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HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, THE CATHOLIC.

BY
WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT.

IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. II.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.

PART FIRST. [CONTINUED.]

CHAPTER XII.
INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE KINGDOM.--INQUISITION IN ARAGON.
ISABELLA ENFORCES THE LAWS
CHASTISEMENT OF CERTAIN ECCLESIASTICS
MARRIAGE OF CATHARINE OF NAVARRE
LIBERATION OF CATALAN SERFS
INQUISITION IN ARAGON
REMONSTRANCES OF CORTES
CONSPIRACY FORMED
ASSASSINATION OF ARBUES
CRUEL PERSECUTIONS
INQUISITION THROUGHOUT FERDINAND'S DOMINIONS

CHAPTER XIII.
WAR OF GRANADA.--SURRENDER OF VELEZ MALAGA.--SIEGE AND CONQUEST
OF MALAGA.
POSITION OF VELEZ MALAGA
ARMY BEFORE VELEZ
DEFEAT OF EL ZAGAL
NARROW ESCAPE OF FERDINAND
SURRENDER OF VELEZ
DESCRIPTION OF MALAGA
SHARP RECONTRE
MALAGA INVESTED BY SEA AND LAND
BRILLIANT SPECTACLE
EXTENSIVE PREPARATIONS
THE QUEEN VISITS THE CAMP
SUMMONS OF THE TOWN
DANGER OF THE MARQUIS OF CADIZ
CIVIL FEUDS OF THE MOORS
ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE SOVEREIGNS
DISTRESS AND RESOLUTION OF THE BESIEGED
ENTHUSIASM OF THE CHRISTIANS
DISCIPLINE OF THE ARMY
GENERAL SALLY
GENEROSITY OF A MOORISH KNIGHT
OUTWORKS CARRIED
GRIEVOUS FAMINE
PROPOSALS FOR SURRENDER
HAUGHTY DEMEANOR OF FERDINAND
MALAGA SURRENDERS AT DISCRETION
PURIFICATION OF THE CITY
ENTRANCE OF THE SOVEREIGNS
RELEASE OF CHRISTIAN CAPTIVES
LAMENT OF THE MALAGANS
SENTENCE PASSED ON THEM
WARY DEVICE OF FERDINAND
CRUEL POLICY OF THE VICTORS
MEASURES FOR REPEOPLING MALAGA

CHAPTER XIV.
WAR OF GRANADA.--CONQUEST OF BAZA.--SUBMISSION OF EL ZAGAL.
THE SOVEREIGNS VISIT ARAGON
INROADS INTO GRANADA
BORDER WAR
EMBASSY FROM MAXIMILIAN
PREPARATIONS FOR THE SIEGE OF BAZA
THE KING TAKES COMMAND OF THE ARMY
POSITION AND STRENGTH OF BAZA
ASSAULT ON THE GARDEN
DESPONDENCY OF THE SPANISH CHIEFS
DISPELLED BY ISABELLA
GARDENS CLEARED OF THEIR TIMBER
CITY CLOSELY INVESTED
MISSION FROM THE SULTAN OF EGYPT
HOUSES ERECTED FOB THE ARMY
ITS STRICT DISCIPLINE
HEAVY TEMPEST
ISABELLA'S ENERGY
HER PATRIOTIC SACRIFICES
RESOLUTION OF THE BESIEGED
ISABELLA VISITS THE CAMP
SUSPENSION OF ARMS
BAZA SURRENDERS
CONDITIONS
OCCUPATION OF THE CITY
TREATY OF SURRENDER WITH EL ZAGAL
PAINFUL MARCH OF THE SPANISH ARMY
INTERVIEW BETWEEN FERDINAND AND EL ZAGAL
OCCUPATION OF EL ZAGAL'S DOMAIN
EQUIVALENT ASSIGNED TO HIM
DIFFICULTIES OF THIS CAMPAIGN
ISABELLA'S POPULARITY AND INFLUENCE
NOTICE OF PETER MARTYR

CHAPTER XV.
WAR OF GRANADA.-SIEGE AND SURRENDER OF THE CITY OF GRANADA.
THE INFANTA ISABELLA
PUBLIC FESTIVITIES
GRANADA SUMMONED IN VAIN
KNIGHTHOOD OF DON JUAN
FERDINAND'S POLICY
ISABELLA DEPOSES THE JUDGES OF CHANCERY
FERDINAND MUSTERS HIS FORCES
ENCAMPS IN THE VEGA
POSITION OF GRANADA
MOSLEM AND CHRISTIAN CHIVALRY
THE QUEEN SURVEYS THE CITY
SKIRMISH WITH THE ENEMY
CONFLAGRATION OF THE CHRISTIAN CAMP
ERECTION OF SANTA FE
NEGOTIATIONS FOR SURRENDER
CAPITULATION OF GRANADA
COMMOTIONS IN GRANADA
PREPARATIONS FOR OCCUPYING THE CITY
THE CROSS RAISED ON THE ALHAMBRA
FATE OF ABDALLAH
RESULTS OF THE WAR OF GRANADA
ITS MORAL INFLUENCE
ITS MILITARY INFLUENCE
DESTINY OF THE MOORS
DEATH AND CHARACTER OF THE MARQUIS OF CADIZ
NOTICE OF BERNALDEZ, CURATE OF LOS PALACIOS
IRVING'S CHRONICLE OF GRANADA

CHAPTER XVI.
APPLICATION OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS AT THE SPANISH COURT.
MARITIME ENTERPRISE OF THE PORTUGUESE
EARLY SPANISH DISCOVERIES
EARLY HISTORY OF COLUMBUS
BELIEF OF LAND IN THE WEST
COLUMBUS APPLIES TO PORTUGAL
TO THE COURT OF CASTILE
REFERRED TO A COUNCIL
HIS APPLICATION REJECTED
HE PREPARES TO LEAVE SPAIN
INTERPOSITION IN HIS BEHALF
COLUMBUS AT SANTA FE
NEGOTIATIONS AGAIN BROKEN OFF
THE QUEEN'S FAVORABLE DISPOSITION
FINAL ARRANGEMENT WITH COLUMBUS
HE SAILS ON HIS FIRST VOYAGE
INDIFFERENCE TO HIS ENTERPRISE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS DUE TO ISABELLA
NOTICE OF NAVARRETE

CHAPTER XVII.
EXPULSION OF THE JEWS FROM SPAIN.
EXCITEMENT AGAINST THE JEWS
FOMENTED BY THE CLERGY
VIOLENT CONDUCT OF TORQUEMADA
EDICT OF EXPULSION
ITS SEVERE OPERATION
CONSTANCY OF THE JEWS
ROUTES OF THE EMIGRANTS
THEIR SUFFERINGS IN AFRICA
IN OTHER COUNTRIES
WHOLE NUMBER OF EXILES
DISASTROUS RESULTS
TRUE MOTIVES OF THE EDICT
CONTEMPORARY JUDGMENTS
MISTAKEN PIETY OF THE QUEEN

CHAPTER XVIII.
ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION OF FERDINAND.--RETURN AND SECOND VOYAGE OF
COLUMBUS.
THE SOVEREIGNS VISIT ARAGON
ATTEMPT ON FERDINAND'S LIFE
GENERAL CONSTERNATION
LOYALTY OF THE PEOPLE
SLOW RECOVERY OF THE KING
PUNISHMENT OF THE ASSASSIN
RETURN OF COLUMBUS
DISCOVERY OF THE WEST INDIES
JOYOUS RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS
HIS PROGRESS TO BARCELONA
INTERVIEW WITH THE SOVEREIGNS
SENSATIONS CAUSED BY THE DISCOVERY
BOARD FOR INDIAN AFFAIRS
REGULATIONS OF TRADE
PREPARATIONS FOR A SECOND VOYAGE
CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES
NEW POWERS GRANTED TO COLUMBUS
APPLICATION TO ROME
FAMOUS BULLS OF ALEXANDER VI
JEALOUSY OF THE COURT OF LISBON
WARY DIPLOMACY
SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS
MISSION TO PORTUGAL
DISGUST OF JOHN II
TREATY OF TORDESILLAS

CHAPTER XIX.
CASTILIAN LITERATURE.--CULTIVATION OF THE COURT.--CLASSICAL LEARNING.--
SCIENCE.
FERDINAND'S EDUCATION NEGLECTED
INSTRUCTION OF ISABELLA
HER COLLECTION OF BOOKS
TUITION OF THE INFANTAS
OF PRINCE JOHN
THE QUEEN'S CARE FOR THE EDUCATION OF HER NOBLES
LABORS OF MARTYR
OF LUCIO MARINEO
SCHOLARSHIP OF THE NOBLES
ACCOMPLISHED WOMEN
CLASSICAL LEARNING
LEBRIJA
ARIAS BARBOSA
MERITS OF THE SPANISH SCHOLARS
UNIVERSITIES
SACRED STUDIES
OTHER SCIENCES
PRINTING INTRODUCED
THE QUEEN ENCOURAGES IT
ITS RAPID DIFFUSION
ACTUAL PROGRESS OF SCIENCE

CHAPTER XX.
CASTILIAN LITERATURE.--ROMANCES OF CHIVALRY.--LYRICAL POETRY.--
THE DRAMA.
THIS REIGN AN EPOCH IN POLITE LETTERS
ROMANCES OF CHIVALRY
THEIR PERNICIOUS EFFECTS
BALLADS OR ROMANCES
EARLY CULTIVATION IN SPAIN
RESEMBLANCE TO THE ENGLISH
MOORISH MINSTRELSY
ITS DATE AND ORIGIN
ITS HIGH REPUTE
NUMEROUS EDITIONS OF THE BALLADS
LYRIC POETRY
CANCIONERO GENERAL
ITS LITERARY VALUE
LOW STATE OF LYRIC POETRY
COPLAS OF MANRIQUE
RISE OF THE SPANISH DRAMA
TRAGICOMEDY OF CELESTINA
CRITICISM ON IT
IT OPENED THE WAY TO DRAMATIC WRITING
NUMEROUS EDITIONS OF IT
JUAN DE LA ENCINA
HIS DRAMATIC ECLOGUES
TORRES DE NAHARRO
HIS COMEDIES
SIMILAR IN SPIRIT WITH THE LATER DRAMAS
NOT ACTED IN SPAIN
LOW CONDITION OF THE STAGE
TRAGIC DRAMA
OLIVA'S CLASSIC IMITATIONS
NOT POPULAR
NATIONAL SPIRIT OF THE LITERATURE OF THIS EPOCH
MORATIN'S DRAMATIC CRITICISM

PART SECOND.

THE PERIOD WHEN, THE INTERIOR ORGANIZATION OF THE MONARCHY HAVING BEEN
COMPLETED, THE SPANISH NATION ENTERED ON ITS SCHEMES OF DISCOVERY AND
CONQUEST; OR THE PERIOD ILLUSTRATING MORE PARTICULARLY THE FOREIGN POLICY
OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA.

