rigging
and stores of one of the ships on board the two others, set it on
fire. Hence they proceeded to the island of Gibeth. [233] Although
they found that this island was well supplied with gold and ginger
and many other things, they did not think it desirable to stay there
any length of time, as they could not establish friendly relations
with the natives; and they were too few in number to venture to use
force. From Gibeth they proceeded to the island of Porne [Borneo]. In
this archipelago there are two large islands: one of which is called
Siloli [Gilolo], whose king had six hundred children. Siloli is larger
than Porne, for Siloli can hardly be circumnavigated in six months,
but Porne in three months. Although Siloli is larger than Porne,
yet the latter is more fertile, and distinguished as containing a
large city of the same name as the island. And since Porne must be
considered to be more important than the other islands, which they
had hitherto visited, and it was from it that the other islanders
had learnt the arts of civilized life, I have determined to describe
briefly the manners and customs of these nations. All these islanders
are Caphrae or Kafirs, _i.e.,_ heathens, they worship the sun and moon
as gods; they assign the government of the day to the sun, and that
of the night to the moon; the sun they consider to be male, and the
moon female, and that they are the parents of the other stars, all
of which they consider to be gods, though little ones. They salute,
rather than adore, the rising sun, with certain hymns. Also they
salute the bright moon at night, from whom they ask for children,
for the increase of their flocks and herds, for an abundant supply of
the fruits of the earth, and for other things of that sort. But they
practice piety and justice: and especially love peace and quiet, and
have great aversion to war. As long as their king maintains peace, they
show him divine honours: but if he is anxious for war, they never rest
till he is slain by the enemy in battle. When the king has determined
on war, which very seldom happens, his men set him in the front rank,
where he has to stand the whole brunt of the combat; and they do not
exert themselves vigorously against the enemy, till they know that
the king has fallen: then they begin to fight for liberty and for
their new king: nor has any king of theirs entered on a war without
being slain in battle. For this reason they seldom engage in war, and
they think it unjust to extend their frontiers. Their chief care is to
avoid giving offence to the neighboring nations or to strangers. But if
at any time they are attacked, they retaliate; and yet, lest further
ill should arise, they at once endeavor to come to terms. They think
that party acts most creditably, which is the first to propose terms
of peace; that it is disgraceful to be anticipated in so doing; and
that it is scandalous and detestable to refuse peace to those who ask
for it, even though the latter should have been the aggressors: all
the neighboring people unite in destroying such refusers of peace as
impious and abominable. Hence they mostly pass their lives in peace
and leisure. Robberies and murders are quite unknown among them. No
one may speak to the king but his wives and children, except at a
distance by hollow canes, which they apply to his ear, and through
which they whisper what they have to say. They think that at death
men have no perception as they had none before they were born. Their
houses are small, built of wood and earth, covered partly with rubble
and partly with palm-leaves. It is ascertained that there are twenty
thousand houses in the city of Porne. They marry as many wives as
they can afford to keep; they eat birds and fish; make bread of rice;
and drink a liquor drawn from the palm tree--of which we have spoken
before. Some carry on trade with the neighbouring islands, to which
they sail in junks, some are employed in hunting and shooting, some in
fishing, some in agriculture: their clothes are made of cotton. Their
animals are nearly the same as ours, excepting sheep, oxen, and asses:
their horses are very slight and small. They have a great supply of
camphor, ginger, and cinnamon. On leaving this island our men, having
paid their respects to the king, and propitiated him by presents,
sailed to the Moluccas, their way to which had been pointed out to
them by the king. Then they came to the coast of the island of Solo,
[234] where they heard that pearls were to be found as large as doves'
eggs, or even hens' eggs, but that they were only to be had in very
deep water. Our men did not bring home any single large pearl, as they
were not there at the season of the year for pearl-fishing. They said
however that they found an oyster there the flesh of which weighed
forty-seven pounds. Hence I should be disposed to believe that pearls
of the size mentioned would be found there; for it is certain that
large pearls are found in oysters. And, not to forget it, I will add
that our men reported that the islanders of Porne asserted that the
king wore two pearls in his crown as large as goose eggs. After this
they came to the island of Gilona, where they saw some men with such
long ears, that they reached down to their shoulders; and when they
