“This day, before we came into harbour,” leaves no room for doubt that it was rather hurriedly drafted–and also signed–before noon of the 11th. That they had time on this winter Saturday–hardly three weeks from the shortest day in the year–to reach and encircle the harbor; secure anchorage; get out boats; arm, equip, and land two companies of men; make a considerable march into the land; cut firewood; and get all aboard again before dark, indicates that they must have made the harbor not far from noon. These facts serve also to correct another error of traditional Pilgrim history, which has been commonly current, and into which Davis falls (Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 60), viz. that the Compact was signed “in the harbor of Cape Cod.” It is noticeable that the instrument itself simply says, “Cape Cod,” not “Cape Cod harbour,” as later they were wont to say. The leaders clearly did not mean to get to port till there was a form of law and authority.]
for settlement on territory under the protection of the patent granted in their interest to John Pierce, by the London Virginia Company.
[The patent granted John Pierce, one of the Merchant Adventurers, by the London Virginia Company in the interest of the Pilgrims, was signed February 2/12, 1619, and of course could convey no rights to, or upon, territory not conveyed to the Company by its charter from the King issued in 1606, and the division of territory made thereunder to the Second Virginia Company. By this division the London Company was restricted northward by the 41st parallel, as noted, while the Second Company could not claim the 38th as its southern bound, as the charter stipulated that the nearest settlements under the respective companies should not be within one hundred miles of each other.]
Meeting in main cabin of all adult male passengers except their two hired seamen, Trevore and Ely, and those too ill–to make and sign a mutual ‘Compact”
[The Compact is too well known to require reprinting here (see Appendix); but a single clause of it calls for comment in this connection. In it the framers recite that, “Having undertaken to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia,” etc. From this phraseology it would appear that they here used the words “northern parts of Virginia” understandingly, and with a new relation and significance, from their connection with the words “the first colony in,” for such declaration could have no force or truth except as to the region north of 41 deg. north latitude. They knew, of course, of the colonies in Virginia under Gates, Wingfield, Smith, Raleigh, and others (Hopkins having been with Gates), and that, though there had been brief attempts at settlements in the “northern plantations,” there were none there then, and that hence theirs would be in a sense “the first,” especially if considered with reference to the new Council for New England. The region of the Hudson had heretofore been included in the term “northern parts of Virginia,” although in the southern Company’s limit; but a new meaning was now designedly given to the words as used in the Compact, and New England was contemplated. ]
to regulate their civil government. This done, they confirmed Master Carver their “governour” in the ship on the voyage, their “governour” for the year. Bore up for the Cape, and by short tacks made the Cape [Paomet, now Provincetown] Harbor, coming to an anchorage a furlong within the point. The bay so circular that before coming to anchor the ship boxed the compass [i.e. went clear around all points of it].
Let go anchors three quarters of an English mile off shore, because of shallow water, sixty-seven days from Plymouth (Eng.), eighty-one days from Dartmouth, ninety-nine days from Southampton, and one hundred and twenty from London. Got out the long-boat and set ashore an armed party of fifteen or sixteen in armor, and some to fetch wood, having none left, landing them on the long point or neck, toward the sea.
[The strip of land now known as Long Point, Provincetown (Mass.) harbor.]
Those going ashore were forced to wade a bow-shot or two in going aland. The party sent ashore returned at night having seen no person or habitation, having laded the boat with juniper wood.
SUNDAY, Nov. 12/22
At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. All hands piped to service. Weather mild.
MONDAY, Nov. 13/23
At anchor in Cape Cod harbor, unshipped the shallop and drew her on land to mend and repair her.
[Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 97) says: “Having brought a large shallop with them out of England, stowed in quarters in ye ship they now gott her out and sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up: but being much brused and shatered in ye ship with foule weather, they saw she sould be longe in mending.” In ‘Mourt’s Relation’ he says: “Monday, the 13th of November, we unshipped our shallop and drew her on land to mend and repair her, having been forced to cut her down, in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened, with the peoples lying in her, which kept us long there: for it was sixteen or seventeen days before the Carpenter had finished her.” Goodwin says she was “a sloop-rigged craft of twelve or fifteen tons.” There is an intimation of Bradford that she was “about thirty feet long.” It is evident from Bradford’s account (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 105) of her stormy entrance to Plymouth harbor that the shallop had but one mast, as he says “But herewith they broake their mast in 3 pieces and their saill fell overboard in a very grown sea.”]
Many went ashore to refresh themselves, and the women to wash.
TUESDAY, Nov. 14/24
Lying at anchor. Carpenter at work on shallop. Arms and accoutrements being got ready for an exploring party inland.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 15/25
Lying at anchor in harbor. Master and boat’s crew went ashore, followed in the afternoon by an armed party of sixteen men under command of Captain Myles Standish. Masters William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley being joined to him for council. The party to be gone from the ship a day or two. Weather mild and ground not frozen.
THURSDAY, Nov. 16/26
Lying at anchor in harbor. Exploring party still absent from ship. Weather continues open.
FRIDAY, Nov. 17/27
At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Weather open. Saw signal-fire on the other side of bay this morning, built by exploring party as arranged. The Master, Governor Carver, and many of the company ashore in afternoon, and met exploring party there on their return to ship. Hearing their signal-guns before they arrived at the shore, sent long-boat to fetch them aboard. They reported seeing Indians and following them ten miles without coming up to them the first afternoon out, and the next day found store of corn buried, and a big ship’s kettle, which they brought to the ship with much corn. Also saw deer and found excellent water.
SATURDAY, Nov. 18/28
At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Planters helving tools, etc. Carpenter at work on shallop, which takes more labor than at first supposed. Weather still moderate. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Nov. 19/29
At anchor, Gape Cod harbor. Second Sunday in harbor. Services aboard ship. Seamen ashore. Change in weather. Colder.
MONDAY, Nov. 20/30
At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter and others at work on shallop, getting out stock for a new shallop, helving tools, making articles needed, etc.
TUESDAY, Nov. 21/Dec. 1
At anchor in harbor. Much inconvenienced in going ashore. Can only go and come at high water except by wading, from which many have taken coughs and colds.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 22/Dec. 2
At anchor in harbor. Weather cold and stormy, having changed suddenly.
THURSDAY, Nov. 23/Dec. 3
At anchor in harbor. Cold and stormy. Work progressing on shallop.
FRIDAY, Nov. 24/Dec. 4
At anchor in harbor. Continues cold and stormy.
SATURDAY, Nov. 25/Dec. 5
At anchor in harbor. Weather same. Work on shallop pretty well finished and she can be used, though more remains to be done. Another exploration getting ready for Monday. Master and crew anxious to unlade and return for England. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Nov. 26/Dec. 6
At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Third Sunday here. Master notified Planters that they must find permanent location and that he must and would keep sufficient supplies for ship’s company and their return.
[Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 96. The doubt as to how the ship’s and the colonists’ provisions were divided and held is again suggested here. It is difficult, however, to understand how the Master “must and would” retain provisions with his small force against the larger, if it came to an issue of strength between Jones and Standish.]
