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The Moravians in Georgia, 1735-1740, by Adelaide L. Fries

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giving them encouragement to believe that he would eventually come
into the clearer light, as they knew it.

In material things John Regnier was of great assistance, owing to his ability
to turn his hand to almost anything. The shoes of the party were badly torn,
but though they had brought leather and tools from England
none of them knew the cobbler's trade. John Regnier had never made a shoe,
but he took it up, and soon provided for them all, and then he mended
their clothing, and added new garments. He also showed much aptitude
for nursing, and Spangenberg put him in charge of several cases.
A man from a neighboring village sent word that he had severed an artery
and could not check the bleeding, and asked for help. Regnier went to him,
and was so successful in his treatment that in two weeks
the man was entirely restored. Some one discovered a poor Scotchman,
dying with dropsy, lying utterly neglected upon the floor of a miserable hut,
and appeal was made to the Moravians to take him and care for him.
They did so, moving him to one of their cabins, where they made him a bed,
and Regnier nursed him until death ended his sufferings.
Another man had high fever, and no friends, and him also the Moravians took,
and cared for, the Trustee's agent furnishing food and medicine for the sick,
but offering no recompense for the care they received.

Indeed, as the months passed by, the Moravians established a reputation
for charity and for hospitality. Not only had they kept free of dispute
with the Salzburgers, but the friendliest relations existed,
and the Moravian cabins were always open to them when they came to Savannah.
Nor were they slow to avail themselves of the kindness.
Gronau and Bolzius often lodged with them, and others came
in groups of nine or ten to spend the night. During the evening
stories would be exchanged as to their circumstances in the home lands,
and their reasons for leaving there, and then sometimes the hosts
would spread hay upon the floor for their guests, at other times
give up their own beds, and themselves sleep upon the floor.

With their nearer neighbors in Savannah, they were also upon cordial terms,
though they found few who cared for religious things. The Jews were
particularly courteous to them, inviting Spangenberg into their Synagogue,
and bringing gifts of meat and fish on several occasions when help
was sorely needed on account of the illness of some of their number, --
for Riedel was not the only one who was seriously ill, though no others died.
All the conditions in Georgia were so different from what
they were accustomed to in Germany that it took them some time
to adapt themselves, and longer to become really acclimated,
and they noticed that the same was true of all new-comers.
All of the Moravians were sick in turn, many suffering from frosted feet,
probably injured on the voyage over, but Spangenberg, Toeltschig,
Haberecht and Demuth were dangerously ill. Nearly all of the medicine
brought from Europe was gone, and what they could get in Savannah
was expensive and they did not understand how to use it,
so they were forced to depend on careful nursing and simple remedies.
Turpentine could easily be secured from the pines, Spangenberg found an herb
which he took to be camomile, which had a satisfactory effect,
and with the coming of the cooler autumn weather most of the party
recovered their health.

Probably the food was partly responsible for their troubles,
though they tried to be careful, and cooked everything thoroughly.
Rice and salt-meat were their chief articles of diet, for bread cost so much
that they soon gave it up entirely, substituting cornmeal mush,
and butter was so dear as to be entirely out of the question.
During the summer months which preceded the harvest, they could get
neither corn, rice nor beans at the store, so lived on mush, salt-meat,
and the beans they themselves had planted. Fresh meat was a great treat,
particularly when it enabled them to prepare nourishing broth
for their sick, and once Rose shot a stag, giving them several good meals,
but this happened so seldom as to do little toward varying
the monotony of their fare.

Drinking water was held to be responsible for the swollen feet and nausea
from which many of them suffered, so they made a kind of sassafras beer,
which proved palatable and healthful, and used it until they had become
accustomed to the climate, when they were able to drink the water.

When the Moravians came to Georgia they brought with them
a little ready money, the gift of English friends,
and their cash payments secured them good credit at the Trustees' store.
Other merchants sought their patronage, but they decided to run an account
at one place only, and thought Mr. Causton, as the Trustees' agent,
would give them the most liberal treatment. Their hardest time financially,
as well as regarding health, was during the summer,
when credit came to be accorded grudgingly, and finally Spangenberg,
personally, borrowed 15 Pounds sterling, and applied it on their account,
which restored their standing in Mr. Causton's eyes. On Feb. 8th, 1736,
they decided to buy enough corn, rice and salt-meat to last until harvest,
having learned by sad experience how very dear these necessities were
later in the year. Very little work had been done which brought in
ready money, for their time had been fully occupied in building their house
and clearing the land, but all things were prepared for the coming
of the second company, with whose assistance they expected to accomplish much.
In February the two carpenters were engaged to build a house for Mr. Wagner,
a Swiss gentleman who had recently arrived, and rented
one of the Moravian cabins temporarily, and this was the beginning
of a considerable degree of activity.

The intercourse of the Moravians with the other residents of Savannah
was much impeded by their ignorance of the English language,
and it occurred to Spangenberg that it might be a good thing
to take an English boy, have him bound to them according to custom,
and let them learn English by having to speak to him.
About July a case came to his knowledge that roused all his sympathies,
and at the same time afforded a good opportunity to try his plan.
"I have taken a four-year-old English boy into our family.
He was born in Charlestown, but somehow found his way to Savannah.
His father was hanged, for murder I have heard, and his mother has married
another man, and abandoned the child. A woman here took charge of him,
but treated him most cruelly. Once she became angry with him,
took a firebrand, and beat him until half his body was burned;
another time she bound him, and then slashed him with a knife across the back,
and might have injured him still more if a man had not come by
and rescued him. The magistrates then gave him to other people,
but they did not take care of him, and hearing that he was a bright child,
I decided to offer to take him. The Magistrates gladly agreed,
and will write to his relatives in Charlestown, and if they do not claim him
he will be bound to us. He is already proving useful to the Brethren,
as he speaks English to them, and they are rapidly learning
to speak and to understand. I am sending him to an English school,
as I would rather he would not learn German, but being bright
he is learning a good deal of it from the Brethren."

On October 31st a widow and her seven-year-old son were received
into their household. The woman was in destitute circumstances,
and anxious to work, so after four weeks' trial she was installed as maid,
and promised $14.00 a year wages. She proved to be quiet and industrious,
but not very bright. On Dec. 17th another boy, six years old,
was taken, his mother being dead, and his father a day-laborer
who could not care for him.

Of the Indians the Moravians had seen a good deal, but no start had been made
toward teaching them, except that some of their words had been learned.
Spangenberg decided that the only way to master their language would be
to go and live among them, and this Rose professed himself willing to do
as soon as he could be spared. With Tomochichi they were much pleased.
"He is a grave, wise man, resembling one of the old Philosophers,
though with him it is natural, not acquired. Were he among a hundred Indians,
all clothed alike, one would point him out and say, `that is the king.'"
When the Indians came to the Moravian cabins they were courteously received,
and supplied with food and drink, often remaining as silent listeners
at the evening service. In turn their good will took the form
of a gift of grouse or dried venison, which the Moravians gratefully received.

The English were very anxious to keep the friendship of these Indians,
on whom much of their safety depended, and when one of the nations
came five or six hundred miles to renew a treaty with them,
they planned a spectacle which would at once please and impress them.
All the settlers were put under arms, and led out to meet them,
saluting them with a volley of musketry. With great pomp
they were conducted into the town, presented with guns, clothing, etc.,
and then, through an interpreter, they were assured of the good will and faith
of the English, and urged to be true to the treaty, and protect the settlement
against those Indian tribes who were under French and Spanish influence.

Spangenberg was ordered out with the others, but excused himself
on the ground of weakness from his recent illness,
and when the officials offered to depart from their custom,
and allow one of Zinzendorf's "servants" to take his place,
he explained that the Moravians did not understand English,
and knew nothing of military manoeuvres. During the first year
the question of military service was not sufficiently prominent
to cause real uneasiness, but Spangenberg foresaw trouble,
and wrote to Herrnhut, urging that the matter be given serious consideration.

When the Moravians passed through London they had fully explained
their position to Gen. Oglethorpe, who promised them exemption, but they had
no written order from the Trustees to show to the local officials,
and not even a copy of the letter in which reference to the subject was made.
As Count Zinzendorf's "servants" nine of them were ineligible,
but Spangenberg, as a free-holder, was expected to take part
in the weekly drill, which he quietly refused to do.

All free-holders were likewise expected to take their turn in the Watch,
composed of ten men, who patrolled the town by night and day.
Spangenberg admitted that the Watch was necessary and proper,
but decided that he had better not take a personal share in it,
other than by hiring some one to take his place, which was permitted.
As the turn came every seventeen days, and a man expected fifty cents for day
and one dollar for night duty each time, this was expensive, doubly so
because the officers demanded a substitute for the absent Nitschmann also.
Twice had Spangenberg been before the Court, attempting to have
the matter adjusted, but he found that this, like many other things,
could not be settled until Gen. Oglethorpe came. "All men wait
for Gen. Oglethorpe, it is impossible to describe how they long for him."
The Salzburgers especially wished for him, for they did not like the place
where they had settled, and wanted permission to move
to a more favorable location which they had chosen.

On the 14th of February, 1736, Capt. Thomson arrived,
bringing letters from England, and one to Spangenberg announced
that the second company of Moravians was on the way
and might soon be expected. At three o'clock in the morning of February 17th,
the town was roused by the sound of bells and drums. Thinking it meant fire,
the Moravians rushed out, but learned that Gen. Oglethorpe's ship
had reached Tybee, and the people were awakened to welcome him.
Full of interest to learn whether the second company was with him
the Moravians paused for a hasty meal before going to meet the ship,
when to their great joy Bishop Nitschmann appeared before them,
"and his face was to us as the face of an Angel!"

Chapter IV. Reinforcements.

The "Second Company".