expressed their astonishment, the natives told them, that in an island
not far off, there were men, who had such long and wide ears, that one
ear could, when they liked, cover the whole of their heads. But as our
men were not in search of monsters but of spices, they did not trouble
themselves about such rubbish, but sailed direct for the Moluccas,
where they arrived in the eighth month after their admiral Magellan had
been slain in the island of Mauthan. The islands are five in number,
and are called, Tarante, Muthil, Thedori, Mare, and Matthien, [235]
situated partly to the north, partly to the south, and partly on the
equator; the productions are cloves, nutmegs, and cinnamon: they are
all close together, but of small extent. A few years ago the kings [of]
Marmin began to believe that the soul is immortal. They were induced
to believe this solely from the following reason, that they observed
that a certain very beautiful small bird never settled on the earth,
or on anything that was on the earth; but that these birds sometimes
fell dead from the sky to the earth. And when the Mohammedans, who
visited them for trading purposes, declared that these birds came from
Paradise, the place of abode of departed souls, these princes adopted
the Mohammedan faith, which makes wonderful promises respecting this
same paradise. They call this bird Mamuco Diata; and they venerate it
so highly, that the kings think themselves safe in battle under their
protection, even when, according to their custom, they are placed in
the front line of the army in battle. The common people are Kafirs,
and have much the same manners and customs as the islanders of Porne,
already spoken of; they are much in need of supplies from abroad,
inasmuch as their country only produces spices, which they willingly
exchange for the poisonous articles arsenic and sublimated mercury,
and for the linen which they generally wear; but what use they make of
these poisons has not yet been ascertained. They live on sago-bread,
fish, and sometimes parrots; they live in very low-built cabins: in
short, all they esteem and value is peace, leisure, and spices. The
former, the greatest of blessings, the wickedness of mankind seems to
have banished from our part of the world to theirs: but our avarice
and insatiable desire of the luxuries of the table has urged us to
seek for spices even in those distant lands. To such a degree has
the perversity of human nature persisted in driving away as far as
possible that which is conducive to happiness, and in seeking for
articles of luxury in the remotest parts of the world. Our men having
carefully examined the position of the Moluccas, and of each separate
island, and also into the characters of the chiefs, sailed to Thedori,
because they understood that this island produced a greater abundance
of cloves than the others, and also that the king excelled the other
kings in prudence and humanity. Providing themselves with presents
they went on shore, and paid their respect to the king, and handed
him the presents as the gift of the emperor. He accepted the presents
graciously, and looking up to heaven said, "It is now two years since
I learnt from observation of the stars that you were sent by the great
King of kings to seek for these lands. Wherefore your arrival is the
more agreeable to me, inasmuch as it has already been foreseen from the
signification of the stars. And since I know that nothing happens to
man, which has not long since been ordained by the decree of Fate and
of the stars, I will not be the man to resist the determinations of
Fate and the stars, but will spontaneously abdicate my royal power,
and consider myself for the future, as carrying on the government
of this island as your king's viceroy. So bring your ships into the
harbour, and order the rest of your companions to land in safety, so
that now after so much tossing about on the sea, and so many dangers,
you may securely enjoy the comforts of life on shore, and recruit your
strength; and consider yourselves to be coming into your own king's
dominions." Having thus spoken, the king laid aside his diadem, and
embraced each of our men, and directed such refreshments as the country
produced to be set on table. Our men, delighted at this, returned
to their companions, and told them what had taken place. They were
much delighted by the graciousness and benevolence of the king, and
took up their quarters in the island. When they had been entertained
for some days by the king's munificence, they sent envoys thence
to the other kings, to investigate the resources of the islands,
and to secure the good will of the chiefs. Tarante was the nearest;
it is a very small island, its circumference being a little over six
Italian miles. The next is Matthien, and that also is small. These
three produce a great quantity of cloves, but every fourth year
the crop is far larger than at other times. These trees only grow
on precipitous rocks, and they grow so close together as to form
groves. The tree resembles the laurel as regards its leaves, its
closeness of growth, and its height; the clove, so called from its
resemblance to a nail [Latin, _clavus_] grows at the very tip of
each twig; first a bud appears, and then a blossom much like that of
the orange; the point of the clove first shows itself at the end of