MONDAY, Nov. 27/Dec. 7
At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Rough weather and cross winds. The Planters determined to send out a strong exploring party, and invited the Master of the ship to join them and go as leader, which he agreed continued to, and offered nine of the crew and the long-boat, which were accepted. Of the colonists there were four-and-twenty, making the party in all four-and-thirty. Wind so strong that setting out from the ship the shallop and long-boat were obliged to row to the nearest shore and the men to wade above the knees to land. The wind proved so strong that the shallop was obliged to harbor where she landed. Mate in charge of ship. Blowed and snowed all day and at night, and froze withal. Mistress White delivered of a son which is called “Peregrine.” The second child born on the voyage, the first in this harbor.
TUESDAY, Nov. 28/Dec. 8
At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Cold. Master Jones and exploring party absent on shore with long-boat and colonists’ shallop. The latter, which beached near ship yesterday in a strong wind and harbored there last night, got under way this morning and sailed up the harbor, following the course taken by the long-boat yesterday, the wind favoring. Six inches of snow fell yesterday and last night. Crew at work clearing snow from ship.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 29/Dec. 9
At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Cold. Foul weather threatening. Master Jones with sixteen men in the long-boat and shallop came aboard towards night (eighteen men remaining ashore), bringing also about ten bushels of Indian corn which had been found buried. The Master reports a long march, the exploration of two creeks, great numbers of wild fowl, the finding of much corn and beans,’ etc.
[This seems to be the first mention of beans (in early Pilgrim literature) as indigenous (presumably) to New England. They have held an important place in her dietary ever since.]
THURSDAY, Nov. 30/Dec. 10
At anchor in harbor. Sent shallop to head of harbor with mattocks and spades, as desired by those ashore, the seamen taking their muskets also. The shallop came alongside at nightfall with the rest of the explorers–the tide being out–bringing a lot of Indian things, baskets, pottery, wicker-ware, etc., discovered in two graves and sundry Indian houses they found after the Master left them. They report ground frozen a foot deep.
FRIDAY, Dec. 1/11
At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter finishing work on shallop. Colonists discussing locations visited, as places for settlement.
SATURDAY, Dec. 2/12
At anchor in harbor. Much discussion among colonists as to settlement, the Master insisting on a speedy determination. Whales playing about the ship in considerable numbers. One lying within half a musket-shot of the ship, two of the Planters shot at her, but the musket of the one who gave fire first blew in pieces both stock and barrel, yet no one was hurt. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Dec. 3/13
At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fourth Sunday here. Scarce any of those aboard free from vehement coughs, some very ill. Weather very variable.
MONDAY, Dec. 4/14
At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter completing repairs on shallop. Much discussion of plans for settlement. The Master urging that the Planters should explore with their shallop at some distance, declining in such season to stir from the present anchorage till a safe harbor is discovered by them where they would be and he might go without danger. This day died Edward Thompson, a servant of Master William White, the first to die aboard the ship since she anchored in the harbor. Burying-party sent ashore after services to bury him.
TUESDAY, Dec. 5/15
At anchor in harbor. Francis Billington, a young son of one of the passengers, put the ship and all in great jeopardy, by shooting off a fowling-piece in his father’s cabin between decks where there was a small barrel of powder open, and many people about the fire close by. None hurt. Weather cold and foul.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 6/16
At anchor in harbor. Very cold, bad weather. This day died Jasper More, a lad bound to Governor Carver. The second death in the harbor. The third exploring party got away from the ship in the afternoon in the shallop, intent on finding a harbor recommended by the second mate, Robert Coppin, who had visited it. Captain Standish in command, with whom were Governor Carver, Masters Bradford, Winslow, John Tilley and Edward Tilley, Warren and Hopkins, John Howland, Edward Dotey, and two of the colonists’ seamen, Alderton and English, and of the ship’s company, the mates Clarke and Coppin, the master-gunner and three sailors, eighteen in all. The shallop was a long time getting clear of the point, having to row, but at last got up her sails and out of the harbor. Sent burying-party ashore with body of little More boy, after services aboard.
THURSDAY, Dec. 7/17
At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. This day Mistress Dorothy Bradford, wife of Master Bradford, who is away with the exploring party to the westward, fell over board and was drowned.
FRIDAY, Dec. 8/18
At anchor in harbor. A strong south-east gale with heavy rain, turning to snow and growing cold toward night, as it cleared. This day Master James Chilton died aboard the ship. The third passenger, and first head of a family; to die in this harbor.
SATURDAY, Dec. 9/19
At anchor in harbor. Burying-party sent ashore after services aboard, to bury Chilton. Fetched wood and water.
[The death of Chilton was the first of the head of a family, and it may readily be imagined that the burial was an especially affecting scene, especially as following so closely upon the tragic death of Mrs. Bradford (for whom no funeral or burial arrangements are mentioned?? D.W.)]
SUNDAY, Dec. 10/20
At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fifth Sunday in this harbor. The exploring party still absent. Four deaths one by drowning; very severe weather; the ship’s narrow escape from being blown up; and the absence of so many of the principal men, have made it a hard, gloomy week.
MONDAY, Dec. 11/21
At anchor in harbor. Clear weather.
TUESDAY, Dec. 12/22
At anchor in harbor. Exploration party still absent.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 13/23
At anchor in harbor. Exploration party returned to ship, where much sad intelligence met them (especially Master Bradford), as to his wife’s drowning. The exploring party report finding a considerable Indian burying-place; several Indian houses; a fierce attack on them by Indians on Friday morning, but without harm; a severe gale on the same afternoon, in which their rudder-hinges broke, their mast was split in three pieces, their sail fell over board in a heavy sea, and they were like to have been cast away in making a harbor which Master Coppin thought he knew, but was deceived about. They landed on an island at the mouth of the harbor, which they named for Master Clarke, the first mate, and spent Saturday and Sunday there, and on Monday examined the harbor they found, and are agreed that it is the place for settlement. Much satisfaction with the report among the colonists.
THURSDAY, Dec. 14/24
At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. The colonists have determined to make settlement at the harbor they visited, and which is apparently, by Captain John Smith’s chart of 1616, no other than the place he calls “Plimoth” thereon. Fetched wood and water.
FRIDAY, Dec. 15/25
Weighed anchor to go to the place the exploring party discovered. Course west, after leaving harbor. Shallop in company. Coming within two leagues, the wind coming northwest, could not fetch the harbor, and was faine to put round again towards Cape Cod. Made old anchorage at night. The thirty-fifth night have lain at anchor here. Shallop returned with ship.
SATURDAY, Dec. 16/26
Comes in with fair wind for Plymouth. Weighed anchor and put to sea again and made harbor safely. Shallop in company. Within half an hour of anchoring the wind changed, so if letted [hindered] but a little had gone back to Cape Cod. A fine harbor. Let go anchors just within a long spur of beach a mile or more from shore. The end of the outward voyage; one hundred and two days from Plymouth (England to Plymouth New England). One hundred and fifty-five days from London.
THE SHIPS JOURNAL WHILE SHE LAY IN PLYMOUTH HARBOR
SUNDAY, Dec. 17/27
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Services on ship. This harbor is a bay greater than Cape Cod, compassed with goodly land. It is in fashion like a sickle or fish-hook.
MONDAY, Dec. 18/28
At anchor, Plymouth harbor: The Master of the ship, with three or four of the sailors and several of the Planters, went aland and marched along the coast several miles. Made careful examination of locality. Found many brooks of fine water, abundant wood, etc. The party came aboard at night weary with marching.