Before David Nitschmann, the "Hausmeister", left London,
after the sailing of the first Moravian company for Georgia,
he presented to the Trustees a series of propositions, the acceptance of which
would open the way for a large increase of Moravian emigration.
The proposals were, in brief, that the Trustees should give credit
to the Moravians to the extent of 500 Pounds sterling, which,
deducting the 60 Pounds advanced to the first company,
would provide passage money and a year's provision for fifty-five more
of Count Zinzendorf's "servants", the loan to be repaid,
without interest, in five years, and to bear interest at the usual rate
if payment was longer deferred. He also suggested that the money,
when repaid, should be again advanced for a like purpose.

In addition he requested that each man of twenty-one years, or over,
should be granted fifty acres near Count Zinzendorf's tract.

The Trustees were pleased to approve of these proposals,
and promised the desired credit, with the further favor
that if the debt was not paid within five years it should draw interest
at eight per cent. only, instead of ten per cent., the customary rate
in South Carolina.

During the summer, therefore, a second company prepared to follow
the pioneers to the New World. On the 5th of August, 1735,
two parties left Herrnhut, one consisting of three young men,
and the other of thirteen men, women and children, who were joined at Leipzig
by Jonas Korte, who went with them to London. On August 8th,
five more persons left Herrnhut, under the leadership of David Nitschmann,
the Bishop, who was to take the second company to Georgia,
organize their congregation, and ordain their pastor.

This David Nitschmann, a carpenter by trade, was a companion
of David Nitschmann, the "Hausmeister", and John Toeltschig,
when they left Moravia in the hope of re-establishing the Unitas Fratrum,
and with them settled at Herrnhut, and became one of the influential members
of the community. When missionaries were to be sent
to the Danish West Indies, Nitschmann and Leonard Dober went on foot
to Copenhagen (August 21st, 1732), and sailed from there,
Nitschmann paying their way by his work as ship's carpenter.
By the same handicraft he supported himself and his companion for four months
on the island of St. Thomas, where they preached to the negro slaves,
and then, according to previous arrangement, he left Dober
to continue the work, and returned to Germany. In 1735,
it was decided that Bishop Jablonski, of Berlin, and Bishop Sitkovius,
of Poland, who represented the Episcopate of the ancient Unitas Fratrum,
should consecrate one of the members of the renewed Unitas Fratrum
at Herrnhut, linking the Church of the Fathers with that of their descendents,
and enabling the latter to send to the Mission field ministers
whose ordination could not be questioned by other denominations,
or by the civil authorities. David Nitschmann, then one of the Elders
at Herrnhut, was chosen to receive consecration, the service being performed,
March 13th, by Bishop Jablonski, with the written concurrence
of Bishop Sitkovius.

The three parties from Herrnhut met at Magdeburg on August 13th,
proceeding from there to Hamburg by boat, and at Altona,
the sea-port of Hamburg, they found ten more colonists who had preceded them.
Here also they were joined by Christian Adolph von Hermsdorf, who went
with them to Georgia as "a volunteer". Apparently Lieutenant Hermsdorf wanted
the position of Zinzendorf's Agent in Georgia, for the Count wrote to him
on the 19th of August, agreeing that he should go with the Moravians,
at their expense, but saying that if he desired office he must first
prove himself worthy of it by service with and for the others,
even as the Count had always done. If the reports from Georgia justified it,
the Count promised to send him proper powers later, and to find
a good opportunity for his wife to follow him. Rosina Schwarz and her child,
who had come with them to Hamburg to meet her husband, returned with him
to their home in Holstein; and on account of Rosina Neubert's serious illness,
she and her husband reluctantly agreed to leave the company,
and wait for another opportunity to go to Georgia. In 1742 they carried out
their intention of emigrating to America, though it was to Pennsylvania,
and not to Georgia.

The "second company", therefore, consisted of twenty-five persons:

David Nitschmann, the Bishop.
Christian Adolph von Hermsdorf, a volunteer.
John Andrew Dober, a potter.
David Zeisberger.
David Tanneberger, a shoemaker.
John Tanneberger, son of David, a boy of ten years.
George Neisser.
Augustin Neisser, a young lad, brother of George.
Henry Roscher, a linen-weaver.
David Jag.
John Michael Meyer, a tailor.
Jacob Frank.
John Martin Mack.
Matthias Seybold, a farmer.
Gottlieb Demuth.
John Boehner, a carpenter.
Matthias Boehnisch.
Maria Catherine Dober, wife of John Andrew Dober.
Rosina Zeisberger, wife of David Zeisberger.
Judith Toeltschig, Catherine Riedel, Rosina Haberecht, Regina Demuth,
going to join their husbands already in Georgia.
Anna Waschke, a widow, to join her son.
Juliana Jaeschke, a seamstress.*

* Fifteen of these colonists were originally from Moravia and Bohemia.

During an enforced stay of three weeks at Altona, the Moravians experienced
much kindness, especially at the hands of Korte and his family,
and Mrs. Weintraube, the daughter of a Mennonite preacher,
who had come from her home in London on a visit to her father.
By this time the Moravian settlement at Herrnhut was coming to be
well and favorably known in Holland, and every visit won new friends,
many of whom came into organic fellowship with them. A few years later,
when the Unitas Fratrum was confronted by a great financial crisis,
it was largely the loyalty and liberality of the Dutch members
that enabled it to reach a position of safety.

On the 9th of September, the company went aboard an English boat,
homeward bound, but contrary winds held them in port until the 13th,
and it was not until Sunday, Oct. 2nd, that they reached London,
after a long and stormy crossing, which gave many of them
their first experience of sea-sickness.

Nitschmann and Korte at once went ashore to report their arrival
to Secretary Verelst, and on Monday a house was rented,
and the twenty-five colonists and Jonas Korte moved into it,
to wait for the sailing of Gen. Oglethorpe's ship,
the General having offered them berths on his own vessel.
The General was out of town when they reached London,
but called on Monday evening, and showed them every kindness, --
"Oglethorpe is indeed our good friend, and cares for us like a father."

Nitschmann found a good deal of difficulty on account of the language,
for he could not speak Latin, as Spangenberg had done, and knew no English,
so that all of his conversations with Oglethorpe had to be carried on
through an interpreter; nevertheless a number of important points
were fully discussed.

On the question of military service he could reach no definite
and satisfactory conclusion, and thought it a great pity
that there had not been a perfect mutual understanding
between Zinzendorf and the Trustees before the first company sailed.
That Zinzendorf's "servants" should be free from military service
was admitted by all, but Oglethorpe thought three men must be furnished
to represent Zinzendorf, Spangenberg and Nitschmann (the Hausmeister),
the three free-holders, and suggested that Lieutenant Hermsdorf
might take one place. Nitschmann said that would not do,
that the Moravians "could not and would not fight,"
and there the matter rested. Nitschmann wrote to Zinzendorf,
begging him to come to London, and interview the Trustees,
but advised that he wait for Oglethorpe's return from Georgia
some nine months later.

On this account the members of the second company agreed
that it would be better for them not to accept land individually, but to go,
as the others had done, as Zinzendorf's "servants", to work on his tract.
Oglethorpe suggested that an additional five hundred acres should be requested
for Count Zinzendorf's son, and Nitschmann referred the proposal
to the authorities at Herrnhut. In regard to the five hundred acre tract
already granted, the General said that it had been located near the Indians,
at the Moravians' request, but that settlers there would be in no danger,
for the Indians were at peace with the English, there was a fort near by,
and besides he intended to place a colony of Salzburgers
fifty miles further south, when the Moravians would be,
not on the border but in the center of Georgia.

Gen. Oglethorpe assured Nitschmann that there would be no trouble
regarding the transfer of title to the Georgia lands, for while,
for weighty reasons, the grants had been made in tail male,
there was no intention, on the part of the Trustees, to use this
as a pretext for regaining the land, and if there was no male heir,
a brother, or failing this, a friend, might take the title.
(In 1739 the law entailing property in Georgia was modified to meet this view,
and after 1750, all grants were made in fee simple.) He also explained
that the obligation to plant a certain number of mulberry trees per acre,
or forfeit the land, was intended to spur lazy colonists,
and would not be enforced in the case of the Moravians.

Nitschmann told Gen. Oglethorpe of the wives and children who had been left
in Herrnhut, and suggested the advisability of establishing an English School
for them, that they might be better fitted for life in Georgia.
Oglethorpe liked the idea, and, after due consideration,
suggested that some one in Herrnhut who spoke French or Latin,
preferably the latter, should be named as Count Zinzendorf's Agent,
to handle funds for the English school, and to accompany
later companies of Georgia colonists as far as London,
his expenses to be paid by the Trustees. Of this the Trustees approved,
and donated 40 Pounds sterling, partly for Nitschmann's use in London,
and the balance, -- about 4 Pounds it proved to be, --
for the Herrnhut school. An English gentleman also gave them 32 Pounds,
with the proviso that within four years they in turn would give
an equal amount to the needy, which Nitschmann readily agreed should be done.

Various other gifts must have been received, for when the company sailed,
Nitschmann reported to Count Zinzendorf that, without counting
a considerable amount which Korte had generously expended on their behalf,
they had received 115 Pounds in London, and had spent 113 Pounds.
"This will seem much to you, but when you look over the accounts,
and consider the number of people, and how dear everything is,
you will understand." Unfortunately the colonists had left Herrnhut
without a sufficient quantity of warm clothing, thinking that
it would not be needed, but letters from Georgia gave them quite new ideas
of the climate there, and they were forced to supply themselves in London,
though at double what it would have cost in Germany.