the twig, until it attains its full growth; at first it is reddish,
but the heat of the sun soon turns it black. The natives share groves
of this tree among themselves, just as we do vineyards: they keep the
cloves in pits, till the merchants fetch them away. The fourth island,
Muthil, is no larger than the rest. This island produces cinnamon; the
tree is full of shoots, and in other respects fruitless, it thrives
best in a dry soil, and is very much like the pomegranate tree. When
the bark cracks through the heat of the sun, it is pulled off the
tree, and being dried in the sun a short time becomes cinnamon. Near
Muthil is another island, called Bada [Badjan or Batchian], more
extensive than the Moluccas; in it the nutmeg grows. The tree is
tall and wide-spreading, a good deal like a walnut tree; the fruit
too is produced just in the same way as a walnut, being protected
by a double covering, first a soft envelope, and under this a
thin reticulated membrane which encloses the nut. This membrane we
call Muskatbluethe, the Spaniards call it mace, it is an excellent
and wholesome spice. Within this is a hard shell, like that of a
filbert, inside which is the nutmeg properly so called. Ginger also
is produced in all the islands of this archipelago: some is sown,
some grows spontaneously; but the sown ginger is the best. The plant
is like the saffron-plant, and its root, which resembles the root of
saffron, is what we call ginger. Our men were kindly received by the
various chiefs, who all, after the example of the King of Thedori,
spontaneously submitted themselves to the imperial government. But
the Spaniards, having now only two ships, determined to bring with
them specimens of all sorts of spices, etc., but to load the ships
mainly with cloves, because there had been a very abundant crop of it
this season, and the ships could contain a great quantity of this kind
of spice. Having laden their ships with cloves, and received letters
and presents from the chiefs to the emperor, they prepared to sail
away. The letters were filled with assurances of fidelity and respect:
the gifts were Indian swords, etc. The most remarkable curiosities
were some of the birds, called Mamuco Diata, that is the Bird of God,
with which they think themselves safe and invincible in battle. Five of
these were sent, one of which I procured from the captain of the ship,
and now send it to your lordship--not that you will think it a defence
against treachery and violence, but because you will be pleased with
its rarity and beauty. I also send some cinnamon, nutmegs, and cloves,
that you may see that our spices are not only not inferior to those
imported by the Venetians and Portuguese, but of superior quality,
because they are fresher. Soon after our men had sailed from Thedori,
the larger of the two ships [the Trinidad] sprang a leak, which let
in so much water, that they were obliged to return to Thedori. The
Spaniards seeing that this defect could not be put right except with
much labor and loss of time, agreed that the other ship [the Victoria]
should sail to the Cape of Cattigara, thence across the ocean as far
as possible from the Indian coast, lest they should be seen by the
Portuguese, until they came in sight of the southern point of Africa,
beyond the tropic of Capricorn, which the Portuguese call the Cape of
Good Hope, for thence the voyage to Spain would be easy. It was also
arranged that, when the repairs of the other ship were completed,
it should sail back through the archipelago and the Vast [Pacific]
Ocean to the coast of the continent which we have already mentioned
[South America], until they came to the Isthmus of Darien, where
only a narrow neck of land divides the South Sea from the Western
Sea, in which are the islands belonging to Spain. The smaller ship
accordingly set sail again from Thedori, and though they went as far
as twelve degrees south, they did not find Cattigara, [236] which
Ptolemy considered to lie considerably south of the equator; however
after a long voyage, they arrived in sight of the Cape of Good Hope,
and thence sailed to the Cape Verde Islands. Here this ship also,
after having been so long at sea, began to be leaky, and the men,
who had lost several of their companions through hardships in the
course of their adventures, were unable to keep the water pumped
out. They therefore landed at one of the islands called Santiago, to
buy slaves. As our men, sailor-like, had no money, they offered cloves
in exchange for slaves. When the Portuguese officials heard of this,
they committed thirteen of our men to prison. The rest, eighteen
in number, being alarmed at the position in which they found
themselves, left their companions behind, and sailed direct to
Spain. Sixteen months after they had sailed from Thedori, on the sixth
of September 1522 they arrived safe and sound at a port [San Lucar]
near Seville. These sailors are certainly more worthy of perpetual
fame, than the Argonauts who sailed with Jason to Colchis; and the
ship itself deserves to be placed among the constellations more than
the ship Argo. For the Argo only sailed from Greece through the Black
Sea; but our ship setting put from Seville sailed first southwards,
then through the whole of the West, into the Eastern Seas, then back
again into the Western.