CHAPTER I.
ITALIAN WARS.--GENERAL VIEW OF EUROPE.--INVASION OF ITALY BY CHARLES
VIII., OF FRANCE.
FOREIGN POLITICS DIRECTED BY FERDINAND
EUROPE AT THE CLOSE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
CHARACTER OF THE REIGNING SOVEREIGNS
IMPROVED POLITICAL AND MORAL CONDITION
MORE INTIMATE RELATIONS BETWEEN STATES
FOREIGN RELATIONS CONDUCTED BY THE SOVEREIGN
ITALY THE SCHOOL OF POLITICS
HER MOST POWERFUL STATES
CHARACTER OF ITALIAN POLITICS
INTERNAL PROSPERITY
INTRIGUES OF SFORZA
CHARLES VIII., OF FRANCE
HIS PRETENSIONS TO NAPLES
NEGOTIATIONS RESPECTING ROUSSILLON
CHARLES'S COUNSELLORS IN THE PAY OP FERDINAND
TREATY OF BARCELONA
ITS IMPORTANCE TO SPAIN
ALARM AT THE FRENCH INVASION, IN ITALY
IN EUROPE, ESPECIALLY SPAIN
PREPARATIONS OF CHARLES
AN ENVOY SENT TO THE FRENCH COURT
ANNOUNCES FERDINAND'S VIEWS
CHARLES'S DISSATISFACTION
THE FRENCH CROSS THE ALPS
ITALIAN TACTICS
THE SWISS INFANTRY
FRENCH ARTILLERY
SFORZA JEALOUS OF THE FRENCH
THE POPE CONFERS THE TITLE OF CATHOLIC
NAVAL PREPARATIONS IN SPAIN
SECOND MISSION TO CHARLES VIII
BOLD CONDUCT OF THE ENVOYS
THE KING OF NAPLES FLIES TO SICILY
THE FRENCH ENTER NAPLES
GENERAL HOSTILITY TO THEM
LEAGUE OF VENICE
ZURITA'S LIFE AND WRITINGS

CHAPTER II.
ITALIAN WARS.--RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII.--CAMPAIGNS OF GONSALVO DE
CORDOVA.--FINAL EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH.
CONDUCT OF CHARLES
PLUNDERS THE WORKS OF ART
RETREAT OF THE FRENCH GONSALVO DE CORDOVA
HIS EARLY LIFE
HIS BRILLIANT QUALITIES
RAISED TO THE ITALIAN COMMAND
ARRIVES IN ITALY
LANDS IN CALABRIA
MARCHES ON SEMINARA
GONSALVO'S PRUDENCE
BATTLE OF SEMINARA
DEFEAT OF THE NEAPOLITANS
GONSALVO RETREATS TO REGGIO
FERDINAND RECOVERS HIS CAPITAL
GONSALVO IN CALABRIA
HIS SUCCESSES
DECLINE OF THE FRENCH
BESIEGED IN ATELLA
GONSALVO SURPRISES LAINO
ARRIVES BEFORE ATELLA
RECEIVES THE TITLE OF GREAT CAPTAIN
BEATS A DETACHMENT OF SWISS
CAPITULATION OF MONTPENSIER
MISERABLE STATE OF THE FRENCH
DEATH OF FERDINAND OF NAPLES
ACCESSION OF FREDERIC II
TOTAL EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH
REMARKS ON GUICCIARDINI AND GIOVIO
SISMONDI

CHAPTER III.
ITALIAN WARS.--GONSALVO SUCCORS THE POPE.--TREATY WITH FRANCE.--
ORGANIZATION OF THE SPANISH MILITIA.
WAR ON THE SIDE OF ROUSSILLON
THE POPE ASKS THE AID OF GONSALVO
STORMING AND CAPTURE OF OSTIA
GONSALVO ENTERS ROME
HIS RECEPTION BY THE POPE
RETURNS TO SPAIN
PEACE WITH FRANCE
FERDINAND'S VIEWS RESPECTING NAPLES
HIS FAME ACQUIRED BY THE WAR
INFLUENCE OF THE WAR ON SPAIN
ORGANIZATION OF THE MILITIA

CHAPTER IV.
ALLIANCES OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.--DEATH OF PRINCE JOHN AND PRINCESS
ISABELLA.
ROYAL FAMILY OF CASTILE
JOANNA BELTRANEJA
MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCESS ISABELLA
DEATH OF HER HUSBAND
ALLIANCES WITH THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA
AND THAT OF ENGLAND
JOANNA EMBARKS
THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY
MARGARET OF AUSTRIA
RETURNS IN THE FLEET
MARRIAGE OF JOHN AND MARGARET
SECOND MARRIAGE OF PRINCESS ISABELLA
SUDDEN ILLNESS OF PRINCE JOHN
HIS DEATH
HIS AMIABLE CHARACTER
THE KING AND QUEEN OF PORTUGAL VISIT SPAIN
OBJECTIONS TO THEIR RECOGNITION
ISABELLA DISPLEASED
HER DAUGHTER'S DEATH
ITS EFFECTS ON ISABELLA
PRINCE MIGUEL'S RECOGNITION

CHAPTER V.
DEATH OF CARDINAL MENDOZA.--RISE OF XIMENES.--ECCLESIASTICAL REFORM.
DEATH OF MENDOZA
HIS EARLY LIFE
AND CHARACTER
HIS AMOURS
THE QUEEN HIS EXECUTOR
BIRTH OF XIMENES
HE VISITS ROME
HIS RETURN AND IMPRISONMENT
ESTABLISHED AT SIGUENZA
ENTERS THE FRANCISCAN ORDER
HIS SEVERE PENANCE
HIS ASCETIC LIFE
HE IS MADE GUARDIAN OF SALZEDA
INTRODUCED TO THE QUEEN
MADE HER CONFESSOR
ELECTED PROVINCIAL
CORRUPTION OF THE MONASTERIES
ATTEMPTS AT REFORM
SEE OF TOLEDO VACANT
OFFERED TO XIMENES
HE RELUCTANTLY ACCEPTS
CHARACTERISTIC ANECDOTES OF XIMENES
HIS AUSTERE LIFE
REFORM IN HIS DIOCESE
EXAMPLE OF HIS SEVERITY
REFORM OF THE MONASTIC ORDERS
GREAT EXCITEMENT CAUSED BY IT
VISIT OF THE FRANCISCAN GENERAL
INSULTS THE QUEEN
THE POPE'S INTERFERENCE
CONSENTS TO THE REFORM
ITS OPERATION AND EFFECTS
ALVARO GOMEZ, AND BIOGRAPHERS OF XIMENES

CHAPTER VI.
XIMENES IN GRANADA.--PERSECUTION, INSURRECTION, AND CONVERSION OF THE
MOORS.
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
XIMENES, HIS CONSTANCY OF PURPOSE
TRANQUIL STATE OF GRANADA
TENDILLA
TALAVERA
ARCHBISHOP OF GRANADA
HIS MILD POLICY
THE CLERGY DISSATISFIED WITH IT
TEMPERATE SWAY OF THE SOVEREIGNS
XIMENES IN GRANADA
HIS VIOLENT MEASURES
DESTROYS ARABIC BOOKS
MISCHIEVOUS EFFECTS
REVOLT OF THE ALBAYCIN
XIMENES BESIEGED IN HIS PALACE
THE INSURGENTS APPEASED BY TALAVERA
DISPLEASURE OF THE SOVEREIGNS
XIMENES HASTENS TO COURT
CONVERSION OP GRANADA
APPLAUDED BY THE SPANIARDS

CHAPTER VII.
RISING IN THE ALPUXARRAS.--DEATH OF ALONSO DE AGUILAR.--EDICT AGAINST
THE MOORS.
THE ALPUXARRAS
RISING OF THE MOORS
HUEJA SACKED
FERDINAND MARCHES INTO THE MOUNTAINS
CARRIES LANJARON
PUNISHMENT OF THE REBELS
REVOLT OF THE SIERRA VERMEJA
RENDEZVOUS AT RONDA
EXPEDITION INTO THE SIERRA
THE MOORS RETREAT UP THE MOUNTAINS
RETURN ON THE SPANIARDS
ALONSO DE AGUILAR
HIS GALLANTRY AND DEATH
HIS NOBLE CHARACTER
BLOODY ROUT OF THE SPANIARDS
DISMAY OF THE NATION
THE REBELS SUBMIT TO FERDINAND
BANISHMENT OR CONVERSION
COMMEMORATIVE BALLADS
MELANCHOLY REMINISCENCES
EDICT AGAINST THE MOORS OF CASTILE
CHRISTIANITY AND MAHOMETANISM
CAUSES OF INTOLERANCE
AGGRAVATED IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
EFFECTS OF THE INQUISITION
DEFECTS OF THE TREATY OF GRANADA
EVASION OF IT BY THE CHRISTIANS
PRIESTLY CASUISTRY
LAST NOTICE OF THE MOORS IN THE PRESENT REIGN

CHAPTER VIII.
COLUMBUS.--PROSECUTION OF DISCOVERY.--HIS TREATMENT BY THE COURT.
PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY
MISCONDUCT OF THE COLONISTS
COMPLAINTS AGAINST COLUMBUS
HIS SECOND RETURN
THE QUEEN'S CONFIDENCE IN HIM UNSHAKEN
HONORS CONFERRED ON HIM
HIS THIRD VOYAGE
DISCOVERS TERRA FIRMA
MUTINY IN THE COLONY
LOUD COMPLAINTS AGAINST COLUMBUS
BIGOTED VIEWS IN REGARD TO THE HEATHEN
MORE LIBERAL SENTIMENTS OF ISABELLA
SHE SENDS BACK THE INDIAN SLAVES
AUTHORITY TO BOBADILLA
OUTRAGE ON COLUMBUS
DEEP REGRET OF THE SOVEREIGNS
RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS
VINDICATION OF THE SOVEREIGNS
COMMISSION TO OVANDO
GROUNDLESS IMPUTATIONS ON THE GOVERNMENT
THE ADMIRAL'S DESPONDENCY
HIS FOURTH AND LAST VOYAGE
REMARKABLE FATE OF HIS ENEMIES

CHAPTER IX.
SPANISH COLONIAL POLICY.
CAREFUL PROVISION FOR THE COLONIES
LIBERAL GRANTS
LICENSE FOR PRIVATE VOYAGES
THEIR SUCCESS
INDIAN DEPARTMENT
CASA DE CONTRATACION
IMPORTANT PAPAL CONCESSIONS
SPIRIT OF THE COLONIAL LEGISLATION
THE QUEEN'S ZEAL FOB CONVERTING THE NATIVES
UNHAPPILY DEFEATED
IMMEDIATE PROFITS FROM THE DISCOVERIES
ORIGIN OF THE VENEREAL DISEASE
MORAL CONSEQUENCES OP THE DISCOVERIES
THEIR GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT
HISTORIANS OF THE NEW WORLD
PETER MARTYR
HERRERA AND MUÑOZ

PART FIRST. [CONTINUED.]

CHAPTER XII.

INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE KINGDOM.--INQUISITION IN ARAGON.

1483-1487.

Isabella enforces the Laws.--Punishment of Ecclesiastics.--Inquisition in
Aragon.--Remonstrances of the Cortes.--Conspiracy.--Assassination of the
Inquisitor Arbues.--Cruel Persecutions.--Inquisition throughout
Ferdinand's Dominions.

