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The Pagan Tribes of Borneo by Charles Hose and William McDougall

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[150] -- Dr. Boas is of the opinion that the totems of the Indians
of British Columbia have been developed from the personal MANITOU,
the guardian animals acquired by youths in dreams. Miss A. C. Fletcher
is led to a similar conclusion by a study of the totems of the Omaha
tribe of Indians (IMPORT OF THE TOTEM, Salem, Mass., 1897). The facts
described above in connection with the NGARONG of the Ibans and similar
allied institutions among other tribes of Sarawak would seem, then,
to support the views of these authors as to the origin of totemism.

[151] -- Sixteen different methods, most of which combine the notion
of soul-catching with that of exorcism, are enumerated and described
by Mr. E. H. Gomes in his recent work, SEVENTEEN YEARS AMONGST THE

[152] -- In a recent note in the JOURNAL OF THE SARAWAK MUSEUM,
Jan. 1911, Mr. W. Howell states that the power of TAU TEPANG is
supposed to be transmitted in certain families from generation to
generation; that the head of a TAU TEPANG man leaves his body at
night and goes about doing harm, especially to the crops; that the
power is passed on to a child of a TAU TEPANG family by the mother,
who touches the cut edge of the child's tongue with her spittle.

[153] -- Cf. BAWANG DAHA, the lake of blood of the Kayan Hades,
vol. ii., p. 40.

[154] -- The people are naturally reticent about this rite. The
facts were brought to our knowledge by a case which is instructive
in several ways. A Sebop had murdered a Chinese trader and taken
his head. He was ordered to surrender himself for trial at the fort
within the space of one month, and informed that he would be taken
alive or dead if he failed to present himself. He refused and took
to the jungle. Upon which one of the up-country chiefs (Tama Bulan)
was commissioned to arrest him. The murderer was found in the jungle
and called on to surrender, but refused, and died fighting. At this
his brother was enraged against the chief and made the TEGULUN against
him; and being at a distance from his victim, the man was at no pains
to keep the matter secret, and it came to the ears of the chief. He,
although the most enlightened native in the country, felt uneasy
under this terrific malediction and complained to the Resident,
who insisted on a public taking back or taking off of the curse.

[155] -- A free translation runs: --

"O holy DAYONG; thou who lovest mankind,
Bring back thy servant from Leman,
The region between the lands of life and death,
O holy DAYONG."

[156] -- See vol. ii., p. 11.

[157] -- Although breach of custom and of LALI by any individual may
bring misfortune on the whole household, the offending individual is
regarded as specially liable to wasting sickness with diarrhoea and
spitting of blood.

[158] -- We have a wooden image of this being. It is rudely
anthropomorphic, and is covered with fish-like scales. Its sex is
indeterminate. He is supposed to ascend the river from the sea,
kneeling on the back of a sting-ray.

[159] -- The sword handle is sometimes made of hard wood, but
generally of deer's horn, very elaborately carved (see Pl. 129). It
seems possible that this elaborate carving which, in spite of many
minor variations, is of only two fundamental types, is or was at one
time connected with this myth. But we have not been able to get any
statement to this effect.

[160] -- The creeper is here regarded as the male partner.

[161] -- Cf. an Iban story given in Perham's "Sea-Dayak Gods,"
J.S.B.R.A. SOC. ix. 236.

[162] -- This greeting of the passer-by and the charging him with
some commission is very characteristic of the Ibans.

[163] -- A form of trial by ordeal occasionally practised by Ibans
and other tribes.

[164] -- This refers to the difference of colour between the carapace
and the plastron.

[165] -- Refers to the flat under surface contrasting with the
rounded back.

[166] -- See vol. i. p. 139.

[167] -- This is the only mention of rain-making that has come to
our notice among any of the Borneans.

[168] -- This notion of an atmosphere or "odour" of virtue attaching
to material objects pervades the thought and practice of Kayans. As
another illustration of it, we may remark that a Kayan will wear for
a long time, and will often refuse to wash, a garment which has been
worn and afterwards given to him by a European whom he respects.

[169] -- We give the original and translation of one such lullaby: --

"Megiong ujong bayoh
Mansip anak yap -- cheep, cheep.
Lematei telayap,
Telayap abing,
Lematei Laki Laying oban,
Lematei Laki Punan oban."

The translation runs: --

"The branches of the bayoh tree are swaying
With the sound of little chicks-cheep, cheep,
The lizards are dead,
There are no lizards any more,
Gray-haired Laki Laying is dead,
The old jungle man is dead."

The reference to the Punan in this lullaby may be explained by saying
that the children are frightened sometimes by being told that the
jungle man will take them.

[170] -- The PENGHULU is the leading chief of a district;
cf. Chap. XXII.

[171] -- Even when in tatuing blood is drawn, as almost inevitably
occurs, beads are given the tatuer to indemnify her and make it clear
that the deed was not intended.

[172] -- It came into use, no doubt, through the hospitable offering
of cigarettes by the women of the household.

[173] -- The omen birds are not consulted in the hope of obtaining
favourable omens; but rather special events are regarded as of evil
omen; such are any outbreak of fire in the house, any fatal accident
to any member of the house, the repeated crying of the muntjac
(the barking deer) about the house. In one instance known to us the
attractive daughter of a Kenyah chief had three times been compelled
by series of bad omens to break off the betrothals.

[174] -- Some few communities of Punans live in the large caves of
the limestone mountains; it seems possible that this is a survival of
a very ancient custom that preceded the making of shelters, however
rude; but we know of no facts which can be regarded as supporting this
view, save that we have found human bones of uncertain age in several
caves. Some of these caves have undoubtedly been used as burial-places,
possibly during epidemics of cholera or smallpox.

[175] -- See Chap. XXI.

[176] -- Perhaps the most commonly used is a double-ended spatula. With
this the head of the family stirs the boiled sago, and then conveys
it to his own mouth on one end and to his wife's mouth on the other.

[177] -- Formerly, they say, they cooked in green bamboos; and this
is still done occasionally. They also occasionally boil their sago
in the large cups of the pitcher-plant (NEPENTHES).

[178] -- This occurrence of incest between couples brought up
in the same household is, of course, difficult to reconcile with
Prof. Westermarck's well-known theory of the ground of the almost
universal feeling against incest, namely that it depends upon
sexual aversion or indifference engendered by close proximity during
childhood. But medical men who have experience of slum practice in
European towns can supply similar evidence in large quantity. And the
medical psychologists of the school of Freud could cite much evidence
against this theory.

We cannot refrain from throwing out here a speculative suggestion
towards the explanation of the feeling against incest which seems
to find support in certain of the facts of this area. It seems to
us that the feeling with which incest is regarded is an example
of a feeling or sentiment engendered in each generation by law
and tradition, rather than a spontaneous reaction of individuals,
based on some special instinct or innate tendency. The occurrence
of incest between brothers and sisters, and the strong feeling of
the Sea Dayaks against incest between nephew and aunt (who often are
members of distinct communities), are facts which seem to us fatal to
Prof. Westermarck's theory, as well as to point strongly to the view
that the sentiment has a purely conventional or customary source. Now,
if we accept some such view of the constitution of primitive society as
has been suggested by Messrs. Atkinson and Lang (PRIMAL LAW), namely,
that the social group consisted of a single patriarch and a group of
wives and daughters, over all of whom he exercised unrestricted power
or rights; we shall see that the first step towards the constitution of
a higher form of society must have been the strict limitation of his
rights over certain of the women, in order that younger males might
be incorporated in the society and enjoy the undisputed possession
of them. The patriarch, having accepted this limitation of his rights
over his daughters for the sake of the greater security and strength
of the band given by the inclusion of a certain number of young males,
would enforce all the more strictly upon them his prohibition against
any tampering with the females of the senior generation. Thus very
strict prohibitions and severe penalties against the consorting of the
patriarch with the younger generation of females, I.E. his daughters,
and against intercourse between the young males admitted to membership
of the group and the wives of the patriarch, would be the essential
conditions of advance of social organisation. The enforcement of these
penalties would engender a traditional sentiment against such unions,
and these would be the unions primitively regarded as incestuous. The
persistence of the tendency of the patriarch's jealousy to drive his
sons out of the family group as they attained puberty would render
the extension of this sentiment to brother-and-sister unions easy
and almost inevitable. For the young male admitted to the group would
be one who came with a price in his hand to offer in return for the
bride he sought. Such a price could only be exacted by the patriarch
on the condition that he maintained an absolute prohibition on sexual
relations between his offspring so long as the young sons remained
under his roof.

It is not impossible that a trace of the primitive state of society
imagined by Messrs. Atkinson and Lang survives in the fact that a
Kayan chief may, if he is so inclined, temporarily possess himself
of the wife of any of his men without raising the strong resentment
and incurring the penalties which would attend adultery on the part
of any other man of the house; but the law against incest with his
daughters, whether natural or adopted, would be enforced against him
by the co-operation of the chiefs of neighbouring houses and villages.

[179] -- A limestone cliff whose foot is washed by the Baram river
and which contains a number of caves (known as Batu Gading, or the
ivory rock) is said by a Kayan legend to have been formed by a Kayan
house being turned into Stone owing to incestuous conduct within it.

[180] -- This would not be always true of similar cases among Sea

[181] -- See vol. ii. p. 296 for a striking example of self-control
displayed by this great man under most trying circumstances.

[182] -- Only one evil effect of the success of these efforts for the
spread of peace has come under our notice, namely, a tendency in some
communities to economise labour by building flimsy houses in place
of the massive and roomy structures which were fortresses as well
as dwelling-places.

[183] -- The desire of the people inhabiting a branch of the river
to shut themselves off from all intercourse with the areas in which
an epidemic disease is raging, is sometimes disregarded by Malay or
Chinese traders; such disregard has sometimes led to trouble.

This desire for seclusion as a safeguard against epidemics is by no
means peculiar to the tribes of the interior of Borneo, but seems to
be shared by many savage and barbarous peoples. It is one that ought
to be strictly respected by all travellers; and we have no doubt that
the disregard of this desire by European explorers, ignorant, no doubt,
of its existence or of the practical and rational grounds on which it
is based, has been the cause in many cases of their hostile reception
by native tribes and potentates, and has led to bloodshed and punitive
expeditions which might have been wholly avoided if the explorers had
been equipped with some general knowledge of, and some respect for,
the principles of conduct of savage peoples.

[184] -- In view of the valuable properties now attributed to spermin
in some scientific quarters, it would be rash to assert that this
treatment can have no therapeutic value. It is of interest to note
that prolonged working of camphor in the jungle is said to produce
impotence and that, in order to avoid this, the workers make frequent
breaks and will not prolong a camphor-gathering expedition beyond a
limited period. For impotence is regarded by a young Kayan as a very
great calamity.

[185] -- It seems possible that the Punans acquire some degree of
immunity to the effects of the IPOH poison through constantly handling
it and applying it in the ways mentioned above. The only evidence in
support of this that we can offer is the fact that the Punans handle
their poisoned darts much more recklessly than the other peoples.

[186] -- There is current among the Klemantans a larger number of
such myths than among the Kayans.

[187] -- The second occurred during the residence of one of us
(C. H.) in the Baram, and the alarm of the people was largely prevented
by the issue to all the chiefs of TEBUKU (tallies) foretelling the
date of its incidence. Nevertheless one woman, at least, was so much
frightened by the spectacle that she ran into her house and dropped
down dead.

[188] -- See vol. ii. p. 272.

[189] -- The horn of the small and rare Bornean rhinoceros is the
most highly valued of the various substances out of which the sword
hilts are carved.

[190] -- Although it is impossible to form any estimate of the numbers
of such imported slaves of negroid type, it is, we assert, a fact
that some have been imported. We have trustworthy information of the
possession of two Abyssinian slaves in recent times by a Malay noble.

[191] -- In the course of measuring and observing the physical
characters of some 350 individuals of the various tribes, we recorded
in each case the eye characters. Of a group of 80 subjects made
up of Kenyahs, Klemantans, and Punans (who in this respect do not
differ appreciably from one another), we noted a moderately marked
Mongolian fold in 14 subjects, the rest having in equal numbers
either no fold or but a slight trace of it. As regards obliquity of
the aperture, in rather more than half it was recorded as slight,
in one quarter as lacking, and in the rest as moderate. As regards
the size of palpebral apertures, half were noted as medium, and
about one quarter as small, and the remaining quarter as large. In
the main, obliquity and smallness of aperture go with the presence
of the Mongolian fold. The most common form of eye in this group may
therefore be described as very slightly oblique, moderately large,
and having a slight trace of the Mongolian fold.

[192] -- THE RACES OF MAN, p. 486, London, 1900.

[193] -- OP. CIT. p. 392.

[194] -- MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, London, 1899, pp. 562 and 143.

[195] -- Prof. A. H. Keane (MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, p. 206), after
citing the statements of various observers to the effect that persons
of almost purely Caucasic or European type are not infrequently
encountered among several of the tribes of Upper Burma, Tonking,
and Assam, notably the Shans, and the allied peoples known as Chins,
Karens, Kyens, and Kakhyens, writes: "Thus is again confirmed by the
latest investigations, and by the conclusions of some of the leading
members of the French school of anthropology, the view first advanced
by me in 1879, that peoples of the Caucasic (here called 'Aryan')
division had already spread to the utmost confines of south-east Asia
in remote prehistoric times, and had in this region even preceded the
first waves of Mongolic migration radiating from their cradleland on
the Tibetian plateau." While we accept this view, so ably maintained
by Keane, it is only fair to point out that J. R. Logan, in a paper
published in 1850, had maintained that a Gangetic people (by WHICH
HE meant a people formed in the Gangetic plain by the blending of
Caucasic and Mongoloid stocks) bad wandered at a remote epoch into
the area that is now Burma, following the shore of the Indo-Malayan
sea; and that he recognised the Karens and Kakhyens as the modern
representatives of this people of partially Caucasic origin ("The
vol. iv. p. 481, 1850).

[196] -- Nieuwenhuis publishes a photograph of such carvings found
in the Mahakan or Upper Kotei river. They included fragments of
a cylindrical column and what seems to be a caparisoned kneeling
elephant. QUER DURCH BORNEO, vol. ii. p. 116.

[197] -- "The Ethnology of Eastern Asia," JOURN. OF INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO,
vol. iv. p. 478.

[198] -- We have not been able to find any full and satisfactory
description of the Karens, but we have brought together whatever
statements about them and the tribes most nearly related to them seem
significant for our purpose from the
following sources. The figures in brackets in the text refer to
this list.

(1) J. R. Logan, "The Ethnology of Eastern Asia," LOC. CIT.
(2) Lieut.-Col. James Low on "The Karean Tribes of Martaban and Javai,"
(4) E. B. Cross, "The Karens," JOURN. OF THE AMER. ORIENTAL SOC., 1854.
(5) T. Mason, "The Karens," JOURN. OF THE ASIATIC SOC., 1866, part ii.
(6) D. M. Smeaton, THE LOYAL KARENS OF BURMA, London, 1887.
(8) Lieut.-Col. Waddell, "Tribes of the Brahmaputra Valley," JOURN. OF
(9) A. R. Colquhoun, AMONG THE SHANS, London, 1885.
(10) T. C. Hodson, NAGA TRIBES OF MANIPUR, London, 1911.
(11) T.C. Hodson, "The Assam Hills, " a paper read before the
Geographical Society of Liverpool in 1905.
(12) Sir J. G. Scott, BURMA.
(13) A. H. Keane, MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, London, 1899.
(14) J. Deniker, THE RACES OF MAN, London, 1900.

[199] -- The cross-bow is used as a toy by Kayan boys only.

[200] -- Cp. the Kayan APO LEGGAN, vol. ii. p. 40.

[201] -- This, however, is a statement which perhaps might loosely
be made of the Kayans. Cp. vol. ii. p. 34.

[202] -- [The Kuki's are normally not considered Nagas. They live
in the same area, but are far more recent immigrants from Burma,
and differ considerably from the Nagas. -- J.H.]

[203] -- It is worthy of note that the Kayans have long used and
highly prize for the decoration of their swords the hair of the
Tibetan goat dyed a dark red, and have continued to obtain this hair
at a great price from Malay and Chinese traders. The wild tribes of
the Chin hills, said to be closely akin to the Kukis, adorn their
shields with tassels of goat's hair dyed red (see THE CHIN HILLS,
by B. S. Carey and H. N. Tuck, Rangoon, 1896). According to the same
authorities, these Chins are inveterate head-hunters. They read omens
in the livers of pigs and other beasts, and in the cries of birds;
they wear a loincloth like the Kayan Bah; they scare pests from
their PADI fields by means of an apparatus like that used by Kayans
(vol. i. p. 102); they floor their houses with huge planks hewn out
with an adze very similar to the Kayan adze.

[204] -- Some communities of Malanaus never plant rice, but rely for
their principal food supply upon the numerous sago-palms which they
have planted round about their villages. It is doubtful whether these
have ever cultivated PADI on any considerable scale.

[205] -- Deniker (RACES OF MAN, p. 392) describes, under the name
MOIS, an aboriginal tribe of Annam in terms which show that they
present many points of similarity with the Muruts.

[206] -- The Malay does not, like the Iban, make use of the various
animal designs, but confines himself to simple geometrical patterns
-- but this difference is probably a result of the adoption of the
Moslem religion.

[207] -- Most Ibans now procure the PARANG ILANG of the Kayans and
copy their wooden shields.

[208] -- The fire-piston is found also in North Borneo, but with this
exception is peculiar to the Ibans among the pagan tribes. It has been
widely used by the Malays of the peninsula and those of Menangkaban
in Sumatra (see H. Balfour, "The Fire Piston," in volume of essays
in honour of E. B. Tylor).

[209] -- The general use of this mat is common to the Kenyahs, Punans,
and most of the Klemantans, but it is comparatively rare among the
Kayans; this is a significant fact, for such a mat is more needed by
a jungle dweller than by one whose home is a well-built house. We
have not met with any mention of such a mat among the tribes of
the mainland.

[210] -- See the vocabularies of the Kayan, Kenyah, and Kalabit
(Murut) languages recently published by Mr. R. S. Douglas, Resident
of the Baram district, in the JOURNAL OF THE SARAWAK MUSEUM, Feb. 1911.

[211] -- This is clearly shown in the article "BALI" of Monier

[212] -- For a full account of these transactions and for the later
history of Sarawak in general the reader may be referred to the
recently published SARAWAK UNDER TWO WHITE RAJAHS, by Messrs. Bampfylde
and Baring-Gould, London, 1909.

[213] -- The principles according to which the government has been
conducted cannot be better expressed than in the following words of
H. H. Sir Charles Brooke, the present Rajah. Writing in the SARAWAK
GAZETTE of September 2, 1872, he observed that a government such
as that of Sarawak may "start from things as we find them, putting
its veto on what is dangerous or unjust and supporting what is fair
and equitable in the usages of the natives, and letting system and
legislation wait upon occasion. When new wants are felt it examines and
provides for them by measures rather made on the spot than imported
from abroad; and, to ensure that these shall not be contrary to
native customs, the consent of the people is gained for them before
they are put in force. The white man's so-called privilege of class
is made little of and the rules of government are framed with greater
care for the interests of the majority who are not European than for
those of the minority of superior race."

[214] -- See pp. 417 -- 420 of Messrs. Bampfylde and Baring Gould's

[215] -- These three masks were afterwards given to the Resident,
and are now in the British Museum.

[216] -- "A Savage Peace-Conference," by W. McDougall, THE EAGLE,
the magazine of St. John's College, Cambridge, 1900.

[217] -- The dollar is the Straits Settlements dollar; its value in
English money is two shillings and fourpence.

[218] -- This Company has enjoyed, for more than half a century, the
right to work minerals in Sarawak, paying royalty to the government;
it has been and is the principal channel through which the natural
products of the country have been brought into the world's markets. It
has always worked in harmony with the government, and to the judicious
conduct of its affairs the present material prosperity of the country
is largely due. An important development of the Company's activity
in recent years has been the planting of large areas with the Para

[219] -- The beneficent and active interest taken by the Rajah in
the prosperity of the natives, and the paternal character of his
government, are well illustrated by a recently issued order. It is
within the memory of all that in the years 1910 and 1911 occurred the
great rubber "boom" in the markets of Europe. With the hope of vast
profits, speculators hurried to every region where rubber was known
to grow. The seeds of the Para rubber-plant had been introduced to
Sarawak many years before; the suitability of the soil and climate
for the production of the best quality of Para rubber had been
abundantly demonstrated and the natives had been encouraged to
plant for their own profit the seeds and young plants which were
distributed to them from the government stations, so that when the
boom came many of them possessed small plantations of the trees that
"lay the golden eggs." The speculators were everywhere seeking to
buy these plantations at prices which, though they seemed handsome
to the natives, were low enough to provide a very large profit to the
buyers. The Rajah caused warnings to be published and brought to the
notice of the natives, and informed them that they were at full liberty
to appropriate jungle. land for the formation of rubber plantations,
and that their tenure of such lands would be secured to them so long
as they cared for the trees and worked the rubber properly. He further
ordered that no sales of rubber plantations should be effected without
the knowledge and approval of the government.

[220] -- The Rajahs of Sarawak have personally chosen and appointed
their white officers with the greatest care; and their good judgment
has secured for, their country the services of a number of Englishmen
of high abilities and sterling moral quality. Of those members
of the Sarawak service who have passed away, the following have
pre-eminent claims to be gratefully remembered by the people of the
country: James Brooke Brooke (nephew of the first Rajah), W. Brereton,
A. C. Crookshank, J. B. Cruickshank, C. C. de Crespigny, A. H. Everett,
H. Brooke Low, C. S. Pearse, and, above all, F. R. O. Maxwell.

[221] -- Crawford, a leading authority on the history of the East
Indian Islands, wrote of the Dutch in Borneo of the early times --
"Their sole object, according to the commercial principles of the
time, was to obtain, through arrangements with the native prince,
the staple products of the country at prices below their natural cost,
and to sell them above it... . The result of these (arrangements) was
the decline of the trade of Banjermasin; its staple product, pepper,
which had at one time been considerable, having become nearly extinct"

[222] -- 'QUER DURCH BORNEO,' by A. W. Nieuwenhuis.

[223] -- Dr. A. W. Nieuwenhuis, "Anthropometrische Untersuchungen bei
den Dajak." Bearbeitet durch Dr. J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, MITT. AUS DEM
NIEDERL. REICHSMUS. FUR VOLKERK. ser. ii. No. 5, Haarlem, 1903. Owing
to the inaccessibility of this memoir, I have incorporated his more
important observations in this essay.

[224] -- Swaving, G., NATUURK. TIJDSCHR. V. NED. IND., xxiii., 1861,
xxiv., 1862.


Virchow, R., Z.F.E., xvii., 1885, p. (270), in which he states
that of 47 "Dayak" skulls in the museums of Paris, Amsterdam, and
the Royal College of Surgeons, London, 20 were dolichocephalic, 12
mesaticephalic, and 15 brachycephalic. Cf. also Z.F.E., xxiv., 1892,
p. (435).

Amsterdam, 1890.

Waldeyer, W., Z.F.E., xxvi., 1894, p. (383).

Zuckerkandl, E., MITT. D. ANTHROP. GESELL. WIEN, xxiv., 1894, p. 254.

Kohlbrugge, J. H. F., L'ANTHROPOLOGIE, ix., 1898, p. 1.

Volz, W., ARCH. F. ANTHROP., xxvi., 1900, p. 719.

Haddon, A. C., ARCHIV. PER L' ANT. E L' ETNOL., xxxi., 1901, p. 341.

[225] -- Nieuwenhuis usually speaks of these as Ulu Ajar Dajak. I
have more than once deprecated this use of the term "Dayak" as it has
simply come to mean a non-Malayan inhabitant of Borneo, for example,
we find "Kenjah Dajak" on his map. In Sarawak this term is confined
to the Sea Dayaks and Land Dayaks, for the former I have suggested
that the native name Iban be adopted, but I have not been able to
find a suitable native name for the Land Dayaks of Sarawak who are
probably allied to the Ulu Ayars.

[226] -- The foregoing statement is taken from Nieuwenhuis, but
Dr. Hose sends me the following remarks:

"PARI is the word for PADI in both Kayan and Kenyah language.

"The Uma Timi and Uma Klap of the Upper Rejang are possibly Bahautribes
but the four Kayan tribes of the Upper Rejang, the Uma Bawang, Uma
Naving, Uma Daro and Uma Lesong say that they came from Usun Apo or
Apo Kayan as Nieuwenhuis calls it.

"The Kayans in the Kapuas are the Uma Ging, and the only Kayans that I
know of in the Bulungan river are the Uma Lekans: there are no Kayans
or Kenyahs in the Limbang river.

"Apo Kayan or Usun Apo is the country from which the Batang Kayan
river or Bulungan, the Kotei, and their great tributaries rise on
the one side, and the tributaries of the Rejang and Baram on the
other. It extends from the Bahau river in the north to the Mahakam
in the south. The Kenyahs of the Baram are spoken of by the people
of the Batang Kayan as Kenyah Bau."

[227] -- In order to make Kohlbrugge's data comparable with ours
I have in all cases grouped his youths and girls over 16 with the
adults, and have left those younger out of reckoning.

[228] -- I.E. having an index of 77.9 and under.

[229] -- This was drawn up by Dr. Hose from his general knowledge
of the people of Sarawak, and it will be found to agree very closely
with the anthropometric data, thus we may regard it as expressing the
present state of our knowledge of the affinities of the several tribes.

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