I humbly commend myself to your Most Reverend Lordship.

Written at Valladolid twenty-fourth of October 1522.

Your Most Reverend and Most Illustrious Lordship's

Most humble and perpetual servant,

_Maximilianus Transylvanus_.

Cologne--[printed] at the house of Eucharius Cervicornus. A.D. 1523--in
the month of January.

Bibliographical Data

_The Line of Demarcation_

_Papal Bulls of 1493_.--The originals of the bulls of May 3 and 4
exist in the archives of the Vatican; and authenticated copies are
in the Archivo general de Indias at Seville, their pressmark being
"Patronato, Simancas--Bulas; Est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1." The Archivo
Nacional of Lisbon (which is housed in the Torre do Tombo) has
one of the originals of the Bull of May 4--pressmark, "Gaveta 10,
maco 11, n deg.. 16." The _Inter caetera_ of May 3 was not known to be in
existence until 1797, when it was discovered by Munoz in the Simancas
archives (from which many documents have since been transferred
to the archives at Seville); in recent years it has been found in
those of the Vatican also. There is in the British Museum a MS. copy
(in Spanish translation) of the Bull of May 4--its pressmark being
"Papeles varias de Indias, 13,977." The Bull of September 25 is
known only through the Spanish translation made (August 30, 1554)
by Grecian de Aldrete, secretary of Felipe II of Spain; this is at
Seville, with pressmark as above. Harrisse could not find the Latin
original of this document at Simancas Seville, or Rome. For the bulls
of May 3 and 4 our translation is made from the Latin text given in
Heywood's _Documenta selecta et tabulario secreto Vaticano_ (Roma,
1893), pp.14-26; that contains also photographic facsimiles of the
original bulls. Certain formal ecclesiastical phrases which Heywood
only indicates by "etc." have been, for the sake of completeness,
translated in full in the first bull. The bulls are also published in
Raynaldi's _Annales ecclesiastici_ (Lucae, Typis Leonardi Venturini,
MDCCLIV), xi, pp. 213-215; Hernaez's _Colecion de bulas, breves_,
etc. (Bruselas, 1879), i, pp. 12-16; _Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania_,
xxxiv, pp. 14-21; and in _Fonti Italiani_ (Roma, 1892), part iii. The
bull _Inter caetera_ of May 3 may also be found in Navarrete's _Col. de
viages_, ii, pp. 23-27 (ed. 1825; or pp. 29-33, ed. 1859); _Eximiae_
of same date, in Solorzano's _De jure Indiarum_ (Madrid, 1629), i,
pp. 612, 613. _Inter caetera_ of May 4 is also given in Solorzano,
p. 610; _Alguns documentos_, (Lisboa, MDCCCXCII), pp. 65-68; and
Calvo's _Recueil complet de traites de l'Amerique latine_ (Paris,
1862), i (premiere periode), pp. 1-15, in both Latin and Spanish
versions. For the Bull of September 25 we have used the Spanish
text, which Navarrete gives _ut supra_, pp. 404-406 (449-451,
2d ed.)--Solorzano's Latin version, which has been followed by
Hernaez and other editors, being probably only a retranslation
from the Spanish. For good discussions of these bulls and of the
Demarcation Line, with abundant citations of authorities, see Bourne's
"Demarcation Line of Pope Alexander VI," in _Amer. Hist. Assn. Rep_.,
1891, pp. 101-130 (republished in _Yale Review_, May, 1892), and in
his _Essays in Historical Criticism_ (N. Y., 1901), pp. 193-217;
S.E. Dawson's "Lines of Demarcation of Pope Alexander VI, and the
Treaty of Tordesillas," in _Canad. Roy. Soc. Trans_., 1899, sec. ii,
pp. 467-546; and Harrisse's _Diplomatic History of America_ (London,