In addition to these expenditures, the second company
borrowed from the Trustees the funds for their passage to Georgia,
and a year's provision there, binding themselves jointly and severally
to repay the money, the bond, dated Oct. 26th, 1735, being for the sum
of 453 Pounds 7 Shillings 6 Pence, double the amount of the actual debt.
This included

Passage for 16 men, 8 women and 1 boy,
25 persons, 24-1/2 "heads". Pounds 122: 10: 0
25 sets of bed-clothes. 6: 5: 0
1 year's provisions in Georgia,
being 12 bushels Indian Corn,
100 lbs. Meat, 30 lbs. Butter,
1 bushel Salt, 27 lbs. Cheese,
per head. 64: 6: 3
Advanced in London for necessaries. 33: 12: 6
Pounds 226: 13: 9

This was to be repaid in five years, drawing eight per cent. interest
after three years, further security to be given within twelve months
if requested by the Trustees or their Agent; and any provisions not used
to be credited on their account.

In the matter of forming new acquaintances in London,
the second company was far less active than the first had been,
Spangenberg's standing and education having given him access to many people,
attracting their attention to his companions. The second company profited
by the friends he had made, Mr. Wynantz especially devoting himself
to their service, and while Nitschmann and his associates did not reach
many new people, they inspired the respect and confidence of those
whom Spangenberg had introduced to the Moravian Church,
and so strengthened its cause. A carpenter from Wittenberg, Vollmar by name,
who was attracted to them, requested permission to go to Georgia with them,
although not at their expense, and to this they agreed.
A number of Salzburgers who were to go to Georgia with General Oglethorpe,
though not on the same ship, were under the leadership
of the young Baron von Reck with whom Zinzendorf had corresponded
during the early stages of the Moravian negotiations,
and the Baron called on the second company several times,
offered to assist them in any way in his power, and expressed the wish
that the Moravians and Salzburgers could live together in Georgia.
Nitschmann doubted the wisdom of the plan, but courteously agreed
to refer it to Zinzendorf, who, however, refused his sanction.

On the 12th of October, the Moravians went aboard Gen. Oglethorpe's ship,
the `Simmonds', Capt. Cornish, where they were told to select
the cabins they preferred, being given preference over the English colonists
who were going. The cabins contained bare bunks, which could be closed
when not in use, arranged in groups of five, -- three below and two above, --
the five persons occupying them also eating together.
The Moravians chose their places in the center of the ship,
on either side of the main mast, where the ventilation was best,
and there would be most fresh air when they reached warmer latitudes.
"The number of people on the ship is rather large, for we are altogether
one hundred and fifty who are going to Georgia, but besides ourselves
they are all Englishmen." "Many of them are like wild animals,
but we have resolved in all things to act as the children of God,
giving offence to no one, that our purpose be not misconstrued."

After seeing his companions comfortably settled on the vessel,
Nitschmann returned to his numerous tasks in London. On the 24th,
he came back to the ship, accompanied by Korte, who bade them
an affectionate farewell. By the 27th all of the passengers,
including Gen. Oglethorpe, were on board, but it was not until
the afternoon of October 31st, that the `Simmonds' sailed from Gravesend.

Four Journals.

On the `Simmonds', as she sailed slowly down the Thames on her way to Georgia,
there were four Englishmen, with whom the Moravians were to become
well acquainted, who were to influence and be influenced by them, and through
whom a great change was to come into the religious history of England.
These were John and Charles Wesley, Benjamin Ingham and Charles Delamotte.
The Wesleys were sons of Samuel Wesley, a clergyman of the Church of England,
and while at the University of Oxford they, with two companions,
had formed a little society for religious improvement,
and by their strict and methodical habits gained the name of "Methodists";
both brothers had taken orders in the English Church,
and were on their way to Georgia, John to serve as rector at Savannah,
and Charles as Gen. Oglethorpe's private secretary.
Benjamin Ingham was born in Yorkshire, and met the Wesleys at Oxford,
where he joined their Methodist society. He, too, had been ordained
in the English Church, and now, at the age of twenty-three, had yielded
to John Wesley's persuasions, and agreed to go with him "to the Indians".
Charles Delamotte, the son of a London merchant, met the Wesleys
at the home of James Hutton, shortly before they sailed for Georgia,
and was so much impressed by them, and by their object
in seeking the New World, that he decided "to leave the world,
and give himself up entirely to God," and go with them.

For the greater part of his life John Wesley kept a Journal,
extracts from which were given to the public from time to time,
and Benjamin Ingham's account of the voyage to Georgia was also printed,
so that the story of those weeks is quite well known. Nevertheless,
something of interest may be gained by comparing these two Journals
with the Diaries kept by David Nitschmann, Bishop of the Moravians,
and John Andrew Dober, one of the second company.

To avoid confusion it should be noted that the difference of eleven days
in the dates is only apparent, not real, for the Englishmen used
the old style calendar, the Germans employed the modern one.
In 46 B. C. the Roman Calendar had gained two months on the actual seasons,
and a more accurate calculation resulted in the adoption of
the so-called "Julian Calendar" (prepared at the request of Julius Caesar),
the two missing months being inserted between November and December
in that "year of confusion". By 1582, however, the Julian Calendar
had fallen ten days behind the seasons, so another calculation was made,
and Pope Gregory XIII abolished the Julian Calendar in all Catholic countries,
dropped the dates of ten days from that year, and established the "reformed",
or "Gregorian Calendar". This was adopted in Catholic Germany, in 1583,
in Protestant Germany and Holland, in 1700, but in England not until 1752,
by which time the difference had increased to eleven days.
Following the ancient Jewish custom the Year, for many centuries,
began with the 25th of March, but public sentiment came to favor
the 1st of January as the more appropriate date, and it was gradually adopted.
In England, however, the legal year continued to begin with March 25th,
until 1752, although many people were either using the newer fashion,
or indicating both, and a date might be correctly written in four ways,
e.g. January 10th, 1734, old style, legal, January 10th, 1734-5,
or January 10th, 1735, old style, popular, and January 21st, 1735, new style,
the last agreeing with the calendar now in general use.

Bishop Nitschmann gives the outline of their religious services
on almost every day, and in the translation which follows
these are generally omitted; in the same way some paragraphs are left out
of the Wesley Journal. Extracts from Dober's and Ingham's Journals
are inserted when they give facts not otherwise noted.

====== 24 Oct. 1735.

Nitschmann's Diary. Oct. 24th, 1735.

I went to the ship, (the `Simmonds', Captain Cornish).
My heart rejoiced to be once more with the Brethren.
In the evening we held our song service.

(We have all given ourselves to the Lord, and pray that the Saviour
may comfort our hearts with joy, and that we may attain our object,
namely, to call the heathen, to become acquainted with those
whom we have not known and who know us not, and to worship
the name of the Lord. -- Letter of Oct. 28.)

====== 25 Oct. 1735.

John Wesley's Journal. Oct. 14th, 1735, (O. S.) Tuesday.

Mr. Benjamin Ingham, of Queen's College, Oxford, Mr. Charles Delamotte,
son of a merchant in London, who had offered himself some days before,
my brother Charles Wesley, and myself, took boat for Gravesend,
in order to embark for Georgia. Our end in leaving our native country
was not to avoid want, (God having given us plenty of temporal blessings,)
nor to gain the dung or dross of riches or honor; but singly this, --
to save our souls, to live wholly to the glory of God.
In the afternoon we found the `Simmonds' off Gravesend,
and immediately went on board.

(We had two cabins allotted us in the forecastle; I and Mr. Delamotte
having the first, and Messrs. Wesley the other. Theirs was made pretty large,
so that we could all meet together to read or pray in it.
This part of the ship was assigned to us by Mr. Oglethorpe,
as being most convenient for privacy. -- Ingham's Journal.)

====== 27 Oct. 1735.

Nitschmann. Oct. 27th.

Bled Mrs. Toeltschig and Mrs. Zeisberger. On deck one man was knocked down
by another, striking his head on the deck so as to stun him.
In the evening we held our song service at the same hour that the English
had theirs. I spoke with Mr. Oglethorpe and the two English clergymen,
who asked concerning our ordination and our faith. Mr. Oglethorpe said
he would be as our father, if we would permit it.

====== 28 Oct. 1735.

Nitschmann. Oct. 28th.

At our prayer-meeting considered Eph. 1, how our election may be made sure;
I also wrote to the Congregation at Herrnhut. Mrs. Zeisberger was sick,
and Mr. Oglethorpe concerned himself about her comfort.


Wesley. Oct. 17th.

I began to learn German in order to converse with the Germans,
six and twenty* of whom we had on board.

* Twenty-five Moravians and the Wittenberg carpenter.

====== 29 Oct. 1735.

Nitschmann. Oct. 29th.

Spoke with the Wittenberg carpenter concerning his soul.

====== 30 Oct. 1735.

Nitschmann. Oct. 30th.

We decided who should attend to various duties during the voyage,
and held our "Band" meetings. (The "Bands" were small groups,
closely associated for mutual religious improvement.)
An English boy fell overboard, but was rescued by a sailor.

====== 31 Oct. 1735.

Nitschmann. Oct. 31st.

In the afternoon we sailed twelve miles from Gravesend.


Wesley. Oct. 20th, Monday.

Believing the denying ourselves, even in the smallest instances,
might, by the blessing of God, be helpful to us, we wholly left off
the use of flesh and wine, and confined ourselves to vegetable food, --
chiefly rice and biscuit. In the afternoon, David Nitschmann,
Bishop of the Germans, and two others, began to learn English.
O may we be, not only of one tongue, but of one mind and of one heart.

====== 1 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 1st.

The English clergyman began to spend an hour teaching us English.
In the early service we read concerning new life in the soul;
the preceding night was blessed to me, and the Saviour was near.
At the evening service we spoke of earnest prayer and its answer.

(David Nitschmann, in the presence of all the members,
formally installed certain of our members in office, --
David Tanneberger as overseer, Dober as teacher and monitor,
Seybold as nurse for the brethren, and Mrs. Dober as nurse for the sisters.
-- Dober's Diary.)

(We have arranged that one of us shall watch each night,
of which Mr. Oglethorpe approves. -- Letter of Oct. 18th.)


Wesley. Oct. 21st.

We sailed from Gravesend. When we were past about half the Goodwin Sands
the wind suddenly failed. Had the calm continued till ebb,
the ship had probably been lost. But the gale sprung up again in an hour,
and carried us into the Downs.

We now began to be a little regular. Our common way of living was this:
From four in the morning till five, each of us used private prayer.
From five to seven we read the Bible together, carefully comparing it
(that we might not lean to our own understanding) with the writings
of the earliest ages. At seven we breakfasted. At eight
were the public prayers. From nine to twelve I usually learned German
and Mr. Delamotte Greek. My brother writ sermons, and Mr. Ingham
instructed the children. At twelve we met to give an account to one another
what we had done since our last meeting, and what we designed to do
before our next. About one we dined. The time from dinner to four,
we spent in reading to those whom each of us had taken in charge,
or in speaking to them severally, as need required. At four
were the Evening Prayers; when either the Second Lesson was explained
(as it always was in the morning,) or the children were catechised,
and instructed before the congregation. From five to six
we again used private prayer. From six to seven I read in our cabin
to two or three of the passengers, (of whom there were about eighty English
on board), and each of my brethren to a few more in theirs.
At seven I joined with the Germans in their public service;
while Mr. Ingham was reading between the decks to as many as desired to hear.
At eight we met again, to exhort and instruct one another.
Between nine and ten we went to bed, where neither the roaring of the sea,
nor the motion of the ship, could take away the refreshing sleep
which God gave us.

====== 2 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 2nd.

We sailed further. In the early prayer service we considered Eph. 4,
the unity of the Spirit, and the means of preserving the bond of peace.
In the song service many points of doctrine were discussed
with the English clergyman, also the decline and loss of power.

====== 3 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 3rd.

A dense fog and unpleasant weather, so we lay still at anchor.

====== 4 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 4th.

I visited the other ship, (the `London Merchant', Capt. Thomas) where
the so-called Salzburgers are. I spend most of my time studying English.


Wesley. Oct. 24th.

Having a rolling sea, most of the passengers found the effects of it.
Mr. Delamotte was exceeding sick for several days, Mr. Ingham for about
half an hour. My brother's head ached much. Hitherto it has pleased God
the sea has not disordered me at all.

During our stay in the Downs, some or other of us went, as often
as we had opportunity, on board the ship that sailed in company with us,
where also many were glad to join in prayer and hearing the word.

====== 5 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 5th.

We prayed for the Congregation at Herrnhut, and also that we might be
one with it in spirit. In the evening we spoke of the Lord's protection,
how good it is.

There is no room for fear,
The world may shake and quiver,
The elements may rage,
The firmament may shiver,
We are safe-guarded.

====== 8 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 8th.

An (English) child died, and was buried in the sea at five o'clock.

====== 11 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 11th.

The text was "The Lord is with me, therefore I do not fear."


Wesley. Oct. 31st.

We sailed out of the Downs. At eleven at night I was waked by a great noise.
I soon found there was no danger. But the bare apprehension of it
gave me a lively conviction what manner of men those ought to be,
who are every moment on the brink of eternity.

====== 12 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 12th.

(This afternoon we came near Portsmouth, and anchored.
Today Dober began to study English, and learned the Lord's Prayer.
-- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Nov. 1st, Saturday.

We came to St. Helen's harbour, and the next day into Cowes road.
The wind was fair, but we waited for the man-of-war which was to sail with us.
This was a happy opportunity of instructing our fellow travellers.
May He whose seed we sow, give it the increase!

====== 13 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 13th.

Hermsdorf visits Baron von Reck.

====== 14 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 14th.

We lay at anchor at Cowes on the Isle of Wight, and some of us landed.
I went with Baron von Reck to Newport, one mile distant,
it is a beautiful place. I conversed with Baron von Reck
about the Lord's Prayer.

====== 18 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 18th.

A great storm. To me the time is precious, and passes too swiftly.
It is as though we were in the midst of wild beasts,
which are bound and cannot harm us. We know the Saviour stands by us,
and strengthens us through the Holy Ghost.

====== 20 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 20th.

One older and two young Englishmen were whipped for stealing.

====== 21 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 21st.

Conversed with Mr. Oglethorpe about our ordination, Baron von Reck
acting as interpreter. He was well pleased when I explained our view,
and that we did not think a Bishop must be a great lord
as among the Catholics. He offered to give us anything we wished,
but I told him we needed nothing.

====== 23 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 23rd.

The Man-of-war (`Hawk', Capt. Gascoine) joined us. A boy was beaten,
and sent away from the ship.

====== 25 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 25th.

Spoke with Mr. Oglethorpe about Boehner and George Neisser,
who are sick and must go ashore for treatment. Boehner has a sore arm,
and Neisser a sore foot. An English friend gave us a guinea
to buy some things we need.

====== 29 Nov. 1735.

Nitschmann. Nov. 29th.

In the evening I prayed for a good wind, since we do not wish
to lie in one place and be of no use.

====== 1 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 1st.

The wind was good, we thanked God and sailed about eight o'clock.
Not long after the wind fell, and we anchored, but I could not believe
that we were not to go. The wind rose again, and we sailed nine miles.


Wesley. Nov. 20th.

We fell down Yarmouth road, but the next day were forced back to Cowes.
During our stay here there were several storms, in one of which
two ships in Yarmouth roads were lost.

The continuance of the contrary winds gave my brother an opportunity
of complying with the desire of the minister of Cowes,
and preaching there three or four times.

====== 2 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 2nd.

About two o'clock we returned to Cowes.

====== 3 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 3rd.

The women went ashore to wash our clothes. The others went with them,
because we do not wish to annoy any one, and desired to be alone
that we might celebrate the Lord's Supper. I could not leave the ship,
but was with them in spirit.

====== 4 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 4th.

(Nitschmann and Dober spoke with several of the Brethren
concerning their spiritual condition. In the evening a storm sprang up
which continued most of the night. Mr. Oglethorpe is ill,
which reminds us to pray for him, and the English preacher, John Wesley,
has promised to do the same. This preacher loses no opportunity to be present
at our song service; he spares no pains to perform the duties of his office
and he likes us. We wish we could converse freely with him, so that
we could more carefully explain the way of God to him. -- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Nov. 23rd, Sunday.

At night I was waked by the tossing of the ship, and roaring of the wind,
and plainly showed I was unfit, for I was unwilling to die.

====== 7 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 7th.

A great storm, and we thanked God that we were in a safe harbor.

====== 10 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 10th.

All hands summoned to lift the anchor. Mr. Oglethorpe called me,
took me by the hand, led me into the cabin, and gave me 1 Pound
for the Brethren. Later the wind was again contrary, and we had to lie still.

====== 18 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 18th.

We lifted the anchor at three o'clock, but as we got under sail
the wind changed again. We must stay still, but what the Lord intends
we do not know.


Wesley. Dec. 7th, Sunday.

Finding nature did not require such frequent supplies
as we had been accustomed to, we agreed to leave off suppers;
from doing which we have hitherto found no inconvenience.

====== 21 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 21st.

An east wind sprang up, and with the help of God we sailed at nine o'clock
from Cowes, where we had been for five weeks and three days.

When we reached the open sea many became sea-sick. There was so much
to be done that we could not hold our prayer-meeting,
for our people help in all the work, and therefore the sailors treat us well,
no matter what they think of us in their hearts. In the evening
our song service was much blessed.

(With us went two ships, the man-of-war, and that which carried
Baron von Reck and his Salzburgers. Two of the Salzburgers were on shore,
and were left behind when the ship sailed, whereat their wives and children
who were on board, were sorely grieved. -- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Dec. 10th, Wednesday.

We sailed from Cowes, and in the afternoon passed the Needles.
From this day to the fourteenth being in the Bay of Biscay,
the sea was very rough. Mr. Delamotte and others were more sick than ever;
Mr. Ingham a little; I not at all. But the fourteenth being a calm day,
most of the sick were cured at once.

====== 22 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 22nd.

The wind was east, and we sailed nine miles an hour,
but were all very sea-sick.

====== 23 Dec. 1735.

Wesley. Dec. 12th.

(In the forenoon we left the man-of-war, he not being able to sail as fast
as our ships. -- Ingham's Journal.)

====== 25 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 25th.

As this was Christmas Day we read Matt. 8 in our prayer service.
The wind had died down, everyone felt much better, and it was a beautiful day.

====== 27 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 27th.

At midnight there was a great storm, and the waves broke over the ship;
the middle hatch was open, and the water poured in, running into our cabin,
so that we had to take everything out of them until we could dry them.

====== 30 Dec. 1735.

Nitschmann. Dec. 30th.

The weather was again pleasant.


Wesley. Dec. 19th.

(Messrs. Wesley and I, with Mr. Oglethorpe's approbation, undertook to visit,
each of us, a part of the ship, and daily to provide the sick people
with water-gruel, and such other things as were necessary for them.
-- Ingham's Journal.)

====== 1 Jan. 1736.

Nitschmann. Jan. 1, 1736.

It was New Year's Day, and Mr. Oglethorpe's birthday.

(Br. Nitschmann asked us to select a number of verses,
wrote them out and presented them as a birthday greeting to Mr. Oglethorpe.
It was a beautiful day, warm and calm. -- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Dec. 21st, Sunday.

We had fifteen communicants, which was our usual number on Sundays.

(This being Mr. Oglethorpe's birthday, he gave a sheep and wine to the people,
which, with the smoothness of the sea, and the serenity of the sky,
so enlivened them that they perfectly recovered from their sea-sickness.

On Christmas Day, also, Mr. Oglethorpe gave a hog and wine to the people.
-- Ingham's Journal.)

====== 5 Jan. 1736.

Nitschmann. Jan. 5th.

(To-day, according to the old style, Christmas was celebrated on our ship.
Br. Nitschmann spoke on the words, "Unto us a Child is born,
unto us a Son is given." -- Dober's Diary.)

====== 9 Jan. 1736.

Wesley. Dec. 29th.