TUESDAY, Dec. 19/29
At anchor, Plymouth harbor. A party from the ship went ashore to discover, some going by land and some keeping to the shallop. A creek was found leading up within the land and followed up three English miles, a very pleasant river at full sea. It was given the name of “Jones River” in compliment to the Master of the ship. A bark of thirty tons may go up at high tide, but the shallop could scarcely pass at low water. All came aboard at night with resolution to fix, to-morrow, which of the several places examined they would settle upon.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 20/30
At anchor, Plymouth harbor, many ill. Dec. After service the colonists decided to go ashore this morning and determine upon one of two places which were thought most fitting for their habitation. So a considerable party went ashore and left twenty of their number there to make a rendezvous, the rest coming on board at night. They reported that they had chosen by the most voices the site first looked at by the largest brook, near where they landed on the 11th on a large rock [Plymouth Rock].
[The “Rock” seems to have become the established landing place of the Pilgrims, from the time of the first visit of the third exploring party on December 11/21. The absurdity of the claims of the partisans of Mary Chilton, in the foolish contention which existed for many years as to whether she or John Alden was the first person to set foot upon the “Rock,” is shown by the fact that, of course, no women were with the third exploring party which first landed there, while it is also certain that Alden was not of that exploring party. That Mary Chilton may have been the first woman to land at Cape Cod harbor is entirely possible, as it is that she or John Alden may have been the first person to land on the “Rock” after the ship arrived in Plymouth harbor. It was a vexatious travesty upon history (though perpetuated by parties who ought to have been correct) that the Association for building the Pilgrim Monument at Plymouth should issue a pamphlet giving a picture of the “Landing of the Pilgrims, December 21, 1620,” in which women are pictured, and in which the shallop is shown with a large fore-and-aft mainsail, while on the same page is another picture entitled, “The Shallop of the MAY-FLOWER,” having a large yard and square-sail, and a “Cuddy” (which last the MAY-FLOWER’S shallop we know did not have). The printed description of the picture, however, says: “The cut is copied from a picture by Van der Veldt, a Dutch painter of the seventeenth century, representing a shallop,” etc. It is matter of regret to find that a book like Colonel T. W. Higginson’s ‘Book of American Explorers’, intended for a text-book, and bearing the imprint of a house like Longmans, Green & Co. should actually print a “cut” showing Mary Chilton landing from a boat full of men (in which she is the only woman) upon a rock, presumably Plymouth Rock.]
THURSDAY, Dec. 21/31
At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Wet and stormy, so the Planters could not go ashore as planned, having blown hard and rained extremely all night. Very uncomfortable for the party on shore. So tempestuous that the shallop could not go to land as soon as was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About eleven o’clock the shallop went off with much ado with provision, but could not return, it blew so strong. Such foul weather forced to ride with three anchors ahead. This day Richard Britteridge, one of the colonists, died aboard the ship, the first to die in this harbor.
FRIDAY, Dec. 22/Jan. 1
At anchor, Plymouth harbor. The storm continues, so that no one could go ashore, or those on land come aboard. This morning goodwife Allerton was delivered of a son, but dead-born. The third child born on board the ship since leaving England,–the first in this harbor.
SATURDAY, Dec. 23/Jan. 2
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sent body of Britteridge ashore for burial, the storm having prevented going before, and also a large party of colonists to fell timber, etc. Left a large number on shore at the rendezvous. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Dec. 24/Jan. 3
At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Second Sunday here. This day died Solomon Prower, one of the family of Master Martin, the treasurer of the colonists, being the sixth death this month, and the second in this harbor. A burying-party went ashore with Prower’s body, after services aboard.
MONDAY, Dec. 25/Jan. 4
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Christmas Day, but not observed by these colonists, they being opposed to all saints’ days, etc. The men on shore Sunday reported that they “heard a cry of some savages,” as they thought, that day. A large party went ashore this morning to fell timber and begin building. They began to erect the first house about twenty feet square for their common use, to receive them and their goods. Another alarm as of Indians this day. All but twenty of the Planters came aboard at night, leaving the rest to keep court of guard. The colonists began to drink water, but at night the Master caused them to have some beer.
TUESDAY, Dec. 26/Jan. 5
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. A violent storm of wind and rain. The weather so foul this morning that none could go ashore.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 27/Jan. 6
At anchor in harbor. Sent working party ashore. All but the guard came aboard at night.
THURSDAY, Dec. 28/Jan. 7
At anchor. All able went ashore this morning to work on a platform for ordnance on the hill back of the settlement, commanding the harbor. The Planters this day laid out their town-site and allotted ground to the several families. Many of the colonists ill from exposure. All but the guard came off to the ship at night.
FRIDAY, Dec. 29/Jan. 8
At anchor in harbor. No working-party went aland. The Planters fitting tools, etc., for their work. The weather wet and cold.
SATURDAY, Dec. 30/Jan. 9
At anchor in harbor. Very stormy and cold. No working-party sent aland. The Planters fitting tools, etc. Great smokes of fires visible from the ship, six or seven miles away, probably made by Indians.
SUNDAY, Dec. 31/Jan. 10
At anchor in harbor. The third Sunday in this harbor. Sailors given leave to go ashore. Many colonists ill.
MONDAY, Jan. 1/Jan. 11
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. This day Degory Priest, one of the colonists, died aboard the ship. A large party went ashore early to work. Much time lost between ship and shore, the ship drawing so much water as obliged to anchor a mile and a half off. The working-party came aboard at nightfall. Fetched wood and water.
TUESDAY, Jan. 2/Jan. 12
At anchor in harbor. Sent burying-party ashore with Priest’s body. Weather good. Working-party aland and returned to ship at night.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 3/Jan. 13
At anchor in harbor. Working-party aland, returned at night. They report seeing great fires of the Indians. Smoke seen from the ship. Have seen no savages since arrival.
THURSDAY, Jan. 4/Jan. 14
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Captain Standish, with four or five men, went to look for savages, and though they found some of their old houses “wigwams” could not meet with any of them.
FRIDAY, Jan. 5/Jan. 15
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Working- party went aland early. One of the sailors found a live herring upon the shore, which the Master had to his supper. As yet have caught but one cod.
SATURDAY, Jan. 6/Jan. 16
At anchor in harbor. In judgment of Masters Brewster, Bradford, and others, Master Martin, the colonists’ treasurer, was so hopelessly ill that Governor Carver, who had taken up his quarters on land, was sent for to come aboard to speak with him about his accounts. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Jan. 7/Jan. 17
At anchor in harbor. Fourth Sunday here. Governor Carver came aboard to talk with Master Martin, who was sinking fast.
MONDAY, Jan. 8/Jan. 18
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. A very fan fair day. The working-party went aland early. The Master sent, the shallop for fish. They had a great tempest at sea and were in some danger. They returned to the ship at night, with three great seals they had shot, and an excellent great cod. Master Martin died this day. He had been a “governour” of the passengers on the ship, and an “assistant,” and was an Adventurer. One of the Master-mates took a musket, and went with young Francis Billington to find the great inland sea the latter had seen from the top of a tree, and found a great water, in two great lakes [Billington Sea,] also Indian houses.
TUESDAY, Jan. 9/Jan. 19
At anchor in harbor. Fair day. Sent burying-party ashore after services aboard, with the body of Master Martin, and he was buried with some ceremony on the hill near the landing-place. The settlers drew lots for their meersteads and garden-plots. The common-house nearly finished, wanting only covering.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 10/Jan. 20
At anchor in harbor. Party went aland from ship. Frosty.