_Treaty of Tordesillas_ (June 7, 1494).--The original MS. of this
document is in the Seville archives--pressmark, "Simancas--Bulas;
est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1." It is also found in the Torre do Tombo
of Lisbon--its pressmark being "Gaveta 17, maco 2, n deg.. 24;" there
is another copy--pressmark "Gaveta 18, maco 2, n deg.. 2"--apparently
a duplicate of the former. The text of the treaty is published in
G. F_a_ de Martens's _Traites de l'Europe, Supplement_ (Gottingue,
1802), i, pp. 372-388; Navarrete's _Col. de viages_, ii, pp. 130-143
(147-162, 2nd ed.); _Alguns documentos,_ pp. 69-80; Calvo's _Recueil
de traites_, i, pp. 16-36; and _Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania_, xxxvi,
pp. 54-74. Our translation is made from the version in _Alguns
documentos_, as that most closely following the original; and in
foot-notes are indicated some of the variations of Navarrete's text
from that in _Alguns documentos_.

_Compact between the monarchs of Spain and Portugal_ (April 15,
1495).--The original MS. of this document is in the Seville
archives "Patronato Real." We translate from Navarrete, _ut
supra_, ii, pp. 170-173 (192-195, 2d ed.). It is published also in
_Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania_, xxxviii, pp. 336-341.

_Papal Bull, Praecelsae_ (Nov. 3, 1514).--The original of this bull
exists in Torre do Tombo, Lisbon--pressmark, "Maco 20 de bullas,
n deg.. 18;" it is written on parchment, and covers twenty folios. It
is printed in full in _Corpo diplomatico portuguez_ (Lisboa, 1862),
i, pp. 275-298; and a brief synopsis is given (in Portuguese) in
_Alguns documentos_, p. 366. We present a similar synopsis, with a
short extract from the bull.

_Letters of Carlos I_ (1523).--The originals of these documents are in
the Seville archives, in "Patronato Real." We translate from the text
in Navarrete, _ut supra_, vol. iv (1837), as follows: instructions
to the ambassadors, pp. 301-305; letter to Zuniga, pp. 312-320.

_Treaty of Vitoria_ (Feb. 19, 1524).--The original is in the
Seville archives--pressmark, "Papeles del Maluco, de 1519 a 1547,
leg deg.. 1 deg.." The translation here published is made from Navarrete,
_ut supra_, pp. 320-326.

_Junta of Badajoz_ (April-May, 1524).--The originals of these documents
are at Seville, in the "Patronato Real." The copies made therefrom
by Juan Bautista Munoz, in pursuance of orders given him by Carlos
IV to write a history of Spanish discovery and conquest, are in the
library of the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid. Our translations
and synopses are made from Navarrete's text, _ut supra_, as follows:
extract from the records of possession and ownership, pp. 355-368;
opinions of Spanish astronomers and pilots, pp. 333-355; letters to
Spanish deputies, pp. 326-333.

_Treaty of Zaragoza_ (April 22, 1529).--The original of this
document is in Torre do Tombo, Lisbon--pressmark, "Gaveta 18, maco 8,
n deg.. 29." Our translation is made from the text in _Alguns documentos_,
pp. 495-512. This treaty has been published also in Navarrete, _ut
supra_, pp. 389-406; and in Martens's _Supp. Traites de l'Europe_,
i, pp. 398-421. It was appended to the treaty of 1750 between Spain
and Portugal.

_Papal Bull, Eximiae_ (Nov. 16, 1501)

Our translation is made from Navarrete, _ut supra_, ii, pp. 408, 409
(454, 455, 2d ed.). The bull is published also in Hernaez's _Col. de
bulas_, i, pp. 20-25; and in _Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania_ xxxiv,
pp. 22-29.