(We are now past the latitude of twenty-five degrees,
and are got into what they call the Trade winds, which blow much the same way
all the year round. The air is balmy, soft, and sweet.
The ship glides smoothly and quietly along. The nights are mild and pleasant,
being beautifully adorned with the shining hosts of stars,

"Forever singing as they shine,
The Hand that made us is divine."

-- Ingham's Journal.)

====== 10 Jan. 1736.

Nitschmann. Jan. 10th.

(We have been running for several days with the Trade winds.
Here the day is two hours longer than it is in Germany at this season.
The sailors wished to adhere to their custom of initiating those
who crossed the Tropic of Cancer for the first time, but Gen. Oglethorpe
forbade it. The weak, the children, and the sick, are well cared for,
so that the nine months' old child receives an egg and some goat's milk
every day. -- Dober's Diary.)

====== 12 Jan. 1736.

Nitschmann. Jan. 12th.

To-day, according to the old style, we celebrated the New Year.

====== 20 Jan. 1736.

Nitschmann. Jan. 20th.

An English clergyman asked us how often we celebrated the Lord's Supper,
saying that he thought it a sacrifice which consecrated and improved the life.
We told him our view; he said he would like to visit Herrnhut.

(We re-crossed the Tropic of Cancer. -- Dober's Diary.)

====== 21 Jan. 1736.

Nitschmann. Jan. 21st.

(We are still in the Trade wind, and sail swiftly and steadily.)

We cannot thank God enough that we are all well, only Mrs. Demuth
is always sea-sick when the wind rises.

====== 23 Jan. 1736.

Nitschmann. Jan. 23rd.

We saw a ship.


Wesley. Jan. 12th, 1736.

(I began to write out the English Dictionary in order to learn
the Indian tongue. -- Ingham's Journal.)

====== 26 Jan. 1736.

Wesley. Jan. 15th.

Complaint being made to Mr. Oglethorpe of the unequal distribution
of the water among the passengers, he appointed new officers
to take charge of it. At this the old ones and their friends
were highly exasperated against us, to whom they imputed the change.
But "the fierceness of man shall turn to thy praise."

====== 27 Jan. 1736.

Nitschmann. Jan. 27th.

(As there was little good water left the passengers were given poor water,
but when Oglethorpe heard of it, he ordered that all, in the Cabin
and outside, should be treated alike, as long as the good water lasted.
Mr. Oglethorpe and the preacher, John Wesley, are very careful
of the passengers' welfare; the latter shows himself full of love for us.
-- Dober's Diary.)

====== 28 Jan. 1736.

Nitschmann. Jan. 28th.

There was a great storm, the waves went over the ship, and poured into it.
Then many who knew not God were frightened, but we were of good cheer,
and trusted in the Lord who does all things well. Roscher and Mack
are good sailors and not afraid of anything.


Wesley. Jan. 17th, Saturday.

Many people were very impatient at the contrary wind. At seven in the evening
they were quieted by a storm. It rose higher and higher till nine.
About nine the sea broke over us from stem to stern;
burst through the windows of the state cabin, where three or four of us were,
and covered us all over, though a bureau sheltered me from the main shock.
About eleven I lay down in the great cabin, and in a short time fell asleep,
though very uncertain whether I should wake alive, and much ashamed
of my unwillingness to die. O how pure in heart must he be,
who would rejoice to appear before God at a moment's warning!
Toward morning "He rebuked the wind and the sea, and there was a great calm."

====== 29 Jan. 1736.

Nitschmann. Jan. 29th.

We read the 13th chapter of Mark at our early prayer service.
The weather was a little better, but the wind was contrary.
We also saw a ship which was sailing northeast. In the evening
we read the ninety-eighth Psalm, the Lord was with us and we were blessed.


Wesley. Jan. 18th, Sunday.

We returned thanks to God for our deliverance, of which a few appeared
duly sensible. But the rest (among whom were most of the sailors)
denied we had been in any danger. I could not have believed
that so little good would have been done by the terror they were in before.
But it cannot be that they should long obey God from fear,
who are deaf to the motives of love.

====== 1 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 1st.

The weather was fine, and there was no wind until ten o'clock,
when it came from the right quarter. In addition to our usual allowance
the Captain sent us fresh meat, which he has done thrice already,
and we do not altogether like it, for we are content with what we have,
and do not desire more.

====== 3 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 3rd.

There was a great storm, which lasted all night.


Wesley. Jan. 23rd, Friday.

In the evening another storm began. In the morning it increased,
so that they were forced to let the ship drive. I could not
but say to myself, "How is it that thou hast no faith?"
being still unwilling to die. About one in the afternoon,
almost as soon as I had stepped out of the great cabin door,
the sea did not break as usual, but came with a smooth full tide
over the side of the ship. I was vaulted over with water in a moment,
and so stunned, that I scarce expected to lift up my head again,
till the sea should give up her dead. But thanks be to God,
I received no hurt at all. About noon our third storm began.

====== 4 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 4th.

The storm lasted all day, and the waves often swept over the ship.
The storm rudder was lashed fast, and so we were driven.

====== 5 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 5th.

In the early morning we had a fairly good breeze, but about ten o'clock,
a storm rose, of such violence that the wind seemed to blow
from all four quarters at once, and we were in danger of being overpowered.
The waves were like mountains; the rudder was lashed fast,
only one sail was spread, and we drove on, only the Lord knew whither.
But we did not let it prevent us from holding our song service.
The text given to us was Psalm 115:14, which assured us
that we were blessed of God, -- may He ever bless us more and more.
During the service the ship was covered with a great wave,
which poured in upon us, and on the deck there was a great cry
that the wind had split the one sail which was spread.
There was great fright among the people who have no God;
the English clergyman was much aroused, ran to them, and preached repentance,
saying among other things that they could now see the difference.
I was content, for our lives are in God's hands, and He does what He will;
among us there was no fear, for the Lord helped us.

(There was a terrible storm which lasted till midnight.
During the song service a great wave struck the ship with a noise
like the roar of a cannon. The wind tore the strong new sail in two;
the people, especially the English women, screamed and wept;
the preacher Wesley, who is always with us in our song service,
cried out against the English, "Now man can see who has a God,
and who has none." During the last eight days we have had
so much contrary wind, and so many storms that we could not approach the land,
though we were near it several times. -- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Jan. 25th, Sunday.

At noon our third storm began. At four it was more violent than before.
The winds roared round about us, and whistled as distinctly as if it had been
a human voice. The ship not only rocked to and fro with the utmost violence,
but shook and jarred with so unequal, grating, a motion,
that one could not but with great difficulty keep one's hold of anything,
nor stand a moment without it. Every ten minutes came a shock
against the stern or side of the ship, which one would think
should dash the planks to pieces.

We spent two or three hours after prayers, in conversing suitably
to the occasion, confirming one another in a calm submission
to the wise, holy, gracious will of God. And now a storm did not appear
so terrible as before. Blessed be the God of all consolation!

At seven I went to the Germans; I had long before observed
the great seriousness of their behaviour. Of their humility
they had given a continual proof, by performing those servile offices
for the other passengers, which none of the English would undertake;
for which they desired, and would receive no pay, saying "It was good
for their proud hearts," and "their loving Saviour had done more for them."
And every day had given them occasion of showing a meekness,
which no injury could move. If they were pushed, struck, or thrown down,
they rose again and went away; but no complaint was found in their mouth.
There was now an opportunity of trying whether they were delivered
from the spirit of fear, as well as from that of pride, anger, and revenge.
In the midst of the psalm wherewith their service began,
the sea broke over, split the mainsail in pieces, covered the ship,
and poured in between the decks, as if the great deep had already
swallowed us up. A terrible screaming began among the English.
The Germans calmly sung on. I asked one of them afterward,
"Were you not afraid?" He answered, "I thank God, no."
I asked, "But were not your women and children afraid?" He replied mildly,
"No; our women and children are not afraid to die."

From them I went to their crying, trembling neighbors,
and pointed out to them the difference in the hour of trial,
between him that feareth God, and him that feareth Him not.
At twelve the wind fell. This was the most glorious day
which I have hitherto seen.

====== 6 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 6th.

(The oldest sailors say they have never seen so fierce a storm
as the one we had last night. The wind came from all sides at once,
lifted the water from the sea, bore it through the air
and cast it on the other ship, where Baron von Reck and the Salzburgers were,
and so flooded it that twelve persons were kept at the pumps all night.
-- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Jan. 26th.

We enjoyed the calm. I can conceive no difference comparable to that
between a smooth and a rough sea, except that which is between
a mind calmed by the love of God, and one torn up by the storms
of earthly passion.

====== 8 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 8th.

(There was a calm, and very fine weather, so that a boat could be lowered
to visit the other ship. -- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Jan. 28th.

(Being a calm day, I went on board the other ship, read prayers,
and visited the people. At my return I acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe
with their state, and he sent them such things as they needed.
-- Ingham's Journal.)

====== 9 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 9th.

(The wind was again favorable to us, but there was much lightning.
-- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Jan. 29th.

About seven in the evening we fell in with the skirts of a hurricane.
The rain as well as the wind was extremely violent. The sky was so dark
in a moment, that the sailors could not so much as see the ropes,
or set about furling the sails. The ship must, in all probability,
have overset, had not the wind fell as suddenly as it rose.

====== 10 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 10th.

The whole day was stormy, and all night the waves broke over the ship.


Wesley. Jan. 30th.

We had another storm, which did us no other harm than splitting the foresail.
Our bed being wet, I laid me down on the floor and slept sound till morning.

====== 12 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 12th.

(We were obliged to drift, because we did not know how far we were from land.
About noon we sighted three ships, sailed toward them,
and saw they were English; our sailors lowered the boat, we wrote in haste,
and sent letters to Herrnhut. The ships came from Charlestown,
and told us we were thirty hours' run from Georgia. -- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Feb. 1st, Sunday.

(Three sails appearing, we made up toward them, and got what letters
we could write, in hopes some of them might be bound for England.
One of them, that was bound for London, made towards us,
and we put our letters on board her. -- Ingham's Journal.)

====== 13 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 13th.

To-day we had another storm, and twice saw the ocean not far from us,
drawn up like smoke, so that the water reached up to the clouds,
and the ship would have been in great danger if it had struck us.

====== 14 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 14th.

Soundings toward evening showed twenty-eight fathoms of water,
and we hope to see land to-morrow.

====== 15 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 15th.

About two o'clock we saw land. I climbed the mast, and poured out my heart
to God, thanking Him, and praying that He would care for us in our new home.
We anchored for the night.


Wesley. Feb. 4th, Wednesday.

About noon the trees were visible from the mast, and in the afternoon
from the main deck. In the Evening Lesson were these words,
"A great door, and effectual, is opened," O let no one shut it!

====== 16 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 16th.

It was a beautiful day, and the land looked very fair.
At two o'clock we reached Tybee, and were all very happy.
The song service was blessed, and we thanked God with prayer and praise.


Wesley. Feb. 5th.

Between two and three in the afternoon God brought us all safe
into the Savannah River. We cast anchor near Tybee Island,
where the grove of pines, running along the shore, made an agreeable prospect,
showing, as it were, the bloom of spring in the depths of winter.

====== 17 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 17th.

I went on shore with Mr. Oglethorpe, and we together fell on our knees
and thanked God, and then took a boat to Savannah. I went at once
to the Brethren, and we rejoiced to meet again. I found the Brethren well,
and looked with wonder at what they had accomplished,
went with Toeltschig and Spangenberg to the garden, and also received
letters from Herrnhut. Spangenberg had to go immediately to Mr. Oglethorpe
to discuss many things with him.


Wesley. Feb. 6th, Friday.

About eight in the morning we first set foot on American ground.
It was a small, uninhabited island, (Peeper Island), over against Tybee.
Mr. Oglethorpe led us to a rising ground, where we all kneeled down
to give thanks. He then took boat for Savannah. When the rest of the people
were come on shore, we called our little flock together to prayers.
Several parts of the Second Lesson (Mark 6) were wonderfully suited
to the occasion.

====== 18 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 18th.

(About six o'clock in the evening, Br. Spangenberg came from Savannah to us,
which made us very glad and thankful. He told us of the death of Br. Riedel,
and held the song service, praying and thanking God for having brought us
together again. -- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Feb. 7th.

Mr. Oglethorpe returned from Savannah with Mr. Spangenberg,
one of the pastors of the Germans. I soon found what spirit he was of;
and asked his advice with regard to my own conduct.

====== 19 & 20 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 19th and 20th.

(We waited for the small vessel that was to come for us.
Br. Spangenberg held the prayer and song services. -- Dober's Diary.)


Wesley. Feb. 9th.

I asked Mr. Spangenberg many questions, both concerning himself
and the church at Herrnhut.

====== 21 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 21st.

(The small vessel came; we had much rain, and the wind
was so strong against us that we had to spend the night on the transport.
-- Dober's Diary.)

====== 22 Feb. 1736.

Nitschmann. Feb. 22nd.

(In the afternoon we reached Savannah, where we were lodged in the house
which the Brethren who came a year ago have built in the town.
The Lord has done all things well, and has turned to our good
all that has befallen us, even when we did not understand His way,
and has laid His blessing upon our journey, -- thanks be unto Him.
-- Dober's Diary.)

====== 27 Feb. 1736.

Wesley. Feb. 16th.

Mr. Oglethorpe set out for the new settlement on the Altamahaw River.
He took with him fifty men, besides Mr. Ingham, Mr. Hermsdorf,
and three Indians.

====== 6 Mar. 1736.

Wesley. Feb. 24th, Tuesday.

Mr. Oglethorpe returned. The day following I took my leave
of most of the passengers of the ship. In the evening I went to Savannah.



The arrival of the "second company" was a marked event
in the eyes of the Moravians already settled at Savannah.
Hitherto all had been preparation, and labor had seemed less arduous
and privations less severe because they were smoothing the path
for those who were to follow, and it was with well-earned satisfaction
that wives and friends were lodged in the new house,
taken to the garden and the farm, and introduced to acquaintances in the town.
No doubt poor Catherine Riedel's heart ached with loneliness,
and her tears flowed fast, when, at the close of that long and stormy voyage,
she heard of her husband's death, and stood beside his grave
in the Savannah cemetery; -- but there was little time for grieving
in the press of matters that required attention, for Spangenberg's long visit
was now to end, Nitschmann was to remain only until the organization
of the Congregation was complete, and there was much to be done
before these two able leaders took their departure.

Scarcely had Bishop Nitschmann greeted the members of the "first company"
in the dawn of Feb. 17th, 1736, when Spangenberg and Toeltschig
took him to the garden two miles distant, that they might have
a private and undisturbed conference. All too soon, however,
word was brought that Gen. Oglethorpe wanted to see Spangenberg at once,
so they retraced their steps, and Spangenberg received a hearty greeting
from the General, and many compliments on what he and his party
had accomplished. There is no record of the conversations among the Moravians
on that day, but they are not difficult to imagine, for the news from home
and from the mission fields on the one side, and the problems and prospects
in Georgia on the other, would furnish topics which many days
could not exhaust.

That evening Spangenberg again called on Gen. Oglethorpe,
who gave orders that a boat should take him next day to Tybee,
where the ship lay at anchor, with all her passengers aboard.
He also told Spangenberg about the English preacher whom he had brought over,
and made inquiries about Nitschmann's position, asking that the explanation
be repeated to the English preacher, who was also interested in him.

The following day Spangenberg waited upon Gen. Oglethorpe
to ask about Hermsdorf, as he heard the General had promised
to take him to the Altamaha, where a new town was to be built.
He also begged Oglethorpe to help him arrange his departure for Pennsylvania
as soon as possible, which the General agreed to do.

About six o'clock that evening Spangenberg reached the ship at Tybee,
and was warmly welcomed by the Moravians, and at their song service
he met the much-talked-of English preacher, John Wesley.
The two men liked each other at the first glance; Wesley wrote in his Journal,
"I soon found what spirit he was of, and asked his advice
in regard to my own conduct," while Spangenberg paralleled this in his Diary
with the remark, "He told me how it was with him, and I saw that true Grace
dwelt in and governed him."

During the two days which elapsed before the transport came
to take the Moravians from the ship, Wesley and Spangenberg had several
long conversations, each recording the points that struck him most,
but without comment. These discussions regarding doctrine and practice
were renewed at intervals during the remainder of Spangenberg's stay
in Savannah, and the young Englishman showed himself eager
to learn the Indian language so that he might preach to the natives,
generous in his offers to share his advantages of study with the Moravians,
and above all determined to enforce the letter of the ecclesiastical law,
as he understood it, in his new parish. He thought "it would be well
if two of the Moravian women would dedicate themselves to the Indian service,
and at once begin to study the language," and "as the early Church
employed deaconesses, it would be profitable if these women were ordained
to their office." He was also convinced "that the apostolic custom
of baptism by immersion ought to be observed in Georgia."
"He bound himself to no sect, but took the ground that a man ought to study
the Bible and the writings of the Church Fathers of the first three centuries,
accepting what agreed with these two sources, and rejecting all else."
He requested the Moravians to use the Lord's Prayer
at all their public services, "since this is acknowledged
to have been the custom of the early Church," and since that early Church
celebrated the Holy Communion every day, he thought it necessary
that all members should partake at least on every Sunday.
"He also had his thoughts concerning Fast days." Spangenberg promised
to lay these matters before the congregation, but so far
as Fast days were concerned, he said that while he would observe them
as a matter of conscience if he belonged to a Church which required them,
he doubted the wisdom of forcing them upon a Church
in which they were not obligatory.

On the 21st, the periagua ("so they call a rather deep, large boat")
came to take the Moravians to Savannah, but it was necessary to call
at the other ship, as some of their baggage had been brought in that vessel.
Spangenberg went ahead, and found that for some reason
the baggage could not be taken off that day. He was pleasantly received
by "the younger" Reck, but the Baron was absent, having gone to see the site
to which the Salzburgers wished to move their settlement, Gen. Oglethorpe
having given his permission. About the time the periagua arrived,
a heavy rain came up, and fearing the effect on the new-comers,
Spangenberg obtained permission to take them into the cabin.
When ten o'clock came they decided to wait no longer,
and started for Savannah, with the result that they spent the entire night
in the rain, in an open boat, and then had passed but half way up the river!
Early in the morning Spangenberg took two men and his small boat
and went ahead, stopping at Capt. Thomson's ship to get some things
Korte had sent them from London. They reached Savannah in the afternoon,
and before daybreak on Thursday, Feb. 23rd, the periagua
at last landed its passengers at Savannah.

That evening Spangenberg returned with Oglethorpe to the ship,
that various important matters might be more fully discussed.
They agreed, (1) that the five hundred acres already surveyed for Zinzendorf
should be retained, and settled, but that it would be wise
to take an additional five hundred acres of more fertile land nearer Savannah,
where it would be more accessible, the grant to be made
to Christian Ludwig von Zinzendorf, the Count's eldest son;
(2) that no Moravian could accept a fifty acre tract without pledging himself
to military service, but land could be secured for a number of them
at the rate of twenty acres apiece, without this obligation.
This land could be selected near Zinzendorf's estate, the town to be built
on the Count's property. If any wished to leave the Moravian Congregation,
he should receive twenty acres elsewhere for himself. (3) Non-Moravians,
like John Regnier, might live with them on the same conditions.
(4) If one of the Moravians died without male issue,
the Congregation should name his successor in the title to the land.
(5) The promised cattle should still be given.

It was further arranged that Spangenberg should continue to hold the title
to his fifty acres, but with the understanding that it was in trust
for the Congregation; the same to apply to Nitschmann's land, if desired.

On the 25th and 26th, a number of Indians visited the ship,
being received with much ceremony. "King" Tomochichi, and others,
Spangenberg had often seen, and they were formally presented to Mr. Wesley,
of whom they had heard, and to whom they gave a flask of honey
and a flask of milk, with the wish that "the Great Word might be to them
as milk and honey." Tomochichi told of his efforts to keep peace
among the tribes, in the face of rumors that the English meant
to enslave them all, and of his success so far, but he feared the Indians
were not in a frame of mind to give much heed to the Gospel message.
Still he welcomed the attempt, and would give what aid he could,
advising that the missionaries learn the Indian tongue,
and that they should not baptize, -- as the Spanish did, --
until the people were instructed and truly converted.

On Feb. 27th, General Oglethorpe started for the Altamaha.
His journey to Georgia on this occasion had been principally
to protect the southern borders of the colony by establishing two new towns
on the frontier, and erecting several forts near by. One company,
which sailed direct from Scotland, had landed in January,
and begun a settlement at New Inverness, on the north bank of the Altamaha,
and a second was now to be established on St. Simon Island,
and was to be called Frederica. Oglethorpe had expected
to take the Salzburgers who came on the `London Merchant',
to the southward with him, but nearly all of them decided that they preferred
to join those of their number who were preparing to move to New Ebenezer,
and the General did not insist, contenting himself with his English soldiers.

A periagua had been started a little in advance of the sloop
which bore the provisions, arms, ammunition, and tools, and in the evening
Gen. Oglethorpe followed in a swift, ten-oared boat, called, --
from the service in which it was often employed, -- a scout boat.

With the General went Mr. Ingham, and Lieut. Hermsdorf.
The latter assured Spangenberg that he had really meant little more
than to compliment the General on the occasion when he remarked
"that he would ask nothing better than to follow him through bush and valley,
and see him carry out his wise designs," that he did not know at that time
that Oglethorpe was going to the Altamaha, nor how far away the Altamaha was.
But Spangenberg gravely told him that Gen. Oglethorpe had taken his word
as that of an honest man, and that he would not attempt to hold him back,
only he wished him to so demean himself as to bring credit and not shame
to Zinzendorf and the Moravians, to whom he was at liberty to return when
he desired. Hermsdorf, therefore, went with Oglethorpe and his fifty men,
was made a Captain and was given a position of importance
in superintending the erection of the necessary fortifications on St. Simon.

Benjamin Ingham's visit to Frederica proved to be his first
unpleasant experience in the New World. Like John Wesley,
he came with the strictest ideas of Sabbath observance, etc.,
and as one said, in answer to a reproof, "these were new laws in America."
The effect may be summed up in his own words: "My chief business
was daily to visit the people, to take care of those that were sick,
and to supply them with the best things we had. For a few days at the first,
I had everybody's good word; but when they found I watched narrowly over them,
and reproved them sharply for their faults, immediately the scene changed.
Instead of blessing, came cursing, and my love and kindness
were repaid with hatred and ill-will."

Oglethorpe remained on the Altamaha but a few days,
and then returned to Savannah for the rest of his colonists.
Meanwhile the Moravian Congregation was being fully organized.
During Spangenberg's visit to Oglethorpe on his vessel, the Moravians,
including Bishop Nitschmann, met together, and John Toeltschig
was elected manager (Vorsteher), Gottfried Haberecht, monitor (Ermahner),
and Gotthard Demuth to perform various minor duties (Diener).
The name of the nurse (Krankenwaerter) is not given,
but he was probably John Regnier, who acted as physician,
not only for the Moravians, but for many of their poorer neighbors.
Andrew Dober was associated with Toeltschig in the management
of the finances, and all of these men were solemnly inducted into office,
it being the custom to give a kind of specialized ordination
even for positions not commonly considered ministerial.

Three "Bands" were formed among the men, -- smaller companies
associated for religious improvement, each Band electing a leader
charged with special oversight of the members. There was one
among the married men, one among the unmarried men who were communicants,
and another for the unmarried non-communicants, Toeltschig, Seifert and Rose
being the leaders. The women were organized in like manner,
though being few in number there was probably but one Band among them,
under Mrs. Toeltschig who had been appointed Elderess
before leaving Herrnhut. There is no reference to the celebration
of the Holy Communion by the first company during their months of preparation
in Savannah, nor had opportunity been given to the second company
since they left the English coast, but now, with Bishop Nitschmann to preside,
they were able to partake together, finding much blessing therein.
They resolved in the future to commune every two weeks,
but soon formed the habit, perhaps under Wesley's influence,
of coming to the Lord's Table every Sunday.

When Spangenberg returned to them, a conference was held each evening,
and on Sunday they had a Lovefeast, especially for those who had been selected
to superintend the material and spiritual affairs of the Congregation.

On the 1st of March, John and Charles Wesley called on them,
and on the 6th, Charles Wesley came again, and "opened his heart" to them.
The Diary calls him "an awakened but flighty man," who had come
as Gov. Oglethorpe's secretary, and was now about to go to Frederica
as pastor of that turbulent flock. From him Spangenberg learned
of Oglethorpe's return from Altamaha, and accompanied by Nitschmann
went with him to the ship, where the Wesleys were still living.
Two days were spent with Oglethorpe, who promised to give them
ground containing a good bed of clay, where they could make brick,
which should be sold to the Trustees' agent at 15 shillings per 1,000,
two-thirds of the price to be applied on their debt,
and one-third to be paid them in cash. Moreover several English boys
should be apprenticed to them to learn the trade. Hemp and flax seed
should also be given them, and he urged them to weave the linen, for they
had men who understood the art, and cloth was scarce and dear in Georgia.
He also advised them to buy oxen to use in cultivating their land;
and said that they should have one-third of the grape-vines
he had brought over with him, another portion was to be given to Tomochichi,
the remainder to be planted in his own garden.

On the 8th, Spangenberg and Nitschmann returned to Savannah,
and with Andrew Dober and John Wesley, (who had now moved from the ship,)
proceeded up the river to Mrs. Musgrove's, about five miles distant.
Wesley wished to select a site for a small house, which Oglethorpe
had promised to build for him, where he and his companions might live
while they were studying the Indian language, under Mrs. Musgrove's direction.
Nitschmann wanted to visit and talk with the Indian "King", Tomochichi,
and Dober was trying to find some clay suitable for pottery.
The following day they returned to Savannah, and Mr. Wesley and Mr. Delamotte
took up their abode with the Moravians, as Mr. Quincy,
Wesley's predecessor in the Savannah pastorate, had not yet vacated his house.
Wesley writes, "We had now an opportunity, day by day,
of observing their whole behaviour. For we were in one room with them
from morning to night, unless for the little time I spent in walking.
They were always employed, always cheerful themselves,
and in good humor with one another; they had put away all anger,
and strife, and wrath, and bitterness, and clamor, and evil speaking;
they walked worthy of the vocation wherewith they were called,
and adorned the Gospel of our Lord in all things." The impression thus made
upon John Wesley was lasting, and even during the subsequent years in England,
when differences of every kind arose between him and the Moravians,
and his Journal is full of bitter denunciations of doctrines and practices
which he did not understand, and with which he was not in sympathy,
he now and again interrupts himself to declare, "I can not speak of them
but with tender affection, were it only for the benefits
I have received from them."

An event which occurred on March 10th, is of more than local interest,
in that it is the first unquestioned instance of the exercise
of episcopal functions in the United States. Prior to this,
and for a number of years later, clergymen of the Church of England,
and English-speaking Catholic priests, were ordained in the Old World,
before coming to the New, remaining under the control of the Bishop
and of the Vicar Apostolic of London, while the Spanish Catholics
were under the Suffragan of Santiago de Cuba, and the French Catholics
under the Bishop of Quebec. Tradition mentions the secret consecration
of two Bishops of Pennsylvania before this time, but its authenticity
is doubted, and the two men did not exercise any episcopal powers.
Therefore when Bishop Nitschmann came to Georgia, and in the presence
of the Moravian Congregation at Savannah ordained one of their number
to be their pastor, he was unconsciously doing one of the "first things"
which are so interesting to every lover of history.

Whenever it was possible the Moravians spent Saturday afternoon and evening
in rest, prayer, and conference, and on this occasion four services were held
at short intervals.

At the first service the singing of a hymn was followed
by the reading of Psalm 84, a discourse thereon, and prayer.
The second was devoted to reading letters from Germany,
and some discussion as to Hermsdorf and his relation to the Congregation.
The third service was the important one, and the following account
was recorded in the Diary. "When we re-assembled the question:
`Must not our Congregation have a Chief Elder (Aeltester)?'
was presented for discussion. All thought it necessary,
and were unanimous in their choice of Anton Seifert,
and no other was even suggested. While his name was being considered,
he was sent from the room, and when he had been recalled, we sang a hymn,
and Nitschmann and Toeltschig led the Congregation in most earnest prayer.
Then Nitschmann delivered an earnest charge, setting before him
the importance of his office, which made him the foremost member
of the Congregation, especially in times of danger, for in the early Church,
as well as among our forefathers in Moravia, the bishops were ever
the first victims. He was asked if he would freely and willingly
give up his life for the Congregation and the Lord Jesus. He answered, `Yes.'
Then he was reminded of the evil which arose when bishops,
seeing their power in a Congregation, began to exalt themselves,
and to make outward show of their pre-eminence. He was asked
whether he would recognize as evil, abjure, and at once suppress
any inclination he might feel toward pride in his position as Chief Elder,
and his larger authority. He answered with a grave and thoughtful `Yes.'
Then our Nitschmann prayed over him earnestly, and ordained him to his office
with the laying on of hands. Nitschmann was uncommonly aroused and happy,
but Anton Seifert was very humble and quiet." John Wesley, who was present,
wrote "The great simplicity, as well as solemnity, of the whole,
almost made me forget the seventeen hundred years between,
and imagine myself in one of those assemblies where form and state were not;
but Paul the tent-maker, or Peter the fisherman, presided;
yet with the demonstration of the Spirit and of power."

Both Wesley and Benjamin Ingham refer to Seifert as a "bishop",
which is a mistake, though a natural one. Wesley was present
at the ordination, and heard the charge, with example and warning
drawn from the actions of earlier bishops; while Ingham,
in the course of several long conversations with Toeltschig
concerning the Moravian Episcopate and Seifert's ordination,
asked "is Anton a bishop?" and was answered, "yes, FOR OUR CONGREGATION."
This was in view of the fact that Bishop Nitschmann, in ordaining Seifert,
had empowered him to delegate another member to hold the Communion, baptize,
or perform the marriage ceremony in case of his sickness or necessary absence.
At that time the Moravian Church was just beginning to form her own ministry,
the ranks of Deacon, Presbyter and Bishop were not fully organized,
and the definite system was only established by the Tenth General Synod
of the Church in 1745. The exigencies of the case required large powers
for a man serving in an isolated field, and they were given him,
but strictly speaking, Seifert was only ordained a Deacon,
and never was consecrated Bishop.

The fourth and last service of the day was given up to song,
a discourse, and prayer.

On Sunday, March 11th, after morning prayers, Wesley went to Tybee
for an interview with General Oglethorpe. At a general gathering
of the Moravians later in the day, the second chapter of Acts was read,
with special reference to the last four verses, and the description
of the first congregation of Christ's followers, when "all that believed
were together, and had all things common," was taken as the pattern
of their "Gemeinschaft". This plan, which had already been tested
during the first year, proved so advantageous that it was later adopted
by other American Moravian settlements, being largely responsible
for their rapid growth during their early years, though in each case
there came a time when it hindered further progress,
and was therefore abandoned. In religious matters, the organization
of the Savannah Congregation had been modeled after that at Herrnhut,
so far as possible, but in material things the circumstances
were very different. At Herrnhut the estates of Count Zinzendorf,
under the able supervision of the Countess, were made to pay
practically all the general Church expenses, and many of the members
were in the service of the Saxon nobleman, Nicholas Lewis, Count Zinzendorf,
in various humble positions, even while in the Church
he divested himself of his rank and fraternized with them as social equals.
But the men who emigrated to Georgia had undertaken to support themselves
and carry on a mission work, and Spangenberg, with his keen insight,
grasped the idea that a common purpose warranted a community of service,
the labor of all for the benefit of all, with every duty,
no matter how menial, done as unto the Lord, whom they all,
in varying degrees, acknowledged as their Master. Later, in Bethlehem, Pa.,
with a larger number of colonists, and wider interests to be subserved,
Spangenberg again introduced the plan, and elaborated it
into a more or less intricate system, which is described
in a clear and interesting manner in "A History of Bethlehem",
by Rt. Rev. J. Mortimer Levering, which has recently been published.

Not only on account of its successor the "Oeconomie", at Bethlehem,
and others copied therefrom, but in view of the various modern attempts
which have been and are still being made to demonstrate
that the action of the early Church at Jerusalem can be duplicated
and made financially successful, it is worth while to rescue
the resolutions of the Moravian Congregation at Savannah from the oblivion
of the manuscript Diary, in which they have been so long concealed,
noting the claim that this was the first time since Apostolic days,
that a Congregation had formed itself into such a "Society", --
a "Gemeinschaft".

"In our gathering we read Acts 2, and spoke of the `Gemeinschaft',
for we are planning to work, to sow and reap, and to suffer with one another.
This will be very useful, for many a man who has not understood
or exerted himself, will by this means see himself and be led to improve.
Others also will see from it that we love each other,
and will glorify the Father in Heaven. There has been no "society"
like that at Jerusalem, but at this present time it becomes necessary,
for material reasons. Were we only individuals all would fear
to give one of us credit, for they would think, `he might die',
but nothing will be denied the `Society', for each stands for the other.
Each member must work diligently, since he does not labor for himself alone
but for his brethren, and this will prevent much laziness.
No one must rely on the fact that he understands a handicraft, and so on,
for there is a curse on him who relies on human skill
and forgets the Divine power. No one will be pressed to give to the `Society'
any property which has hitherto belonged to him. -- Each person present
was asked if he had any remarks to make, but there were no objections raised.
Moreover the brethren were told that if one should fall so low
that he not only withdrew himself from the brethren,
but was guilty of gross sin, he would be forced to work for another master
until he had earned enough to pay his transportation here and back again,
for we would not willingly permit such a man to remain in the land
as an offence to the Indians."

It is interesting to observe that care for the poor Indians is the argument
given for the course to be pursued in dealing with a recreant member!
They had come to preach the Gospel to the Indians, and did not propose
that evil should be learned through fault of theirs.

At his earnest request, John Regnier was now admitted to the "Society",
his presence among them so far having been without distinct agreement
as to his standing. This did not make him a communicant member of the Church,
simply put him on a par with the other non-communicants,
of whom there were quite a number in the Congregation.

In the evening Anton Seifert, so recently ordained Chief Elder, or pastor,
of the Congregation, officiated for the first time at a Confirmation service,
the candidate being Jacob Frank. He had been in poor health
when the second company left Germany, and Count Zinzendorf had advised him
not to go, but his heart was set on it, and he would not be persuaded.
He grew worse during the voyage and was now very ill with dropsy,
but in such a beautiful Christian spirit that no one could deny his wish
for full membership in the Church. Having given satisfactory answers
to the searching questions put to him, the blessing was laid upon his head,
and he expressed so great a desire to partake of the Lord's Supper
that his request was immediately granted, the Elders and Helpers (Helfer)
communing with him. Two or three days later he asked Spangenberg
to write his will, and then his strength gradually failed,
until on March 19th, he "passed to the Lord", leaving to his associates
the remembrance of his willing and happy departure.

The term "Helpers" was used to express in a general way all those,
both men and women, who were charged with the spiritual and temporal affairs
of the Congregation. Many of the words employed as official titles
by the Moravians were given a specialized significance
which makes it difficult to find an exact English equivalent for them,
though they are always apt when the meaning is understood.
Perhaps the best example of this is "Diener", which means "servant",
according to the dictionary, and was used to designate those
who "served" the Congregation in various ways. Until quite recently
a Lovefeast, held annually in Salem, N. C., for members of Church Boards,
Sunday-School Teachers, Church Choir, Ushers, etc. was familiarly known
as "the Servants' Lovefeast", a direct inheritance from the earlier days.
It is now more commonly called "the Workers' Lovefeast",
an attempt to unite "Helper" and "Diener" in a term understood by all.

At a "Helpers' Conference" held on March 13th, it was decided
to have nothing more to do with Vollmar, the Wittenberg carpenter,
who had crossed with the second company, had proved false and malicious,
and had now joined Herr von Reck's party without the consent of the Moravians.
More important, however, than the Vollmar affair, was the proposed departure
of Spangenberg for Pennsylvania. Most faithfully had he fulfilled
his commission to take the first company of Moravians to Georgia,
and settle them there, patiently had he labored for and with them
during their days of greatest toil and privation, controlling his own desire
to keep his promise and go to the Schwenkfelders, who were complaining
with some bitterness of his broken faith; but now his task was ended,
the Savannah Congregation was ready to be thrown on its own resources,
Gen. Oglethorpe had provided him with letters of introduction,
and the "lot" said, "Let him go, for the Lord is with him."

Final questions were asked and answered, Spangenberg's Commission
was delivered to him, and then Bishop Nitschmann "laid his blessing upon" him.
In the Lutheran Church, to which he belonged before he joined the Moravians,
Spangenberg had been an accredited minister of the Gospel.
The Church of England refused to acknowledge the validity
of Lutheran ordination, because that Church had no Episcopate,
but the Moravians, influenced by Count Zinzendorf, himself a Lutheran
by birth, broad-minded, liberal, and devout, did not hesitate
to fraternize with the Lutherans, or even to accept the Sacraments
at the hands of Pastor Rothe, in charge of the Parish Church of Berthelsdorf.
At the same time they prized the Episcopate lately transferred to them
from the ancient Unitas Fratrum, and while continuing in free fellowship
with Christians of all denominational names, they now intended
to so ordain their own ministry that no church could question it.
When the three grades were established in 1745, a license to preach
granted by the Lutheran Church was considered equivalent
to the rank of Deacon, ordination in the Moravian Church
making the minister a Presbyter.

Now fully equipped for his mission to the English Colony of Pennsylvania,
Spangenberg left Savannah on March 15th, going on Capt. Dunbar's ship
to Port Royal, where he lodged with a man who was born in Europe,
his wife in Africa, their child in Asia, and they were all
now living in America! From Port Royal he went by land almost to Charlestown,
the last short distance being in a chance boat, and from Charlestown
he sailed to New York. From there he proceeded to Philadelphia,
and to the Schwenkfelders, making his home with Christopher Wiegner
on his farm in the Skippack woods, where George Boehnisch was also living.
Spangenberg worked on the farm that he might not be a burden to his host,
and might meet the neighbors in a familiar way, meanwhile making
numerous acquaintances, and gaining much valuable information.

Bishop Nitschmann remained in Savannah until March 26th,
when he sailed to Charlestown. There he was detained ten days
waiting for a northbound ship, and employed the time in delivering
several letters of introduction, and learning all he could about Carolina,
and the conditions there. On the 28th of April he reached New York,
and left on the 9th of May for Philadelphia, going partly by boat,
and partly on foot, reaching there on the 13th. Six weeks he and Spangenberg
spent together, visiting many neighborhoods, and informing themselves
as to the religious and material outlook in Pennsylvania,
and then Nitschmann sailed for Germany.

His report gave a new turn to the American plans, for both he and Spangenberg
were much pleased with Pennsylvania. Quite a number of the settlers

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