Notes on pupils (1458-1468.)
1458.
Giacomo came to live with me on St.-Mary Magdalen’s[Footnote: _Il di della Maddalena._ July 22.] day, 1490, aged 10 years. The second day I had two shirts cut out for him, a pair of hose, and a jerkin, and when I put aside some money to pay for these things he stole 4 _lire_ the money out of the purse; and I could never make him confess, though I was quite certain of the fact.–Thief, liar, obstinate, glutton.
The day after, I went to sup with Giacomo Andrea, and the said Giacomo supped for two and did mischief for four; for he brake 3 cruets, spilled the wine, and after this came to sup where I ….
Item: on the 7th day of September he stole a silver point of the value of 22 soldi from Marco[Footnote 6: _Marco_, probably Leonardo’s pupil Marco d’Oggionno; 1470 is supposed to be the date of his birth and 1540 of his death.
_Che stava con meco._ We may infer from this that he left the master shortly after this, his term of study having perhaps expired.] who was living with me, 4 _lire_ this being of silver; and he took it from his studio, and when the said Marco had searched for it a long while he found it hidden in the said Giacomo’s box 4 _lire_.
Item: on the 26th January following, I, being in the house of Messer Galeazzo da San Severino [Footnote 9: Galeazzo. See No. 718 note.], was arranging the festival for his jousting, and certain footmen having undressed to try on some costumes of wild men for the said festival, Giacomo went to the purse of one of them which lay on the bed with other clothes, 2 lire 4 S, and took out such money as was in it.
Item: when I was in the same house, Maestro Agostino da Pavia gave to me a Turkish hide to have (2 lire.) a pair of short boots made of it; this Giacomo stole it of me within a month and sold it to a cobbler for 20 soldi, with which money, by his own confession, he bought anise comfits.
Item: again, on the 2nd April, Giovan Antonio [Footnote 16: Giovan Antonio, probably Beltraffio, 1467 to 1516.] having left a silver point on a drawing of his, Giacomo stole it, and this was of the value of 24 soldi (1 lira 4 S.)
The first year-
A cloak, 2 lire,
6 shirts, 4 lire,
3 jerkins, 6 lire,
4 pairs of hose, 7 lire 8 soldi,
1 lined doublet, 5 lire,
24 pairs of shoes, 6 lire 5 soldi,
A cap, 1 lira,
laces, 1 lira.
[Footnote: Leonardo here gives a detailed account not only of the loss he and others incurred through Giacomo but of the wild tricks of the youth, and we may therefore assume that the note was not made merely as a record for his own use, but as a report to be forwarded to the lad’s father or other responsible guardian.]
1459.
On the last day but one of September;
Thursday the 27th day of September Maestro Tommaso came back and worked for himself until the last day but one of February. On the 18th day of March, 1493, Giulio, a German, came to live with me,–Lucia, Piero, Leonardo.
On the 6th day of October.
1460.
1493. On the 1st day of November we settled accounts. Giulio had to pay 4 months; and Maestro Tommaso 9 months; Maestro Tommaso afterwards made 6 candlesticks, 10 days’ work; Giulio some fire-tongs 15 days work. Then he worked for himself till the 27th May, and worked for me at a lever till the 18th July; then for himself till the 7th of August, and for one day, on the fifteenth, for a lady. Then again for me at 2 locks until the 20th of August.
1461.
On the 23rd day of August, 12 lire from Pulisona. On the 14th of March 1494, Galeazzo came to live with me, agreeing to pay 5 lire a month for his cost paying on the l4th day of each month.
His father gave me 2 Rhenish florins.
On the l4th of July, I had from Galeazzo 2 Rhenish florins.
1462.
On the 15th day of September Giulio began the lock of my studio 1494.
1463.
Saturday morning the 3rd of August 1504 Jacopo the German came to live with me in the house, and agreed with me that I should charge him a carlino a day.
1464.
1511. On the 26th of September Antonio broke his leg; he must rest 40 days.
[Footnote: This note refers possibly to Beltraffio.]
1465.
I left Milan for Rome on the 24th day of September, 1513, with Giovanni [Footnote 2: _Giovan;_ it is not likely that Leonardo should have called Giovan’ Antonio Beltraffio at one time Giovanni, as in this note and another time Antonio, as in No. 1464 while in No. 1458 l. 16 we find _Giovan’Antonio_, and in No. 1436, l.6 _Beltraffio_. Possibly the Giovanni here spoken of is Leonardo’s less known pupil Giovan Pietrino (see No. 1467, 5).], Francesco di Melzi [Footnote 2,3: _Francesco de’ Melzi_ is often mentioned, see Nos. 1350.], Salai [Footnote 3: _Salai_. See No. 1519 note.], Lorenzo and il Fanfoia.
[Footnote 4: _Lorenzo_. See No. 1351, l. 10 (p. 408). Amoretti gives the following note in _Mem. Stor. XXIII:_ 1505. _Martedi–sera a di 14 d’aprile. Venne Lorenzo a stare con mecho: disse essere d’eta d’anni 17 .. a di 15 del detto aprile ebbi scudi 25 d’oro dal chamerlingo di Santa Maria nuova._ This, he asserts is derived from a MS. marked S, in quarto. This MS. seems to have vanished and left no trace behind; Amoretti himself had not seen it, but copied from a selection of extracts made by Oltrocchi before the Leonardo MSS. were conveyed to Paris on the responsibility of the first French Republic. Lorenzo, by this, must have been born in 1487. The sculptor Lorenzetto was born in 1490. Amoretti has been led by the above passage to make the following absurd observations:
_Cotesto Lorenzo, che poi gli fu sempre compagno, almeno sin che stette in Italia, sarebb’ egli Lorenzo Lotto bergamasco? Sappiamo essere stato questo valente dipintore uno de’bravi scolari del Vinci_ (?).
_Il Fafoia_, perhaps a nickname. Cesare da Sesto, Leonardo’s pupil, seems to have been in Rome in these years, as we learn from a drawing by him in the Louvre.
1466.
On the 3rd day of January.
Benedetto came on the 17th of October; he stayed with me two months and 13 days of last year, in which time he earned 38 lire, 18 soldi and 8 dinari; he had of this 26 lire and 8 soldi, and there remains to be paid for the past year 12 lire 10 soldi.
Giodatti (?) came on the 8th day of September, at 4 soldi a month, and stayed with me 3 months and 24 days, and earned 59 lire 14 soldi and 8 dinari; he has had 43 lire, 4 soldi, there remains to pay 16 lire, 10 soldi and 8 dinari.
Benedetto, 24 grossoni.
[Footnote: This seems to be an account for two assistants. The name of the second is scarcely legible. The year is not given. The note is nevertheless of chronological value. The first line tells us the date when the note was registered, January 3d, and the observations that follow refer to events of the previous month ‘of last year’ _(dell’anno passato)_. Leonardo cannot therefore have written thus in Florence where the year was, at that period, calculated as beginning in the month of March (see Vol. I, No. 4, note 2). He must then have been in Milan. What is more important is that we thus learn how to date the beginning of the year in all the notes written at Milan. This clears up Uzielli’s doubts: _A Milano facevasi cominciar l’anno ab incarnatione, cioe il 25 Marzo e a nativitate, cioe il 25 Decembre. Ci sembra probabile che Leonardo dovesse prescegliere lo stile che era in uso a Firenze._ (_Ricerche_, p. 84, note.)]
1467.
Gian Maria 4,
Benedetto 4,
Gian Pietro [5] 3,
Salai 3,
Bartolomeo 3,
Gherardo 4.
1468.
Salai, 20 lire,
Bonifacio, 2 lire,
Bartolomeo, 4 lire,
Arrigo [Harry], 15 lire.
Quotations and notes on books and authors (1469-1508).
1469.