_Life and Voyage of Fernao de Magalhaes_

Our resume of various contemporary documents is made from Navarrete,
_ut supra_, iv (1837), pp. 110-406. The MS. of the letter of
authorization to Falero and Magallanes is in Torre do Tombo,
Lisbon--pressmark, "Gaveta 18, maco 8, n deg.. 39." It is published in
_Alguns documentos_, pp. 418, 419, from which our translation is
made. The originals of the letters of 1519 (from copies of which we
translate except instructions to Cartagena, from _Alguns documentos_)
are in Torre do Tombo--their respective pressmarks as follows: letter
of Carlos I to Manuel, "Gaveta 18, maco 5, n deg.. 26;" instructions
to Cartagena, "Corpo chron., parte 3_a_, maco 7, n deg.. 18;" letter of
Carlos I to Magallanes and Falero, "Corpo chron., parte 1_a_, maco
24, n deg.. 64." These letters are published in _Alguns documentos_,
pp. 422-430. The letter of 1522 is translated from a copy of the
original MS. in the Simancas archives--pressmark, "Secretaria de
Estada, leg. 367, fol. 94."

_De Molvccis Insulis_. The first edition of this book was printed in
January, 1523, at Cologne, by Hirzhorn (Latinized as Cervicornus). In
November, 1523, it was published at Rome by Minitius Calvus, also
second edition February, 1524. There has been much controversy
regarding the priority of the Cologne edition, some writers claiming
that it was really issued in 1524; but the question is apparently
settled by the fact that Johann Schoener cites the book in his
letter (written in 1523) to Reimer von Streitberg (Streytpergk);
see Stevens's _Johann Schoner_ (London, MDCCCLXXXVIII), pp. 99,
153. We reproduce here the translation made by the late Henry Stevens
(_ut supra_, pp. 103-146); it is accompanied therein (pp. 57-90) by
a phototypographic facsimile of the original print. Fuller details
regarding this work will appear in the volume devoted to bibliography,
which will be published at the end of this series.

Chronological Tables


List of Roman Pontiffs

_Alexander VI_ (Rodrigo Borgia, or Lenzuoli).--Born Jan. 1, 1431;
became pontiff, Aug. 11, 1492; died Aug. 18, 1503.

_Pius III_ (Francesco Todischini Piccolomini).--Born May 9, 1439;
became pontiff, Sept. 22, 1503; died Oct. 18, 1503.

_Julius II_ (Guiliano della Rovere).--Born Dec. 15, 1443; became
pontiff, Oct. 31 or Nov. 1, 1503; died Feb. 2, 1513.

_Leo X_ (Giovanni de' Medici).--Born Dec. 11, 1475; became pontiff,
March 11, 1513; died Dec. 1, 1521.

_Hadrianus VI_ (Florian Boyers).--Born Mar. 2, 1459; became pontiff,
Jan. 9, 1522; died Sept. 14, 1523.

_Clemens VII_ (Giulio de' Medici).--Born 1475 (?); became pontiff,
Nov. 19, 1523; died Sept. 26, 1534.

_Paulus III_ (Alessandro Farnese).--Born Feb. 28, 1468; became pontiff,
Oct. 13, 1534; died Nov. 10, 1549.

_Julius III_ (Giovanni Maria de Ciocchi del Monte).--Born Sept. 10,
1487; became pontiff, Feb. 8, 1550; died Mar. 23, 1555.

_Marcellus II_ (Marcello Cervini).--Born May 6, 1501; became pontiff,
Apr. 9, 1555; died May 1, 1555.

_Paulus IV_ (Giovanni Pietro Caraffa).--Born June 28, 1476; became
pontiff, May 23, 1555; died Aug. 18, 1559.

_Pius IV_ (Giovanni Angelo de' Medici).--Born Mar. 31, 1499; became
pontiff, Dec. 26, 1559; died Dec. 9, 1565.