THURSDAY, Jan. 11/Jan. 21
At anchor in harbor. A fair day. Party ashore from ship and coming off at night, reported Master William Bradford very ill: Many ill aboard.
FRIDAY, Jan. 12/Jan. 22
At anchor in harbor. Began to rain at noon and stopped all work. Those coming aboard ship at night reported John Goodman and Peter Browne, two of the colonists, missing, and fears entertained that they may have been taken by Indians. Froze and snowed at night. The first snow for a month. An extremely cold night.
SATURDAY, Jan. 13/Jan. 23
At anchor in harbor. The Governor sent out an armed party of ten or twelve to look for the missing men, but they returned without seeing or hearing anything at all of them. Those on shipboard much grieved, as deeming them lost. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Jan. 14/Jan. 24
At anchor in harbor. About six o’clock in the morning, the wind being very great, the watch on deck spied the great new rendezvous on shore on fire and feared it fired by Indians, but the tide being out, men could not get ashore for three quarters of an hour, when they went armed. At the landing they heard that the lost men were returned, some frost-bitten, and that the thatch of the common-house only was burnt by a spark, but no other harm done the roof. The most loss was Governor Carver’s and Master Bradford’s, both of whom lay sick in bed, and narrowly missed being blown up with powder. The meeting was to have been kept ashore to-day, the greater number of the people now being there, but the fire, etc., prevented. Some of those sick in the common-house were fain to return aboard for shelter. Fifth Sunday in this harbor.
MONDAY, Jan. 15/Jan. 25
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Rained much all day. They on shipboard could not go ashore nor they on shore do any labor, but were all wet.
TUESDAY, Jan. 16/Jan. 26
At anchorage. A fine, sunshining day like April. Party went aland betimes. Many ill both on ship and on shore.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 17/Jan. 27
At anchorage. Another fine, sunshining day. Working-party went aland early. Set on shore some of the Planters’ goods.
[Mourt’s Relation, Dexter’s ed. p. 77. Bradford states (op. cit. Mass. ed. p. 110) that they were hindered in getting goods ashore by “want of boats,” as well as sickness. Mention is made only of the “long-boat” and shallop. It is possible there were no others, except the Master’s skiff]
THURSDAY, Jan. 18/Jan. 28
At anchorage. Another fine, bright day. Some of the common goods [i.e. belonging to all] set on shore.
FRIDAY, Jan. 19/Jan. 29
At anchorage. A shed was begun on shore to receive the goods from the ship. Rained at noon but cleared toward night.
[Cleared toward evening (though wet at noon), and John Goodman went out to try his frozen feet, as is recorded, and had his encounter with wolves.]
SATURDAY, Jan. 20/Jan. 30
At anchorage. Shed made ready for goods from ship. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Jan. 21/Jan. 31
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sixth Sunday in this harbor. Many ill. The Planters kept their meeting on land to-day for the first time, in the common-house.
MONDAY, Jan. 22/Feb. 1
At anchorage. Fair day. Hogsheads of meal sent on shore from ship and put in storehouse.
TUESDAY, Jan. 23/Feb. 2
At anchorage. The general sickness increases, both on shipboard and on land.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 24/Feb. 3
At anchor in harbor. Fair weather. Party on shore from ship and returned at night.
THURSDAY, Jan. 25/Feb. 4
At anchorage. Weather good. Party set ashore and came aboard at night.
FRIDAY, Jan. 26/Feb. 5
At anchorage. Weather good. Party set ashore. The sickness increases.
SATURDAY, Jan. 27/Feb. 6
At anchorage. Weather fair. Good working weather all the week, but many sick. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Jan. 28/Feb. 7
At anchorage, Plymouth harbor. Seventh Sunday in this harbor. Meeting kept on shore. Those of Planters on board who were able, and some of the ship’s company, went ashore, and came off after service.
MONDAY, Jan. 29/Feb. 8
At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Morning cold, with frost and sleet, but after reason ably fair. Both long-boat and shallop carrying Planters’ goods on shore. Those returning reported that Mistress Rose Standish, wife of Captain Standish, died to-day.
TUESDAY, Jan. 30/Feb. 9
At anchorage. Cold, frosty weather, so no working-party went on shore from ship. The Master and others of the ship’s company saw two savages that had been on the island near the ship [Clarke’s Island]. They were gone so far back again before they were discovered that could not speak with them. The first natives actually seen since the encounter on the Cape.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 31/Feb. 10
At anchor in harbor. Still cold and frosty, with sleet. No party went on shore. Eight of the colonists have died this month on the ship and on shore.
THURSDAY, Feb. 1/Feb. 11
At anchor in harbor. Weather better, and some of those on board the ship went on shore to work, but many ill.
FRIDAY, Feb. 2/Feb. 12
At anchorage. The same.
SATURDAY, Feb. 3/13
At anchorage. Weather threatening. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Feb. 4/14
At anchor, Plymouth harbor. The eighth Sunday in this harbor, and now inexpedient to think of getting away, till both Planters and crew in better condition as to health.
[Bradford, Historie, p. 92; Young, Chronicler, p. 198. Bradford says (op. cit. Mass. ed, pp. 120, 121): “The reason on their parts why she stayed so long was ye necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was well toward ye ende of December before she could land anything here, or they able to receive anything ashore. After wards, ye 14 of January the house which they had made for a general randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire aboard for shelter. Then the sickness begane to fall sore amongst them, and ye weather so bad as they could not make much sooner dispatch. Againe, the Governor & chiefe of them seeing so many dye, and fall down sick dayly, thought it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered, and the danger they stood in from ye Indians, till they could procure some shelter; and therefore thought it better to draw some more charge upon themselves & friends [“demurrage?”] than hazard all. The Mr. and sea-men likewise; though before they hasted ye passengers a shore to be goone [gone], now many of their men being dead, and of ye ablest of them [as is before noted, and of ye rest many lay sick & weake, ye Mr, durst not put to sea till he saw his men begine to recover, and ye hart of winter over.”]]
A very rainy day with the heaviest gusts of wind yet experienced. The ship in some danger of oversetting, being light and unballasted.
MONDAY, Feb. 5/15
At anchor in harbor. Clearing weather.
TUESDAY, Feb. 6/16
At anchor in harbor. Cold and clear.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 7/17
At anchor in harbor. Much colder.
THURSDAY, Feb. 8/18
At anchorage. Hard, cold weather.
FRIDAY, Feb. 9/19
At anchorage. Cold weather continues. Little work possible. The little house for the sick people on shore took fire this afternoon, by a spark that kindled in the roof. No great harm done. The Master going ashore, killed five geese, which he distributed among the sick people. He also found a good deer the savages had killed, having also cut off his horns. A wolf was eating him. Cannot conceive how he came there.
SATURDAY, Feb. 10/20
At anchor in harbor. Getting goods on shore, but sickness makes both Planters and crew shorthanded. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Feb. 11/21
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Ninth Sunday in this harbor.
MONDAY, Feb. 12/22
At anchorage. Getting goods on shore.
TUESDAY, Feb. 13/23
At anchorage. Rainy.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 14/24
At anchorage. More sickness on ship and on shore than at any time, and more deaths. Rainy, clearing.
[The sickness and mortality had rapidly increased and was now at its height]
THURSDAY, Feb. 15/25
At anchorage. Northerly wind and frost.
FRIDAY, Feb. 16/26
At anchorage. Northerly wind continues, which continues the frost. Those from shore reported that one of the Planters, being out fowling and hidden in the reeds, about a mile and a half from the settlement, saw twelve Indians marching toward the plantation and heard many more. He hurried home with all speed and gave the alarm, so all the people in the woods at work returned and armed themselves, but saw nothing of the Indians. Captain Standish’s and Francis Cooke’s tools also stolen by Indians in woods. A great fire toward night seen from the ship, about where the Indians were discovered.
SATURDAY, Feb. 17/27
At anchorage. All the colonists on the ship able to go on shore went this morning to attend the meeting for the establishment of military orders among them. They chose Captain Standish their captain, and gave him authority of command in affairs. Two savages appeared on the hill, a quarter of a mile from the plantation, while the Planters were consulting, and made signs for Planters to come to them. All armed and stood ready, and sent two towards them, Captain Standish and Master Hopkins, but the natives would not tarry. It was determined to plant the great ordnance in convenient places at once. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Feb. 18/28
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The Feb. tenth Sunday in this harbor. Many sick, both on board the ship and on shore.
MONDAY, Feb. 19/Mar. 1
At anchorage. Got one of the great guns on shore with the help of some of the Planters.
TUESDAY, Feb. 20/Mar. 2
At anchorage. Getting cannon ashore and mounted.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 21/Mar. 3
At anchorage. The Master, with many of the sailors, went on shore, taking one of the great pieces called a minion, and with the Planters drew it up the hill, with another piece that lay on the shore, and mounted them and a saller and two bases–five guns –on the platform made for them. A hard day’s work. The Master took on shore with him a very fat goose he had shot, to which the Planters added a fat crane, a mallard, and a dried neat’s tongue (ox tongue), and Planters and crew feasted together. When the Master went on shore, he sent off the Governor to take the directions of Master Mullens as to his property, as he was lying near to death,–as also Master White. Master Mullens dictated his will to the Governor, which he noted down, and Giles Heale, the chirurgeon, and Christopher Joanes, of the crew, witnessed, they being left aboard to care for the sick, keep the ship, etc. Master Mullens and Master White both died this day. Two others also died. Got the men aboard about nightfall.
THURSDAY, Feb. 22/Mar. 4
At anchorage. Large burial-party went ashore with bodies of Masters Mullens and White, and joined with those on shore made the chief burial thus far had. The service on shore, the most of the people being there, Master Mullens being one of the chief subscribing Adventurers, as well as one of the chief men of the Planters, as was Master White. Their deaths much deplored.
FRIDAY, Feb. 23/Mar. 5
At anchorage. Party from the ship went on shore to help finish work on the ordnance.
SATURDAY, Feb. 24/Mar. 6
At anchorage. Same. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Feb. 25/Mar. 7
At anchorage in Plymouth harbor. Eleventh Sunday in this harbor. Mistress Mary Allerton, wife of Master Isaac Allerton, one of the chief men of the colonists, died on board this day, not having mended well since the birth of her child, dead-born about two months agone.
MONDAY, Feb. 26/Mar. 8
At anchor in harbor. Burying-party went ashore to bury Mistress Allerton, services being held there.
TUESDAY, Feb. 27/Mar. 9
At anchorage. The sickness and deaths of the colonists on shore have steadily increased, and have extended to the ship, which has lost several of its petty officers, including the master gunner, three quarter-masters, and cook, and a third of the crew, many from scurvy.
[There can be no doubt that both planters and ship’s crew suffered severely from scurvy. The conditions all favored it, the sailors were familiar with it, and would not be likely to be mistaken in their recognition of it, and Dr. Fuller, their competent physician, would not be likely to err in his diagnosis of it. Tuberculosis was its very natural associate.]
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 28/Mar. 10
At anchorage. The last day of the month. The fifty-third day the ship has lain in this harbor, and from the present rate of sickness and death aboard, no present capacity or prospect of getting away, those better being yet weak. The Planters have lost seventeen this month, their largest mortality.
THURSDAY, Mar. 1/11
At anchorage. Blustering but milder weather.
FRIDAY, Mar. 2/12
At anchorage. Same.
SATURDAY, Mar. 3/13
At anchorage. Wind south. Morning misty [foggy]. Towards noon warm and fine weather. At one o’clock it thundered. The first heard. It rained sadly from two o’clock till midnight. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Mar. 4/14
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The twelfth Sunday in this harbor. Cooler. Clear weather.
MONDAY, Mar. 5/15
At anchorage. Rough weather.
TUESDAY, Mar. 6/16
At anchorage. Same.
WEDNESDAY, Mar. 7/17
At anchor in harbor. Wind full east, cold but fair. The Governor went this day with a party of five, to the great ponds, discovered by one of the ship’s mates and Francis Billington. Some planting done in the settlement.
THURSDAY, Mar. 8/18
At anchor in harbor. Rough easterly weather.
FRIDAY, Mar. 9/19
At anchorage. Same. Many sick aboard.
SATURDAY, Mar. 10/20
At anchorage. Same. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Mar. 11/21
At anchorage, Plymouth harbor. The thirteenth Sunday the ship has lain in this harbor. Many of crew yet ill, including boatswain.
MONDAY, Mar. 12/22
At anchorage. Easterly weather.
TUESDAY, Mar. 13/23
At anchorage. The sickness and mortality on ship and on shore continue.
WEDNESDAY, Mar. 14/24
At anchorage. Same.
THURSDAY, Mar. 15/25
At anchorage. Same.
FRIDAY, Mar. 16/26
At anchorage. A fair, warm day, towards noon. The Master and others went ashore to the general meeting. The plantation was startled this morning by a visit from an Indian who spoke some English and bade “Welcome.” He is from Monhiggon, an island to the eastward some days’ sail, near where Sir Ferdinando Gorges had a settlement. He was friendly, and having had much intercourse with Englishmen who came to fish in those parts, very comfortable with them. He saw the ship in the harbor from a distance and supposed her to be a fishing vessel. He told the Governor that the plantation was formerly called “Patuxet” [or Apaum], and that all its inhabitants had been carried off by a plague about four years ago. All the afternoon was spent in communication with him. The Governor purposed sending him aboard the ship at night, and he was well content to go and went aboard the shallop to come to the ship, but the wind was high and water scant [low], so that the shallop could not go to the ship. The Governor sent him to Master Hopkins’s house and set a watch over him.
SATURDAY, Mar. 17/27
At anchor in harbor. The Master and others came off to the ship. Samoset the Indian went away back to the Massasoits whence he came. A reasonably fair day. Fetched wood and water.
SUNDAY, Mar. 18/28
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The fourteenth Sunday the ship has lain at this anchorage. A fair day. The sickness stayed a little. Many went on shore to the meeting in the common-house. Samoset the savage came again, and brought five others with him.
[This Sunday visit was doubtless very much to the dislike of the good brethren, or at least of the leaders, but policy dictated every possible forbearance. Their consciences drew the line at trade, however, and they got rid of their untimely visitors as soon as possible without giving offense. Massasoit’s men seem to have shown, by leaving their peltry with them, a confidence in their new white neighbors that is remarkable in view of the brevity of their friendship.]
They left their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from the town, as instructed. The Planters gave them entertainment, but would not truck with them.
[“Truck–to trade.” All early and modern lexicographers give the word, which, though now obsolete, was in common use in parts of New England fifty years ago.]
They sang and danced after their manner, and made semblance of amity and friendship. They drank tobacco and carried pounded corn to eat. Their faces were painted. They brought a few skins which they left with the Planters, and returned the tools which Captain Standish and Francis Cooke left in the woods. The Planters dismissed them with a few trifles as soon as they could, it being Sunday, and they promised soon to return and trade. Samoset would not go with them, feigning sick, and stayed. Those on shore from the ship came off to her at night.
MONDAY, Mar. 19/29
At anchorage. A fair day. The Planters digging and sowing seeds.
TUESDAY, Mar. 20/30
At anchorage. A fine day. Digging and planting of gardens on shore. Those sick of the crew mending.
WEDNESDAY, Mar. 21/31
At anchorage. A fine warm day. Beginning to put ship in trim for return voyage. Bringing ballast, etc. Some, including the Masters-mates, went on shore, who on return reported that the Planters sent the Indian Samoset away. A general meeting of the Planters was held at the common-house, to conclude laws and orders, and to confirm the military orders formerly proposed, and twice broken off by the savages coming, as happened again. After the meeting had held an hour or so, two or three savages appeared on the hill over against the town, and made semblance of daring the Planters. Captain Standish and another, with their muskets, went over to them, with the two Masters-mates of the ship, who were ashore, also armed with muskets. The savages made show of defiance, but as our men drew near they ran away. This day the carpenter, who has long been ill of scurvy, fitted the shallop to carry all the goods and furniture aboard the ship, on shore.
THURSDAY, Mar. 22/Apr. 1
At anchorage. A very fair, warm day. At work on ship getting ready for sea, bringing ballast aboard, etc. Another general meeting of the Planters which all able attended. They had scarce been an hour together when Samoset the Indian came again with one Squanto, the only native of Patuxet (where the Planters now inhabit) surviving, who was one of the twenty captives carried away from this place by Captain Hunt, to England. He could speak a little English. They brought three other Indians with them. They signified that their great Sagamore, Masasoyt, was hard by, with Quadequina his brother, and all their men. They could not well express what they would in English, but after an hour the king came to the top of the hill, over against the plantation, with his train of about sixty men. Squanto went to him and brought a message that one should be sent to parley with him, and Master Edward Winslow went, to know hisnmind, and signify the wish of the Governor to have trading and peace with him, the Governor sending presents to the king and his brother, with something to eat and drink.
[Edward Winslow gives us here another proof of that rare self-sacrifice, that entire devotion to his work, and that splendid intrepidity which so signally characterized his whole career. At this most critical moment, the fate of the little colony trembling in the balance, when there was evident fear of treachery and surprise on the part of both the English and the savages; though the wife of his youth lay at the point of death (which came but two days later), and his heart was heavy with grief; forgetting all but the welfare of his little band of brethren, he goes forward alone, his life in his hand, to meet the great sachem surrounded by his whole tribe, as the calm, adroit diplomatist, upon whom all must depend; and as the fearless hostage, to put himself in pawn for the savage chief.]
The king, leaving Master Winslow with brother, came over the brook, with some twenty of his men, leaving their bows and arrows behind them, and giving some six or seven of their men as hostages for Master Winslow. Captain Standish, with Master Williamson, the ship’s-merchant, as interpreter,
[It would seem from the frequent mention of the presence of some of the ship’s company, Master Jones, the “Masters-mates,” and now the “ship’s-merchant,” that the ship was daily well represented in the little settlement on shore. The presence of Master Williamson on this occasion is perhaps readily accounted for. Every other meeting with the Indians had been unexpected, the present one was anticipated, and somewhat eagerly, for upon its successful issue almost everything depended. By this time Standish had probably become aware that Tisquantum’s command of English was very limited, and he desired all the aid the ship’s interpreter could give. By some means, the sachem and the colonists succeeded in establishing on this day a very good and lasting understanding.]
and a guard of half a dozen musketeers, met the king at the brook,
[The guard was probably made thus small to leave the body of the colonists as strong a reserve force as possible to meet any surprise attack on the part of the Indians. Colonel Higginson, in his Book of American Explorers, gives a cut of this meeting of Massasoit and his pineses with Standish and his guard of honor, but it is defective in that the guard seems to have advanced to the hill (“Strawberry,” or later “Watson’s”) to meet the sachem, instead of only to “the brook;” and more especially in that there are but two officers with the “six musketeers,” where there ought to be three, viz. Standish, in command, Edward Window, as the envoy and hostage (in full armor), and “Mr. Williamson,” the ship’s-merchant or purser, as interpreter, perhaps acting as lieutenant of the guard. It is always matter of regret when books, especially text-books, written by authors of some repute, and published by reputable houses, fail, for want of only a little care in the study of the available history of events they pictorially represent, to make their pictures and the known facts correspond.]
and they saluted each other, and the guard conducted the Sagamore to one of the new houses then building, where were placed a green rug and three or four cushions. Then came the Governor with drum and trumpet, and a guard of musketeers, and they drank to each other in some strong waters, and the Governor gave the king and his followers meat, and they made a treaty in King James’s name, and drank tobacco together. His face was painted a sad red, and his head and face were oiled, which made him look greasy. All his followers were more or less painted. So after all was done, the Governor conducted him to the brook, and his brother came, and was also feasted, and then conveyed him to the brook, and Master Winslow returned. Samoset and Squanto stayed in the town and the Indians stayed all night in the woods half a mile away. The last of the colonists on board the ship went ashore to remain to-day.
FRIDAY, Mar. 23/Apr. 2
At anchor. A fair day. Some of the ship’s company went on shore. Some of the Indians came again, and Captain Standish and Master Allerton went to see the king, and were welcomed by him. This morning the Indians stayed till ten or eleven of the clock, and the Governor, sending for the king’s kettle, filled it with pease, and they went their way? Making ready for sea, getting ballast, wood, and water from the shore, etc. The Planters held a meeting and concluded both of military orders and some laws, and chose as Governor, for the coming year, Master John Carver, who was “governor” on the ship.
SATURDAY, Mar. 24/April 3
At anchorage. The ship’s company busy with preparations for the return voyage, bringing ballast, wood, and water from the shore, etc., the ship having no lading for the return. This day died, on shore, Mistress Elizabeth Winslow, wife of Master Winslow. Many still sick. More on the ship than on shore.
SUNDAY, Mar. 25/April 4
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The fifteenth Sunday in this port. Many of the crew dead and some still sick, but the sickness and mortality lessening.
MONDAY, Mar. 26/April 5
At anchor. Bringing ballast from shore and getting ship in trim.
TUESDAY, Mar. 27/April 6
At anchorage. Getting ballast, overhauling rigging, getting wood, water, etc., from shore.
WEDNESDAY, Mar. 28/April 7
At anchorage. Same.
THURSDAY, Mar. 29/April 8
At anchorage. The Master offered to take back any of the colonists who wished to return to England, but none desired to go. Getting in stores and ballast.
FRIDAY, Mar. 30/April 9
At anchorage. Hastening all preparations for sailing. Getting ballast, etc. Water butts filled.
SATURDAY, Mar. 31/April 10
At anchorage. Setting up rigging, bending light sails, etc. Getting ballast and wood from the beach and island. The colonists have lost thirteen by death the past month, making in all half of their number.
SUNDAY, April 1/11
At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The sixteenth Sunday the ship has lain at anchor here, and to be the last, being nearly ready to sail. Most of the crew ashore on liberty. In the sixteen weeks the ship has lain here, half of her crew (but none of her officers) have died, and a few are still weak. Among the petty officers who have died have been the master gunner, boatswain, and three quartermasters, beside the cook, and more than a third of the sailors. A bad voyage for the owner, Adventurers, ship, and crew.
MONDAY, April 2/12
Still at anchor, but making last preparations for voyage. Ship’s officers made farewells on shore. Governor Carver copied out, and Giles Heale and Chris. Jones witnessed, Master Mullens’s will, to go to England.
TUESDAY, April 3/13
Still at anchorage, but (near) ready to sail with a fair wind. Master Williamson, the ship’s-merchant [purser], appointed by Master Mullens an overseer of his will, takes copy of same to England for probate, with many letters, keepsakes, etc., etc., to Adventurers and friends. Very little lading, chiefly skins and roots. Make adieus to Governor Carver and company.
WEDNESDAY, April 4/14
Still at anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sails loosened and all ready for departure except Governor’s letters. Last visits of shore people to ship. Sail with morning tide, if wind serves. One hundred and ten days in this harbor.
THURSDAY, April 5/15
Got anchors, and with fair wind got underway at full tide. Many to bid adieu. Set colors and gave Planters a parting salute with the ensign and ordnance. Cleared the harbor without hindrance, and laid general course E.S.E. for England with a fine wind. Took departure from Cape Cod early in the day, shook off the land and got ship to rights before night. All sails set and the ship logging her best.
And so the MAY-FLOWER began her speedy, uneventful, homeward run, of but thirty-one days, arriving in England May 6, 1621, having been absent, on her “round voyage,” from her sailing port, two hundred and ninety-six days.
THE END OF THE VOYAGE
AND OF THIS
JOURNAL
AUTHOR’S NOTE. Of the “Log” Of the MAY-FLOWER, the author is able to repeat the assurance given as to the brief Journal of the SPEEDWELL, and is able to say, in the happy phrase of Griffis, “I have tried to state only recorded facts, or to give expression to well grounded inferences.”
APPENDIX
In view of the natural wish of many of “restricted facilities,” to consult for themselves the full text of certain of the principal letters and documents which have imparted much of the most definite and valuable information concerning the Pilgrim movement, it has been thought well to include certain of them here verbatim, that they may be of ready availability to the reader. The list comprises copies of–
I. The Agreement of the Merchant Adventurers and Planters;
II. The Letter of the Leyden Leaders to John Carver and Robert Cushman (at London), May 31/June 10, 1620;
III. The Letter of Robert Cushman to John Carver (then at Southampton), Saturday, June 10/20, 1620;
IV. The Letter of Robert Cushman to the Leyden Leaders, June 10/20, 1620;
V. The Letter of Robert Cushman to the Leyden Leaders, Sunday, June 11/21, 1620;
VI. The Letter of Rev. John Robinson to John Carver at London, June 14/24, 1620;
VII. The Letter of the Planters to the Merchant Adventurers from Southamp ton, August 3, 1620;
VIII. The Letter of Robert Cushman (from Dartmouth) to Edward Southworth, Thursday, August 17,1620;
IX. The MAY-FLOWER Compact;
X. The Nuncupative Will of Master William Mullens; and
XI. The Letter of “One of the Chiefe of ye Companie” (The Merchant Adventurers), dated at London, April 9, 1623–
Many other early original documents frequently referred to in this volume are of no less interest than those here given, but most of them have either had such publication as to be more generally known or accessible, or involve space and cost disproportionate to their value in this connection.
I
THE AGREEMENT OF THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS AND PLANTERS
Anno: 1620, July 1.
1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10li., and ten pounds to be accounted a single share.
2. That he goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with 10li. either in money or other provisions, be accounted as haveing 20li. in stock, and in ye devission shall receive a double share.
3. The persons transported & ye adventurers shall continue their joynt stock & partnership togeather, ye space of 7 years, (excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause ye whole company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits & benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still in ye comone stock untill ye division.
4. That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon ye sea; imploying the rest of their severall faculties upon ye land; as building houses, tilling, and planting ye ground, & makeing shuch comodities as shall be most usefull for ye collonie.
5. That at ye end of ye 7 years, ye capitall & profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods and chatels, be equally devided betwixte ye adventurers, and planters; wch done, every man shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure.
6. Whosoever cometh to ye colonie hereafter, or putteth any into ye stock, shall at the ende of ye 7. years be alowed proportionably to ye time of his so doing.
7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a single share in ye devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation and devision.
8. That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of ten years, have noe other shar in ye devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land.
9. That such persons as die before ye 7. years be expired, their executors to have their parte or sharr at ye devision, proportionably to ye time of their life in ye collonie.
10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon stock & goods of ye said collonie.
Governor Bradford adds:–
“The chief and principal differences betwene these & the former [original] conditions, stood in those 2. points; that ye houses, & lands improved, espetialy gardens & home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to ye planters at ye 7. years end. 2ly, yt they should have had 2. days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for ye more comforte of themselves and their families, espetialy such as had families.”
[Apparently, as has been noted, neither these articles of agreement, nor their predecessors which received the approval of the Leyden leaders, were ever signed by the contracting parties, until Robert Cushman brought the later draft over in the FORTUNE, in 1621, and the planter body (advised thereto by Pastor Robinson, who had previously bitterly opposed) signed them. Much might be truly said on either side of this controversy–indeed was said at the time; but if the Pilgrims were to abandon their contention, whatever its merits, in a year’s time, as they did, it would seemingly have been much better not to have begun it, for it undoubtedly cost them dear.]
II
LETTER OF THE LEYDEN LEADERS TO JOHN CARVER AND ROBERT CUSHMAN, AT LONDON
May 31/June 10, 1620.
To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, &c.
Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse letters at ye coming of Mr. [Thomas] Nash & our pilott, which is a great incouragmente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of praising God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of ye new conditions which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie bussineses you referr to us here. For ye former wherof, wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to alter ye same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them to ye censure of ye godly wise. But our desires are that you will not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those are, viz. yt the marchants should have ye halfe of mens houses and lands at ye dividente; and that persons should be deprived of ye 2. days in a weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more of them than all men one of another. This we have only by relation from Mr. Nash, & not from any writing of your owne, & therfore hope you have not proceeded farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the bounds of your comission, which was to proceed upon ye things or conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble us with such matters as these are, &c. Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (yt under God) we much relie upon him & put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. Since therfor, good brethren, we have plainly opened ye state of things with us in this matter, you will, &c. Thus beseeching ye Allmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of difficulties, to assiste us herin; raising such means by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore children & servants, as we may with comforte behould ye hand of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & remaine Your perplexed, yet hopful bretheren,
June 10, New Stille
Ano: 1620. SAMUEL FULLER, EDWARD WINSLOW, WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC ALLERTON.
III
THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (AT LONDON), TO JOHN CARVER (AT SOUTHAMPTON)
Saturday, June 10/20, 1620.
To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, &c.
Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of affection & complaints, & what it is you would have of me I know not; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why so negligente a man was used in ye bussines: Yet know you yt all that I have power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done any thing. He saith we take a heady course, and is offended yt our provissions are made so farr of; as also that he was not made aquainted with our quantitie of things; and saith yt in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, (i.e. Leyden, London, and Southampton) we will, with going up & downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pass over ye sourer before we will goe. And to speake ye trueth, they is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a vaiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente (to Southampton) 3. or 4. letters directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not trouble you with them. I always feared ye event of ye Amsterdamers (members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth’s church there) striking in with us. I trow you must excomunicate me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall wante no quareling; but let them pass.
We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host; and, count upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200li. & odd moneys of all ye venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, & shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400li. I would have had some thing shortened at first of beare (beer) & other provissions in hope of other adventurs, & now we could have, both in Amsterd & Kente, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without prejudice. You fear we have begune to build & and shall not be able to make an end; indeed, our courses were never established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing. Yea, then was a schisme amongst us 3. at ye first. You wrote to Mr. Martin, to prevente ye making of ye provissions in Kente, which he did, and sett downe his resolution how much he would have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely he yt is in a societie & yet regards not counsell, may better be a king then a consorte. To be short, if then be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we yt should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples of jangling & insulting. Yet your money which you ther [Southampton] must have, we will get provided for you instantly. 500li. you say will serve; for ye rest which hear & in Holand is to be used, we may goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe, of whom you write, he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till I see him shipped, for he [i.e. his going] is much opposed, yet I hope he will not faile. Thinke ye best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and ye Lord guid us all.
Your loving freind,
ROBART CUSHMAN.
London June 10.
Ano: 1620.
IV
THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS
(Probably written at London, Saturday, June 10/20, 1620.)
Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess yt have come to me, that ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceedings amongst you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but yt partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded by some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but as things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard all ye viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike of ye alteration of one clause in ye conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For ye articles first brought over by John Carver were never seene of any of ye adventurers hear, excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at ye first ther was 500li. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all ye rest would have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we had not altered yt clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my faulte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter ye equitie of yt condition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against all Mr. Rob: [Robinson’s] inconveniences, that without ye alteration of yt clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when we were ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser than my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here cometh over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves & bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what I list. And at last a paper of reasons, framed against yt clause in ye conditions, which as yey were delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And first, as they are no other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as great on ye other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, so they misse & mistake both ye very ground of ye article and nature of ye project.
For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission of houses & lands, it had been better for ye poore. True, and yt showeth ye inequalitie of ye condition; we should more respect him yt ventureth both his money and his person, then him yt ventureth but his person only.
2. Consider whereaboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a store house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore. At ye least, we must not in such bussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in venturs; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therefore complaine not before you have need.
3. This will hinder ye building of good and faire houses, contrarie to ye advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; our purpose is to build for ye presente such houses as, if need be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, but in strength; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men, ships, munition, &c. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, that a comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses and gay cloaths come up.
4. The Govet may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, ye Govet laboure is spared.
5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2ly. Such retired persons, as have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie, either civil or religious.
6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it may not be worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, (the Adventurers) why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly & covetous? I will not say what I have heard since these complaints came first over [from Leyden].
7. Our freinds with us yt adventure mind not their owne profite, as did ye old adventurers. A. Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente, brethern looke too it, that make profit your maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. Though some of them mind not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all contente, if we can.
8. It will break ye course of comunitie, as may be showed by many reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons.
9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c. A. As it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still upon it, and if such profite in yt way come, our labour shall be ye less on ye land, and our houses & lands will be of less value.
10. Our hazard is greater than theirs. A. True, but doe they put us upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not ye motion & resolution been always in our selves? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means upon equall termes & conditions! If we will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys.
Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me have no more stirr about them.
Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but surly this is all I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you mean it of ye 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when I have spoken to ye adventurers of times of working, they have said they hope we are men of discretion & conscience, and so fitt to be trusted our selves with that. But indeed ye ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering every day, &c.
As for them of Amsterdam, [i.e. the members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth’s church there] I had thought they would as soon gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as ye Spanish Inquisition. If any practise of mine discourage them, let them yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money againe presently paid hear. Or if the Company think me to be ye Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall be content to stay with good will, having but ye cloaths on my back; only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full little did I expect these things which are now come to pass, &c.
Yours,
R. CUSHMAN.
V
THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS, LONDON
(Sunday, June 11/21, 1620.)
Salutations, &c. I received your letter [of May 31/June 10] yesterday, by John Turner, with another ye same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. savouring of ye place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements I find her,[London] togeather with ye demurrs and retirings ther,[Leyden] had made me to say, I would give up my accounts to John Carver, & at his comeing aquainte him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only ye pore cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further consideration, I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to acquainte Mr. Weston with ye fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been much discontented at some thing amongst us of late, which hath made him often say, that save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with ye bussines any more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, & how it stood both on our credits & undoing, at ye last he gathered up him selfe a litle more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he would not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste, for a greater we cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing our neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without troubling them any further; and if ye ship fale too small, it fitteth well yt such as stumble at strawes already, may rest them ther a while, least worse blocks come in ye way ere 7. years be ended. If you had beaten this bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it is; I hope our freinds they, if they be quitted of ye ship hire, will be indusced to venture ye more. All yt I now require is yt salt and netts may ther be boughte, and for all ye rest we will here provid it; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it a month or tow, and we will take order to pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholds tarie ther, and bring ye ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of kine.
You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come hence on tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have answered to my complaints; but I shal lerne to pass litle for their censurs; and if I had more minde to goe & dispute & expostulate with them, then I have care of this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours & jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let them beat ye eair; I hope such as are my sinceire freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute ye mater, & other things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in answering matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as I canot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne ye reproofe to your selves, & send an other, and let me come againe to my Combes. But setting aside my naturall infirmities, I refuse not to have my cause judged, both of God, & all indifferent men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of my actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of persons, see into ye equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, in all these turmoils, and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love & affection. I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days. Your pore brother,
ROBART CUSHMAN.
[London]
June 11. 1620 [O.S.].
VI
A LETTER OF MR. JOHN ROBINSON TO JOHN CARVER, JUNE 14. (N.S.), 1620
[Professor Arber (“The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers,” p. 317) has apparently failed to notice that in the original MS. of Bradford, this letter is dated “June 14, 1620, N. Stile,” which would make it June 4., O.S., while Arber dates it “14/24 June,” which is manifestly incorrect. A typographical error in Arber (p. 317) directs the letter to “Leyden” instead of to London. ]
June 14. 1620. N. Stile.
My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to comend to God by my best & most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand by our generall letters ye estate of things hear, which indeed is very pitifull; espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be great want of money & means to doe needfull things. Mr. [Edward] Pickering, you know before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robert Cushman presumed of I know not how many 100li. from him, & I know not whom. Yet it seems strange yt we should be put to him to receive both his & his partners [William Greene’s] adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, yt in regard of it, he hath drawne upon him a 100li. more. But they is in this some misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in ye whole course. Besids, wheras diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay anything, if he had againe his money in his purse. You know right well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure for this commone bussines; and when we had in hand an other course with ye