Book on Arithmetic [Footnote 1: _”La nobel opera de arithmethica ne la qual se tracta tute cosse amercantia pertinente facta & compilata per Piero borgi da Veniesia”, in-40. In fine: “Nela inclita cita di Venetia a corni. 2 augusto. 1484. fu imposto fine ala presente opera.” Segn. a–p. quaderni. V’ha pero un’ altra opera simile di Filippo Calandro, 1491. E da consultarsi su quest’ ultimo, Federici: Memorie Trevigiane, Fiore di virtu: pag. 73. “Libricciuolo composto di bello stile verso il 1320 e piu volte impresso nel secolo XV (ristampato poi anche piu tardi). Gli accademici della Crusca lo ammettono nella serie dei testi di lingua. Vedasi Gamba, Razzolini, Panzer, Brunet, Lechi, ecc._ (G. D’A.)], ‘Flowers of Virtue’,
Pliny [Footnote 2: _”Historia naturale di C. Plinio Secondo, tradocta di lingua latina in fiorentina per Christophoro Laudino & Opus Nicolai Jansonis gallici imp. anno salutis M.CCCC.LXXVI. Venetiis” in-fol.–Diogene Laertio. Incomincia: “El libro de la vita de philosophi etc.: Impressum Venetiis” per Bernardinum Celerium de Luere, 1480″, in-40_ (G. D’A.).], ‘Lives of the Philosophers’,
The Bible [Footnote 3: _”La Bibia volgare historiata (per Nicolo di Mallermi) Venecia … M.CCCC.LXXI in kalende di Augusto (per Vindelino de Spira)” 2 vol. in-fol. a 2 col. di 50 lin,; od altra ediz. della stessa versione del Mallermi, Venetia 1471, e sempre: “Venecia per Gabriel de Piero 1477,” in-fol.; 2 vol.; Ottavio Scotto da Modoetia 1481,” “Venetia 1487 per Joan Rosso Vercellese,” “1490 Giovanni Ragazo di Monteferato a instantia di Luchanthonio di Giunta, ecc.”–Lapidario Teofrasto? Mandebille: “Le grand lapidaire,” versione italiana ms.?… Giorgio Agricola non puo essere, perche nato nel 1494, forse Alberto Magno: de mineralibus. Potrebbe essere una traduzione del poema latino (Liber lapidum seu de gemmis) di Marbordio Veterio di Rennes (morto nel 1123 da lui stesso tradotto in francese dal greco di Evao re d’Arabia celebre medico che l’aveva composto per l’imperatore Tiberio. Marbodio scrisse il suo prima per Filippo Augusto re di Francia. Vi sono anche traduzioni in prosa. “Il lapidario o la forza e la virtu delle pietre preziose, delle Erbe e degli Animali.”_ (G. D’A.)], ‘Lapidary’,
‘On warfare’ [Footnote 4: _Il Vegezio? … Il Frontino? … Il Cornazzano?… Noi crediamo piuttosto il Valturio. Questo libro doveva essere uno de’favoriti di Leonardo poiche libro di scienza e d’arte nel tempo stesso._], ‘Epistles of Filelfo’,
[Footnote: The late Marchese Girolamo d’Adda published a highly valuable and interesting disquisition on this passage under the title: _Leonardo da Vinci e la sua Libreria, note di un bibliofilo (Milano 1873. Ed. di soli 75 esemplari_; privately printed). In the autumn of 1880 the Marchese d’Adda showed me a considerable mass of additional notes prepared for a second edition. This, as he then intended, was to come out after the publication of this work of mine. After the much regretted death of the elder Marchese, his son, the Marchese Gioachino d’Adda was so liberal as to place these MS. materials at my disposal for the present work, through the kind intervention of Signor Gustavo Frizzoni. The following passages, with the initials G. d’A. are prints from the valuable notes in that publication, the MS. additions I have marked. I did not however think myself justified in reproducing here the acute and interesting observations on the contents of most of the rare books here enumerated.]
[Footnote: 1467. 5. See No. 1465, 2.]
The first decade, [5] ‘On the preservation of health’, The third decade, [6] Ciecho d’Ascoli, The fourth decade, [7] Albertus Magnus, Guido, [8] New treatise on rhetorics, Piero Crescentio, [9] Cibaldone, ‘Quadriregio’, [10] Aesop,
Donato, [Footnote 11: “_Donatus latine & italice: Impressum Venetiis impensis Johannis Baptistae de Sessa anno_ 1499, _in_-4°”.– “_El Psalterio de David in lingua volgare (da Malermi Venetia nel M.CCCC.LXXVI,_” in-fol. s. n._ (G. D’A.)] Psalms,
Justinus, [Footnote 12: Compare No. 1210, 48.–_La versione di Girolamo Squarzafico:_ “_Il libro di Justino posto diligentemente in materna lingua. Venetia ale spesse (sic) di Johane de Colonia & Johane Gheretze_ … l477,” _in-fol._–“_Marsilii Ficini, Theologia platonica, sive de animarum immortalitate, Florentine, per Ant. Misconimum_ 1482,” _in-fol., ovvero qualche versione italiana di questo stesso libro, ms._ (G. D’A.)] ‘On the immortality of the soul,
Guido [Footnote 13: _Forse_ “_la Historia Trojana Guidonis_” _od il _”_manipulus_” _di_ “_Guido da Monterocherii_”_ ma piu probabilmente _”_Guido d’Arezzo_”_ il di cui libro: _”_Micrologus, seu disciplina artis musicae_”_ poteva da Leonardo aversi ms.; di questi ne esistono in molto biblioteche, e fu poi impresso nel 1784 dal Gerbert._
_Molte sono le edizione dei sonetti di Burchiello Fiorentino, impresse nel secolo XV. La prima e piu rara e recercata:_ “_Incominciano li sonetti, ecc. (per Christoforo Arnaldo)_”_, in_-4° _senza numeri, richiami o segnature, del_ 1475, _e fors’ anche del_ 1472, _secondo Morelli e Dibdin, ecc._ (G. D’A.)] Burchiello,
‘Doctrinale’ [Footnote 14: _Versione italiana det “Doctrinal de Sapience” di Guy de Roy, e foris’anche l’originale in lingua francese.–_
_Di Pulci Luigi, benche nell’ edizione:_ “_Florentiae_ 1479″ _in_-4° si dica: _”_Il Driadeo composto in rima octava per Lucio Pulcro_”_ Altre ediz, del secolo XV, _”_Florentie Miscomini_ 1481, _in_-40, _Firenze, apud S. Jacob, de Ripoli,_ 1483,_” _in_-4° _e “Antoni de Francesco,_ 1487,” _in_-4° _e Francesco di Jacopo_ 1489,_in_-4° _ed altre ancora di Venezia e senza alcuna nota ecc._ (G. D’A.)] Driadeo,
Morgante [Footnote 15: _Una delle edizioni del Morgante impresse nel secolo XV, ecc.–_
_Quale delle opere di Francesco Petrarca, sarebbe malagevole l’indovinare, ma probabilmente il Canzoniere._ (G. D’A.)] Petrarch.
John de Mandeville [Footnote 16: _Sono i viaggi del cavaliere_ “_Mandeville_” _gentiluomo inglese. Scrisse il suo libro in lingua francese. Fu stampato replicatamente nel secolo XV in francese, in inglese ed in italiano ed in tedesco; del secolo XV ne annoverano forse piu di 27 edizioni, di cui ne conosciamo_ 8 _in francese, quattro in latino, sei in tedesco e molte altre in volgare._ (G. D’A.)]
‘On honest recreation’ [Footnote 17: _Il Platina (Bartolomeo Sacchi) la versione italiana_ “_de la honesta voluptate, & valetudine (& de li obsonnii) Venetia (senza nome di tipografo)_ 1487,” _piccolo in_-4° _gotico._ (G. D’A.)–Compare No. 844, 21.]
Manganello, [Footnote 18: _Il Manganello: Satira eccessivamente vivace contro le donne ad imitazione della Sesta di Giovenale. Manganello non e soltanto il titolo del libricino, sua ben anche il nome dell’autore ch’era un_ “_milanese_”. _Di questo libercolo rarissimo, che sembra impresso a Venezia dallo Zoppino (Nicolo d’Aristotile detto il), senza data, ma dei primissimi anni del secolo XVI, e forse piu antico, come vedremo in appresso, non se ne conoscono fra biblioteche pubbliche e private che due soli esemplari in Europa._ (G. D’A.)]
The Chronicle of Isidoro, [Footnote 19: “_Cronica desidero_”, _sembra si deggia leggere piuttosto_ “_cronico disidoro_”_; ed in questo caso s’intenderebbe la_ “_cronica d’Isidoro_” _tanto in voga a quel tempo_ “_Comenza la Cronica di Sancto Isidoro menore con alchune additione cavate del testo & istorie de la Bibia & del libro di Paulo Oroso …. Impresso in Ascoli in casa del reverendo misser Pascale ….. per mano di Guglielmo de Linis de Alamania M.CCCC.LXXVII_” _in_-4° _di_ 157 _ff. E il primo libro impresso ad Ascoli e l’edizione principe di questa cronica in oggi assai rara. Non lo e meno l’edizione di Cividal del Friuli_, 1480, _e quella ben anche di Aquila_, 1482, _sempre in-_4°. _Vedasi Panzer, Hain, Brunet e P. Dechamps._ (G. D’A.)]
The Epistles of Ovid, [Footnote 20: “_Le pistole di Ovidio tradotte in prosa. Napoli Sixt. Riessinger_”, _in_-4°, _oppure:_ “_Epistole volgarizzate_ 1489,” _in_-4° _a due col._ “_impresse ne la cita (sic) di Bressa per pre: Baptista de Farfengo,_” _(in ottave) o:_ “_El libro dele Epistole di Ovidio in rima volgare per messere Dominico de Monticelli toschano. Brescia Farfengo_,” _in_-4° _got. (in rima volgare)_, 1491, _ed anche la versione di Luca Pulci. Firenze, Mischomini_, 1481, _in_-4°. (G. D’A.) ]
Epistles of Filelfo, [Footnote 21: See l. 4.]
Sphere, [Footnote 22: “_Jo: de Sacrobusto_,” _o_ “_Goro Dati_,” _o_ “_Tolosano da Colle_” _di cui molteplici edizioni del secolo XV._ (G. D’A.)]
The Jests of Poggio, [Footnote 23: _Tre edizioni delle facezie del Poggio abbiamo in lingua italiana della fine del secolo XV, tutte senza data. “Facetie de Poggio fiorentino traducte de latino in vulgare ornatissimo,” in-40, segn. a–e in caratteri romani; l’altra: “Facetie traducte de latino in vulgare,” in-40, caratteri gotici, ecc._ (G. D’A.)] Chiromancy, [Footnote 24: “_Die Kunst Cyromantia etc, in tedesco. 26 ff. di testo e figure il tutte eseguito su tavole di legno verso la fine del secolo XV da Giorgio Schapff”. Dibdin, Heinecken, Sotheby e Chatto ne diedero una lunga descrizione; i primi tre accompagnati da fac-simili. La data 1448 che si legge alla fine del titolo si riferisce al periodo della composizione del testo, non a quello della stampa del volume benche tabellario. Altri molti libri di Chiromanzia si conoscono di quel tempo e sarebbe opera vana il citarli tutti._ (G. D’A.)]
Formulary of letters, [Footnote 25: _Miniatore Bartolomeo. “Formulario de epistole vulgare missive e responsive, & altri fiori de ornali parlamenti al principe Hercule d’Esti ecc. composto ecc. Bologna per Ugo di Rugerii,” in-40, del secolo XV. Altra edizione di “Venetia Bernardino di Novara, 1487” e “Milano per Joanne Angelo Scinzenzeler 1500,” in-40._ (G. D’A.)
Five books out of this list are noted by Leonardo in another MS. (Tr. 3): _donato, — lapidario, — plinio, — abacho, — morgante._]
1470.
Nonius Marcellus, Festus Pompeius, Marcus Varro.
[Footnote: Nonius Marcellus and Sextus Pompeius Festus were Roman grammarians of about the fourth century A. D. Early publications of the works of Marcellus are: _De proprietate sermonis, Romae_ (about 1470), and 1471 (place of publication unknown). _Compendiosa doctrina, ad filium, de proprietate sermonum._ Venice, 1476. BRUNET, _Manuel du libraire_ (IV, p. 97) notes: _Le texte de cet ancien grammairien a ete reimprime plusieurs fois a la fin du XVe siecle, avec ceux de Pomponius Festus et de Terentius Varro. La plus ancienne edition qui reunisse ces trois auteurs est celle de Parme, 1480 … Celles de Venise, 1483, 1490, 1498, et de Milan, 1500, toutes in-fol., ont peu de valeur._]
1471.
Map of Elephanta in India which Antonello Merciaio has from maestro Maffeo;–there for seven years the earth rises and for seven years it sinks;–Enquire at the stationers about Vitruvius.
1472.
See ‘On Ships’ Messer Battista, and Frontinus ‘On Acqueducts’ [Footnote 2: 2. _Vitruvius de Arch., et Frontinus de Aquedoctibus._ Florence, 1513.–This is the earliest edition of Frontinus.–The note referring to this author thus suggests a solution of the problem of the date of the Leicester Manuscript.].
[Footnote: Compare No. 1113, 25.]
1473.
Anaxagoras: Every thing proceeds from every thing, and every thing becomes every thing, and every thing can be turned into every thing else, because that which exists in the elements is composed of those elements.
1474.
The Archimedes belonging to the Bishop of Padua.
[Footnote: See No. 1421, 1. 3, 6 and Vol. I, No. 343.]
1475.
Archimedes gave the quadrature of a polygonal figure, but not of the circle. Hence Archimedes never squared any figure with curved sides. He squared the circle minus the smallest portion that the intellect can conceive, that is the smallest point visible.
[Footnote: Compare No. 1504.]
1476.
If any man could have discovered the utmost powers of the cannon, in all its various forms and have given such a secret to the Romans, with what rapidity would they have conquered every country and have vanquished every army, and what reward could have been great enough for such a service! Archimedes indeed, although he had greatly damaged the Romans in the siege of Syracuse, nevertheless did not fail of being offered great rewards from these very Romans; and when Syracuse was taken, diligent search was made for Archimedes; and he being found dead greater lamentation was made for him by the Senate and people of Rome than if they had lost all their army; and they did not fail to honour him with burial and with a statue. At their head was Marcus Marcellus. And after the second destruction of Syracuse, the sepulchre of Archimedes was found again by Cato[25], in the ruins of a temple. So Cato had the temple restored and the sepulchre he so highly honoured…. Whence it is written that Cato said that he was not so proud of any thing he had done as of having paid such honour to Archimedes.
[Footnote: Where Leonardo found the statement that Cato had found and restored the tomb of Archimedes, I do not know. It is a merit that Cicero claims as his own (Tusc. V, 23) and certainly with a full right to it. None of Archimedes’ biographers –not even the diligent Mazzucchelli, mentions any version in which Cato is named. It is evidently a slip of the memory on Leonardo’s part. Besides, according to the passage in Cicero, the grave was not found _’nelle ruine d’un tempio’_–which is highly improbable as relating to a Greek–but in an open spot (H. MULLER-STRUBING).–See too, as to Archimedes, No. 1417.
Leonardo says somewhere in MS. C.A.: _Architronito e una macchina di fino rame, invenzlon d’ Archimede_ (see _’Saggio’_, p. 20).]
1477.
Aristotle, Book 3 of the Physics, and Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas and the others on the rebound of bodies, in the 7th on Physics, on heaven and earth.
1478.
Aristotle says that if a force can move a body a given distance in a given time, the same force will move half the same body twice as far in the same time.
1479.
Aristotle in Book 3 of the Ethics: Man merits praise or blame solely in such matters as lie within his option to do or not to do.
1480.
Aristotle says that every body tends to maintain its nature.
1481.
On the increase of the Nile, a small book by Aristotle. [Footnote: _De inundatione Nili_, is quoted here and by others as a work of Aristotle. The Greek original is lost, but a Latin version of the beginning exists (Arist. Opp. IV p. 213 ed. Did. Par.).
In his quotations from Aristotle Leonardo possibly refers to one of the following editions: _Aristotelis libri IV de coelo et mundo; de anima libri III; libri VIII physi- corum; libri de generatione et corruptione; de sensu et sensato… omnia latine, interprete Averroe, Venetiis 1483_ (first Latin edition). There is also a separate edition of _Liber de coelo et mundo_, dated 1473.]
1482.
Avicenna will have it that soul gives birth to soul as body to body, and each member to itself.
[Footnote: Avicenna, see too No. 1421, 1. 2.]
1483.
Avicenna on liquids.
1484.
Roger Bacon, done in print. [Footnote: The earliest printed edition known to Brunet of the works of Roger Bacon, is a French translation, which appeared about fourty years after Leonardo’s death.]
1485.
Cleomedes the philosopher.
[Footnote: Cleomede. A Greek mathematician of the IVth century B. C. We have a Cyclic theory of Meteorica by him. His works were not published before Leonardo’s death.]
1486.
CORNELIUS CELSUS.
The highest good is wisdom, the chief evil is suffering in the body. Because, as we are composed of two things, that is soul and body, of which the first is the better, the body is the inferior; wisdom belongs to the better part, and the chief evil belongs to the worse part and is the worst of all. As the best thing of all in the soul is wisdom, so the worst in the body is suffering. Therefore just as bodily pain is the chief evil, wisdom is the chief good of the soul, that is with the wise man; and nothing else can be compared with it.
[Footnote: _Aulus Cornelius Celsus_, a Roman physician, known as the Roman Hippocrates, probably contemporary with Augustus. Only his eight Books ‘De Medicina’, are preserved. The earliest editions are: _Cornelius Celsus, de medicina libr. VIII._, Milan 1481 Venice 1493 and 1497.]
1487.
Demetrius was wont to say that there was no difference between the speech and words of the foolish and ignorant, and the noises and rumblings of the wind in an inflated stomach. Nor did he say so without reason, for he saw no difference between the parts whence the noise issued; whether their lower parts or their mouth, since one and the other were of equal use and importance.
[Footnote: Compare Vol. I, No. 10.]
1488.
Maestro Stefano Caponi, a physician, lives at the piscina, and has Euclid _De Ponderibus_.
1489.
5th Book of Euclid. First definition: a part is a quantity of less magnitude than the greater magnitude when the less is contained a certain number of times in the greater.
A part properly speaking is that which may be multiplied, that is when, being multiplied by a certain number, it forms exactly the whole. A common aggregate part …
Second definition. A greater magnitude is said to be a multiple of a less, when the greater is measured by the less.
By the first we define the lesser [magnitude] and by the second the greater is defined. A part is spoken
1490.
of in relation to the whole; and all their relations lie between these two extremes, and are called multiples.
1491.
Hippocrates says that the origin of men’s sperm derives from the brain, and from the lungs and testicles of our parents, where the final decocture is made, and all the other limbs transmit their substance to this sperm by means of expiration, because there are no channels through which they might come to the sperm.
[Footnote: The works of Hippocrates were printed first after Leonardo’s death.]
1492.
Lucretius in his third [book] ‘De Rerum Natura’. The hands, nails and teeth were (165) the weapons of ancient man.
They also use for a standard a bunch of grass tied to a pole (167).
[Footnote: _Lucretius, de rerum natura libri VI_ were printed first about 1473, at Verona in 1486, at Brescia in 1495, at Venice in 1500 and in 1515, and at Florence in 1515. The numbers 165 and 167 noted by Leonardo at the end of the two passages seem to indicate pages, but if so, none of the editions just mentioned can here be meant, nor do these numbers refer to the verses in the poems of Lucretius.]
1493.
Ammianus Marcellinus asserts that seven hundred thousand volumes of books were burnt in the siege of Alexandria in the time of Julius Cesar.
[Footnote: _Ammiani Marcellini historiarum libri qui extant XIII_, published at Rome in 1474.]
1494.
Mondino says that the muscles which raise the toes are in the outward side of the thigh, and he adds that there are no muscles in the back [upper side] of the feet, because nature desired to make them light, so as to move with ease; and if they had been fleshy they would be heavier; and here experience shows …
[Footnote: _”Mundini anatomia. Mundinus, Anothomia (sic). Mundini praestantissimorum doctorum almi studii ticiensis (sic) cura diligentissime emendata. Impressa Papiae per magistrum Antonium de Carfano 1478,” in-fol.; ristampata: “Bononiae Johan. de Noerdlingen, 1482,” in-fol.; “Padova per Mattheum Cerdonis de Vuindischgretz, 1484,” in-40; “Lipsia, 1493,” in-40; “Venezia, 1494,” in-40 e ivi “1498,” con fig. Queste figure per altro non sono, come si e preteso, le prime che fossero introdotte in un trattato di Notamia. Nel ‘fasciculus Medicinae’ di Giovanni Ketham, che riproduce l”Anatomia’ del Mundinus, impresso pure a Venezia da J. e G. de Gregoriis, 1491, in-fol., contengonsi intagli in legno (si vogliono disegnati non gia incisi da Andrea Mantegna) di grande dimensione, e che furono piu volte riprodotti negli anni successivi. Quest’ edizione del “fasciculus” del 1491, sta fra nostri libri e potrebbe benissimo essere il volume d’Anatomia notato da Leonardo._ (G. D’A.)]
1495.
Of the error of those who practice without knowledge;–[3] See first the ‘Ars poetica’ of Horace [5].
[Footnote: A 3-5 are written on the margin at the side of the title line of the text given, entire as No. 19]
1496.
The heirs of Maestro Giovanni Ghiringallo have the works of Pelacano.
1497.
The catapult, as we are told by Nonius and Pliny, is a machine devised by those &c.
[Footnote: _Plinius_, see No. 946.]
1498.
I have found in a history of the Spaniards that in their wars with the English Archimedes of Syracuse who at that time was living at the court of Ecliderides, King of the Cirodastri. And in maritime warfare he ordered that the ships should have tall masts, and that on their tops there should be a spar fixed [Footnote 6: Compare No. 1115.] of 40 feet long and one third of a foot thick. At one end of this was a small grappling iron and at the other a counterpoise; and there was also attached 12 feet of chain; and, at the end of this chain, as much rope as would reach from the chain to the base of the top, where it was fixed with a small rope; from this base it ran down to the bottom of the mast where a very strong spar was attached and to this was fastened the end of the rope. But to go on to the use of his machine; I say that below this grappling iron was a fire [Footnote 14: Compare No. 1128.] which, with tremendous noise, threw down its rays and a shower of burning pitch; which, pouring down on the [enemy’s] top, compelled the men who were in it to abandon the top to which the grappling-iron had clung. This was hooked on to the edges of the top and then suddenly the cord attached at the base of the top to support the cord which went from the grappling iron, was cut, giving way and drawing in the enemy’s ship; and if the anchor–was cast …
[Footnote: Archimedes never visited Spain, and the names here mentioned cannot be explained. Leonardo seems to quote here from a book, perhaps by some questionable mediaeval writer. Prof. C. Justi writes to me from Madrid, that Spanish savants have no knowledge of the sources from which this story may have been derived.]
1499.
Theophrastus on the ebb and flow of the tide, and of eddies, and on water. [Footnote: The Greek philosophers had no opportunity to study the phenomenon of the ebb and flow of the tide and none of them wrote about it. The movement of the waters in the Euripus however was to a few of them a puzzling problem.]
1500.
Tryphon of Alexandria, who spent his life at Apollonia, a city of Albania (163). [Footnote: Tryphon of Alexandria, a Greek Grammarian of the time of Augustus. His treatise TtaOY Aeijecu appeared first at Milan in 1476, in Constantin Laskaris’s Greek Grammar.]
1501.
Messer Vincenzio Aliprando, who lives near the Inn of the Bear, has Giacomo Andrea’s Vitruvius.
1502.