_Pius V_ (Michele Ghisleri).--Born Jan. 17, 1504; became pontiff,
Jan. 7, 1566; died May 1, 1572.

_Gregorius XIII_ (Ugo Buoncompagno).--Born Feb. 7, 1502; became
pontiff, May 13, 1572; died Apr. 10, 1585.

_Sixtus V_ (Felice Peretto).--Born Dec. 13, 1521; became pontiff,
Apr. 24, 1585; died Aug. 27, 1590.

_Urbanus VII_ (Giovanni Battista Castagna).--Born Aug. 4, 1521;
became pontiff, Sept. 15, 1590; died Sept. 27, 1590.

_Gregorius XIV_ (Nicola Sfondrati).--Born Feb. 11, 1535; became
pontiff, Dec. 5, 1590; died Oct. 15, 1591.

_Innocentius IX_ (Giovanni Antonio Facchinetti).--Born July 20, 1519;
became pontiff, Oct. 29, 1591; died Dec. 30, 1591.

_Clemens VIII_ (Ippolito Aldobrandini).--Born Feb. 24, 1536; became
pontiff, Jan. 30, 1592; died Mar. 3, 1605.

_Leo XI_ (Alessandro Ottaviano de' Medici).--Born 1535; became pontiff,
Apr. 1, 1605; died Apr. 27, 1605.

_Paulus V_ (Camillo Borghese).--Born Sept. 17, 1552; became pontiff,
May 16, 1605; died Jan. 28, 1621.

_Gregorius XV_ (Alessandro Ludovisio).--Born Jan. 9, 1554; became
pontiff, Feb. 9, 1621; died July 8, 1623.

_Urbanus VIII_ (Maffeo Barberini).--Born Mar. 26, 1568; became pontiff,
Aug. 6, 1623; died July 29, 1644.

_Innocentius X_ (Giovanni Battista Pamfilio).--Born Mar. 7, 1572
(or 1573); became pontiff, Sept. 15, 1644; died Jan. 7, 1655.

_Alexander VII_ (Fabio Chigi).--Born Feb. 13, 1599; became pontiff,
Apr. 7, 1655; died May 22, 1667.

_Clemens IX_ (Giulio Rospigliosi).--Born Jan. 28, 1600; became pontiff,
June 20, 1667; died Dec. 9, 1669.

_Clemens X_ (Giovanni Battista Emilio Altieri).--Born July 15, 1590;
became pontiff, Apr. 29, 1670; died July 22, 1676.

_Innocentius XI_ (Benedetto Odescalchi).--Born May 16, 1611; became
pontiff, Sept. 21, 1676; died Aug. 12, 1689.

_Alexander VIII_ (Pietro Ottoboni).--Born Apr. 10, 1610; became
pontiff, Oct. 6, 1689; died Feb. 1, 1691.

_Innocentius XII_ (Antonio Pignatelli).--Born Mar. 13, 1615; became
pontiff, July 12, 1691; died Sept. 27, 1700.

_Clemens XI_ (Giovanni Francesco Albani).--Born July 23, 1649; became
pontiff, Nov. 23, 1700; died Mar. 19, 1721.

_Innocentius XIII_ (Michel Angelo Conti).--Born May 15, 1655; became
pontiff, May 8, 1722; died Mar. 7, 1724.

_Benedictus XIII_ (Vicenzo Marco Orsino).--* Born Feb. 2, 1649;
became pontiff, May 29, 1724; died Feb. 21, 1730.

_Clemens XII_ (Lorenzo Corsini).--Born Apr. 11 (?), 1652; became
pontiff, July 12, 1730; died Feb. 6, 1740.

_Benedictus XIV_ (Prospero Lambertini).--Born Mar. 31, 1675; became
pontiff, Aug. 17, 1740; died May 3, 1758.

_Clemens XIII_ (Carlo Rezzonico).--Born Mar. 17, 1693; became pontiff,
July 6, 1758; died Feb. 2, 1769.

_Clemens XIV_ (Giovanni Vincenzo Antonio Ganganelli).--Born Oct. 31,
1705; became pontiff, May 19, 1769; died Sept. 22, 1774.