In such intervals of leisure as occurred amid their military operations,
Ferdinand and Isabella were diligently occupied with the interior
government of the kingdom, and especially with the rigid administration of
justice, the most difficult of all duties in an imperfectly civilized
state of society. The queen found especial demand for this in the northern
provinces, whose rude inhabitants were little used to subordination. She
compelled the great nobles to lay aside their arms, and refer their
disputes to legal arbitration. She caused a number of the fortresses,
which were still garrisoned by the baronial banditti, to be razed to the
ground; and she enforced the utmost severity of the law against such
inferior criminals as violated the public peace. [1]

Even ecclesiastical immunities, which proved so effectual a protection in
most countries at this period, were not permitted to screen the offender.
A remarkable instance of this occurred at the city of Truxillo, in 1486.
An inhabitant of that place had been committed to prison for some offence
by order of the civil magistrate. Certain priests, relations of the
offender, alleged that his religious profession exempted him from all but
ecclesiastical jurisdiction; and, as the authorities refused to deliver
him up, they inflamed the populace to such a degree, by their
representations of the insult offered to the church, that they rose in a
body, and, forcing the prison, set at liberty not only the malefactor in
question, but all those confined there. The queen no sooner heard of this
outrage on the royal authority, than she sent a detachment of her guard to
Truxillo, which secured the persons of the principal rioters, some of whom
were capitally punished, while the ecclesiastics, who had stirred up the
sedition, were banished the realm. Isabella, while by her example she
inculcated the deepest reverence for the sacred profession, uniformly
resisted every attempt from that quarter to encroach on the royal
prerogative. The tendency of her administration was decidedly, as there
will be occasion more particularly to notice, to abridge the authority
which that body had exercised in civil matters under preceding reigns. [2]

Nothing of interest occurred in the foreign relations of the kingdom,
during the period embraced by the preceding chapter; except perhaps the
marriage of Catharine, the young queen of Navarre, with Jean d'Albret, a
French nobleman, whose extensive hereditary domains, in the southwest
corner of France, lay adjacent to her kingdom. This connection was
extremely distasteful to the Spanish sovereigns, and indeed to many of the
Navarrese, who were desirous of the alliance with Castile. This was
ultimately defeated by the queen-mother, an artful woman, who, being of
the blood royal of France, was naturally disposed to a union with that
kingdom. Ferdinand did not neglect to maintain such an understanding with
the malcontents of Navarre, as should enable him to counteract any undue
advantage which the French monarch might derive from the possession of
this key, as it were, to the Castilian territory. [3]

In Aragon, two circumstances took place in the period under review,
deserving historical notice. The first relates to an order of the Catalan
peasantry, denominated vassals _de remenza_. These persons were subjected
to a feudal bondage, which had its origin in very remote ages, but which
had become in no degree mitigated, while the peasantry of every other part
of Europe had been gradually rising to the rank of freemen. The grievous
nature of the impositions had led to repeated rebellions in preceding
reigns. At length, Ferdinand, after many fruitless attempts at a mediation
between these unfortunate people and their arrogant masters, prevailed on
the latter, rather by force of authority than argument, to relinquish the
extraordinary seignorial rights, which they had hitherto enjoyed, in
consideration of a stipulated annual payment from their vassals. [4]

The other circumstance worthy of record, but not in like manner creditable
to the character of the sovereign, is the introduction of the modern
Inquisition into Aragon. The ancient tribunal had existed there, as has
been stated in a previous chapter, since the middle of the thirteenth
century, but seems to have lost all its venom in the atmosphere of that
free country; scarcely assuming a jurisdiction beyond that of an ordinary
ecclesiastical court. No sooner, however, was the institution organized on
its new basis in Castile, than Ferdinand resolved on its introduction, in
a similar form, in his own dominions.

Measures were accordingly taken to that effect in a meeting of a privy
council convened by the king at Taraçona, during the session of the cortes
in that place, in April, 1484; and a royal order was issued, requiring all
the constituted authorities throughout the kingdom to support the new
tribunal in the exercise of its functions. A Dominican monk, Fray Gaspard
Juglar, and Pedro Arbues de Epila, a canon of the metropolitan church,
were appointed by the general, Torquemada, inquisitors over the diocese of
Saragossa; and, in the month of September following, the chief justiciary
and the other great officers of the realm took the prescribed oaths. [5]

The new institution, opposed to the ideas of independence common to all
the Aragonese, was particularly offensive to the higher orders, many of
whose members, including persons filling the most considerable official
stations, were of Jewish descent, and of course precisely the class
exposed to the scrutiny of the Inquisition. Without difficulty, therefore,
the cortes was persuaded in the following year to send a deputation to the
court of Rome, and another to Ferdinand, representing the repugnance of
the new tribunal to the liberties of the nation, as well as to their
settled opinions and habits, and praying that its operation might be
suspended for the present, so far at least as concerned the confiscation
of property, which it rightly regarded as the moving power of the whole
terrible machinery. [6]

Both the pope and the king, as may be imagined, turned a deaf ear to these
remonstrances. In the mean while the Inquisition commenced operations, and
autos da fe were celebrated at Saragossa, with all their usual horrors, in
the months of May and June, in 1485. The discontented Aragonese,
despairing of redress in any regular way, resolved to intimidate their
oppressors by some appalling act of violence. They formed a conspiracy for
the assassination of Arbues, the most odious of the inquisitors
established over the diocese of Saragossa. The conspiracy, set on foot by
some of the principal nobility, was entered into by most of the new
Christians, or persons of Jewish extraction in the district. A sum of ten
thousand reals was subscribed to defray the necessary expenses for the
execution of their project. This was not easy, however, since Arbues,
conscious of the popular odium that he had incurred, protected his person
by wearing under his monastic robes a suit of mail, complete even to the
helmet beneath his hood. With similar vigilance, he defended, also, every
avenue to his sleeping apartment. [7]

At length, however, the conspirators found an opportunity of surprising
him while at his devotions. Arbues was on his knees before the great altar
of the cathedral, near midnight, when his enemies, who had entered the
church in two separate bodies, suddenly surrounded him, and one of them
wounded him in the arm with a dagger, while another dealt him a fatal blow
in the back of his neck. The priests, who were preparing to celebrate
matins in the choir of the church, hastened to the spot; but not before
the assassins had effected their escape. They transported the bleeding
body of the inquisitor to his apartment, where he survived only two days,
blessing the Lord that he had been permitted to seal so good a cause with
his blood. The whole scene will readily remind the English reader of the
assassination of Thomas à Becket. [8]

The event did not correspond with the expectations of the conspirators.
Sectarian jealousy proved stronger than hatred of the Inquisition. The
populace, ignorant of the extent or ultimate object of the conspiracy,
were filled with vague apprehensions of an insurrection of the new
Christians, who had so often been the objects of outrage; and they could
only be appeased by the archbishop of Saragossa, riding through the
streets, and proclaiming that no time should be lost in detecting and
punishing the assassins.

This promise was abundantly fulfilled; and wide was the ruin occasioned by
the indefatigable zeal, with which the bloodhounds of the tribunal
followed up the scent. In the course of this persecution, two hundred
individuals perished at the stake, and a still greater number in the
dungeons of the Inquisition; and there was scarcely a noble family in
Aragon but witnessed one or more of its members condemned to humiliating
penance in the autos da fe. The immediate perpetrators of the murder were
all hanged, after suffering the amputation of their right hands. One, who
had appeared as evidence against the rest, under assurance of pardon, had
his sentence so far commuted, that his hand was not cut off till after he
had been hanged. It was thus that the Holy Office interpreted its promises
of grace. [9]

Arbues received all the honors of a martyr. His ashes were interred on the
spot where he had been assassinated. [10] A superb mausoleum was erected
over them, and, beneath his effigy, a bas-relief was sculptured
representing his tragical death, with an inscription containing a suitable
denunciation of the race of Israel. And at length, when the lapse of
nearly two centuries had supplied the requisite amount of miracles, the
Spanish Inquisition had the glory of adding a new saint to the calendar,
by the canonization of the martyr under Pope Alexander the Seventh, in
1664. [11]

The failure of the attempt to shake off the tribunal served only, as usual
in such cases, to establish it more firmly than before. Efforts at
resistance were subsequently, but ineffectually, made in other parts of
Aragon, and in Valencia and Catalonia. It was not established in the
latter province till 1487, and some years later in Sicily, Sardinia, and
the Balearic Isles. Thus Ferdinand had the melancholy satisfaction of
riveting the most galling yoke ever devised by fanaticism, round the necks
of a people, who till that period had enjoyed probably the greatest degree
of constitutional freedom which the world had witnessed.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decades, iii. lib. 1, cap. 10.--Pulgar, Reyes
Católicos, part. 3, cap. 27, 39, 67, et alibi.--L. Marineo, Cosas
Memorables, fol. 175.--Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 348.

[2] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 66.--A pertinent example of this
occurred, December, 1485, at Alcalá de Henares, where the court was
detained during the queen's illness, who there gave birth to her youngest
child, Doña Catalina, afterwards so celebrated in English history as
Catharine of Aragon. A collision took place in this city between the royal
judges and those of the archbishop of Toledo, to whose diocese it
belonged. The later stoutly maintained the pretensions of the church. The
queen with equal pertinacity asserted the supremacy of the royal
jurisdiction over every other in the kingdom, secular or ecclesiastical.
The affair was ultimately referred to the arbitration of certain learned
men, named conjointly by the adverse parties. It was not then determined,
however, and Pulgar has neglected to acquaint us with the award. Reyes
Católicos, cap. 53.--Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1485.

[3] Aleson, Annales de Navarra, tom. v. lib. 35, cap. 2.

[4] Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. cap. 52, 67.--Mariana, Hist. de España, lib.
25, cap. 8.

[5] Llorente, Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i. chap. 6, art. 2.--Zurita,
Anales, lib. 20, cap. 65.

At this cortes, convened at Taraçona, Ferdinand and Isabella experienced
an instance of the haughty spirit of their Catalan subjects, who refused
to attend, alleging it to be a violation of their liberties to be summoned
to a place without the limits of their principality. The Valencians also
protested, that their attendance should not operate as a precedent to
their prejudice. It was usual to convene a central or general cortes at
Fraga, or Monzon, or some town, which the Catalans, who were peculiarly
jealous of their privileges, claimed to be within their territory. It was
still more usual, to hold separate cortes of the three kingdoms
simultaneously in such contiguous places in each, as would permit the
royal presence in all during their session. See Blancas, Mode de Proceder
en Cortes de Aragon, (Zaragoza, 1641,) cap. 4.

[6] By one of the articles in the Privilegium Generale, the Magna Charta
of Aragon, it is declared, "Que turment: ni inquisicion; no sian en Aragon
como sian contra Fuero el qual dize que alguna pesquisa no hauemos: et
contra el privilegio general, el qual vieda que inquisicion so sia feyta."
(Fueros y Observancias, fol. 11.) The tenor of this clause (although the
term _inquisicion_ must not be confounded with the name of the modern
institution) was sufficiently precise, one might have thought, to secure
the Aragonese from the fangs of this terrible tribunal.

[7] Llorente, Hist. de l'Inquisition, chap. 6, art. 2, 3.

[8] Llorente, ubi supra.--Paramo, De Origine Inquisitionis, pp. 182, 183.
--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. viii. pp. 37, 38.

[9] Llorente, Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i. chap. 6, art. 5.--Blancas,
Aragonensium Rerum Commentarii, (Caesaraugustae, 1588,) p. 266. Among
those, who after a tedious imprisonment were condemned to do penance in an
auto da fe, was a nephew of King Ferdinand, Don James of Navarre. Mariana,
willing to point the tale with a suitable moral, informs us, that,
although none of the conspirators were ever brought to trial, they all
perished miserably within a year, in different ways, by the judgment of
God. (Hist. de España, tom. ii. p. 368.) Unfortunately for the effect of
this moral, Llorente, who consulted the original processes, must be
received as the better authority of the two.

[10] According to Paramo, when the corpse of the inquisitor was brought to
the place where he had been assassinated, the blood, which had been
coagulated on the pavement, smoked up and boiled with most miraculous
fervor! De Origine Inquisitionis, p. 382.

[11] Paramo, De Origine Inquisitionis, p. 183.--Llorente, Hist. de
l'Inquisition, chap. 6, art. 4. France and Italy also, according to
Llorente, could each boast a saint inquisitor. Their renown, however, has
been, eclipsed by the superior splendors of their great master, St.
Dominic;

--"Fils inconnus d'un si glorieux père."

CHAPTER XIII.

WAR OF GRANADA.--SURRENDER OF VELEZ MALAGA.--SIEGE AND CONQUEST OF MALAGA.

1487.

Narrow Escape of Ferdinand before Velez.--Malaga invested by Sea and
Land.--Brilliant Spectacle.--The Queen visits the Camp.--Attempt to
Assassinate the Sovereigns.--Distress and Resolution of the Besieged.--
Enthusiasm of the Christians.--Outworks Carried by them.--Proposals for
Surrender.--Haughty Demeanor of Ferdinand.--Malaga Surrenders at
Discretion.--Cruel Policy of the Victors.

Before commencing operations against Malaga, it was thought expedient by
the Spanish council of war to obtain possession of Velez Malaga, situated
about five leagues distant from the former. This strong town stood along
the southern extremity of a range of mountains that extend to Granada. Its
position afforded an easy communication with that capital, and obvious
means of annoyance to an enemy interposed between itself and the adjacent
city of Malaga. The reduction of this place, therefore, became the first
object of the campaign.

The forces assembled at Cordova, consisting of the levies of the
Andalusian cities principally, of the retainers of the great nobility, and
of the well-appointed chivalry which thronged from all quarters of the
kingdom, amounted on this occasion to twelve thousand horse and forty
thousand foot; a number, which sufficiently attests the unslackened ardor
of the nation in the prosecution of the war. On the 7th of April, King
Ferdinand, putting himself at the head of this formidable host, quitted
the fair city of Cordova amid the cheering acclamations of its
inhabitants, although these were somewhat damped by the ominous occurrence
of an earthquake, which demolished a part of the royal residence, among
other edifices, during the preceding night. The route, after traversing
the Yeguas and the old town of Antequera, struck into a wild, hilly
country, that stretches towards Velez. The rivers were so much swollen by
excessive rains, and the passes so rough and difficult, that the army in
part of its march advanced only a league a day; and on one occasion, when
no suitable place occurred for encampment for the space of five leagues,
the men fainted with exhaustion, and the beasts dropped down dead in the
harness. At length, on the 17th of April, the Spanish army sat down before
Velez Malaga, where in a few days they were joined by the lighter pieces
of their battering ordnance; the roads, notwithstanding the immense labor
expended on them, being found impracticable for the heavier. [1]

The Moors were aware of the importance of Velez to the security of Malaga.
The sensation excited in Granada by the tidings of its danger was so
strong, that the old chief, El Zagal, found it necessary to make an effort
to relieve the beleaguered city, notwithstanding the critical posture in
which his absence would leave his affairs in the capital. Dark clouds of
the enemy were seen throughout the day mustering along the heights, which
by night were illumined with a hundred fires. Ferdinand's utmost vigilance
was required for the protection of his camp against the ambuscades and
nocturnal sallies of his wily foe. At length, however, El Zagal, having
been foiled in a well-concerted attempt to surprise the Christian quarters
by night, was driven across the mountains by the marquis of Cadiz, and
compelled to retreat on his capital, completely baffled in his enterprise.
There the tidings of his disaster had preceded him. The fickle populace,
with whom misfortune passes for misconduct, unmindful of his former
successes, now hastened to transfer their allegiance to his rival,
Abdallah, and closed the gates against him; and the unfortunate chief
withdrew to Guadix, which, with Almeria, Baza, and some less considerable
places, still remained faithful. [2]

Ferdinand conducted the siege all the while with his usual vigor, and
spared no exposure of his person to peril or fatigue. On one occasion,
seeing a party of Christians retreating in disorder before a squadron of
the enemy, who had surprised them while fortifying an eminence near the
city, the king, who was at dinner in his tent, rushed out with no other
defensive armor than his cuirass, and, leaping on his horse, charged
briskly into the midst of the enemy, and succeeded in rallying his own
men. In the midst of the rencontre, however, when he had discharged his
lance, he found himself unable to extricate his sword from the scabbard
which hung from the saddle-bow. At this moment he was assaulted by several
Moors, and must have been either slain or taken, but for the timely rescue
of the marquis of Cadiz, and a brave cavalier, Garcilasso de la Vega, who,
galloping up to the spot with their attendants, succeeded after a sharp
skirmish in beating off the enemy. Ferdinand's nobles remonstrated with
him on this wanton exposure of his person, representing that he could
serve them more effectually with his head than his hand. But he answered,
that "he could not stop to calculate chances, when his subjects were
perilling their lives for his sake;" a reply, says Pulgar, which endeared
him to the whole army. [3]

At length, the inhabitants of Velez, seeing the ruin impending from the
bombardment of the Christians, whose rigorous blockade both by sea and
land excluded all hopes of relief from without, consented to capitulate on
the usual conditions of security to persons, property, and religion. The
capitulation of this place, April 27th, 1487, was followed by that of more
than twenty places of inferior note lying between it and Malaga, so that
the approaches to this latter city were now left open to the victorious
Spaniards. [4]

This ancient city, which, under the Spanish Arabs in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, formed the capital of an independent principality,
was second only to the metropolis itself, in the kingdom of Granada. Its
fruitful environs furnished abundant articles of export, while its
commodious port on the Mediterranean opened a traffic with the various
countries washed by that inland sea, and with the remoter regions of
India. Owing to these advantages, the inhabitants acquired unbounded
opulence, which showed itself in the embellishments of their city, whose
light forms of architecture, mingling after the eastern fashion with
odoriferous gardens and fountains of sparkling water, presented an
appearance most refreshing to the senses in this sultry climate. [5]

The city was encompassed by fortifications of great strength, and in
perfect repair. It was commanded by a citadel, connected by a covered way
with a second fortress impregnable from its position, denominated
Gebalfaro, which stood along the declivities of the bold sierra of the
Axarquia, whose defiles had proved so disastrous to the Christians. The
city lay between two spacious suburbs, the one on the land side being also
encircled by a formidable wall; and the other declining towards the sea,
showing an expanse of olive, orange, and pomegranate gardens, intermingled
with the rich vineyards that furnished the celebrated staple for its
export.

Malaga was well prepared for a siege by supplies of artillery and
ammunition. Its ordinary garrison was reinforced by volunteers from the
neighboring towns, and by a corps of African mercenaries, Gomeres, as they
were called, men of ferocious temper, but of tried valor and military
discipline. The command of this important post had been intrusted by El
Zagal to a noble Moor, named Hamet Zeli, whose renown in the present war
had been established by his resolute defence of Ronda. [6]

Ferdinand, while lying before Velez, received intelligence that many of
the wealthy burghers of Malaga were inclined to capitulate at once, rather
than hazard the demolition of their city by an obstinate resistance. He
instructed the marquis of Cadiz, therefore, to open a negotiation with
Hamet Zeli, authorizing him to make the most liberal offers to the alcayde
himself, as well as his garrison, and the principal citizens of the place,
on condition of immediate surrender. The sturdy chief, however, rejected
the proposal with disdain, replying, that he had been commissioned by his
master to defend the place to the last extremity, and that the Christian
king could not offer a bribe large enough to make him betray his trust.
Ferdinand, finding little prospect of operating on this Spartan temper,
broke up his camp before Velez, on the 7th of May, and advanced with his
whole army as far as Bezmillana, a place on the seaboard about two leagues
distant from Malaga. [7]

The line of march now lay through a valley commanded at the extremity
nearest the city by two eminences; the one on the sea-coast, the other
facing the fortress of the Gebalfaro, and forming part of the wild sierra
which overshadowed Malaga on the north. The enemy occupied both these
important positions. A corps of Galicians were sent forward to dislodge
them from the eminence towards the sea. But it failed in the assault, and,
notwithstanding it was led up a second time by the commander of Leon and
the brave Garcilasso de la Vega, [8] was again repulsed by the intrepid
foe.

A similar fate attended the assault on the sierra, which was conducted by
the troops of the royal household. They were driven back on the vanguard,
which had halted in the valley under command of the grand master of St.
James, prepared to support the attack on either side. Being reinforced,
the Spaniards returned to the charge with the most determined resolution.
They were encountered by the enemy with equal spirit. The latter, throwing
away their lances, precipitated themselves on the ranks of the assailants,
making use only of their daggers, grappling closely man to man, till both
rolled promiscuously together down the steep sides of the ravine. No mercy
was asked or shown. None thought of sparing or of spoiling, for hatred,
says the chronicler, was stronger than avarice. The main body of the army,
in the mean while, pent up in the valley, were compelled to witness the
mortal conflict, and listen to the exulting cries of the enemy, which,
after the Moorish custom, rose high and shrill above the din of battle,
without being able to advance a step in support of their companions, who
were again forced to give way before their impetuous adversaries, and fall
back on the vanguard under the grand master of St. James. Here, however,
they speedily rallied; and, being reinforced, advanced to the charge a
third time, with such inflexible courage as bore down all opposition, and
compelled the enemy, exhausted, or rather overpowered by superior numbers,
to abandon his position. At the same time the rising ground on the seaside
was carried by the Spaniards under the commander of Leon and Garcilasso de
la Vega, who, dividing their forces, charged the Moors so briskly in front
and rear, that they were compelled to retreat on the neighboring fortress
of Gebalfaro. [9]

As it was evening before these advantages were obtained, the army did not
defile into the plains around Malaga before the following morning, when
dispositions were made for its encampment. The eminence on the sierra, so
bravely contested, was assigned as the post of greatest danger to the
marquis duke of Cadiz. It was protected by strong works lined with
artillery, and a corps of two thousand five hundred horse and fourteen
thousand foot was placed under the immediate command of that nobleman. A
line of defence was constructed along the declivity from this redoubt to
the seashore. Similar works, consisting of a deep trench and palisades,
or, where the soil was too rocky to admit of them, of an embankment or
mound of earth, were formed in front of the encampment, which embraced the
whole circuit of the city; and the blockade was completed by a fleet of
armed vessels, galleys and caravels, which rode in the harbor under the
command of the Catalan admiral, Requesens, and effectually cut off all
communication by water. [10]

The old chronicler Bernaldez warms at the aspect of the fair city of
Malaga, thus encompassed by Christian legions, whose deep lines,
stretching far over hill and valley, reached quite round from one arm of
the sea to the other. In the midst of this brilliant encampment was seen
the royal pavilion, proudly displaying the united banners of Castile and
Aragon, and forming so conspicuous a mark for the enemy's artillery, that
Ferdinand, after imminent hazard, was at length compelled to shift his
quarters. The Christians were not slow in erecting counter-batteries; but
the work was obliged to be carried on at night, in order to screen them
from the fire of the besieged. [11]

The first operations of the Spaniards were directed against the suburb, on
the land side of the city. The attack was intrusted to the count of
Cifuentes, the nobleman who had been made prisoner in the affair of the
Axarquia, and subsequently ransomed. The Spanish ordnance was served with
such effect, that a practicable breach was soon made in the wall. The
combatants now poured their murderous volleys on each other through the
opening, and at length met on the ruins of the breach. After a desperate
struggle the Moors gave way. The Christians rushed into the enclosure, at
the same time effecting a lodgment on the rampart; and, although a part of
it, undermined by the enemy, gave way with a terrible crash, they still
kept possession of the remainder, and at length drove their antagonists,
who sullenly retreated step by step, within the fortifications of the
city. The lines were then drawn close around the place. Every avenue of
communication was strictly guarded, and every preparation was made for
reducing the town by regular blockade. [12]

In addition to the cannon brought round by water from Velez, the heavier
lombards, which from the difficulty of transportation had been left during
the late Siege at Antequera, were now conducted across roads, levelled for
the purpose, to the camp. Supplies of marble bullets were also brought
from the ancient and depopulated city of Algezira, where they had lain
ever since its capture in the preceding century by Alfonso the Eleventh.
The camp was filled with operatives, employed in the manufacture of balls
and powder, which were stored in subterranean magazines, and in the
fabrication of those various kinds of battering enginery, which continued
in use long after the introduction of gunpowder. [13]

During the early part of the siege, the camp experienced some temporary
inconvenience from the occasional interruption of the supplies transported
by water. Rumors of the appearance of the plague in some of the adjacent
villages caused additional uneasiness; and deserters, who passed into
Malaga, reported these particulars with the usual exaggeration, and
encouraged the besieged to persevere, by the assurance that Ferdinand
could not much longer keep the field, and that the queen had actually
written to advise his breaking up the camp. Under these circumstances,
Ferdinand saw at once the importance of the queen's presence in order to
dispel the delusion of the enemy, and to give new heart to his soldiers.
He accordingly sent a message to Cordova, where she was holding her court,
requesting her appearance in the camp.

Isabella had proposed to join her husband before Velez, on receiving
tidings of El Zagal's march from Granada, and had actually enforced levies
of all persons capable of bearing arms, between twenty and seventy years
of age, throughout Andalusia, but subsequently disbanded them, on learning
the discomfiture of the Moorish army. Without hesitation, she now set
forward, accompanied by the cardinal of Spain and other dignitaries of the
church, together with the infanta Isabella, and a courtly train of ladies
and cavaliers in attendance on her person. She was received at a short
distance from the camp by the marquis of Cadiz and the grand master of St.
James, and escorted to her quarters amidst the enthusiastic greetings of
the soldiery. Hope now brightened every countenance. A grace seemed to be
shed over the rugged features of war; and the young gallants thronged from
all quarters to the camp, eager to win the guerdon of valor from the hands
of those from whom it is most grateful to receive it. [14]

Ferdinand, who had hitherto brought into action only the lighter pieces of
ordnance, from a willingness to spare the noble edifices of the city, now
pointed his heaviest guns against its walls. Before opening his fire,
however, he again summoned the place, offering the usual liberal terms in
case of immediate, compliance, and engaging otherwise, "with the blessing
of God, to make them all slaves"! But the heart of the alcayde was
hardened like that of Pharaoh, says the Andalusian chronicler, and the
people were swelled with vain hopes, so that their ears were closed
against the proposal; orders were even issued to punish with death any
attempt at a parley. On the contrary, they made answer by a more lively
cannonade than before, along the whole line of ramparts and fortresses
which overhung the city. Sallies were also made at almost every hour of
the day and night on every assailable point of the Christian lines, so
that the camp was kept in perpetual alarm. In one of the nocturnal
sallies, a body of two thousand men from the castle of Gebalfaro succeeded
in surprising the quarters of the marquis of Cadiz, who, with his
followers, was exhausted by fatigue and watching, during the two preceding
nights. The Christians, bewildered with the sudden tumult which broke
their slumber, were thrown into the greatest confusion; and the marquis,
who rushed half armed from his tent, found no little difficulty in
bringing them to order, and beating off the assailants, after receiving a
wound in the arm from an arrow; while he had a still narrower escape from
the ball of an arquebus, that penetrated his buckler and hit him below the
cuirass, but fortunately so much spent as to do him no injury. [15]

The Moors were not unmindful of the importance of Malaga, or the gallantry
with which it was defended. They made several attempts to relieve it,
whose failure was less owing to the Christians than to treachery and their
own miserable feuds. A body of cavalry, which El Zagal despatched from
Guadix to throw succors into the beleaguered city, was encountered and cut
to pieces by a superior force of the young king Abdallah, who consummated
his baseness by sending an embassy to the Christian camp, charged with a
present of Arabian horses sumptuously caparisoned to Ferdinand, and of
costly silks and Oriental perfumes to the queen; at the same time
complimenting them on their successes, and soliciting the continuance of
their friendly dispositions towards himself. Ferdinand and Isabella
requited this act of humiliation by securing to Abdallah's subjects the
right of cultivating their fields in quiet, and of trafficking with the
Spaniards in every commodity, save military stores. At this paltry price
did the dastard prince consent to stay his arm, at the only moment when it
could be used effectually for his country. [16]

More serious consequences were like to have resulted from an attempt made
by another party of Moors from Guadix to penetrate the Christian lines.
Part of them succeeded, and threw themselves into the besieged city. The
remainder were cut in pieces. There was one, however, who, making no show
of resistance, was made prisoner without harm to his person. Being brought
before the marquis of Cadiz, he informed that nobleman, that he could make
some important disclosures to the sovereigns. He was accordingly conducted
to the royal tent; but, as Ferdinand was taking his siesta, in the sultry
hour of the day, the queen, moved by divine inspiration, according to the
Castilian historian, deferred the audience till her husband should awake,
and commanded the prisoner to be detained in the adjoining tent. This was
occupied by Doña Beatrix de Bobadilla, marchioness of Moya, Isabella's
early friend, who happened to be at that time engaged in discourse with a
Portuguese nobleman, Don Alvaro, son of the duke of Braganza. [17]

The Moor did not understand the Castilian language, and, deceived by the
rich attire and courtly bearing of these personages, he mistook them for
the king and queen. While in the act of refreshing himself with a glass of
water, he suddenly drew a dagger from beneath the broad folds of his
_albornoz_, or Moorish mantle, which he had been incautiously suffered to
retain, and, darting on the Portuguese prince, gave him a deep wound on
the head; and then, turning like lightning on the marchioness, aimed a
stroke at her, which fortunately glanced without injury, the point of the
weapon being turned by the heavy embroidery of her robes. Before he could
repeat his blow, the Moorish Scaevola, with a fate very different from
that of his Roman prototype, was pierced with a hundred wounds by the
attendants, who rushed to the spot, alarmed by the cries of the
marchioness, and his mangled remains were soon after discharged from a
catapult into the city; a foolish bravado, which the besieged requited by
slaying a Galician gentleman, and sending his corpse astride upon a mule
through the gates of the town into the Christian camp. [18]

This daring attempt on the lives of the king and queen spread general
consternation throughout the army. Precautions were taken for the future,
by ordinances prohibiting the introduction of any unknown person armed, or
any Moor whatever, into the royal quarters; and the bodyguard was
augmented by the addition of two hundred hidalgos of Castile and Aragon,
who, with their retainers, were to keep constant watch over the persons of
the sovereigns.

Meanwhile, the city of Malaga, whose natural population was greatly
swelled by the influx of its foreign auxiliaries, began to be straitened
for supplies, while its distress was aggravated by the spectacle of
abundance which reigned throughout the Spanish camp. Still, however, the
people, overawed by the soldiery, did not break out into murmurs, nor did
they relax in any degree the pertinacity of their resistance. Their
drooping spirits were cheered by the predictions of a fanatic, who
promised that they should eat the grain which they saw in the Christian
camp; a prediction, which came to be verified, like most others that are
verified at all, in a very different sense from that intended or
understood.

The incessant cannonade kept up by the besieging army, in the mean time,
so far exhausted their ammunition, that they were constrained to seek
supplies from the most distant parts of the kingdom, and from foreign
countries. The arrival of two Flemish transports at this juncture, from
the emperor of Germany, whose interest had been roused in the crusade,
afforded a seasonable reinforcement of military stores and munitions.

The obstinate defence of Malaga had given the siege such celebrity, that
volunteers, eager to share in it, flocked from all parts of the Peninsula
to the royal standard. Among others, the duke of Medina Sidonia, who had
furnished his quota of troops at the opening of the campaign, now arrived
in person with a reinforcement, together with a hundred galleys freighted
with supplies, and a loan of twenty thousand doblas of gold to the
sovereigns for the expenses of the war. Such was the deep interest in it
excited throughout the nation, and the alacrity which every order of men
exhibited in supporting its enormous burdens. [19]

The Castilian army, swelled by these daily augmentations, varied in its
amount, according to different estimates, from sixty to ninety thousand
men. Throughout this immense host, the most perfect discipline was
maintained. Gaming was restrained by ordinances interdicting the use of
dice and cards, of which the lower orders were passionately fond.
Blasphemy was severely punished. Prostitutes, the common pest of a camp,
were excluded; and so entire was the subordination, that not a knife was
drawn, and scarcely a brawl occurred, says the historian, among the motley
multitude. Besides the higher ecclesiastics who attended the court, the
camp was well supplied with holy men, priests, friars, and the chaplains
of the great nobility, who performed the exercises of religion in their
respective quarters with all the pomp and splendor of the Roman Catholic
worship; exalting the imaginations of the soldiers into the high
devotional feeling, which became those who were fighting the battles of
the Cross. [20]

Hitherto, Ferdinand, relying on the blockade, and yielding to the queen's
desire to spare the lives of her soldiers, had formed no regular plan of
assault upon the town. But, as the season rolled on without the least
demonstration of submission on the part of the besieged, he resolved to
storm the works, which, if attended by no other consequences, might at
least serve to distress the enemy, and hasten the hour of surrender. Large
wooden towers on rollers were accordingly constructed, and provided with
an apparatus of drawbridges and ladders, which, when brought near to the
ramparts, would open a descent into the city. Galleries were also wrought,
some for the purpose of penetrating into the place, and others to sap the
foundations of the walls. The whole of these operations was placed under
the direction of Francisco Ramirez, the celebrated engineer of Madrid.

But the Moors anticipated the completion of these formidable preparations
by a brisk, well-concerted attack on all points of the Spanish lines. They
countermined the assailants, and, encountering them in the subterraneous
passages, drove them back, and demolished the frame-work of the galleries.
At the same time, a little squadron of armed vessels, which had been
riding in safety under the guns of the city, pushed out and engaged the
Spanish fleet. Thus the battle raged with fire and sword, above and under
ground, along the ramparts, the ocean, and the land, at the same time.
Even Pulgar cannot withhold his tribute of admiration to this
unconquerable spirit in an enemy, wasted by all the extremities of famine
and fatigue. "Who does not marvel," he says, "at the bold heart of these
infidels in battle, their prompt obedience to their chiefs, their
dexterity in the wiles of war, their patience under privation, and
undaunted perseverance in their purposes?" [21]

A circumstance occurred in a sortie from the city, indicating a trait of
character worth recording. A noble Moor, named Abrahen Zenete, fell in
with a number of Spanish children who had wandered from their quarters.
Without injuring them, he touched them gently with the handle of his
lance, saying, "Get ye gone, varlets, to your mothers." On being rebuked
by his comrades, who inquired why he had let them escape so easily, he
replied, "Because I saw no beard upon their chins." "An example of
magnanimity," says the Curate of Los Palacios, "truly wonderful in a
heathen, and which might have reflected credit on a Christian hidalgo."
[22]

But no virtue nor valor could avail the unfortunate Malagans against the
overwhelming force of their enemies, who, driving them back from every
point, compelled them, after a desperate struggle of six hours, to shelter
themselves within the defences of the town. The Christians followed up
their success. A mine was sprung near a tower, connected by a bridge of
four arches with the main works of the place. The Moors, scattered and
intimidated by the explosion, retreated across the bridge, and the
Spaniards, carrying the tower, whose guns completely enfiladed it,
obtained possession of this important pass into the beleaguered city. For
these and other signal services during the siege, Francisco Ramirez, the
master of the ordnance, received the honors of knighthood from the hand of
King Ferdinand. [23]

The citizens of Malaga, dismayed at beholding the enemy established in
their defences, and fainting under exhaustion from a siege which had
already lasted more than three months, now began to murmur at the
obstinacy of the garrison, and to demand a capitulation. Their magazines
of grain were emptied, and for some weeks they had been compelled to
devour the flesh of horses, dogs, cats, and even the boiled hides of these
animals, or, in default of other nutriment, vine leaves dressed with oil,
and leaves of the palm tree, pounded fine, and baked into a sort of cake.
In consequence of this loathsome and unwholesome diet, diseases were
engendered. Multitudes were seen dying about the streets. Many deserted to
the Spanish camp, eager to barter their liberty for bread; and the city
exhibited all the extremes of squalid and disgusting wretchedness, bred by
pestilence and famine among an overcrowded population. The sufferings of
the citizens softened the stern heart of the alcayde, Hamet Zeli, who at
length yielded to their importunities, and, withdrawing his forces into
the Gebalfaro, consented that the Malagans should make the best terms they
could with their conqueror.

A deputation of the principal inhabitants, with an eminent merchant named
Ali Dordux at their head, was then despatched to the Christian quarters,
with the offer of the city to capitulate, on the same liberal conditions
which had been uniformly granted by the Spaniards. The king refused to
admit the embassy into his presence, and haughtily answered through the
commander of Leon, "that these terms had been twice offered to the people
of Malaga, and rejected; that it was too late for them to stipulate
conditions, and nothing now remained but to abide by those which he, as
their conqueror, should vouchsafe to them." [24]

Ferdinand's answer spread general consternation throughout Malaga. The
inhabitants saw too plainly that nothing was to be hoped from an appeal to
sentiments of humanity. After a tumultuous debate, the deputies were
despatched a second time to the Christian camp, charged with propositions
in which concession was mingled with menace. They represented that the
severe response of King Ferdinand to the citizens had rendered them
desperate. That, however, they were willing to resign to him their
fortifications, their city, in short, their property of every description,
on his assurance of their personal security and freedom. If he refused
this, they would take their Christian captives, amounting to five or six
hundred, from the dungeons in which they lay, and hang them like dogs over
the battlements; and then, placing their old men, women, and children in
the fortress, they would set fire to the town, and cut a way for
themselves through their enemies, or fall in the attempt. "So," they
continued, "if you gain a victory, it shall be such a one as shall make
the name of Malaga ring throughout the world, and to ages yet unborn!"
Ferdinand, unmoved by these menaces, coolly replied, that he saw no
occasion to change his former determination; but they might rest assured,
if they harmed a single hair of a Christian, he would put every soul in
the place, man, woman, and child, to the sword.

The anxious people, who thronged forth to meet the embassy on its return
to the city, were overwhelmed with the deepest gloom at its ominous
tidings. Their fate was now sealed. Every avenue to hope seemed closed by
the stern response of the victor. Yet hope will still linger; and,
although there were some frantic enough to urge the execution of their
desperate menaces, the greater number of the inhabitants, and among them
those most considerable for wealth and influence, preferred the chance of
Ferdinand's clemency to certain, irretrievable ruin.

For the last time, therefore, the deputies issued from the gates of the
city, charged with an epistle to the sovereigns from their unfortunate
countrymen, in which, after deprecating their anger, and lamenting their
own blind obstinacy, they reminded their highnesses of the liberal terms
which their ancestors had granted to Cordova, Antequera, and other cities,
after a defence as pertinacious as their own. They expatiated on the fame
which the sovereigns had established by the generous policy of their past
conquests, and, appealing to their magnanimity, concluded with submitting
themselves, their families, and their fortunes to their disposal. Twenty
of the principal citizens were then delivered up as hostages for the
peaceable demeanor of the city until its occupation by the Spaniards.
"Thus," says the Curate of Los Palacios, "did the Almighty harden the
hearts of these heathen, like to those of the Egyptians, in order that
they might receive the full wages of the manifold oppressions which they
had wrought on his people, from the days of King Roderic to the present
time." [25]

On the appointed day, the commander of Leon rode through the gates of
Malaga, at the head of his well-appointed chivalry, and took possession of
the _alcazaba_, or lower citadel. The troops were then posted on their
respective stations along the fortifications, and the banners of Christian
Spain triumphantly unfurled from the towers of the city, where the
crescent had been displayed for an uninterrupted period of nearly eight
centuries.

The first act was to purify the town from the numerous dead bodies, and
other offensive matter, which had accumulated during this long siege, and
lay festering in the streets, poisoning the atmosphere. The principal
mosque was next consecrated with due solemnity to the service of Santa
Maria de la Encarnacion. Crosses and bells, the symbols of Christian
worship, were distributed in profusion among the sacred edifices; where,
says the Catholic chronicler last quoted, "the celestial music of their
chimes, sounding at every hour of the day and night, caused perpetual
torment to the ears of the infidel." [26]

On the eighteenth day of August, being somewhat more than three months
from the date of opening trenches, Ferdinand and Isabella made their
entrance into the conquered city, attended by the court, the clergy, and
the whole of their military array. The procession moved in solemn state up
the principal streets, now deserted, and hushed in ominous silence, to the
new cathedral of St. Mary, where mass was performed; and as the glorious
anthem of the Te Deum rose for the first time within its ancient walls,
the sovereigns, together with the whole army, prostrated themselves in
grateful adoration of the Lord of hosts, who had thus reinstated them in
the domains of their ancestors.

The most affecting incident was afforded by the multitude of Christian
captives, who were rescued from the Moorish dungeons. They were brought
before the sovereigns, with their limbs heavily manacled, their beards
descending to their waists, and their sallow visages emaciated by
captivity and famine. Every eye was suffused with tears at the spectacle.
Many recognized their ancient friends, of whose fate they had long been
ignorant. Some, had lingered in captivity ten or fifteen years; and among
them were several belonging to the best families in Spain. On entering the
presence, they would have testified their gratitude by throwing themselves
at the feet of the sovereigns; but the latter, raising them up and
mingling their tears with those of the liberated captives, caused their
fetters to be removed, and, after administering to their necessities,
dismissed them with liberal presents. [27]

The fortress of Gebalfaro surrendered on the day after the occupation of
Malaga by the Spaniards. The gallant Zegri chieftain, Hamet Zeli, was
loaded with chains; and, being asked why he had persisted so obstinately
in his _rebellion_, boldly answered, "Because I was commissioned to
defend the place to the last extremity; and, if I had been properly
supported, I would have died sooner than surrender now!"

The doom of the vanquished was now to be pronounced. On entering the city,
orders had been issued to the Spanish soldiery, prohibiting them under the
severest penalties from molesting either the persons or property of the
inhabitants. These latter were directed to remain in their respective
mansions with a guard set over them, while the cravings of appetite were
supplied by a liberal distribution of food. At length, the whole
population of the city, comprehending every age and sex, was commanded to
repair to the great courtyard of the alcazaba, which was overlooked on all
sides by lofty ramparts garrisoned by the Spanish soldiery. To this place,
the scene of many a Moorish triumph, where the spoil of the border foray
had been often displayed, and which still might be emblazoned with the
trophy of many a Christian banner, the people of Malaga now directed their
steps. As the multitude swarmed through the streets, filled with boding
apprehensions of their fate, they wrung their hands, and, raising their
eyes to heaven, uttered the most piteous lamentations. "Oh, Malaga," they
cried, "renowned and beautiful city, how are thy sons about to forsake
thee! Could not thy soil, on which they first drew breath, be suffered to
cover them in death? Where is now the strength of thy towers, where the
beauty of thy edifices? The strength of thy walls, alas, could not avail
thy children, for they had sorely displeased their Creator. What shall
become of thy old men and thy matrons, or of thy young maidens delicately
nurtured within thy halls, when they shall feel the iron yoke of bondage?
Can thy barbarous conquerors without remorse thus tear asunder the dearest
ties of life?" Such are the melancholy strains, in which the Castilian
chronicler has given utterance to the sorrows of the captive city. [28]

The dreadful doom of slavery was denounced on the assembled multitude.
One-third was to be transported into Africa in exchange for an equal
number of Christian captives detained there; and all, who had relatives or
friends in this predicament, were required to furnish a specification of
them. Another third was appropriated to reimburse the state for the
expenses of the war. The remainder were to be distributed as presents at
home and abroad. Thus, one hundred of the flower of the African warriors
were sent to the pope, who incorporated them into his guard, and converted
them all in the course of the year, says the Curate of Los Palacios, into
very good Christians. Fifty of the most beautiful Moorish girls were
presented by Isabella to the queen of Naples, thirty to the queen of
Portugal, others to the ladies of her court; and the residue of both sexes
were apportioned among the nobles, cavaliers, and inferior members of the
army, according to their respective rank and services. [29]

As it was apprehended that the Malagans, rendered desperate by the
prospect of a hopeless, interminable captivity, might destroy or secrete
their jewels, plate, and other precious effects, in which this wealthy
city abounded, rather than suffer them to fall into the hands of their
enemies, Ferdinand devised a politic expedient for preventing it. He
proclaimed that he would receive a certain sum, if paid within nine
months, as the ransom of the whole population, and that their personal
effects should be admitted in part payment. This sum averaged about thirty
doblas a head, including in the estimate all those who might die before
the determination of the period assigned. The ransom, thus stipulated,
proved more than the unhappy people could raise, either by themselves, or
agents employed to solicit contributions among their brethren of Granada
and Africa; at the same time, it so far deluded their hopes, that they
gave in a full inventory of their effects to the treasury. By this shrewd
device, Ferdinand obtained complete possession both of the persons and
property of his victims. [30]

Malaga was computed to contain from eleven to fifteen thousand
inhabitants, exclusive of several thousand foreign auxiliaries, within its
gates at the time of surrender. One cannot, at this day, read the
melancholy details of its story, without feelings of horror and
indignation. It is impossible to vindicate the dreadful sentence passed on
this unfortunate people for a display of heroism, which should have
excited admiration in every generous bosom. It was obviously most
repugnant to Isabella's natural disposition, and must be admitted to leave
a stain on her memory, which no coloring of history can conceal. It may
find some palliation, however, in the bigotry of the age, the more
excusable in a woman whom education, general example, and natural distrust
of herself accustomed to rely, in matters of conscience, on the spiritual
guides, whose piety and professional learning seemed to qualify them for
the trust. Even in this very transaction, she fell far short of the
suggestions of some of her counsellors, who urged her to put every
inhabitant without exception to the sword; which, they affirmed, would be
a just requital of their obstinate _rebellion_, and would prove a
wholesome warning to others! We are not told who the advisers of this
precious measure were; but the whole experience of this reign shows, that
we shall scarcely wrong the clergy much by imputing it to them. That their
arguments could warp so enlightened a mind, as that of Isabella, from the
natural principles of justice and humanity, furnishes a remarkable proof
of the ascendency which the priesthood usurped over the most gifted
intellects, and of their gross abuse of it, before the Reformation, by
breaking the seals set on the sacred volume, opened to mankind the
uncorrupted channel of divine truth. [31]

The fate of Malaga may be said to have decided that of Granada. The latter
was now shut out from the most important ports along her coast; and she
was environed on every point of her territory by her warlike foe, so that
she could hardly hope more from subsequent efforts, however strenuous and
united, than to postpone the inevitable hour of dissolution. The cruel
treatment of Malaga was the prelude to the long series of persecutions,
which awaited the wretched Moslems in the land of their ancestors; in that
land, over which the "star of Islamism," to borrow their own metaphor, had
shone in full brightness for nearly eight centuries, but where it was now
fast descending amid clouds and tempests to the horizon.

The first care of the sovereigns was directed towards repeopling the
depopulated city with their own subjects. Houses and lands were freely
granted to such as would settle there. Numerous towns and villages with a
wide circuit of territory were placed under its civil jurisdiction, and it
was made the head of a diocese embracing most of the recent conquests in
the south and west of Granada. These inducements, combined with the
natural advantages of position and climate, soon caused the tide of
Christian population to flow into the deserted city; but it was very long
before it again reached the degree of commercial consequence to which it
had been raised by the Moors. [32]

After these salutary arrangements, the Spanish sovereigns led back their
victorious legions in triumph to Cordova, whence dispersing to their
various homes, they prepared, by a winter's repose, for new campaigns and
more brilliant conquests.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Vedmar, Antiguedad y Grandezas de la Ciudad de Velez, (Granada, 1652,)
fol. 148.--Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 27, cap. 10.--Pulgar,
Reyes Católicos, part. iii. cap. 70.--Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1487.--
Bleda, Corónica, lib. 5, cap. 14.

[2] Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, tom. iii. pp. 292-294.--
Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, ubi supra.--Vedmar, Antiguedad de Velez, fol.
151.

[3] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 175.--Vedmar, Antiguedad.--de
Velez, fol. 150, 151.--Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 14.

In commemoration of this event, the city incorporated into its escutcheon
the figure of a king on horseback, in the act of piercing a Moor with his
javelin. Vedmar, Antiguedad de Velez, fol. 12.

[4] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 52.--Marmol, Rebelion de
Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 14.

[5] Conde doubts whether the name of Malaga is derived from the Greek
_malakè_, signifying "agreeable," or the Arabic _malka_, meaning "royal."
Either etymology is sufficiently pertinent. (See El Nubiense, Descripcion
de España, p. 186, not.) For notices of sovereigns who swayed the sceptre
of Malaga, see Casiri, Bibliotheca Escurialensis, tom. ii. pp. 41, 56, 99,
et alibi.

[6] Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. p. 237.--Pulgar, Reyes
Católicos, cap. 74.--El Nubiense, Descripcion de España, not., p. 144.

[7] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 82.--Vedmar, Antiguedad de
Velez, fol. 154.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 74.

[8] This cavalier, who took a conspicuous part both in the military and
civil transactions of this reign, was descended from one of the most
ancient and honorable houses in Castile. Hyta, (Guerras Civiles de
Granada, tom. i. p. 399,) with more effrontery than usual, has imputed to
him a chivalrous rencontre with a Saracen, which is recorded of an
ancestor, in the ancient Chronicle of Alonso XI.

"Garcilaso de la Vega
desde alli se ha intitulado,
porque en la Vega hiciera
campo con aquel pagano."

Oviedo, however, with good reason, distrusts the etymology and the story,
as he traces both the cognomen and the peculiar device of the family to a
much older date than the period assigned in the Chronicle. Quincuagenas,
MS., bat. 1, quinc. 3, dial. 43.

[9] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 75.--Salazar de Mendoza, Crón. del Gran
Cardenal, lib. 1, cap. 64.

[10] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 83.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos,
cap. 76.--Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1487.

[11] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, ubi supra.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS.,
ubi supra.

[12] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 1, epist. 83--Pulgar, Reyes
Católicos, cap. 76.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, cap. 83.--Oviedo,
Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 36.

[13] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 76.

[14] Salazar de Mendoza, Crón. del Gran Cardenal, lib. 1, cap. 64.--
Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. cap. 70.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap.
83.

[15] Bleda, Corónica, lib. 5, cap. 15.--Conde, Dominacion, tom. iv. pp.
237, 238.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 83.--Pulgar, Reyes
Católicos, cap. 79.

[16] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, ubi supra.

During the siege, ambassadors arrived from an African potentate, the king
of Tremecen, bearing a magnificent present to the Castilian sovereigns,
interceding for the Malagans, and at the same time asking protection for
his subjects from the Spanish cruisers in the Mediterranean. The
sovereigns graciously complied with the latter request, and complimented
the African monarch with a plate of gold, on which the royal arms were
curiously embossed, says Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, cap. 84.

[17] This nobleman, Don Alvaro de Portugal, had fled his native country,
and sought an asylum in Castile from the vindictive enmity of John II, who
had been put to death by the duke of Braganza, his elder brother. He was
kindly received by Isabella, to whom he was nearly related, and
subsequently preferred to several important offices of state. His son, the
count of Gelves, married a granddaughter of Christopher Columbus. Oviedo,
Quincuagenas, MS.

[18] Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 23.--Peter Martyr,
Opus Epist., lib. 1, epist. 63.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap.
84.--Bleda, Corónica de los Moros, lib. 5, cap. 15.--L. Marineo, Cosas
Memorables, fol. 175, 176.

[19] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 87-89.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos,
MS., cap. 84.

[20] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 87.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos,
cap. 71.

[21] Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. pp. 237, 238.--Pulgar,
Reyes Católicos, cap. 80.--Caro de Torres, Ordenes Militares, fol. 82, 83.

[22] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 9l.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS.,
cap. 84. The honest exclamation of the Curate brings to mind the similar
encomium of the old Moorish ballad,

"Caballeros Granadinos, Aunque Moros, hijosdalgo."

Hyta, Guerras de Granada, tom. i., p. 257.

[23] There is no older well-authenticated account of the employment of
gunpowder in mining in European warfare, so far as I am aware, than this
by Ramirez. Tiraboschi, indeed, refers, on the authority of another
writer, to a work in the library of the Academy of Siena, composed by one
Francesco Giorgio, architect of the duke of Urbino, about 1480, in which
that person claims the merit of the invention. (Letteratura Italiana, tom.
vi. p. 370.) The whole statement is obviously too loose to warrant any
such conclusion. The Italian historians notice the use of gunpowder mines
at the siege of the little town of Serezanello in Tuscany, by the Genoese,
in 1487, precisely contemporaneous with the siege of Malaga. (Machiavelli,
Istorie Fiorentine, lib. 8.--Guicciardini, Istoria d'Italia, (Milano,
1803,) tom. iii. lib. 6.) This singular coincidence, in nations having
then but little intercourse, would seem to infer some common origin of
greater antiquity. However this may be, the writers of both nations are
agreed in ascribing the first successful use of such mines on any extended
scale to the celebrated Spanish engineer, Pedro Navarro, when serving
under Gonsalvo of Cordova, in his Italian campaigns at the beginning of
the sixteenth century. Guicciardini, ubi supra.--Paolo Giovio, de Vitâ
Magni Gonsalvi, (Vitae Illustrium Virorum, Basiliae, 1578,) lib. 2.--
Aleson, Annales de Navarra, tom. v. lib. 35, cap. 12.

[24] Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 296.--L.
Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 175.--Rades y Andrada, Las Tres Ordenes,
fol. 54.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 92.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos,
MS., cap. 85.

[25] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 93.--Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et
d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 296.

The Arabic historians state that Malaga was betrayed by Ali Dordux, who
admitted the Spaniards into the castle, while the citizens were debating
on Ferdinand's terms. (See Conde, Domination de los Arabes, tom. iii. cap.
39.) The letter of the inhabitants, quoted at length by Pulgar, would seem
to be a refutation of this. And yet there are good grounds for suspecting
false play on the part of the ambassador Dordux, since the Castilian
writers admit that he was exempted, with forty of his friends, from the
doom of slavery and forfeiture of property, passed upon his fellow-
citizens.

[26] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 85.

[27] Carbajal, whose meagre annals have scarcely any merit beyond that of
a mere chronological table, postpones the surrender till September.
Anales, año 1487.--Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 14.

[28] Bleda, Corónica, lib. 5, cap. 15.

As a counterpart to the above scene, twelve Christian renegades, found in
the city, were transfixed with canes, _acañavereados_, a barbarous
punishment derived from the Moors, which was inflicted by horsemen at full
gallop, who discharged pointed reeds at the criminal, until he expired
under repeated wounds. A number of relapsed Jews were at the same time
condemned to the flames. "These," says Father Abarca, "were the _fêtes_
and illuminations most grateful to the Catholic piety of our sovereigns"!
Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 3.

[29] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, ubi supra.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS.,
ubi supra.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 62.

[30] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 87.--L. Marineo, Cosas
Memorables, fol. 176.--Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. p. 238.
--Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 296.--Carbajal,
Anales, MS., año 1487.

Not a word of comment escapes the Castilian historians on this merciless
rigor of the conqueror towards the vanquished. It is evident that
Ferdinand did no violence to the feelings of his orthodox subjects.
_Tacendo clamant._

[31] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 87.--Bleda, Corónica, lib. 5,
cap. 15.

About four hundred and fifty Moorish Jews were ransomed by a wealthy
Israelite of Castile for 27,000 doblas of gold. A proof that the Jewish
stock was one which thrived amidst persecution.

It is scarcely possible that the circumstantial Pulgar should have omitted
to notice so important a fact as the scheme of the Moorish ransom, had it
occurred. It is still more improbable, that the honest Curate of Los
Palacios should have fabricated it. Any one who attempts to reconcile the
discrepancies of contemporary historians even, will have Lord Orford's
exclamation to his son Horace brought to his mind ten times a day; "Oh!
read me not history, for that I know to be false."

[32] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 94.--Col. de Céd., tom. vi. no. 321.

CHAPTER XIV.

WAR OF GRANADA.--CONQUEST OF BAZA.--SUBMISSION OF EL ZAGAL.

1487-1489.

The Sovereigns visit Aragon.--The King lays Siege to Baza.--Its Great
Strength.--Gardens Cleared of their Timber.--The Queen Raises the Spirits
of her Troops.--Her Patriotic Sacrifices.--Suspension of Arms.--Baza
Surrenders.--Treaty with Zagal.--Difficulties of the Campaign.--Isabella's
Popularity and Influence.

In the autumn of 1487, Ferdinand and Isabella, accompanied by the younger
branches of the royal family, visited Aragon, to obtain the recognition
from the cortes of Prince John's succession, now in his tenth year, as
well as to repress the disorders into which the country had fallen during
the long absence of its sovereigns. To this end, the principal cities and
communities of Aragon had recently adopted the institution of the
hermandad, organized on similar principles to that of Castile. Ferdinand,
on his arrival at Saragossa in the month of November, gave his royal
sanction to the association, extending the term of its duration to five
years, a measure extremely unpalatable to the great feudal nobility, whose
power, or rather abuse of power, was considerably abridged by this popular
military force. [1]

The sovereigns, after accomplishing the objects of their visit, and
obtaining an appropriation from the cortes for the Moorish war, passed
into Valencia, where measures of like efficiency were adopted for
restoring the authority of the law, which was exposed to such perpetual
lapses in this turbulent age, even in the best constituted governments, as
required for its protection the utmost vigilance, on the part of those
intrusted with the supreme executive power. From Valencia the court
proceeded to Murcia, where Ferdinand, in the month of June, 1488, assumed
the command of an army amounting to less than twenty thousand men, a small
force compared with those usually levied on these occasions; it being
thought advisable to suffer the nation to breathe a while, after the
exhausting efforts in which it had been unintermittingly engaged for so
many years.

Ferdinand, crossing the eastern borders of Granada, at no great distance
from Vera, which speedily opened its gates, kept along the southern slant
of the coast as far as Almeria; whence, after experiencing some rough
treatment from a sortie of the garrison, he marched by a northerly circuit
on Baza, for the purpose of reconnoitring its position, as his numbers
were altogether inadequate to its siege. A division of the army under the
marquis duke of Cadiz suffered itself to be drawn here into an ambuscade
by the wily old monarch El Zagal, who lay in Baza with a strong force.
After extricating his troops with some difficulty and loss from this
perilous predicament, Ferdinand retreated on his own dominions by the way
of Huescar, where he disbanded his army, and withdrew to offer up his
devotions at the cross of Caravaca. The campaign, though signalized by no
brilliant achievement, and indeed clouded with some slight reverses,
secured the surrender of a considerable number of fortresses and towns of
inferior note. [2]

The Moorish chief, El Zagal, elated by his recent success, made frequent
forays into the Christian territories, sweeping off the flocks, herds, and
growing crops of the husbandman; while the garrisons of Almeria and
Salobrena, and the bold inhabitants of the valley of Purchena, poured a
similar devastating warfare over the eastern borders of Granada into
Murcia. To meet this pressure, the Spanish sovereigns reinforced the
frontier with additional levies under Juan de Benavides and Garcilasso de
la Vega; while Christian knights, whose prowess is attested in many a
Moorish lay, flocked there from all quarters, as to the theatre of war.

During the following winter, of 1488, Ferdinand and Isabella occupied
themselves with the interior government of Castile, and particularly the
administration of justice. A commission was specially appointed to
supervise the conduct of the corregidors and subordinate magistrates, "so
that every one," says Pulgar, "was most careful to discharge his duty
faithfully, in order to escape the penalty, which was otherwise sure to
overtake him." [3]

While at Valladolid, the sovereigns received an embassy from Maximilian,
son of the emperor Frederic the Fourth, of Germany, soliciting their co-
operation in his designs against France for the restitution of his late
wife's rightful inheritance, the duchy of Burgundy, and engaging in turn
to support them in their claims on Roussillon and Cerdagne. The Spanish
monarchs had long entertained many causes of discontent with the French
court, both with regard to the mortgaged territory of Roussillon, and the
kingdom of Navarre; and they watched with jealous eye the daily increasing
authority of their formidable neighbor on their own frontier. They had
been induced, in the preceding summer, to equip an armanent at Biscay and
Guipuscoa, to support the duke of Brittany in his wars with the French
regent, the celebrated Anne de Beaujeu. This expedition, which proved
disastrous, was followed by another in the spring of the succeeding year.
[4] But, notwithstanding these occasional episodes to the great work in
which they were engaged, they had little leisure for extended operations;
and, although they entered into the proposed treaty of alliance with
Maximilian, they do not seem to have contemplated any movement of
importance before the termination of the Moorish war. The Flemish
ambassadors, after being entertained for forty days in a style suited to
impress them with high ideas of the magnificence of the Spanish court, and
of its friendly disposition towards their master, were dismissed with
costly presents, and returned to their own country. [5]

These negotiations show the increasing intimacy growing up between the
European states, who, as they settled their domestic feuds, had leisure to
turn their eyes abroad, and enter into the more extended field of
international politics. The tenor of this treaty indicates also the
direction which affairs were to take, when the great powers should be
brought into collision with each other on a common theatre of action.

All thoughts were now concentrated on the prosecution of the war with
Granada, which, it was determined, should be conducted on a more enlarged
scale than it had yet been; notwithstanding the fearful pest which had
desolated the country during the past year, and the extreme scarcity of
grain, owing to the inundations caused by excessive rains in the fruitful
provinces of the south. The great object proposed in this campaign was the
reduction of Baza, the capital of that division of the empire which
belonged to El Zagal. Besides this important city, that monarch's
dominions embraced the wealthy sea-port of Almeria, Guadix, and numerous
other towns and villages of less consequence, together with the mountain
region of the Alpuxarras, rich in mineral wealth; whose inhabitants,
famous for the perfection to which they had carried the silk manufacture,
were equally known for their enterprise and courage in war, so that El
Zagal's division comprehended the most potent and opulent portion of the
empire. [6] In the spring of 1489, the Castilian court passed to Jaen, at
which place the queen was to establish her residence, as presenting the
most favorable point of communication with the invading army. Ferdinand
advanced as far as Sotogordo, where, on the 27th of May, he put himself at
the head of a numerous force, amounting to about fifteen thousand horse
and eighty thousand foot, including persons of every description; among
whom was gathered, as usual, that chivalrous array of nobility and
knighthood, who, with stately and well-appointed retinues, were accustomed
to follow the royal standard in these crusades. [8]

The first point, against which operations were directed, was the strong
post of Cuxar, two leagues only from Baza, which surrendered after a brief
but desperate resistance. The occupation of this place, and some adjacent
fortresses, left the approaches open to El Zagal's capital. As the Spanish
army toiled up the heights of the mountain barrier, which towers above
Baza on the west, their advance was menaced by clouds of Moorish light
troops, who poured down a tempest of musket-balls and arrows on their
heads. These however were quickly dispersed by the advancing vanguard; and
the Spaniards, as they gained the summits of the hills, beheld the lordly
city of Baza, reposing in the shadows of the bold sierra that stretches
towards the coast, and lying in the bosom of a fruitful valley, extending
eight leagues in length, and three in breadth. Through this valley flowed
the waters of the Guadalentin and the Guadalquiton, whose streams were
conducted by a thousand canals over the surface of the vega. In the midst
of the plain, adjoining the suburbs, might be descried the orchard or
garden, as it was termed, of Baza, a league in length, covered with a
thick growth of wood, and with numerous villas and pleasure-houses of the
wealthy citizens, now converted into garrisoned fortresses. The suburbs
were encompassed by a low mud wall; but the fortifications of the city
were of uncommon strength. The place, in addition to ten thousand troops
of its own, was garrisoned by an equal number from Almeria; picked men,
under the command of the Moorish prince Cidi Yahye, a relative of El
Zagal, who lay at this time in Guadix, prepared to cover his own dominions
against any hostile movement of his rival in Granada. These veterans were
commissioned to defend the place to the last extremity; and, as due time
had been given for preparation, the town was victualled with fifteen
months' provisions, and even the crops growing in the vega had been
garnered before their prime, to save them from the hands of the enemy. [8]

The first operation, after the Christian army had encamped before the
walls of Baza, was to get possession of the garden, without which it would
be impossible to enforce a thorough blockade, since its labyrinth of
avenues afforded the inhabitants abundant facilities of communication with
the surrounding country. The assault was intrusted to the grand master of
St. James, supported by the principal cavaliers, and the king in person.
Their reception by the enemy was such as gave them a foretaste of the
perils and desperate daring they were to encounter in the present siege.
The broken surface of the ground, bewildered with intricate passes, and
thickly studded with trees and edifices, was peculiarly favorable to the
desultory and illusory tactics of the Moors. The Spanish cavalry was
brought at once to a stand; the ground proving impracticable for it, it
was dismounted, and led to the charge by its officers on foot. The men,
however, were soon scattered far asunder from their banners and their
leaders. Ferdinand, who from a central position endeavored to overlook the
field, with the design of supporting the attack on the points most
requiring it, soon lost sight of his columns amid the precipitous ravines,
and the dense masses of foliage which everywhere intercepted the view. The
combat was carried on, hand to hand, in the utmost confusion. Still the
Spaniards pressed forward, and, after a desperate struggle for twelve
hours, in which many of the bravest on both sides fell, and the Moslem
chief Reduan Zafarga had four horses successively killed under him, the
enemy were beaten back behind the intrenchments that covered the suburbs,
and the Spaniards, hastily constructing a defence of palisades, pitched
their tents on the field of battle. [9]

The following morning Ferdinand had the mortification to observe, that the
ground was too much broken and obstructed with wood, to afford a suitable
place for a general encampment. To evacuate his position, however, in the
face of the enemy, was a delicate manoeuvre, and must necessarily expose
him to severe loss. This he obviated, in a great measure, by a fortunate
stratagem. He commanded the tents nearest the town to be left standing,
and thus succeeded in drawing off the greater part of his forces, before
the enemy was aware of his intention.

After regaining his former position, a council of war was summoned to
deliberate on the course next to be pursued. The chiefs were filled with
despondency, as they revolved the difficulties of their situation. They
almost despaired of enforcing the blockade of a place, whose peculiar
situation gave it such advantages. Even could this be effected, the camp
would be exposed, they argued, to the assaults of a desperate garrison on
the one hand, and of the populous city of Guadix, hardly twenty miles
distant, on the other; while the good faith of Granada could scarcely be
expected to outlive a single reverse of fortune; so that, instead of
besieging, they might be more properly regarded as themselves besieged. In
addition to these evils, the winter frequently set in with much rigor in
this quarter; and the torrents, descending from the mountains, and
mingling with the waters of the valley, might overwhelm the camp with an
inundation, which, if it did not sweep it away at once, would expose it to
the perils of famine by cutting off all external communication. Under
these gloomy impressions, many of the council urged Ferdinand to break up
his position at once, and postpone all operations on Baza, until the
reduction of the surrounding country should make it comparatively easy.
Even the marquis of Cadiz gave in to this opinion; and Gutierre de
Cardenas, commander of Leon, a cavalier deservedly high in the confidence
of the king, was almost the only person of consideration decidedly opposed
to it. In this perplexity, Ferdinand, as usual in similar exigencies,
resolved to take counsel of the queen. [10]

Isabella received her husband's despatches a few hours after they were
written, by means of the regular line of posts maintained between the camp
and her station at Jaen. She was filled with chagrin at their import, from
which she plainly saw, that all her mighty preparations were about to
vanish into air. Without assuming the responsibility of deciding the
proposed question, however, she besought her husband not to distrust the
providence of God, which had conducted them through so many perils towards
the consummation of their wishes. She reminded him, that the Moorish
fortunes were never at so low an ebb as at present, and that their own
operations could probably never be resumed on such a formidable scale or
under so favorable auspices as now, when their arms had not been stained
with a single important reverse. She concluded with the assurance, that,
if his soldiers would be true to their duty, they might rely on her for
the faithful discharge of hers in furnishing them with all the requisite
supplies.

The exhilarating tone of this letter had an instantaneous effect,
silencing the scruples of the most timid, and confirming the confidence of
the others. The soldiers, in particular, who had received with
dissatisfaction some intimation of what was passing in the council,
welcomed it with general enthusiasm; and every heart seemed now intent on
furthering the wishes of their heroic queen by prosecuting the siege with
the utmost vigor.

The army was accordingly distributed into two encampments; one under the
marquis duke of Cadiz, supported by the artillery, the other under King
Ferdinand on the opposite side of the city. Between the two lay the garden
or orchard before mentioned, extending a league in length; so that, in
order to connect the works of the two camps, it became necessary to get
possession of this contested ground, and to clear it of the heavy timber
with which it was covered.

This laborious operation was intrusted to the commander of Leon, and the
work was covered by a detachment of seven thousand troops, posted in such
a manner as to check the sallies of the garrison. Notwithstanding four
thousand _taladores_, or pioneers, were employed in the task, the
forest was so dense, and the sorties from the city so annoying, that the
work of devastation did not advance more than ten paces a day, and was not
completed before the expiration of seven weeks. When the ancient groves,
so long the ornament and protection of the city, were levelled to the
ground, preparations were made for connecting the two camps, by a deep
trench, through which the mountain waters were made to flow; while the
borders were fortified with palisades, constructed of the timber lately
hewn, together with strong towers of mud or clay, arranged at regular
intervals. In this manner, the investment of the city was complete on the
side of the vega. [11]

As means of communication still remained open, however, by the opposite
sierra, defences of similar strength, consisting of two stone walls
separated by a deep trench, were made to run along the rocky heights and
ravines of the mountains until they touched the extremities of the
fortifications on the plain; and thus Baza was encompassed by an unbroken
line of circumvallation.

In the progress of the laborious work, which occupied ten thousand men,
under the indefatigable commander of Leon, for the space of two months, it
would have been easy for the people of Guadix, or of Granada, by co-
operation with the sallies of the besieged, to place the Christian army in
great peril. Some feeble demonstration of such a movement was made at
Guadix, but it was easily disconcerted. Indeed, El Zagal was kept in check
by the fear of leaving his own territory open to his rival, should he
march against the Christians. Abdallah, in the mean while, lay inactive in
Granada, incurring the odium and contempt of his people, who stigmatized
him as a Christian in heart, and a pensioner of the Spanish sovereigns.
Their discontent gradually swelled into a rebellion, which was suppressed
by him with a severity, that at length induced a sullen acquiescence in a
rule, which, however inglorious, was at least attended with temporary
security. [12]

While the camp lay before Baza, a singular mission was received from the
sultan of Egypt, who had been solicited by the Moors of Granada to
interpose in their behalf with the Spanish sovereigns. Two Franciscan
friars, members of a religious community in Palestine, were bearers of
despatches; which, after remonstrating with the sovereigns on. their
persecution of the Moors, contrasted it with the protection uniformly
extended by the sultan to the Christians in his dominions. The
communication concluded with menacing a retaliation of similar severities
on these latter, unless the sovereigns desisted from their hostilities
towards Granada.

From the camp, the two ambassadors proceeded to Jaen, where they were
received by the queen with all the deference due to their holy profession,
which seemed to derive additional sanctity from the spot in which it was
exercised. The menacing import of the sultan's communication, however, had
no power to shake the purposes of Ferdinand and Isabella, who made answer,
that they had uniformly observed the same policy in regard to their
Mahometan, as to their Christian subjects; but that they could no longer
submit to see their ancient and rightful inheritance in the hands of
strangers; and that, if these latter would consent to live under their
rule, as true and loyal subjects, they should experience the same paternal
indulgence which had been shown to their brethren. With this answer the
reverend emissaries returned to the Holy Land, accompanied by substantial
marks of the royal favor, in a yearly pension of one thousand ducats,
which the queen settled in perpetuity on their monastery, together with a
richly embroidered veil, the work of her own fair hands, to be suspended
over the Holy Sepulchre. The sovereigns subsequently despatched the
learned Peter Martyr as their envoy to the Moslem court, in order to
explain their proceedings more at length, and avert any disastrous
consequences from the Christian residents. [13]

In the mean while, the siege went forward with spirit; skirmishes and
single rencontres taking place every day between the high-mettled
cavaliers on both sides. These chivalrous combats, however, were
discouraged by Ferdinand, who would have confined his operations to strict
blockade, and avoided the unnecessary effusion of blood; especially as the
advantage was most commonly on the side of the enemy, from the peculiar
adaptation of their tactics to this desultory warfare. Although some
months had elapsed, the besieged rejected with scorn every summons to
surrender; relying on their own resources, and still more on the
tempestuous season of autumn, now fast advancing, which, if it did not
break up the encampment at once, would at least, by demolishing the roads,
cut off all external communication.

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