Vitruvius says that small models are of no avail for ascertaining the effects of large ones; and I here propose to prove that this conclusion is a false one. And chiefly by bringing forward the very same argument which led him to this conclusion; that is, by an experiment with an auger. For he proves that if a man, by a certain exertion of strength, makes a hole of a given diameter, and afterwards another hole of double the diameter, this cannot be made with only double the exertion of the man’s strength, but needs much more. To this it may very well be answered that an auger
1503.
of double the diameter cannot be moved by double the exertion, be- cause the superficies of a body of the same form but twice as large has four times the extent of the superficies of the smaller, as is shown in the two figures a and n.
1504.
OF SQUARING THE CIRCLE, AND WHO IT WAS THAT FIRST DISCOVERED IT BY ACCIDENT.
Vitruvius, measuring miles by means of the repeated revolutions of the wheels which move vehicles, extended over many Stadia the lines of the circumferences of the circles of these wheels. He became aware of them by the animals that moved the vehicles. But he did not discern that this was a means of finding a square equal to a circle. This was first done by Archimedes of Syracuse, who by multiplying the second diameter of a circle by half its circumference produced a rectangular quadrilateral equal figure to the circle [Footnote 10: Compare No. 1475.].
[Footnote: _Vitruvius_, see also Nos. 1113 and 343.]
1505.
Virgil says that a blank shield is devoid of merit because among the people of Athens the true recognition confirmed by testimonies …
[Footnote: The end of the text cannot be deciphered.]
1506.
In Vitolone there are 805 conclusions [problems] in perspective.
[Footnote: _(Witelo, Vitellion, Vitellon) Vitellione. E da vedersi su questo ottico prospettico del secolo XIII Luca Pacioli, Paolo Lomazzo, Leonardo da Vinci, ecc. e fra i moderni il Graesse, il Libri, il Brunet, e le Memorie pubblicate dal principe Boncompagni, e ‘Sur l’ orthographe du nom et sur la patrie de Witelo (Vitellion) note de Maximilien Curtze, professeur a Thorn’, ove sono descritti i molti codici esistenti nelle biblioteche d’ Europa. Bernardino Baldi nelle sue ‘Vite de’matematici’, manoscritto presso il principe Boncompagni, ha una biografia del Vitellione. Questo scritto del Baldi reca la data 25 agosto 1588. Discorsero poi di lui Federigo Risnerio e Giovanni di Monteregio nella prefazione dell’ Alfagrano, Giovanni Boteone, Girolamo Cardano, ‘De subtilitate’, che nota gli errori di Vitellione. Visse, secondo il Baldi, intorno all’ anno 1269, ma secondo il Reinoldo fioriva nel 1299, avendo dedicata la sua opera ad un frate Guglielmo di Monteca, che visse di que’ tempi.
Intorno ad un manoscritto dell’ ottica di Vitellione, citato da Luca Pacioli v’ha un secondo esemplare del Kurlz, con aggiunte del principe Boncompagni, e le illustrazioni del cav. Enrico Narducci. Nel ‘Catalogo di manoscritti’ posseduti da D. Baldassare de’ principi Boncompagni, compilato da esso Narducci, Roma, 1862, sotto al n. 358, troviamo citato: Vitellio, ‘Perspectiva’, manoscritto del secolo XIV. La ‘Prospettiva di Vitelleone’ (sic) Thuringo-poloni e citata due volte da Paolo Lomazzo nel Trattato dell’ arte della pittura. Vitellio o Vitello o Witelo. Il suo libro fu impresso in foglio a Norimberga nel 1535; la secondo edizione e del 1551, sempre di Norimberga, ed una terza di Basilea, 1572._ (See _Indagini Storiche … sulla Libreria-Visconteo-Sforzesca del Castello di Pavia … per cura di_ G. D’A., _Milano 1879. P. I. Appendice p. 113. 114)._]
1507.
Vitolone, at Saint Mark’s.
[Footnote: _Altro codice di cotesta ‘Prospettiva’ del Vitolone troviamo notato nel ‘Canone bibliographico di Nicolo V’, conservato alla, Magliabecchiana, in copia dell’ originale verosimilmente inviato dal Parentucelli a Cosimo de’ Medici (Magliab. cod. segn. 1 VII, 30 carte da 193 a 198). Proviene dal Convento di San Marco e lo aveva trascritto frate Leonardo Scruberti fiorentino, dell’ ordine dei predicatori che fu anche bibliotecario della Medicea pubblica in San Marco_ (See _Indagini Storiche … per cura di_ G. D’A. _Parte I, p. 97)._]
1508.
How this proposition of Xenophon is false.
If you take away unequal quantities from unequal quantities, but in the same proportion, &c. [Footnote: Xenophon’s works were published several times during Leonardo’s lifetime.]
Inventories and accounts (1509–1545).
1509.
On the 28th day of April I received from the Marchesino 103 lire and 12 dinari. [Footnote: Instead of the indication of the year there is a blank space after _d’aprile_.–Marchesino Stange was one of Lodovico il Moro’s officials.–Compare No. 1388.]
1510.
On the 10th day of July 1492 in 135
Rhenish florins 1. 445
in dinari of 6 soldi 1. 112 S 16
in dinari of 5 1/2 soldi 1. 29 S 13 9 in gold and 3 scudi 1. 53
—————————–
1. 811 in all
1511.
On the first day of February, lire 1200.
1512.
The hall towards the court is 126 paces long and 27 braccia wide.
1513.
The narrow cornice above the hall lire 30.
The cornice beneath that, being one for each picture, lire 7, and for the cost of blue, gold, white, plaster, indigo and glue 3 lire; time 3 days.
The pictures below these mouldings with their pilasters, 12 lire each.
I calculate the cost for smalt, blue and gold and other colours at 1 1/2 lire.
The days I calculate at 3, for the invention of the composition, pilasters and other things.
1514.
Item for each vault 7 lire
outlay for blue and gold 3 1/2
time, 4 days
for the windows 1 1/2
The cornice below the windows 16 soldi per braccio
item for 24 pictures of Roman history 14 lire each
The philosophers 10 lire
the pilasters, one ounce of blue 10 soldi
for gold 15 soldi
Total 2 and 1/2 lire.
1515.
The cornice above lire 30
The cornice below lire 7
The compositions, one with another lire 13
1516.
Salai, 6 lire … 4 soldi … 10 soldi for a chain;–
On the l4th of March I had 13 lire S. 4; 16 lire remain.
1517.
How many braccia high is the level of the walls?–
123 braccia
How large is the hall?
How large is the garland?
30 ducats.
On the 29th day of January, 1494
cloth for hose lire 4 S 3
lining S 16
making S 8
to Salai S 3
a jasper ring S 13
a sparkling stone S 11
to Caterina S 10
to Caterina S 10
1518.
The wheel lire 7
the tire lire 10
the shield lire 4
the cushion lire 8
the ends of the axle-tree lire 2
bed and frame lire 30
conduit lire 10
S.K.M.II.2 4a]
1519.
Parsley 10 parts
mint 1 part
thyme 1 part
Vinegar … and a little salt two pieces of canvas for Salai.
[Footnote: This note, of about the year 1494, is the earliest mention of Salai, and the last is of the year 1513 (see No. 1465, 3). From the various notes in the MSS. he seems to have been Leonardo’s assistant and keeper only, and scarcely himself a painter. At any rate no signed or otherwise authenticated picture by him is known to exist. Vasari speaks somewhat doubtfully on this point.]
1520.
On Tuesday I bought wine for morning [drinking]; on Friday the 4th day of September the same.
[Footnote: This note enables us to fix the date of the Manuscript, in which it is to be found. In 1495 the 4th of September fell on a Friday; the contents of the Manuscript do not permit us to assign it to a much earlier or later date (Compare No. 1522, and Note).]
1521.
The cistern … at the Hospital, –2 ducats, –beans, –white maize, –red maize, –millet, –buckwheat, –kidney beans, –beans, –peas.
1522.
EXPENSES OF THE INTERMENT OF CATERINA.
For the 3 lbs of tapers 27 S
For the bier 8 S
A pall over the bier 12 S
For bearing and placing the cross 4 S For bearing the body 8 S
For 4 priests and 4 clerks 20 S
Bell, book and sponge 2 S
For the gravediggers 16 S
To the senior 8 S
For a license from the authorities 1 S 106 S
The doctor 2 S
Sugar and candles 12 S
120 S
[Footnote: See Nos. 1384 and 1517.]
1523.
Salai’s cloak, the 4th of April 1497. 4 braccia of silver cloth l. 15 S 4
green velvet to trim it l. 9 S —
binding l.– S 9
loops l.– S 12
the making l. 1 S 5
binding for the front l.– S 5
stitching _________
here are 13 grossoni of his l. 26 S 5 Salai stole the soldi.
1524.
On Monday I bought 4 braccia of cloth lire 13 S 14 1/2 on the 17th of, October 1497.
1525.
Memorandum. That on the 8th day of April 1503, I, Leonardo da Vinci, lent to Vante, miniature painter 4 gold ducats, in gold. Salai carried them to him and gave them into his own hand, and he said he would repay within the space of 40 days.
Memorandum. That on the same day I paid to Salai 3 gold ducats which he said he wanted for a pair of rose-coloured hose with their trimming; and there remain 9 ducats due to him–excepting that he owes me 20 ducats, that is 17 I lent him at Milan, and 3 at Venice.
Memorandum. That I gave Salai 21 braccia of cloth to make a shirt, at 10 soldi the braccio, which I gave him on the 20th day of April 1503.
[Footnote: With regard to Vante or Attavante, the miniature painter (not Nanni as I formerly deciphered this name, which is difficult to read; see _Zeitschrift fur Bild. Kunst_, 1879, p. 155), and Vasari, Lives of Frate Giovanni da Fiesole, of Bartolommeo della Gatta, and of Gherardo, _miniatore._ He, like Leonardo, was one of the committee of artists who, in 1503, considered the erection and placing of Michel Angelo’s David. The date of his death is not known; he was of the same age as Leonardo. Further details will be found in ‘_Notizie di Attavante miniatore, e di alcuni suoi lavori_’ (Milanese’s ed. of Vasari, III, 231-235).]
1526.
On the morning of San Peter’s day, June 29th, 1504, I took io ducats, of which I gave one to Tommaso my servant to spend.
On Monday morning 1 florin to Salai to spend on the house.
On Thursday I took 1 florin for my own spending.
Wednesday evening 1 florin to Tommaso, before supper.
Saturday morning 1 florin to Tommaso.
Monday morning 1 florin less 10 soldi.
Thursday to Salai 1 florin less 10 soldi.
For a jerkin, 1 florin.
For a jerkin And a cap 2 florins.
To the hosier, 1 florin.
To Salai, 1 florin.
Friday morning, the 19th of July, 1 florin, less 6 soldi. I have 7 fl. left, and 22 in the box.
Tuesday, the 23th day of July, 1 florin to Tommaso.
Monday morning, to Tommaso 1 florin.
[Wednesday morning 1 fl. to Tommaso.]
Thursday morning the 1st day of August 1 fl. to Tommaso.
Sunday, the 4th of August, 1 florin.
Friday, the 9th day of August 1504, I took 10 ducats out of the box.
1527.
1504. On the 9th day of August, 1504, I took 10 florins in gold[2] … [3] on Friday the 9th day of August fifteen grossoni that is fl. 5 S 5 … given to me 1 florin in gold on the 12th day of August [4] … on the 14th of August, 32 grossoni to Tommaso. On the 18th of the same 5 grossoni to Salai. On the 8th of September 6 grossoni to the workman to spend; that is on the day of our Lady’s birth. On the 16th day of September I gave 4 grossoni to Tommaso: on a Sunday.
[Footnote: In the original, the passage given as No. 1463 is written between lines 2 and 3 of this text, and it is possible that the entries in lines 3 and 4 refer to the payments of Jacopo Tedesco, who is there mentioned. The first words of these lines are very illegible.]
[Footnote 7: _Al fattore._ Il Fattore, was, as is well known, the nick-name of Giovanni Franceso Penni, born in Florence in 1486, and subsequently a pupil of Raphael’s. According to Vasari he was known by it even as a boy. Whether he is spoken of in this passage, or whether the word Fattore should be translated literally, I will not undertake to decide. The latter seems to me more probably right.]
1528.
On the day of October, 1508, I had 30 scudi; 13 I lent to Salai to make up his sister’s dowry, and 17 I have left.
1529.
Memorandum of the money I have had from the King as my salary from July 1508 till April next 1509. First 100 scudi, then 70, then 50, then 20 and then 200 florins at 48 soldi the florin. [Footnote: Compare No. 1350 and 1561.]
1530.
Saturday the 2nd day of March I had from Santa Maria Novella 5 gold ducats, leaving 450. Of these I gave 2 the same day to Salai, who had lent them to me. [Footnote: See ‘_Conto corrente di Leonardo da Vinci con lo Spedale di S. Maria Nuova_’ [1500 a 1507, 1513-1520] published by G. UZIELLI, _Ricerche intorno a Leonardo da Vinci, Firenze,_ 1872, pp. 164, 165, 218 and 219. The date here given by Leonardo does not occur in either of the accounts.]
1531.
Thursday, the eighth day of June, I took 17 grossoni, 18 soldi; on the same Thursday in the morning I gave to Salai 22 soldi for the expenses.
1532.
To Salai 4 grossoni, and for one braccio of velvet, 5 lire, and 1/2; viz. 10 soldi for loops of silver; Salai 14 soldi for binding, the making of the cloak 25 soldi. [Footnote: Compare No. 1523.]
1533.
I gave to Salai 93 lire 6 soldi, of which I have had 67 lire and there remain 26 lire 6 soldi.
1534.
To Salai S 42
2 dozen of laces S 8
for papers S 3 d 8
a pair of shoes S 14
for velvet S 14
a sword and knife S 21
to the barber S 11
to Paolo for a … S 20
For having his fortune told S 6
1535.
On Friday morning,
one florin to Salai to
spend; 3 soldi received
bread S.. d
wine S.. d
grapes S.. d
mushrooms S.. d
fruit S.. d
[Footnote 6: Compare Nos. 1545, l. 4 and 5, with similar entries for horse’s fodder.] bran S.. d
at the barber’s S.. d
for shoes S.. d
1536.
On Thursday morning one florin.
1537.
On Saint Ambrose’s day from the morning to Thursday 36 soldi.
1538.
The moneys I have had from Ser Matteo; first 20 grassoni, then on 13 occasions 3 f. and then 61 grassoni, then 3, and then 33; 46 soldi 12 grossoni.
1539.
For paper S 18
for canvas S 30
for paper S 10 d 19
Total S 73
1540.
20 pounds of German
blue, at one ducat the pound lire 80 S d
60 pounds of white, S..
the pound lire 15 S d
1 1/2 pound at 4 S the pound lire 6 S d
2 pounds of cinnabar at
S 18 the pound lire 1 S 16 d
6 pounds of green at S 12
the pound lire 3 S 12 d
4 pounds of yellow at S 12
the pound lire 2 S 8 d
1 pound of minium at S 8
the pound lire 0 S 8 d
4 pounds of … at S 2
the pound lire 0 S 8 d
6 pounds of ochre at S 1
the pound lire 0 S 6 d
black … at S 2 the pound
for 20 lire 2 S 0 d
wax to make the stars
29 pounds at S–the pound lire 0 S 0 d
40 pounds of oil for painting
at 5 soldi the pound lire 10 S 0 d
Altogether lire 120 d 18
without the gold. 18
tin for putting on the gold 120 18
58
1541.
Two large hatchets and one very small one, 8 brass spoons, 4 tablecloths, 2 towels, 15 small napkins, 2 coarse napkins, 2 coarse cloths, 2 wrappers, 3 pairs of sheets, 2 pairs new and 1 old.
1542.
Bed 7 0 S
ring 7 0
crockery 2 5
gardener 1 2
….. 2 8
porters 2 1
glasses 1
fuel 3 6
a lock 1
Section title: Miscellaneous Notes.
1543.
New tin-ware 3 pairs of sheets
6 small bowls, each of 4 breadths, 6 bowls, 2 small sheets,
2 large dishes, 2 tablecloths and 1/2, 2 dishes medium size, 16 coarse cloths,
2 small ones 8 shirts,
Old tin-ware 9 napkins,
3 small bowls, 2 hand-towels.
4 bowls,
3 square stones,
2 small bowls,
1 large bowl,
1 platter,
4 candlesticks,
1 small candlestick.
1544.
Hose S 40
straw S 60
wheat S 42
wine S 54
bread S 18
meat S 54
eggs S 5
salad S 3
the Barber S 2 d 6
horses S 1
1545.
Sunday
meat S 10 d
wine S 12 d
bran S 5 d 4
herbs S 10 d
buttermilk S 4 d 4
melon S 3 d
bread S 3 d 1
____________________
Monday S 9 8
____________________
….. S 6 d
wine S 12 d
bran S 9 d 4
buttermilk S 4 d 4
herbs S 8 d
____________________
Tuesday S d
_____________________
meat S 0 d 8
wine S 12 d
bread S 3 d
meal S 5 d 4
herbs S 8 d
_____________________
Wednesday
_____________________
wine S 5 d
melon S 2 d
meal S 5 d 4
vegetables S 8
Notes by unknown persons among the MSS. (1546-1565).
1546.
Miseracione divina sacro sancte Romane ecclesie tituli n cardinalis 2wulgariter nuncupatus venerabili religioso fratri Johanni Mair d’Nustorf 3ordinis praedicatorum provintie teutonie (?) conventus Wiennensis capellano 4 nostro commensali salutem in dno sempiternam Religione zelus rite ac in [ferite?] 5honestas aliarumque laudabilium probitatis et virtutum merita quibus apud nos fide 6digno commendationis testimonio Magistri videlicet ordinis felicis recordacionis Leonardi de 7Mansuetis de Perusio sigillo suo … us dans tibi ad … opera virtutum comen(salem)? 8 locum et tempus success(ores) cujus similiter officium ministratus qui praedecessoris sui donum (?) 9confirmavit et de novo dedit aliorumque plurima [laudatis] qui opera tua laudant 10nos inducunt ut tibi (?) reddamus ad gratiam liberalem hinc est quod nos cupientes. [Footnote: The meaning of this document, which is very difficult to decipher, and is written in unintelligible Latin, is, that Leonardo di Mansuetis recommends the Rev. Mair of Nusdorf, chaplain at Vienna, to some third person; and says also that something, which had to be proved, has been proved. The rest of the passages on the same leaf are undoubtedly in Leonardo’s hand. (Nos. 483, 661, 519, 578, 392, 582, 887 and 894.)]
1547.
Johannes Antonius di Johannes Ambrosius de Bolate. He who lets time pass and does not grow in virtue, the more I think of it the more I grieve. No man has it in him to be virtuous who will give up honour for gain. Good fortune is valueless to him who knows not toil. The man becomes happy who follows Christ. There is no perfect gift without great suffering. Our glories and our triumphs pass away. Foul lust, and dreams, and luxury, and sloth have banished every virtue from the world; so that our Nature, wandering and perplexed, has almost lost the old and better track. Henceforth it were well to rouse thyself from sleep. The master said that lying in down will not bring thee to Fame; nor staying beneath the quilts. He who, without Fame, burns his life to waste, leaves no more vestige of himself on earth than wind-blown smoke, or the foam upon the sea. [Footnote: From the last sentence we may infer that this text is by the hand of a pupil of Leonardo’s.– On the same sheet are the notes Nos.1175 and 715 in Leonardo’s own handwriting.]
1548.
On the morning of Santo Zanobio the
29th of May 1504, I had from Lionardo Vinci 15 gold ducats and began to spend them.
to Mona Margarita S 62 d 4
to remake the ring S 19 d 8
clothes S 13
good beef S 4
eggs S 6
debt at the bank S 7
velvet S 12
wine S 6 d 4
meat S 4
mulberries S 2 d 4
mushrooms S 3 d 4
salad S 1
fruit S 1 d 4
candles S 3
… S 1
flour S 2
Sunday 198 8
bread S 6
wine S 9 d 4
meat S 7
soup S 2
fruit S 3 d 4
candles S 3 d
Monday 31
bread S 6 d 4
meat S 10 d 8
wine S 9 d 4
fruit S 4
soup S 1 d 8
32
1549.
Tuesday
bread S 6
meat S 11
wine S 7
fruit S 9
soup S 2
salad S 1
[Footnote 1548 and 1549: On the same sheet is the text No. 1015 in Leonardo’s own handwriting.]
1550.
To Monna Margarita S 5
to Tomaso S 14
to Monna Margarita d 5 S 2
on the day of San Zanobi
left … after
payment d 13 S 2 d 4
of Monna Margarita
altogether d 14 S 5 d 4
1551.
On Monday, the l3th of February, I lent lire S 7 to Lionardo to spend, Friday d 7.
[Footnote: This note is followed by an account very like the one given as No. 1549.]
1552.
Stephano Chigi, Canonico …, servant of the honorable Count Grimani at S. Apostoli.
[Footnote: Compare No. 674, 21-23.]
1553.
Having become anxious … Bernardo di Simone, Silvestro di Stefano, Bernardo di Jacopo, Francesco di Matteo Bonciani, Antonio di Giovanni Ruberti, Antonio da Pistoia…. Antonio; He who has time and waits for time, will lose his friends and his money.
1554.
Reverend Maestro, Domino Giovanni, I spoke to Maestro Zacaria as a brother about this business, and I made him satisfied with the arrangement that I had wished; that is, as regards the commission that I had from the parties and I say that between us there is no need to pay money down, as regard the pictures of the …
1555.
Of things seen through a mist that which is nearest its farthest limit will be least visible, and all the more so as they are more remote.
1556.
Theodoricus Rex Semper Augustus.
1557.
Either you say Hesperia alone, and it will mean Italy, or you add ultima, and it will mean Spain. Umbria, part of Tuscany.
[Footnote: The notes in Greek, Nos. 1557, 1558 and 1562 stand in close connection with each other, but the meaning of some words is very doubtful, and a translation is thus rendered impossible.]
1558.
[Footnote: Greek Characters]
1559.
Canonica of … on the 5th of July 1507; my dearly beloved mother, sisters and cousin I herewith inform you that thanks to God I am … about the sword which I … bring it to Maso at the piazza … and I will settle the business of Piero so that …
[Footnote: AMORETTI, _Mem. Stor. XXIV_, quotes the first three lines of this letter as by Leonardo. The character of the writing however does not favour this hypothesis, and still less the contents. I should regard it rather a rough draft of a letter by young Melzi. I have not succeeded in deciphering completely the 13 lines of this text. Amoretti reads at the beginning _Canonica di Vaprio_, but _Vaprio_ seems to me a very doubtful reading.]
1560.
Ut bene respondet Naturae ars docta! dedisset Vincius, ut tribuit cetera – sic animam – Noluit ut similis magis haec foret: altera sic est: Possidet illius Maurus amans animam.
[Footnote: These three epigrams on the portrait of Lucrezia Crivelli, a picture by Leonardo which must have been lost at a very early date, seem to have been dedicated to Leonardo by the poet. Leonardo used the reverse of the sheet for notes on geometry.]
Hujus quam cernis nomen Lucretia, Divi Omnia cui larga contribuere manu. Rara huic forma data est; pinxit Leonardos, amavit Maurus, pictorum primus hic, ille ducum.
Naturam, ac superas hac laesit imagine Divas Pictor: tantum hominis posse manum haec doluit, Illae longa dari tam magnae tempera formae, Quae spatio fuerat deperitura brevi.
1561.
Egidius Romanus on the formation of the human body in the mother’s womb [Footnote 1: _Liber magistri Egidii de pulsibus matrice conipositus (cum commentario Gentilis de Fulgineo)_ published in 1484 at Padova, in 1494 and in 1514 at Venice, and in 1505 at Lyons.].
[Footnote 2:2. This text appears to be in a handwriting different from that in the note, l. 1. Here the reading is not so simple as AMORETTI gave it, _Mem. Star. XXV: A Monsieur Lyonard Peintre du Roy pour Amboyse_. He says too that this address is of the year 1509, and Mr. Ravaisson remarks: “_De cette suscription il semble qu’on peut inferer que Leonard etait alors en France, a la cour de Louis XII … Pour conclure je crois qu’il n’est pas prouve que Leonard de Vinci n’ait pas fait un voyage de quelques mois en France sous Louis XII, entre le printemps de 1509 et l’automne de_ 1510.”–I must confess that I myself have not succeeded in deciphering completely this French writing of which two words remain to me doubtful. But so much seems to be quite evident that this is not an address of a letter at all, but a certificate or note. _Amboise_[l. 6] I believe to be the signature of Charles d’Amboise the Governor of Milan. If this explanation is the right one, it can be easily explained by the contents of Nos. 1350 and 1529. The note, line 1, was perhaps added later by another hand; and Leonardo himself wrote afterwards on the same sheet some geometrical explanations. I must also point out that the statement that this sheet belongs to the year 1509 has absolutely no foundation in fact. There is no clue whatever for giving a precise date to this note.] To Monsieur le Vinci,–the horses of the king’s equerry…. Continue the payment to Ms. Lyonard, Painter to the King.
[6] Amboise.
1562.
[Footnote: Greek Characters]
1563.
Memorandum to Maestro Lionardo to have … the state of Florence.
1564.
To remind your Excellency that Ridolfo Manini brought to Florence a quantity of crystal besides other stones such as are …
1565.
XVI C. 6 de Ciuitate Dei, se Antipodes.
[Footnote: A facsimile of this note, which refers to a well known book by St. Augustin, is given on page 254.]
1566.
Leonardo’s Will.
Be it known to all persons, present and to come that at the court of our Lord the King at Amboise before ourselves in person, Messer Leonardo da Vinci painter to the King, at present staying at the place known as Cloux near Amboise, duly considering the certainty of death and the uncertainty of its time, has acknowledged and declared in the said court and before us that he has made, according to the tenor of these presents, his testament and the declaration of his last will, as follows. And first he commends his soul to our Lord, Almighty God, and to the Glorious Virgin Mary, and to our lord Saint Michael, to all the blessed Angels and Saints male and female in Paradise.
Item. The said Testator desires to be buried within the church of Saint Florentin at Amboise, and that his body shall be borne thither by the chaplains of the church.
Item. That his body may be followed from the said place to the said church of Saint Florentin by the _collegium_ of the said church, that is to say by the rector and the prior, or by their vicars and chaplains of the church of Saint Denis of Amboise, also the lesser friars of the place, and before his body shall be carried to the said church this Testator desires, that in the said church of Saint Florentin three grand masses shall be celebrated by the deacon and sub-deacon and that on the day when these three high masses are celebrated, thirty low masses shall also be performed at Saint Gregoire.
Item. That in the said church of Saint Denis similar services shall be performed, as above.
Item. That the same shall be done in the church of the said friars and lesser brethren.
Item. The aforesaid Testator gives and bequeaths to Messer Francesco da Melzo, nobleman, of Milan, in remuneration for services and favours done to him in the past, each
[Footnote: See page 420.]
and all of the books the Testator is at present possessed of, and the instruments and portraits appertaining to his art and calling as a painter.
Item. The same Testator gives and bequeaths henceforth for ever to Battista de Vilanis his servant one half, that is the moity, of his garden which is outside the walls of Milan, and the other half of the same garden to Salai his servant; in which garden aforesaid Salai has built and constructed a house which shall be and remain henceforth in all perpetuity the property of the said Salai, his heirs and successors; and this is in remuneration for the good and kind services which the said de Vilanis and Salai, his servants have done him in past times until now.
Item. The said Testator gives to Maturina his waiting woman a cloak of good black cloth lined with fur, a … of cloth and two ducats paid once only; and this likewise is in remuneration for good service rendered to him in past times by the said Maturina.
Item. He desires that at his funeral sixty tapers shall be carried which shall be borne by sixty poor men, to whom shall be given money for carrying them; at the discretion of the said Melzo, and these tapers shall be distributed among the four above mentioned churches.
Item. The said Testator gives to each of the said churches ten lbs. of wax in thick tapers, which shall be placed in the said churches to be used on the day when those said services are celebrated.
Item. That alms shall be given to the poor of the Hotel-Dieu, to the poor of Saint Lazare d’Amboise and, to that end, there shall be given and paid to the treasurers of that same fraternity the sum and amount of seventy soldi of Tours.
Item. The said Testator gives and bequeaths to the said Messer Francesco Melzo, being present and agreeing, the remainder of his pension and the sums of money which are owing to him from the past time till the day of his death by the receiver or treasurer-general M. Johan Sapin, and each and every sum of money that he has already received from the aforesaid Sapin of his said pension, and in case he should die before the said Melzo and not otherwise; which moneys are at present in the possession of the said Testator in the said place called Cloux, as he says. And he likewise gives and bequeaths to the said Melzo all and each of his clothes which he at present possesses at the said place of Cloux, and all in remuneration for the good and kind services done by him in past times till now, as well as in payment for the trouble and annoyance he may incur with regard to the execution of this present testament, which however, shall all be at the expense of the said Testator.
And he orders and desires that the sum of four hundred scudi del Sole, which he has deposited in the hands of the treasurer of Santa Maria Nuova in the city of Florence, may be given to his brothers now living in Florence with all the interest and usufruct that may have accrued up to the present time, and be due from the aforesaid treasurer to the aforesaid Testator on account of the said four hundred crowns, since they were given and consigned by the Testator to the said treasurers.
Item. He desires and orders that the said Messer Francesco de Melzo shall be and remain the sole and only executor of the said will of the said Testator; and that the said testament shall be executed in its full and complete meaning and according to that which is here narrated and said, to have, hold, keep and observe, the said Messer Leonardo da Vinci, constituted Testator, has obliged and obliges by these presents the said his heirs and successors with all his goods moveable and immoveable present and to come, and has renounced and expressly renounces by these presents all and each of the things which to that are contrary. Given at the said place of Cloux in the presence of Magister Spirito Fieri vicar, of the church of Saint Denis at Amboise, of M. Guglielmo Croysant priest and chaplain, of Magister Cipriane Fulchin, Brother Francesco de Corion, and of Francesco da Milano, a brother of the Convent of the Minorites at Amboise, witnesses summoned and required to that end by the indictment of the said court in the presence of the aforesaid M. Francesco de Melze who accepting and agreeing to the same has promised by his faith and his oath which he has administered to us personally and has sworn to us never to do nor say nor act in any way to the contrary. And it is sealed by his request with the royal seal apposed to legal contracts at Amboise, and in token of good faith.
Given on the XXIIIrd day of April MDXVIII, before Easter.
And on the XXIIIrd day of this month of April MDXVIII, in the presence of M. Guglielmo Borian, Royal notary in the court of the bailiwick of Amboise, the aforesaid M. Leonardo de Vinci gave and bequeathed, by his last will and testament, as aforesaid, to the said M. Baptista de Vilanis, being present and agreeing, the right of water which the King Louis XII, of pious memory lately deceased gave to this same de Vinci, the stream of the canal of Santo Cristoforo in the duchy of Milan, to belong to the said Vilanis for ever in such wise and manner that the said gentleman made him this gift in the presence of M. Francesco da Melzo, gentleman, of Milan and in mine.
And on the aforesaid day in the said month of April in the said year MDXVIII the same M. Leonardo de Vinci by his last will and testament gave to the aforesaid M. Baptista de Vilanis, being present and agreeing, each and all of the articles of furniture and utensils of his house at present at the said place of Cloux, in the event of the said de Vilanis surviving the aforesaid M. Leonardo de Vinci, in the presence of the said M. Francesco Melzo and of me Notary &c. Borean.