_Pius VI_ (Giovanni Angelo Braschi).--Born Dec. 27, 1717; became
pontiff, Feb. 15, 1775; died Aug. 29, 1799.

_Pius VII_ (Gregorio Barnaba Luigi Chiaramonti).--Born Aug. 14, 1742;
became pontiff, Mar. 14, 1800; died Aug. 20, 1823.

List of the Rulers of Spain

House of Castilla and Aragon

_Isabel I of Castilla_.--Born at Madrigal de las Altas Torres
(Avila), April 22, 1451; daughter of Juan II of Castilla and Isabel of
Portugal. Married Fernando II of Aragon, Oct. 18 or 19, 1469. Succeeded
her brother Enrique IV on the throne of Castilla and Leon; proclaimed
queen Dec. 13, 1474. Died at Medina del Campo (Valladolid), Nov. 26,
1504. Named as her heirs her daughter Juana and the latter's husband,
Philip of Austria; and appointed Fernando (now V of Castilla) regent of
Castilla and Leon during the minority of Juana's son Carlos. Fernando
and Isabel were styled "the Catholic Sovereigns."

_Fernando V of Castilla_ (II of Aragon and Navarra).--Born at Sos
(Zaragoza), May 10, 1452; son of Juan II and Juana Enriquez of Aragon
and Navarra. Died at Madrigalejo, Jan. 23, 1516. During Isabel's life,
was king-consort, and governed her dominions only by virtue of this
relation; after her death, was regent only of Castilla, which dignity
he held until his death, except from June 27, 1506, to Aug. 21, 1507,
during which period he retired to Aragon, in favor of Juana's husband
Philip. Inheriting the throne of Aragon and Navarra (Jan. 20, 1479),
his marriage with Isabel (1469) and their conquest of Granada (1492)
united under one monarchy the provinces now comprised in the country
of Spain.

_Juana_.--Born at Toledo, in 1479; second daughter of Isabel and
Fernando. Married Philip of Austria, Oct. 20 or 21, 1496. Died at
Tordesillas, April 11, 1555. Reigned from Nov. 26, 1504, until her
death--jointly with her husband, during his life; and with her son
thereafter--but under her father's regency until 1516; during her reign
she was more or less subject to insanity, and was but nominally queen,
seldom exercising royal powers, and living in strict seclusion. Known
as "la Loca," "the Mad."

House of Austria

_Felipe I_ (Philip of Austria).--Born at Bruges, July 22, 1478; son
of Maximilian I, emperor of Germany, and Maria de Borgona. By his
marriage to Juana, was king-consort of Castilla from Nov. 26, 1504,
until his death. Died at Burgos, Sept. 25, 1506. Styled "el Hermoso,"
"the Beautiful."

_Carlos I_ (Charles V, emperor of Germany).--Born at Ghent, Feb. 25,
1500; son of Felipe I and Juana. Landed in Spain in 1517. Married
Isabel of Portugal (daughter of Manoel), March 11, 1526. Abdicated in
favor of his son Felipe II, Jan. 16, 1556; died at monastery of Yuste,
Aug. 30, 1558. Elected Emperor of Germany in June, 1519. Reigned
over Spain jointly with Juana. During his minority, Fernando was
regent until his death (1516); thereafter Cardinal Jiminez (Ximenes)
de Cisneros acted in that capacity until the latter's death (Nov. 8,
1517); with the cardinal was associated, nominally, Adrian, dean
of Louvain.

_Felipe II_.--Born at Vallodolid, May 21, 1527; son of Carlos I and
Isabel. Married Maria, daughter of Joao III of Portugal, Nov. 15,
1543; Mary Tudor of England, July 25, 1554; Marie Elisabeth of
Valois, Feb. 2, 1560; Anna of Austria, in 1570. Acted as regent
for his father from June 23, 1551 until March 28, 1556, when he was
proclaimed king. Died at the Escorial, Sept. 13, 1598. Became king
of Portugal in April, 1581, taking the oath at Lisbon.

_Felipe III_.--Born at Madrid, April 14, 1578; son of Felipe II and

Book of the day: