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The History of England from the Accession of James II, Vol. 4 by Thomas Babington Macaulay

Part 13 out of 15

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United Provinces, met at Ryswick. Three treaties were to be
signed, and there was a long dispute on the momentous question
which should be signed first. It was one in the morning before it
was settled that the treaty between France and the States
General should have precedence; and the day was breaking before
all the instruments had been executed. Then the
plenipotentiaries, with many bows, congratulated each other on
having had the honour of contributing to so great a work.816

A sloop was in waiting for Prior. He hastened on board, and on
the third day, after weathering an equinoctial gale, landed on
the coast of Suffolk.817

Very seldom had there been greater excitement in London than
during the month which preceded his arrival. When the west wind
kept back the Dutch packets, the anxiety of the people became
intense. Every morning hundreds of thousands rose up hoping to
hear that the treaty was signed; and every mail which came in
without bringing the good news caused bitter disappointment. The
malecontents, indeed, loudly asserted that there would be no
peace, and that the negotiation would, even at this late hour, be
broken off. One of them had seen a person just arrived from Saint
Germains; another had had the privilege of reading a letter in
the handwriting of Her Majesty; and all were confident that Lewis
would never acknowledge the usurper. Many of those who held this
language were under so strong a delusion that they backed their
opinion by large wagers. When the intelligence of the fall of
Barcelona arrived, all the treason taverns were in a ferment with
nonjuring priests laughing, talking loud, and shaking each other
by the hand.818

At length, in the afternoon of the thirteenth of September, some
speculators in the City received, by a private channel, certain
intelligence that the treaty had been signed before dawn on the
morning of the eleventh. They kept their own secret, and hastened
to make a profitable use of it; but their eagerness to obtain
Bank stock, and the high prices which they offered, excited
suspicion; and there was a general belief that on the next day
something important would be announced. On the next day Prior,
with the treaty, presented himself before the Lords justices at
Whitehall. Instantly a flag was hoisted on the Abbey, another on
Saint Martin's Church. The Tower guns proclaimed the glad
tidings. All the spires and towers from Greenwich to Chelsea made
answer. It was not one of the days on which the newspapers
ordinarily appeared; but extraordinary numbers, with headings in
large capitals, were, for the first time, cried about the
streets. The price of Bank stock rose fast from eighty-four to
ninety-seven. In a few hours triumphal arches began to rise in
some places. Huge bonfires were blazing in others. The Dutch
ambassador informed the States General that he should try to show
his joy by a bonfire worthy of the commonwealth which he
represented; and he kept his word; for no such pyre had ever been
seen in London. A hundred and forty barrels of pitch roared and
blazed before his house in Saint James's Square, and sent up a
flame which made Pall Mall and Piccadilly as bright as at

Among the Jacobites the dismay was great. Some of those who had
betted deep on the constancy of Lewis took flight. One
unfortunate zealot of divine right drowned himself. But soon the
party again took heart. The treaty had been signed; but it surely
would never be ratified. In a short time the ratification came;
the peace was solemnly proclaimed by the heralds; and the most
obstinate nonjurors began to despair. Some divines, who had
during eight years continued true to James, now swore allegiance
to William. They were probably men who held, with Sherlock, that
a settled government, though illegitimate in its origin, is
entitled to the obedience of Christians, but who had thought that
the government of William could not properly be said to be
settled while the greatest power in Europe not only refused to
recognise him, but strenuously supported his competitor.820 The
fiercer and more determined adherents of the banished family were
furious against Lewis. He had deceived, he had betrayed his
suppliants. It was idle to talk about the misery of his people.
It was idle to say that he had drained every source of revenue
dry, and that, in all the provinces of his kingdom, the peasantry
were clothed in rags, and were unable to eat their fill even of
the coarsest and blackest bread. His first duty was that which he
owed to the royal family of England. The Jacobites talked against
him, and wrote against him, as absurdly, and almost as
scurrilously, as they had long talked and written against
William. One of their libels was so indecent that the Lords
justices ordered the author to be arrested and held to bail.821

But the rage and mortification were confined to a very small
minority. Never, since the year of the Restoration, had there
been such signs of public gladness. In every part of the kingdom
where the peace was proclaimed, the general sentiment was
manifested by banquets, pageants, loyal healths, salutes, beating
of drums, blowing of trumpets, breaking up of hogsheads. At some
places the whole population, of its own accord, repaired to the
churches to give thanks. At others processions of girls, clad all
in white, and crowned with laurels, carried banners inscribed
with "God bless King William." At every county town a long
cavalcade of the principal gentlemen, from a circle of many
miles, escorted the mayor to the market cross. Nor was one
holiday enough for the expression of so much joy. On the fourth
of November, the anniversary of the King's birth, and on the
fifth, the anniversary of his landing at Torbay, the bellringing,
the shouting, and the illuminations were renewed both in London
and all over the country.822 On the day on which he returned to
his capital no work was done, no shop was opened, in the two
thousand streets of that immense mart. For that day the chiefs
streets had, mile after mile, been covered with gravel; all the
Companies had provided new banners; all the magistrates new
robes. Twelve thousand pounds had been expended in preparing
fireworks. Great multitudes of people from all the neighbouring
shires had come up to see the show. Never had the City been in a
more loyal or more joyous mood. The evil days were past. The
guinea had fallen to twenty-one shillings and sixpence. The bank
note had risen to par. The new crowns and halfcrowns, broad,
heavy and sharply milled, were ringing on all the counters. After
some days of impatient expectation it was known, on the
fourteenth of November, that His Majesty had landed at Margate.
Late on the fifteenth he reached Greenwich, and rested in the
stately building which, under his auspices, was turning from a
palace into a hospital. On the next morning, a bright and soft
morning, eighty coaches and six, filled with nobles, prelates,
privy councillors and judges, came to swell his train. In
Southwark he was met by the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen in all
the pomp of office. The way through the Borough to the bridge was
lined by the Surrey militia; the way from the bridge to Walbrook
by three regiments of the militia of the City. All along
Cheapside, on the right hand and on the left, the livery were
marshalled under the standards of their trades. At the east end
of Saint Paul's churchyard stood the boys of the school of Edward
the Sixth, wearing, as they still wear, the garb of the sixteenth
century. Round the Cathedral, down Ludgate Hill and along Fleet
Street, were drawn up three more regiments of Londoners. From
Temple Bar to Whitehall gate the trainbands of Middlesex and the
Foot Guards were under arms. The windows along the whole route
were gay with tapestry, ribands and flags. But the finest part of
the show was the innumerable crowd of spectators, all in their
Sunday clothing, and such clothing as only the upper classes of
other countries could afford to wear. "I never," William wrote
that evening to Heinsius, "I never saw such a multitude of
welldressed people." Nor was the King less struck by the
indications of joy and affection with which he was greeted from
the beginning to the end of his triumph. His coach, from the
moment when he entered it at Greenwich till he alighted from it
in the court of Whitehall, was accompanied by one long huzza.
Scarcely had he reached his palace when addresses of
congratulation, from all the great corporations of his kingdom,
were presented to him. It was remarked that the very foremost
among those corporations was the University of Oxford. The
eloquent composition in which that learned body extolled the
wisdom, the courage and the virtue of His Majesty, was read with
cruel vexation by the nonjurors, and with exultation by the

The rejoicings were not yet over. At a council which was held a
few hours after the King's public entry, the second of December
was appointed to be the day of thanksgiving for the peace. The
Chapter of Saint Paul's resolved that, on that day, their noble
Cathedral, which had been long slowly rising on the ruins of a
succession of pagan and Christian temples, should be opened for
public worship. William announced his intention of being one of
the congregation. But it was represented to him that, if he
persisted in that intention, three hundred thousand people would
assemble to see him pass, and all the parish churches of London
would be left empty. He therefore attended the service in his own
chapel at Whitehall, and heard Burnet preach a sermon, somewhat
too eulogistic for the place.824 At Saint Paul's the magistrates
of the City appeared in all their state. Compton ascended, for
the first time, a throne rich with the sculpture of Gibbons, and
thence exhorted a numerous and splendid assembly. His discourse
has not been preserved; but its purport may be easily guessed;
for he preached on that noble Psalm: "I was glad when they said
unto me, Let us go into the house of the Lord." He doubtless
reminded his hearers that, in addition to the debt which was
common to them with all Englishmen, they owed as Londoners a
peculiar debt of gratitude to the divine goodness, which had
permitted them to efface the last trace of the ravages of the
great fire, and to assemble once more, for prayer and praise,
after so many years, on that spot consecrated by the devotions of
thirty generations. Throughout London, and in every part of the
realm, even to the remotest parishes of Cumberland and Cornwall,
the churches were filled on the morning of that day; and the
evening was an evening of festivity.825

These was indeed reason for joy and thankfulness. England had
passed through severe trials, and had come forth renewed in
health and vigour. Ten years before, it had seemed that both her
liberty and her independence were no more. Her liberty she had
vindicated by a just and necessary revolution. Her independence
she had reconquered by a not less just and necessary war. She had
successfully defended the order of things established by the Bill
of Rights against the mighty monarchy of France, against the
aboriginal population of Ireland, against the avowed hostility of
the nonjurors, against the more dangerous hostility of traitors
who were ready to take any oath, and whom no oath could bind. Her
open enemies had been victorious on many fields of battle. Her
secret enemies had commanded her fleets and armies, had been in
charge of her arsenals, had ministered at her altars, had taught
at her Universities, had swarmed in her public offices, had sate
in her Parliament, had bowed and fawned in the bedchamber of her
King. More than once it had seemed impossible that any thing
could avert a restoration which would inevitably have been
followed, first by proscriptions and confiscations, by the
violation of fundamental laws, and the persecution of the
established religion, and then by a third rising up of the nation
against that House which two depositions and two banishments had
only made more obstinate in evil. To the dangers of war and the
dangers of treason had recently been added the dangers of a
terrible financial and commercial crisis. But all those dangers
were over. There was peace abroad and at home. The kingdom, after
many years of ignominious vassalage, had resumed its ancient
place in the first rank of European powers. Many signs justified
the hope that the Revolution of 1688 would be our last
Revolution. The ancient constitution was adapting itself, by a
natural, a gradual, a peaceful development, to the wants of a
modern society. Already freedom of conscience and freedom of
discussion existed to an extent unknown in any preceding age. The
currency had been restored. Public credit had been reestablished.
Trade had revived. The Exchequer was overflowing. There was a
sense of relief every where, from the Royal Exchange to the most
secluded hamlets among the mountains of Wales and the fens of
Lincolnshire. The ploughmen, the shepherds, the miners of the
Northumbrian coalpits, the artisans who toiled at the looms of
Norwich and the anvils of Birmingham, felt the change, without
understanding it; and the cheerful bustle in every seaport and
every market town indicated, not obscurely, the commencement of a
happier age.

FN 1 Relation de la Voyage de Sa Majeste Britannique en Hollande,
enrichie de planches tres curieuses, 1692; Wagenaar; London
Gazette, Jan. 29. 1693; Burnet, ii. 71

FN 2 The names of these two great scholars are associated in a
very interesting letter of Bentley to Graevius, dated April 29.
1698. "Sciunt omnes qui me norunt, et si vitam mihi Deus O.M.
prorogaverit, scient etiam posteri, ut te et ton panu Spanhemium,
geminos hujus aevi Dioscuros, lucida literarum sidera, semper
praedicaverim, semper veneratus sim."

FN 3 Relation de la Voyage de Sa Majeste Britannique en Hollande
1692; London Gazette, Feb. 2. 1691,; Le Triomphe Royal ou l'on
voit descrits les Arcs de Triomphe, Pyramides, Tableaux et
Devises an Nombre de 65, erigez a la Haye a l'hounneur de
Guillaume Trois, 1692; Le Carnaval de la Haye, 1691. This last
work is a savage pasquinade on William.

FN 4 London Gazette, Feb. 5. 1693; His Majesty's Speech to the
Assembly of the States General of the United Provinces at the
Hague the 7th of February N.S., together with the Answer of their
High and Mighty Lordships, as both are extracted out of the
Register of the Resolutions of the States General, 1691.

FN 5 Relation de la Voyage de Sa Majeste Britannique en Hollande;
Burnet, ii. 72.; London Gazette, Feb. 12. 19. 23. 1690/1;
Memoires du Comte de Dohna; William Fuller's Memoirs.

FN 6 Wagenaar, lxii.; Le Carnaval de la Haye, Mars 1691; Le
Tabouret des Electeurs, April 1691; Ceremonial de ce qui s'est
passe a la Haye entre le Roi Guillaume et les Electeurs de
Baviere et de Brandebourg. This last tract is a MS. presented to
the British Museum by George IV,

FN 7 London Gazette, Feb. 23. 1691.

FN 8 The secret article by which the Duke of Savoy bound himself
to grant toleration to the Waldenses is in Dumont's collection.
It was signed Feb. 8, 1691.

FN 9 London Gazette from March 26. to April 13. 1691; Monthly
Mercuries of March and April; William's Letters to Heinsius of
March 18. and 29., April 7. 9.; Dangeau's Memoirs; The Siege of
Mons, a tragi-comedy, 1691. In this drama the clergy, who are in
the interest of France, persuade the burghers to deliver up the
town. This treason calls forth an indignant exclamation

"Oh priestcraft, shopcraft, how do ye effeminate
The minds of men!"

FN 10 Trial of Preston in the Collection of State Trials. A
person who was present gives the following account of Somers's
opening speech: "In the opening the evidence, there was no
affected exaggeration of matters, nor ostentation of a putid
eloquence, one after another, as in former trials, like so many
geese cackling in a row. Here was nothing besides fair matter of
fact, or natural and just reflections from thence arising." The
pamphlet from which I quote these words is entitled, An Account
of the late horrid Conspiracy by a Person who was present at the
Trials, 1691.

FN 11 State Trials.

FN 12 Paper delivered by Mr. Ashton, at his execution, to Sir
Francis Child, Sheriff of London; Answer to the Paper delivered
by Mr. Ashton. The Answer was written by Dr. Edward Fowler,
afterwards Bishop of Gloucester. Burnet, ii. 70.; Letter from
Bishop Lloyd to Dodwell, in the second volume of Gutch's
Collectanea Curiosa.

FN 13 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.

FN 14 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Burnet, ii. 71.

FN 15 Letter of Collier and Cook to Sancroft among the Tanner

FN 16 Caermarthen to William, February 3. 1690/1; Life of James,
ii. 443.

FN 17 That this account of what passed is true in substance is
sufficiently proved by the Life of James, ii. 443. I have taken
one or two slight circumstances from Dalrymple, who, I believe,
took them from papers, now irrecoverably lost, which he had seen
in the Scotch College at Paris.

FN 18 The success of William's "seeming clemency" is admitted by
the compiler of the Life of James. The Prince of Orange's method,
it is acknowledged, "succeeded so well that, whatever sentiments
those Lords which Mr. Penn had named night have had at that time,
they proved in effect most bitter enemies to His Majesty's cause
afterwards."-ii. 443.

FN 19 See his Diary; Evelyn's Diary, Mar. 25., April 22., July
11. 1691; Burnet, ii. 71.; Letters of Rochester to Burnet, March
21. and April 2. 1691.

FN 20 Life of James, ii. 443. 450.; Legge Papers in the
Mackintosh Collection.

FN 21 Burnet, ii. 71; Evelyn's Diary, Jan. 4. and 18. 1690,;
Letter from Turner to Sancroft, Jan. 19. 1690/1; Letter from
Sancroft to Lloyd of Norwich April 2. 1692. These two letters are
among the Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian, and are printed in the
Life of Ken by a Layman. Turner's escape to France is mentioned
in Narcissus Luttrell's Diary for February 1690. See also a
Dialogue between the Bishop of Ely and his Conscience, 16th
February 1690/1. The dialogue is interrupted by the sound of
trumpets. The Bishop hears himself proclaimed a traitor, and
cries out,

"Come, brother Pen, 'tis time we both were gone."

FN 22 For a specimen of his visions, see his Journal, page 13;
for his casting out of devils, page 26. I quote the folio edition
of 1765.

FN 23 Journal, page 4

FN 24 Ibid. page 7.

FN 25 "What they know, they know naturally, who turn from the
command and err from the spirit, whose fruit withers, who saith
that Hebrew, Greek, and Latine is the original: before Babell
was, the earth was of one language; and Nimrod the cunning
hunter, before the Lord which came out of cursed Ham's stock, the
original and builder of Babell, whom God confounded with many
languages, and this they say is the original who erred from the
spirit and command; and Pilate had his original Hebrew, Greek and
Latine, which crucified Christ and set over him."--A message from
the Lord to the Parliament of England by G. Fox, 1654. The same
argument will be found in the journals, but has been put by the
editor into a little better English. "Dost thou think to make
ministers of Christ by these natural confused languages which
sprung from Babell, are admired in Babylon, and set atop of
Christ, the Life, by a persecutor?"-Page 64.

FN 26 His journal, before it was published, was revised by men of
more sense and knowledge than himself, and therefore, absurd as
it is, gives us no notion of his genuine style. The following is
a fair specimen. It is the exordium of one of his manifestoes.
"Them which the world who are without the fear of God calls
Quakers in scorn do deny all opinions, and they do deny all
conceivings, and they do deny all sects, and they do deny all
imaginations, and notions, and judgments which riseth out of the
will and the thoughts, and do deny witchcraft and all oaths, and
the world and the works of it, and their worships and their
customs with the light, and do deny false ways and false
worships, seducers and deceivers which are now seen to be in the
world with the light, and with it they are condemned, which light
leadeth to peace and life from death which now thousands do
witness the new teacher Christ, him by whom the world was made,
who raigns among the children of light, and with the spirit and
power of the living God, doth let them see and know the chaff
from the wheat, and doth see that which must be shaken with that
which cannot be shaken nor moved, what gives to see that which is
shaken and moved, such as live in the notions, opinions,
conceivings, and thoughts and fancies these be all shaken and
comes to be on heaps, which they who witness those things before
mentioned shaken and removed walks in peace not seen and
discerned by them who walks in those things unremoved and not
shaken."--A Warning to the World that are Groping in the Dark, by
G. Fox, 1655.

FN 27 See the piece entitled, Concerning Good morrow and Good
even, the World's Customs, but by the Light which into the World
is come by it made manifest to all who be in the Darkness, by G.
Fox, 1657.

FN 28 Journal, page 166.

FN 29 Epistle from Harlingen, 11th of 6th month, 1677.

FN 30 Of Bowings, by G. Fox, 1657.

FN 31 See, for example, the Journal, pages 24. 26. and 51.

FN 32 See, for example, the Epistle to Sawkey, a justice of the
peace, in the journal, page 86.; the Epistle to William Larnpitt,
a clergyman, which begins, "The word of the Lord to thee, oh
Lampitt," page 80.; and the Epistle to another clergyman whom he
calls Priest Tatham, page 92.

FN 33 Journal, page 55.

FN 34 Ibid. Page 300.

FN 35 Ibid. page 323.

FN 36 Ibid. page 48.

FN 37 "Especially of late," says Leslie, the keenest of all the
enemies of the sect, "some of them have made nearer advances
towards Christianity than ever before; and among them the
ingenious Mr. Penn has of late refined some of their gross
notions, and brought them into some form, and has made them speak
sense and English, of both which George Fox, their first and
great apostle, was totally ignorant . . . . . They endeavour all
they can to make it appear that their doctrine was uniform from
the beginning, and that there has been no alteration; and
therefore they take upon them to defend all the writings of
George Fox, and others of the first Quakers, and turn and wind
them to make them (but it is impossible) agree with what they
teach now at this day." (The Snake in the Grass, 3rd ed. 1698.
Introduction.) Leslie was always more civil to his brother
Jacobite Penn than to any other Quaker. Penn himself says of his
master, "As abruptly and brokenly as sometimes his sentences
would fall from him about divine things; it is well known they
were often as texts to many fairer declarations." That is to say,
George Fox talked nonsense and some of his friends paraphrased it
into sense.

FN 38 In the Life of Penn which is prefixed to his works, we are
told that the warrants were issued on the 16th of January 1690,
in consequence of an accusation backed by the oath of William
Fuller, who is truly designated as a wretch, a cheat and. an
impostor; and this story is repeated by Mr. Clarkson. It is,
however, certainly false. Caermarthen, writing to William on the
3rd of February, says that there was then only one witness
against Penn, and that Preston was that one witness. It is
therefore evident that Fuller was not the informer on whose oath
the warrant against Penn was issued. In fact Fuller appears from
his Life of himself, to have been then at the Hague. When
Nottingham wrote to William on the 26th of June, another witness
had come forward.

FN 39 Sidney to William, Feb. 27. 1690,. The letter is in
Dalrymple's Appendix, Part II. book vi. Narcissus Luttrell in his
Diary for September 1691, mentions Penn's escape from Shoreham to
France. On the 5th of December 1693 Narcissus made the following
entry: "William Penn the Quaker, having for some time absconded,
and having compromised the matters against him, appears now in
public, and, on Friday last, held forth at the Bull and Month, in
Saint Martin's." On December 18/28. 1693 was drawn up at Saint
Germains, under Melfort's direction, a paper containing a passage
of which the following is a translation

"Mr. Penn says that Your Majesty has had several occasions, but
never any so favourable, as the present; and he hopes that Your
Majesty will be earnest with the most Christian King not to
neglect it: that a descent with thirty thousand men will not only
reestablish Your Majesty, but according to all appearance break
the league." This paper is among the Nairne MSS., and was
translated by Macpherson.

FN 40 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, April 11. 1691.

FN 41 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, August 1691; Letter from Vernon
to Wharton, Oct. 17. 1691, in the Bodleian.

FN 42 The opinion of the Jacobites appears from a letter which is
among the archives of the French War Office. It was written in
London on the 25th of June 1691.

FN 43 Welwood's Mercurius Reformatus, April 11. 24. 1691;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, April 1691; L'Hermitage to the States
General, June 19/29 1696; Calamy's Life. The story of Fenwick's
rudeness to Mary is told in different ways. I have followed what
seems to me the most authentic, and what is certainly the last
disgraceful, version.

FN 44 Burnet, ii. 71.

FN 45 Lloyd to Sancroft, Jan. 24. 1691. The letter is among the
Tanner MSS., and is printed in the Life of Ken by a Layman.

FN 46 London Gazette, June 1. 1691; Birch's Life of Tillotson;
Congratulatory Poem to the Reverend Dr. Tillotson on his
Promotion, 1691; Vernon to Wharton, May 28. and 30. 1691. These
letters to Wharton are in the Bodleian Library, and form part of
a highly curious collection, which was kindly pointed out to me
by Dr. Bandinel.

FN 47 Birch's Life of Tillotson; Leslie's Charge of Socinianism
against Dr. Tillotson considered, by a True Son of the Church
1695; Hickes's Discourses upon Dr. Burnet and Dr. Tillotson,
1695; Catalogue of Books of the Newest Fashion to be Sold by
Auction at the Whigs Coffee House, evidently printed in 1693.
More than sixty years later Johnson described a sturdy Jacobite
as firmly convinced that Tillotson died an Atheist; Idler, No,

FN 48 Tillotson to Lady Russell, June 23. 1691.

FN 49 Birch's Life of Tillotson; Memorials of Tillotson by his
pupil John Beardmore; Sherlock's sermon preached in the Temple
Church on the death of Queen Mary, 1694/5.

FN 50 Wharton's Collectanea quoted in Birch's Life of Tillotson.

FN 51 Wharton's Collectanea quoted in D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.

FN 52 The Lambeth MS. quoted in D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Vernon to Wharton, June 9. 11. 1691.

FN 53 See a letter of R. Nelson, dated Feb. 21. 1709/10, in the
appendix to N. Marshall's Defence of our Constitution in Church
and State, 1717; Hawkins's Life of Ken; Life of Ken by a Layman.

FN 54 See a paper dictated by him on the 15th Nov. 1693, in
Wagstaffe's letter from Suffolk.

FN 55 Kettlewell's Life, iii. 59.

FN 56 See D'Oyly's Life of Sancroft, Hallam's Constitutional
History, and Dr. Lathbury's History of the Nonjurors.

FN 57 See the autobiography of his descendant and namesake the
dramatist. See also Onslow's note on Burnet, ii. 76.

FN 58 A vindication of their Majesties' authority to fill the
sees of the deprived Bishops, May 20. 1691; London Gazette, April
27. and June 15. 1691; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, May 1691.
Among the Tanner MSS. are two letters from Jacobites to
Beveridge, one mild and decent, the other scurrilous even beyond
the ordinary scurrility of the nonjurors. The former will be
found in the Life of Ken by a Layman.

FN 59 It does not seem quite clear whether Sharp's scruple about
the deprived prelates was a scruple of conscience or merely a
scruple of delicacy. See his Life by his Son.

FN 60 See Overall's Convocation Book, chapter 28. Nothing can be
clearer or more to the purpose than his language

"When, having attained their ungodly desires, whether ambitious
kings by bringing any country into their subjection, or disloyal
subjects by rebellious rising against their natural sovereigns,
they have established any of the said degenerate governments
among their people, the authority either so unjustly established,
or wrung by force from the true and lawful possessor, being
always God's authority, and therefore receiving no impeachment by
the wickedness of those that have it, is ever, when such
alterations are thoroughly settled, to be reverenced and obeyed;
and the people of all sorts, as well of the clergy as of the
laity, are to be subject unto it, not only for fear, but likewise
for conscience sake."

Then follows the canon

"If any man shall affirm that, when any such new forms of
government, begun by rebellion, are after thoroughly settled, the
authority in them is not of God, or that any who live within the
territories of any such new governments are not bound to be
subject to God's authority which is there executed, but may rebel
against the same, he doth greatly err."

FN 61 A list of all the pieces which I have read relating to
Sherlock's apostasy would fatigue the reader. I will mention a
few of different kinds. Parkinson's Examination of Dr. Sherlock's
Case of Allegiance, 1691; Answer to Dr. Sherlock's Case of
Allegiance, by a London Apprentice, 1691; the Reasons of the New
Converts taking the Oaths to the present Government, 1691; Utrum
horum? or God's ways of disposing of Kingdoms and some
Clergymen's ways of disposing of them, 1691; Sherlock and
Xanthippe 1691; Saint Paul's Triumph in his Sufferings for
Christ, by Matthew Bryan, LL.D., dedicated Ecclesim sub cruce
gementi; A Word to a wavering Levite; The Trimming Court Divine;
Proteus Ecclesiasticus, or observations on Dr. Sh--'s late Case
of Allegiance; the Weasil Uncased; A Whip for the Weasil; the
Anti-Weasils. Numerous allusions to Sherlock and his wife will be
found in the ribald writings of Tom Brown, Tom Durfey, and Ned
Ward. See Life of James, ii. 318. Several curious letters about
Sherlock's apostasy are among the Tanner MSS. I will give two or
three specimens of the rhymes which the Case of Allegiance called

"when Eve the fruit had tasted,
She to her husband hasted,
And chuck'd him on the chin-a.
Dear Bud, quoth she, come taste this fruit;
'Twill finly with your palate suit,
To eat it is no sin-a."

"As moody Job, in shirtless ease,
With collyflowers all o'er his face,
Did on the dunghill languish,
His spouse thus whispers in his ear,
Swear, husband, as you love me, swear,
'Twill ease you of your anguish."

"At first he had doubt, and therefore did pray
That heaven would instruct him in the right way,
Whether Jemmy or William he ought to obey,
Which nobody can deny,

"The pass at the Boyne determin'd that case;
And precept to Providence then did give place;
To change his opinion he thought no disgrace;
Which nobody can deny.

"But this with the Scripture can never agree,
As by Hosea the eighth and the fourth you may see;
'They have set up kings, but yet not by me,'
Which nobody can deny."

FN 62 The chief authority for this part of my history is the Life
of James, particularly the highly important and interesting
passage which begins at page 444. and ends at page 450. of the
second volume.

FN 63 Russell to William, May 10 1691, in Dalrymple's Appendix,
Part II. Book vii. See also the Memoirs of Sir John Leake.

FN 64 Commons' Journals, Mar. 21. 24. 1679; Grey's Debates;

FN 65 London Gazette, July 21. 1690.

FN 66 Life of James, ii. 449.

FN 67 Shadwell's Volunteers.

FN 68 Story's Continuation; Proclamation of February 21. 1690/1;
the London Gazette of March 12.

FN 69 Story's Continuation.

FN 70 Story's Impartial History; London Gazette, Nov. 17. 1690.

FN 71 Story's Impartial History. The year 1684 had been
considered as a time of remarkable prosperity, and the revenue
from the Customs had been unusually large. But the receipt from
all the ports of Ireland, during the whole year, was only a
hundred and twenty-seven thousand pounds. See Clarendon's

FN 72 Story's History and Continuation; London Gazettes of
September 29. 1690, and Jan. 8. and Mar. 12. 1690/1.

FN 73 See the Lords' Journals of March 2. and 4. 1692/3 and the
Commons' Journals of Dec. 16. 1693, and Jan. 29. 1695/4. The
story, bad enough at best, was told by the personal and political
enemies of the Lords justices with additions which the House of
Commons evidently considered as calumnious, and which I really
believe to have been so. See the Gallienus Redivivus. The
narrative which Colonel Robert Fitzgerald, a Privy Councillor and
an eyewitness delivered in writing to the House of Lords, under
the sanction of an oath, seems to me perfectly trustworthy. It is
strange that Story, though he mentions the murder of the
soldiers, says nothing about Gafney.

FN 74 Burnet, ii. 66.; Leslie's Answer to King.

FN 75 Macariae Excidium; Fumeron to Louvois Jan 31/Feb 10 1691.
It is to be observed that Kelly, the author of the Macariae
Excidium and Fumeron, the French intendant, are most
unexceptionable witnesses. They were both, at this time, within
the walls of Limerick. There is no reason to doubt the
impartiality of the Frenchman; and the Irishman was partial to
his own countrymen.

FN 76 Story's Impartial History and Continuation and the London
Gazettes of December, January, February, and March 1690/1.

FN 77 It is remarkable that Avaux, though a very shrewd judge of
men, greatly underrated Berwick. In a letter to Louvois, dated
Oct. 15/25. 1689, Avaux says: "Je ne puis m'empescher de vous
dire qu'il est brave de sa personne, a ce que l'on dit mais que
c'est un aussy mechant officie, qu'il en ayt, et qu'il n'a pas le
sens commun."

FN 78 Leslie's Answer to King, Macariae Excidium.

FN 79 Macariae Excidium.

FN 80 Macariae Excidium; Life of James, ii. 422.; Memoirs of

FN 81 Macariae Excidium.

FN 82 Life of James, ii. 422, 423.; Memoires de Berwick.

FN 83 Life of James, ii. 433-457.; Story's Continuation.

FN 84 Life of James, ii. 438.; Light to the Blind; Fumeron to
Louvois, April 22/May 2 1691.

FN 85 Macariae Excidium; Memoires de Berwick; Life of James, ii.
451, 452.

FN 86 Macariae Excidium; Burnet, ii. 78.; Dangeau; The Mercurius
Reformatus, June 5. 1691.

FN 87 An exact journal of the victorious progress of their
Majesties' forces under the command of General Ginckle this
summer in Ireland, 1691; Story's Continuation; Mackay's Memoirs.

FN 88 London Gazette, June 18. 22. 1691; Story's Continuation;
Life of James, ii. 452. The author of the Life accuses the
Governor of treachery or cowardice.

FN 89 London Gazette, June 22. 25. July 2. 1691; Story's
Continuation; Exact Journal.

FN 90 Life of James, ii. 373. 376. 377

FN 91 Macariae Excidium. I may observe that this is one of the
many passages which lead me to believe the Latin text to be the
original. The Latin is: "Oppidum ad Salaminium amnis latus
recentibus ac sumptuosioribus aedificiis attollebatur; antiquius
et ipsa vetustate in cultius quod in Paphiis finibus exstructum
erat." The English version is: "The town on Salaminia side was
better built than that in Paphia." Surely there is in the Latin
the particularity which we might expect from a person who had
known Athlone before the war. The English version is contemptibly
bad, I need hardly say that the Paphian side is Connaught, and
the Salaminian side Leinster.

FN 92 I have consulted several contemporary maps of Athlone. One
will be found in Story's Continuation.

FN 93 Diary of the Siege of Athlone, by an Engineer of the Army,
a Witness of the Action, licensed July 11. 1691; Story's
Continuation; London Gazette, July 2. 1691; Fumeron to Louvois,
June 28/July 8. 1691. The account of this attack in the Life of
James, ii. 453., is an absurd romance. It does not appear to have
been taken from the King's original Memoirs.

FN 94 Macariae Excidium. Here again I think that I see clear
proof that the English version of this curious work is only a bad
translation from the Latin. The English merely says: "Lysander,"-
-Sarsfield,--"accused him, a few days before, in the general's
presence," without intimating what the accusation was. The Latin
original runs thus: "Acriter Lysander, paucos ante dies, coram
praefecto copiarum illi exprobraverat nescio quid, quod in aula
Syriaca in Cypriorum opprobrium effutivisse dicebatur." The
English translator has, by omitting the most important words, and
by using the aorist instead of the preterpluperfect tense, made
the whole passage unmeaning.

FN 95 Story's Continuation; Macariae Excidium; Daniel Macneal to
Sir Arthur Rawdon, June 28. 1691, in the Rawdon Papers.

FN 96 London Gazette, July 6. 1691; Story's Continuation;
Macariae Excidium; Light to the Blind.

FN 97 Macariae Excidium; Light to the Blind.

FN 98 Life of James, ii. 460.; Life of William, 1702.

FN 99 Story's Continuation; Mackay's Memoirs; Exact Journal;
Diary of the Siege of Athlone.

FN 100 Story's Continuation.; Macariae Excid.; Burnet, ii. 78,
79.; London Gaz. 6. 13. 1689; Fumeron to Louvois June 30/July 10
1690; Diary of the Siege of Athlone; Exact Account.

FN 101 Story's Continuation; Life of James, ii. 455. Fumeron to
Louvois June 30/July 10 1691; London Gazette, July 13.

FN 102 The story, as told by the enemies of Tyrconnel, will be
found in the Macariae Excidium, and in a letter written by Felix
O'Neill to the Countess of Antrim on the 10th of July 1691. The
letter was found on the corpse of Felix O'Neill after the battle
of Aghrim. It is printed in the Rawdon Papers. The other story is
told in Berwick's Memoirs and in the Light to the Blind.

FN 103 Macariae Excidium; Life of James, ii 456.; Light to the

FN 104 Macariae Excidium.

FN 105 Story's Continuation.

FN 106 Burnet, ii. 79.; Story's Continuation.

FN 107 "They maintained their ground much longer than they had
been accustomed to do," says Burnet. "They behaved themselves
like men of another nation," says Story. "The Irish were never
known to fight with more resolution," says the London Gazette.

FN 108 Story's Continuation; London Gazette, July 20. 23. 1691;
Memoires de Berwick; Life of James, ii. 456.; Burnet, ii. 79.;
Macariae Excidium; Light to the Blind; Letter from the English
camp to Sir Arthur Rawdon, in the Rawdon Papers; History of
William the Third, 1702.

The narratives to which I have referred differ very widely from
each other. Nor can the difference be ascribed solely or chiefly
to partiality. For no two narratives differ more widely than that
which will be found in the Life of James, and that which will be
found in the memoirs of his son.

In consequence, I suppose, of the fall of Saint Ruth, and of the
absence of D'Usson, there is at the French War Office no despatch
containing a detailed account of the battle.

FN 109 Story's Continuation.

FN 110 Story's Continuation; Macariae Excidium; Life of James,
ii. 464.; London Gazette, July 30., Aug. 17. 1691; Light to the

FN 111 Story's Continuation; Macariae Excidium; Life of James,
ii. 459; London Gazette, July 30., Aug. 3. 1691.

FN 112 He held this language in a letter to Louis XIV., dated the
5/15th of August. This letter, written in a hand which it is not
easy to decipher, is in the French War Office. Macariae Excidium;
Light to the Blind.

FN 113 Macariae Excidium; Life of James, ii. 461, 462.

FN 114 Macariae Excidium; Life of James, ii. 459. 462.; London
Gazette, Aug. 31 1691; Light to the Blind; D'Usson and Tesse to
Barbesieux, Aug. 13/23.

FN 115 Story's Continuation; D'Usson and Tesse to Barbesieux Aug.
169r. An unpublished letter from Nagle to Lord Merion of Auk. 15.
This letter is quoted by Mr. O'Callaghan in a note on Macariae

FN 116 Macariae Excidium; Story's Continuation.

FN 117 Story's Continuation; London Gazette, Sept. 28. 1691; Life
of James, ii. 463.; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick, 1692; Light
to the Blind. In the account of the siege which is among the
archives of the French War Office, it is said that the Irish
cavalry behaved worse than the infantry.

FN 118 Story's Continuation; Macariae Excidium; R. Douglas to Sir
A. Rawdon, Sept. 25. 1691, in the Rawdon Papers; London Gazette,
October 8.; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick; Light to the Blind;
Account of the Siege of Limerick in the archives of the French
War Office.

The account of this affair in the Life of James, ii. 464.,
deserves to be noticed merely for its preeminent absurdity. The
writer tells us that seven hundred of the Irish held out some
time against a much larger force, and warmly praises their
heroism. He did not know, or did not choose to mention, one fact
which is essential to the right understanding of the story;
namely, that these seven hundred men were in a fort. That a
garrison should defend a fort during a few hours against superior
numbers is surely not strange. Forts are built because they can
be defended by few against many.

FN 119 Account of the Siege of Limerick in the archives of the
French War Office; Story's Continuation.

FN 120 D'Usson to Barbesieux, Oct. 4/14. 1691.

FN 121 Macariae Excidium.

FN 122 Story's Continuation; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick.

FN 123 London Gazette, Oct. S. 1691; Story's Continuation; Diary
of the Siege of Lymerick.

FN 124 Life of James, 464, 465.

FN 125 Story's Continuation.

FN 126 Story's Continuation; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick;
Burnet, ii. 81.; London Gazette, Oct. 12. 1691.

FN 127 Story's Continuation; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick;
London Gazette, Oct. 15. 1691.

FN 128 The articles of the civil treaty have often been

FN 129 Story's Continuation; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick.

FN 130 Story's Continuation; Diary of the Siege of Lymerick.

FN 131 Story's Continuation. His narrative is confirmed by the
testimony which an Irish Captain who was present has left us in
bad Latin. "Hic apud sacrum omnes advertizantur a capellanis ire
potius in Galliam."

FN 132 D'Usson and Tesse to Barbesieux, Oct. 17. 1691.

FN 133 That there was little sympathy between the Celts of Ulster
and those of the Southern Provinces is evident from the curious
memorial which the agent of Baldearg O'Donnel delivered to Avaux.

FN 134 Treasury Letter Book, June 19. 1696; Journals of the Irish
House of Commons Nov. 7. 1717.

FN 135 This I relate on Mr. O'Callaghan's authority. History of
the Irish Brigades Note 47.

FN 136 There is, Junius wrote eighty years after the capitulation
of Limerick, "a certain family in this country on which nature
seems to have entailed a hereditary baseness of disposition. As
far as their history has been known, the son has regularly
improved upon the vices of the father, and has taken care to
transmit them pure and undiminished into the bosom of his
successors." Elsewhere he says of the member for Middlesex, "He
has degraded even the name of Luttrell." He exclaims, in allusion
to the marriage of the Duke of Cumberland and Mrs. Horton who was
born a Luttrell: "Let Parliament look to it. A Luttrell shall
never succeed to the Crown of England." It is certain that very
few Englishmen can have sympathized with Junius's abhorrence of
the Luttrells, or can even have understood it. Why then did he
use expressions which to the great majority of his readers must
have been unintelligible? My answer is that Philip Francis was
born, and passed the first ten years of his life, within a walk
of Luttrellstown.

FN 137 Story's Continuation; London Gazette, Oct. 22. 1691;
D'Usson and Tesse to Lewis, Oct. 4/14., and to Barbesieux, Oct.
7/17.; Light to the Blind.

FN 138 Story's Continuation; London Gazette Jan. 4. 1691/2

FN 139 Story's Continuation; Macariae Excidium, and Mr.
O'Callaghan's note; London Gazette, Jan. 4. 1691/2.

FN 140 Some interesting facts relating to Wall, who was minister
of Ferdinand the Sixth and Charles the Third, will be found in
the letters of Sir Benjamin Keene and Lord Bristol, published in
Coxe's Memoirs of Spain.

FN 141 This is Swift's language, language held not once, but
repeatedly and at long intervals. In the Letter on the
Sacramental Test, written in 1708, he says: "If we (the clergy)
were under any real fear of the Papists in this kingdom, it would
be hard to think us so stupid as not to be equally apprehensive
with others, since we are likely to be the greater and more
immediate sufferers; but, on the contrary, we look upon them to
be altogether as inconsiderable as the women and children . . . .
The common people without leaders, without discipline, or natural
courage, being little better than hewers of wood and drawers of
water, are out of all capacity of doing any mischief, if they
were ever so well inclined." In the Drapier's Sixth Letter,
written in 1724, he says: "As to the people of this kingdom, they
consist either of Irish Papists, who are as inconsiderable, in
point of power, as the women and children, or of English
Protestants." Again, in the Presbyterian's Plea of Merit written
in 1731, he says

"The estates of Papists are very few, crumbling into small
parcels, and daily diminishing; their common people are sunk in
poverty, ignorance and cowardice, and of as little consequence as
women and children. Their nobility and gentry are at least one
half ruined, banished or converted. They all soundly feel the
smart of what they suffered in the last Irish war. Some of them
are already retired into foreign countries; others, as I am told,
intend to follow them; and the rest, I believe to a man, who
still possess any lands, are absolutely resolved never to hazard
them again for the sake of establishing their superstition."

I may observe that, to the best of my belief, Swift never, in any
thing that he wrote, used the word Irishman to denote a person of
Anglosaxon race born in Ireland. He no more considered himself as
an Irishman than an Englishman born at Calcutta considers himself
as a Hindoo.

FN 142 In 1749 Lucas was the idol of the democracy of his own
caste. It is curious to see what was thought of him by those who
were not of his own caste. One of the chief Pariah, Charles
O'Connor, wrote thus: "I am by no means interested, nor is any of
our unfortunate population, in this affair of Lucas. A true
patriot would not have betrayed such malice to such unfortunate
slaves as we." He adds, with too much truth, that those boasters
the Whigs wished to have liberty all to themselves.

FN 143 On this subject Johnson was the most liberal politician of
his time. "The Irish," he said with great warmth, "are in a most
unnatural state for we see there the minority prevailing over the
majority." I suspect that Alderman Beckford and Alderman
Sawbridge would have been far from sympathizing with him. Charles
O'Connor, whose unfavourable opinion of the Whig Lucas I have
quoted, pays, in the Preface to the Dissertations on Irish
History, a high compliment to the liberality of the Tory Johnson.

FN 144 London Gazette, Oct. 22. 1691.

FN 145 Burnet, ii. 78, 79.; Burchett's Memoirs of Transactions at
Sea; Journal of the English and Dutch fleet in a Letter from an
Officer on board the Lennox, at Torbay, licensed August 21. 1691.
The writer says: "We attribute our health, under God, to the
extraordinary care taken in the well ordering of our provisions,
both meat and drink."

FN 146 Lords' and Commons' Journals, Oct. 22. 1691.

FN 147 This appears from a letter written by Lowther, after he
became Lord Lonsdale, to his son. A copy of this letter is among
the Mackintosh MSS.

FN 148 See Commons' Journals, Dec. 3. 1691; and Grey's Debates.
It is to be regretted that the Report of the Commissioners of
Accounts has not been preserved. Lowther, in his letter to his
son, alludes to the badgering of this day with great bitterness.
"What man," he asks, "that hath bread to eat, can endure, after
having served with all the diligence and application mankind is
capable of, and after having given satisfaction to the King from
whom all officers of State derive their authoritie, after acting
rightly by all men, to be hated by men who do it to all people in

FN 149 Commons' Journals, Dec. 12. 1691.

FN 150 Commons' Journals, Feb. 15. 1690/1; Baden to the States
General, Jan 26/Feb 5

FN 151 Stat. 3 W. & M. c. 2., Lords' Journals; Lords' Journals,
16 Nov. 1691; Commons' Journals, Dec. 1. 9. 5.

FN 152 The Irish Roman Catholics complained, and with but too
much reason, that, at a later period, the Treaty of Limerick was
violated; but those very complaints are admissions that the
Statute 3 W. & M. c. 2. was not a violation of the Treaty. Thus
the author of A Light to the Blind speaking of the first article,
says: "This article, in seven years after, was broken by a
Parliament in Ireland summoned by the Prince of Orange, wherein a
law was passed for banishing the Catholic bishops, dignitaries,
and regular clergy." Surely he never would have written thus, if
the article really had, only two months after it was signed, been
broken by the English Parliament. The Abbe Mac Geoghegan, too,
complains that the Treaty was violated some years after it was
made. But he does not pretend that it was violated by Stat. 3 W.
& M. c. 2.

FN 153 Stat. 21 Jac. 1. c. 3.

FN 154 See particularly Two Letters by a Barrister concerning the
East India Company (1676), and an Answer to the Two Letters
published in the same year. See also the judgment of Lord
Jeffreys concerning the Great Case of Monopolies. This judgment
was published in 1689, after the downfall of Jeffreys. It was
thought necessary to apologize in the preface for printing
anything that bore so odious a name. "To commend this argument,"
says the editor, "I'll not undertake because of the author. But
yet I may tell you what is told me, that it is worthy any
gentleman's perusal." The language of Jeffreys is most offensive,
sometimes scurrilous, sometimes basely adulatory; but his
reasoning as to the mere point of law is certainly able, if not

FN 155 Addison's Clarinda, in the week of which she kept a
journal, read nothing but Aurengzebe; Spectator, 323. She dreamed
that Mr. Froth lay at her feet, and called her Indamora. Her
friend Miss Kitty repeated, without book, the eight best lines of
the play; those, no doubt, which begin, "Trust on, and think to-
morrow will repay." There are not eight finer lines in Lucretius.

FN 156 A curious engraving of the India House of the seventeenth
century will be found in the Gentleman's Magazine for December

FN 157 See Davenant's Letter to Mulgrave.

FN 158 Answer to Two Letters concerning the East India Company,

FN 159 Anderson's Dictionary; G. White's Account of the Trade to
the East Indies, 1691; Treatise on the East India Trade by
Philopatris, 1681.

FN 160 Reasons for constituting a New East India Company in
London, 1681; Some Remarks upon the Present State of the East
India Company's Affairs, 1690.

FN 161 Evelyn, March 16. 1683

FN 162 See the State Trials.

FN 163 Pepys's Diary, April 2. and May 10 1669.

FN 164 Tench's Modest and Just Apology for the East India
Company, 1690.

FN 165 Some Remarks on the Present State of the East India
Company's Affairs, 1690; Hamilton's New Account of the East

FN 166 White's Account of the East India Trade, 1691; Pierce
Butler's Tale, 1691.

FN 167 White's Account of the Trade to the East Indies, 1691;
Hamilton's New Account of the East Indies; Sir John Wyborne to
Pepys from Bombay, Jan. 7. 1688.

FN 168 London Gazette, Feb. 16/26 1684.

FN 169 Hamilton's New Account of the East Indies.

FN 170 Papillon was of course reproached with his inconsistency.
Among the pamphlets of that time is one entitled "A Treatise
concerning the East India Trade, wrote at the instance of Thomas
Papillon, Esquire, and in his House, and printed in the year
1680, and now reprinted for the better Satisfaction of himself
and others."

FN 171 Commons' Journals, June 8. 1689.

FN 172 Among the pamphlets in which Child is most fiercely
attacked are Some Remarks on the Present State of the East India
Company's Affairs, 1690; fierce Butler's Tale, 1691; and White's
Account of the Trade to the East Indies, 1691.

FN 173 Discourse concerning the East India Trade, showing it to
be unprofitable to the Kingdom, by Mr. Cary; pierce Butler's
Tale, representing the State of the Wool Case, or the East India
Case truly stated, 1691. Several petitions to the same effect
will be found in the Journals of the House of Commons.

FN 174 Reasons against establishing an East India Company with a
joint Stock, exclusive to all others, 1691.

FN 175 The engagement was printed, and has been several times
reprinted. As to Skinners' Hall, see Seymour's History of London,

FN 176 London Gazette, May 11. 1691; White's Account of the East
India Trade.

FN 177 Commons' Journals, Oct. 28. 1691.

FN 178 Ibid. Oct. 29. 1691.

FN 179 Rowe, in the Biter, which was damned, and deserved to be
so, introduced an old gentleman haranguing his daughter thus:
"Thou hast been bred up like a virtuous and a sober maiden; and
wouldest thou take the part of a profane wretch who sold his
stock out of the Old East India Company?"

FN 180 Hop to the States General, Oct 30/Nov. 9 1691.

FN 181 Hop mentions the length and warmth of the debates; Nov.
12/22. 1691. See the Commons' Journals, Dec. 17. and 18.

FN 182 Commons' Journals, Feb 4. and 6. 1691.

FN 183 Ibid. Feb. 11. 1691.

FN 184 The history of this bill is to be collected from the bill
itself, which is among the Archives of the Upper House, from the
Journals of the two Houses during November and December 1690, and
January 1691; particularly from the Commons' Journals of December
11. and January 13. and 25., and the Lords' Journals of January
20. and 28. See also Grey's Debates.

FN 185 The letter, dated December 1. 1691, is in the Life of
James, ii. 477.

FN 186 Burnet, ii. 85.; and Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. See also a
memorial signed by Holmes, but consisting of intelligence
furnished by Ferguson, among the extracts from the Nairne Papers,
printed by Macpherson. It bears date October 1691. "The Prince of
Orange," says Holmes, "is mortally hated by the English. They see
very fairly that he hath no love for them; neither doth he
confide in them, but all in his Dutch. . . It's not doubted but
the Parliament will not be for foreigners to ride them with a

FN 187 Evelyn's Diary, Jan. 24.; Hop to States General, Jan
22/Feb 1 1691; Bader to States General, Feb. 16/26

FN 188 The words of James are these; they were written in
November 1692:- "Mes amis, l'annee passee, avoient dessein de me
rappeler par le Parlement. La maniere etoit concertee; et Milord
Churchill devoit proposer dans le Parlement de chasser tous les
etrangers tant des conseils et de l'armee que du royaume. Si le
Prince d'Orange avoit consenti a cette proposition ils l'auroient
eu entre leurs mains. S'il l'avoit refusee, il auroit fait
declarer le Parlement contre lui; et en meme temps Milord
Churchill devoir se declarer avec l'armee pour le Parlement; et
la flotte devoit faire de meme; et l'on devoit me rappeler. L'on
avoit deja commence d'agir dans ce projet; et on avoit gagne un
gros parti, quand quelques fideles sujets indiscrets, croyant me
servir, et s'imaginant que ce que Milord Churchill faisoit
n'etoit pas pour moi, mais pour la Princesse de Danemarck, eurent
l'imprudence de decouvrir le tout a Benthing, et detournerent
ainsi le coup."

A translation of this most remarkable passage, which at once
solves many interesting and perplexing problems, was published
eighty years ago by Macpherson. But, strange to say, it attracted
no notice, and has never, as far as I know, been mentioned by any
biographer of Marlborough.

The narrative of James requires no confirmation; but it is
strongly confirmed by the Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. "Marleburrough,"
Burnet wrote in September 1693, "set himself to decry the King's
conduct and to lessen him in all his discourses, and to possess
the English with an aversion to the Dutch, who, as he pretended,
had a much larger share of the King's favour and confidence than
they,"--the English, I suppose,--"had. This was a point on which
the English, who are too apt to despise all other nations, and to
overvalue themselves, were easily enough inflamed. So it grew to
be the universal subject of discourse, and was the constant
entertainment at Marleburrough's, where there was a constant
randivous of the English officers." About the dismission of
Marlborough, Burnet wrote at the same time: "The King said to
myself upon it that he had very good reason to believe that he
had made his peace with King James and was engaged in a
correspondence with France. It is certain he was doing all he
could to set on a faction in the army and the nation against the

It is curious to compare this plain tale, told while the facts
were recent, with the shuffling narrative which Burnet prepared
for the public eye many years later, when Marlborough was closely
united to the Whigs, and was rendering great and splendid
services to the country. Burnet, ii. 90.

The Duchess of Marlborough, in her Vindication, had the
effrontery to declare that she "could never learn what cause the
King assigned for his displeasure." She suggests that Young's
forgery may have been the cause. Now she must have known that
Young's forgery was not committed till some months after her
husband's disgrace. She was indeed lamentably deficient in
memory, a faculty which is proverbially said to be necessary to
persons of the class to which she belonged. Her own volume
convicts her of falsehood. She gives us a letter from Mary to
Anne, in which Mary says, "I need not repeat the cause my Lord
Marlborough has given the King to do what he has done." These
words plainly imply that Anne had been apprised of the cause. If
she had not been apprised of the cause would she not have said so
in her answer? But we have her answer; and it contains not a word
on the subject. She was then apprised of the cause; and is it
possible to believe that she kept it a secret from her adored
Mrs. Freeman?

FN 189 My account of these transactions I have been forced to
take from the narrative of the Duchess of Marlborough, a
narrative which is to be read with constant suspicion, except
when, as is often the case, she relates some instance of her own
malignity and insolence.

FN 190 The Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication; Dartmouth's Note
on Burnet, ii. 92.; Verses of the Night Bellman of Piccadilly and
my Lord Nottingham's Order thereupon, 1691. There is a bitter
lampoon on Lady Marlborough of the same date, entitled The
Universal Health, a true Union to the Queen and Princess.

FN 191 It must not be supposed that Anne was a reader of
Shakspeare. She had no doubt, often seen the Enchanted Island.
That miserable rifacimento of the Tempest was then a favourite
with the town, on account of the machinery and the decorations.

FN 192 Burnet MS. Harl. 6584.

FN 193 The history of an abortive attempt to legislate on this
subject may be studied in the Commons' Journals of 1692/3.

FN 194 North's Examen,

FN 195 North's Examen; Ward's London Spy; Crosby's English
Baptists, vol. iii. chap. 2.

FN 196 The history of this part of Fuller's life I have taken
from his own narrative.

FN 197 Commons' Journals, Dec. 2. and 9. 1691; Grey's Debates.

FN 198 Commons' Journals, Jan. 4. 1691/2 Grey's Debates.

FN 199 Commons' Journals, Feb. 22, 23, and 24. 1691/2.

FN 200 Fuller's Original Letters of the late King James and
others to his greatest Friends in England.

FN 201 Burnet, ii. 86. Burnet had evidently forgotten what the
bill contained. Ralph knew nothing about it but what he had
learned from Burnet. I have scarcely seen any allusion to the
subject in any of the numerous Jacobite lampoons of that day. But
there is a remarkable passage in a pamphlet which appeared
towards the close of William's reign, and which is entitled The
Art of Governing by Parties. The writer says, "We still want an
Act to ascertain some fund for the salaries of the judges; and
there was a bill, since the Revolution, past both Houses of
Parliament to this purpose; but whether it was for being any way
defective or otherwise that His Majesty refused to assent to it,
I cannot remember. But I know the reason satisfied me at that
time. And I make no doubt but he'll consent to any good bill of
this nature whenever 'tis offered." These words convinced me that
the bill was open to some grave objection which did not appear in
the title, and which no historian had noticed. I found among the
archives of the House of Lords the original parchment, endorsed
with the words "Le Roy et La Royne s'aviseront." And it was clear
at the first glance what the objection was.

There is a hiatus in that part of Narcissus Luttrell's Diary
which relates to this matter. "The King," he wrote, "passed ten
public bills and thirty-four private ones, and rejected that of

As to the present practice of the House of Commons in such cases,
see Hatsell's valuable work, ii. 356. I quote the edition of
1818. Hatsell says that many bills which affect the interest of
the Crown may be brought in without any signification of the
royal consent, and that it is enough if the consent be signified
on the second reading, or even later; but that, in a proceeding
which affects the hereditary revenue, the consent must be
signified in the earliest stage.

FN 202 The history of these ministerial arrangements I have taken
chiefly from the London Gazette of March 3. and March 7. 1691/2
and from Narcissus Luttrell's Diary for that month. Two or three
slight touches are from contemporary pamphlets.

FN 203 William to Melville, May 22. 1690.

FN 204 See the preface to the Leven and Melville Papers. I have
given what I believe to be a true explanation of Burnet's
hostility to Melville. Melville's descendant who has deserved
well of all students of history by the diligence and fidelity
with which he has performed his editorial duties, thinks that
Burnet's judgment was blinded by zeal for Prelacy and hatred of
Presbyterianism. This accusation will surprise and amuse English
High Churchmen.

FN 205 Life of James, ii. 468, 469.

FN 206 Burnet, ii. 88.; Master of Stair to Breadalbane, Dee. 2.

FN 207 Burnet, i. 418.

FN 208 Crawford to Melville, July 23. 1689; The Master of Stair
to Melville, Aug. 16. 1689; Cardross to Melville, Sept. 9. 1689;
Balcarras's Memoirs; Annandale's Confession, Aug. i4. 1690.

FN 209 Breadalbane to Melville, Sept. 17. 1690.

FN 210 The Master of Stair to Hamilton, Aug. 17/27. 1691; Hill to
Melville, June 26. 1691; The Master of Stair to Breadalbane, Aug.
24. 1691.

FN 211 "The real truth is, they were a branch of the Macdonalds
(who were a brave courageous people always), seated among the
Campbells, who (I mean the Glencoe men) are all Papists, if they
have any religion, were always counted a people much given to
rapine and plunder, or sorners as we call it, and much of a piece
with your highwaymen in England. Several governments desired to
bring them to justice; but their country was inaccessible to
small parties." See An impartial Account of some of the
Transactions in Scotland concerning the Earl of Breadalbane,
Viscount and Master of Stair, Glenco Men, &c., London, 1695.

FN 212 Report of the Commissioners, signed at Holyrood, June 20.

FN 213 Gallienus Redivivus; Burnet, ii. 88.; Report of the
Commission of 1695.

FN 214 Report of the Glencoe Commission, 1695.

FN 215 Hill to Melville, May 15. 1691.

FN 216 Ibid. June 3. 1691.

FN 217 Burnet, ii. 8, 9.; Report of the Glencoe Commission. The
authorities quoted in this part of the Report were the
depositions of Hill, of Campbell of Ardkinglass, and of Mac Ian's
two sons.

FN 218 Johnson's Tour to the Hebrides.

FN 219 Proclamation of the Privy Council of Scotland, Feb. q.
1589. I give this reference on the authority of Sir Walter Scott.
See the preface to the Legend of Montrose.

FN 220 Johnson's Tour to the Hebrides.

FN 221 Lockhart's Memoirs.

FN 222 "What under heaven was the Master's byass in this matter?
I can imagine none." Impartial Account, 1695. "Nor can any man of
candour and ingenuity imagine that the Earl of Stair, who had
neither estate, friendship nor enmity in that country, nor so
much as knowledge of these persons, and who was never noted for
cruelty in his temper, should have thirsted after the blood of
these wretches." Complete History of Europe, 1707.

FN 223 Dalrymple, in his Memoirs, relates this story, without
referring to any authority. His authority probably was family
tradition. That reports were current in 1692 of horrible crimes
committed by the Macdonalds of Glencoe, is certain from the
Burnet MS. Marl. 6584. "They had indeed been guilty of many black
murthers," were Burnet's words, written in 1693. He afterwards
softened down this expression.

FN 224 That the plan originally framed by the Master of Stair was
such as I have represented it, is clear from parts of his letters
which are quoted in the Report of 1695; and from his letters to
Breadalbane of October 27., December 2., and December 3. 1691. Of
these letters to Breadalbane the last two are in Dalrymple's
Appendix. The first is in the Appendix to the first volume of Mr.
Burtons valuable History of Scotland. "It appeared," says Burnet
(ii. 157.), "that a black design was laid, not only to cut off
the men of Glencoe, but a great many more clans, reckoned to be
in all above six thousand persons."

FN 225 This letter is in the Report of 1695.

FN 226 London Gazette, January 14and 18. 1691.

FN 227 "I could have wished the Macdonalds had not divided; and I
am sorry that Keppoch and Mackian of Glenco are safe."--Letter of
the Master of Stair to Levingstone, Jan. 9. 1691/2 quoted in the
Report of 1695.

FN 228 Letter of the Master of Stair to Levingstone, Jan. 11
1692, quoted in the Report of 1695.

FN 229 Burnet, in 1693, wrote thus about William:--"He suffers
matters to run till there is a great heap of papers; and then he
signs them as much too fast as he was before too slow in
despatching them." Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. There is no sign either
of procrastination or of undue haste in William's correspondence
with Heinsius. The truth is, that the King understood Continental
politics thoroughly, and gave his whole mind to them. To English
business he attended less, and to Scotch business least of all.

FN 230 Impartial Account, 1695.

FN 231 See his letters quoted in the Report of 1695, and in the
Memoirs of the Massacre of Glencoe.

FN 232 Report of 1695.

FN 233 Deposition of Ronald Macdonald in the Report of 1695;
Letters from the Mountains, May 17. I773. I quote Mrs. Grant's
authority only for what she herself heard and saw. Her account of
the massacre was written apparently without the assistance of
books, and is grossly incorrect. Indeed she makes a mistake of
two years as to the date.

FN 234 I have taken the account of the Massacre of Glencoe
chiefly from the Report of 1695, and from the Gallienus
Redivivus. An unlearned, and indeed a learned, reader may be at a
loss to guess why the Jacobites should have selected so strange a
title for a pamphlet on the massacre of Glencoe. The explanation
will be found in a letter of the Emperor Gallienus, preserved by
Trebellius Pollio in the Life of Ingenuus. Ingenuus had raised a
rebellion in Moesia. He was defeated and killed. Gallienus
ordered the whole province to be laid waste, and wrote to one of
his lieutenants in language to which that of the Master of Stair
bore but too much resemblance. "Non mihi satisfacies si tantum
armatos occideris, quos et fors belli interimere potuisset.
Perimendus est omnis sexus virilis. Occidendus est quicunque
maledixit. Occidendus est quicunque male voluit. Lacera. Occide.

FN 235 What I have called the Whig version of the story is given,
as well as the Jacobite version, in the Paris Gazette of April 7.

FN 236 I believe that the circumstances which give so peculiar a
character of atrocity to the Massacre of Glencoe were first
published in print by Charles Leslie in the Appendix to his
answer to King. The date of Leslie's answer is 1692. But it must
be remembered that the date of 1692 was then used down to what we
should call the 25th of March 1693. Leslie's book contains some
remarks on a sermon by Tillotson which was not printed till
November 1692. The Gallienus Redivivus speedily followed.

FN 237 Gallienus Redivivus.

FN 238 Hickes on Burnet and Tillotson, 1695.

FN 239 Report of 1695.

FN 240 Gallienus Redivivus.

FN 241 Report of 1695.

FN 242 London Gazette, Mar. 7. 1691/2

FN 243 Burnet (ii. 93.) says that the King was not at this time
informed of the intentions of the French Government. Ralph
contradicts Burnet with great asperity. But that Burnet was in
the right is proved beyond dispute, by William's correspondence
with Heinsius. So late as April 24/May 4 William wrote thus: "Je
ne puis vous dissimuler que je commence a apprehender une
descente en Angleterre, quoique je n'aye pu le croire d'abord:
mais les avis sont si multiplies de tous les cotes, et
accompagnes de tant de particularites, qu'il n'est plus guere
possible d'en douter." I quote from the French translation among
the Mackintosh MSS.

FN 244 Burnet, ii. 95. and Onslow's note; Memoires de Saint
Simon; Memoires de Dangeau.

FN 245 Life of James ii. 411, 412.

FN 246 Memoires de Dangeau; Memoires de Saint Simon. Saint Simon
was on the terrace and, young as he was, observed this singular
scene with an eye which nothing escaped.

FN 247 Memoires de Saint Simon; Burnet, ii. 95.; Guardian No. 48.
See the excellent letter of Lewis to the Archbishop of Rheims,
which is quoted by Voltaire in the Siecle de Louis XIV.

FN 248 In the Nairne papers printed by Macpherson are two
memorials from James urging Lewis to invade England. Both were
written in January 1692.

FN 249 London Gazette, Feb. 15. 1691/2

FN 250 Memoires de Berwick; Burnet, ii. 92.; Life of James, ii.
478. 491.

FN 251 History of the late Conspiracy, 1693.

FN 252 Life of James, ii. 479. 524. Memorials furnished by
Ferguson to Holmes in the Nairne Papers.

FN 253 Life of James, ii. 474.

FN 254 See the Monthly Mercuries of the spring of 1692.

FN 255 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary for April and May 1692; London
Gazette, May 9. and 12.

FN 256 Sheridan MS.; Life of James, ii. 492.

FN 257 Life of James, ii. 488.

FN 258 James told Sheridan that the Declaration was written by
Melfort. Sheridan MS.

FN 259 A Letter to a Friend concerning a French Invasion to
restore the late King James to his Throne, and what may be
expected from him should he be successful in it, 1692; A second
Letter to a Friend concerning a French Invasion, in which the
Declaration lately dispersed under the Title of His Majesty's
most gracious Declaration to all his loving Subjects, commanding
their Assistance against the P. of O. and his Adherents, is
entirely and exactly published according to the dispersed Copies,
with some short Observations upon it, 1692; The Pretences of the
French Invasion examined, 1692; Reflections on the late King
James's Declaration, 1692. The two Letters were written, I
believe, by Lloyd Bishop of Saint Asaph. Sheridan says, "The
King's Declaration pleas'd none, and was turn'd into ridicule
burlesque lines in England." I do not believe that a defence of
this unfortunate Declaration is to be found in any Jacobite
tract. A virulent Jacobite writer, in a reply to Dr. Welwood,
printed in 1693, says, "As for the Declaration that was printed
last year. . . I assure you that it was as much misliked by many,
almost all, of the King's friends, as it can be exposed by his

FN 260 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, April 1692.

FN 261 Sheridan MS.; Memoires de Dangeau.

FN 262 London Gazette, May 12. 16. 1692; Gazette de Paris, May
31. 1692.

FN 263 London Gazette, April 28. 1692

FN 264 Ibid. May 2. 5. 12. 16.

FN 265 London Gazette, May 16. 1692; Burchett.

FN 266 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; London Gazette, May 19. 1692.

FN 267 Russell's Letter to Nottingham, May 20. 1692, in the
London Gazette of May 23.; Particulars of Another Letter from the
Fleet published by authority; Burchett; Burnet, ii. 93.; Life of
James, ii. 493, 494.; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Memoires de
Berwick. See also the contemporary ballad on the battle one of
the best specimens of English street poetry, and the Advice to a
Painter, 1692.

FN 268 See Delaval's Letter to Nottingham, dated Cherburg, May
22., in the London Gazette of May 26.

FN 269 London Gaz., May 26. 1692; Burchett's Memoirs of
Transactions at Sea; Baden to the States General, May 24/June 3;
Life of James, ii. 494; Russell's Letters in the Commons'
Journals of Nov. 28. 1692; An Account of the Great Victory, 1692;
Monthly Mercuries for June and July 1692; Paris Gazette, May
28/June 7; Van Almonde's despatch to the States General, dated
May 24/June 3. 1692. The French official account will be found in
the Monthly Mercury for July. A report drawn up by Foucault,
Intendant of the province of Normandy, will be found in M.
Capefigue's Louis XIV.

FN 270 An Account of the late Great Victory, 1692; Monthly
Mercury for June; Baden to the States General, May 24/ June 3;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.

FN 271 London Gazette, June 2. 1692; Monthly Mercury; Baden to
the States General, June 14/24. Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.

FN 272 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Monthly Mercury.

FN 273 London Gazette, June 9.; Baden to the States General, June

FN 274 Baden to the States General, June. 3/13

FN 275 Baden to the States General, May 24/June 3; Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary.

FN 276 An Account of the late Great Victory, 1692; Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary.

FN 277 Baden to the States General, June 7/17. 1692.

FN 278 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.

FN 279 I give one short sentence as a specimen: "O fie that ever
it should be said that a clergyman have committed such durty

FN 280 Gutch, Collectanea Curiosa.

FN 281 My account of this plot is chiefly taken from Sprat's
Relation of the late Wicked Contrivance of Stephen Blackhead and
Robert Young, 1692. There are very few better narratives in the

FN 282 Baden to the States General, Feb. 14/24 1693.

FN 283 Postman, April 13. and 20. 1700; Postboy, April 18.;
Flying Post, April 20.

FN 284 London Gazette, March 14. 1692.

FN 285 The Swedes came, it is true, but not till the campaign was
over. London Gazette, Sept, 10 1691,

FN 286 William to Heinsius March 14/24. 1692.

FN 287 William to Heinsius, Feb. 2/12 1692.

FN 288 Ibid. Jan 12/22 1692.

FN 289 Ibid. Jan. 19/29. 1692.

FN 290 Burnet, ii. 82 83.; Correspondence of William and
Heinsius, passim.

FN 291 Memoires de Torcy.

FN 292 William to Heinsius, Oct 28/Nov 8 1691.

FN 293 Ibid. Jan. 19/29. 1692.

FN 294 His letters to Heinsius are full of this subject.

FN 295 See the Letters from Rome among the Nairne Papers. Those
in 1692 are from Lytcott; those in 1693 from Cardinal Howard;
those in 1694 from Bishop Ellis; those in 1695 from Lord Perth.
They all tell the same story.

FN 296 William's correspondence with Heinsius; London Gazette,
Feb. 4. 1691. In a pasquinade published in 1693, and entitled "La
Foire d'Ausbourg, Ballet Allegorique," the Elector of Saxony is
introduced saying

"Moy, je diray naivement,
Qu'une jartiere d'Angleterre
Feroit tout Mon empressement;
Et je ne vois rien sur la terre
Ou je trouve plus d'agrement."

FN 297 William's correspondence with Heinsius. There is a curious
account of Schoening in the Memoirs of Count Dohna.

FN 298 Burnet, ii. 84.

FN 299 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.

FN 300 Monthly Mercuries of January and April 1693; Burnet, ii.
84. In the Burnet MS. Hail. 6584, is a warm eulogy on the Elector
of Bavaria. When the MS. was written he was allied with England
against France. In the History, which was prepared for
publication when he was allied with France against England, the
eulogy is omitted.

FN 301 "Nec pluribus impar."

FN 302 Memoires de Saint Simon; Dangeau; Racine's Letters, and
Narrative entitled Relation de ce qui s'est passe au Siege de
Namur; Monthly Mercury, May 1692.

FN 303 Memoires de Saint Simon; Racine to Boileau , May 21. 1692.

FN 304 Monthly Mercury for June; William to Heinsius May 26/ June
5 1692.

FN 305 William to Heinsius, May 26/June 5 1692.

FN 306 Monthly Mercuries of June and July 1692; London Gazettes
of June; Gazette de Paris; Memoires de Saint Simon; Journal de
Dangeau; William to Heinsius, May 30/June 9 June 2/12 June 11/21;
Vernon's Letters to Colt, printed in Tindal's History; Racine's
Narrative, and Letters to Boileau of June 15. and 24.

FN 307 Memoires de Saint Simon.

FN 308 London Gazette, May 30. 1692; Memoires de Saint Simon;
Journal de Dangeau; Boyer's History of William III.

FN 309 Memoires de Saint Simon; Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV.
Voltaire speaks with a contempt which is probably just of the
account of this affair in the Causes Celebres. See also the
Letters of Madame de Sevigne during the months of January and
February 1680. In several English lampoons Luxemburg is nicknamed
Aesop, from his deformity, and called a wizard, in allusion to
his dealings with La Voisin. In one Jacobite allegory he is the
necromancer Grandorsio. In Narcissus Luttrell's Diary for June
1692 he is called a conjuror. I have seen two or three English
caricatures of Luxemburg's figure.

FN 310 Memoires de Saint Simon; Memoires de Villars; Racine to
Boileau, May 21. 1692.

FN 311 Narcissus Luttrell, April 28. 1692.

FN 312 London Gazette Aug. 4. 8. 11. 1692; Gazette de Paris, Aug.
9. 16.; Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV.; Burnet, ii. 97; Memoires
de Berwick; Dykvelt's Letter to the States General dated August
4. 1692. See also the very interesting debate which took place in
the House of Commons on Nov. 21. 1692. An English translation of
Luxemburg's very elaborate and artful despatch will be found in
the Monthly Mercury for September 1692. The original has recently
been printed in the new edition of Dangeau. Lewis pronounced it
the best despatch that he had ever seen. The editor of the
Monthly Mercury maintains that it was manufactured at Paris. "To
think otherwise," he says, "is mere folly; as if Luxemburg could
be at so much leisure to write such a long letter, more like a
pedant than a general, or rather the monitor of a school, giving
an account to his master how the rest of the boys behaved
themselves." In the Monthly Mercury will be found also the French
official list of killed and wounded. Of all the accounts of the
battle that which seems to me the best is in the Memoirs of
Feuquieres. It is illustrated by a map. Feuquieres divides his
praise and blame very fairly between the generals. The traditions
of the English mess tables have been preserved by Sterne, who was
brought up at the knees of old soldiers of William. "'There was
Cutts's' continued the Corporal, clapping the forefinger of his
right hand upon the thumb of his left, and counting round his
hand; 'there was Cutts's, Mackay's Angus's, Graham's and Leven's,
all cut to pieces; and so had the English Lifeguards too, had it
not been for some regiments on the right, who marched up boldly
to their relief, and received the enemy's fire in their faces
before any one of their own platoons discharged a musket. They'll
go to heaven for it,' added Trim."

FN 313 Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV.

FN 314 Langhorne, the chief lay agent of the Jesuits in England,
always, as he owned to Tillotson, selected tools on this
principle. Burnet, i. 230.

FN 315 I have taken the history of Grandval's plot chiefly from
Grandval's own confession. I have not mentioned Madame de
Maintenon, because Grandval, in his confession, did not mention
her. The accusation brought against her rests solely on the
authority of Dumont. See also a True Account of the horrid
Conspiracy against the Life of His most Sacred Majesty William
III. 1692; Reflections upon the late horrid Conspiracy contrived
by some of the French Court to murder His Majesty in Flanders
1692: Burnet, ii. 92.; Vernon's letters from the camp to Colt,
published by Tindal; the London Gazette, Aug, 11. The Paris
Gazette contains not one word on the subject,--a most significant

FN 316 London Gazette, Oct. 20. 24. 1692.

FN 317 See his report in Burchett.

FN 318 London Gazette, July 28. 1692. See the resolutions of the
Council of War in Burchett. In a letter to Nottingham, dated July
10, Russell says, "Six weeks will near conclude what we call
summer." Lords Journals, Dec. 19. 1692.

FN 319 Monthly Mercury, Aug. and Sept. 1692.

FN 320 Evelyn's Diary, July 25. 1692; Burnet, ii. 94, 95., and
Lord Dartmouth's Note. The history of the quarrel between Russell
and Nottingham will be best learned from the Parliamentary
Journals and Debates of the Session of 1692/3.

FN 321 Commons' Journals, Nov. 19. 1692; Burnet, ii. 95.; Grey's
Debates, Nov. 21. 1692; Paris Gazettes of August and September;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Sept.

FN 322 See Bart's Letters of Nobility, and the Paris Gazettes of
the autumn of 1692.

FN 323 Memoires de Du Guay Trouin.

FN 324 London Gazette, Aug. 11. 1692; Evelyn's Diary, Aug. 10.;
Monthly Mercury for September; A Full Account of the late
dreadful Earthquake at Port Royal in Jamaica, licensed Sept. 9.

FN 325 Evelyn's Diary, June 25. Oct. 1. 1690; Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary, June 1692, May 1693; Monthly Mercury, April,
May, and June 1693; Tom Brown's Description of a Country Life,

FN 326 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Nov. 1692.

FN 327 See, for example, the London Gazette of Jan. 12. 1692

FN 328 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Dec. 1692.

FN 329 Ibid. Jan. 1693.

FN 330 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, July 1692.

FN 331 Evelyn's Diary, Nov. 20. 1692: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary;
London Gazette, Nov. 24.; Hop to the Greffier of the States
General, Nov. 18/28

FN 332 London Gazette, Dec. 19. 1692.

FN 333 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Dec. 1692.

FN 334 Ibid. Nov. 1692.

FN 335 Ibid. August 1692.

FN 336 Hop to the Greffier of the States General, Dec 23/Jan 2
1693. The Dutch despatches of this year are filled with stories
of robberies.

FN 337 Hop to the Greffier of the States General, Dec 23/Jan 2
1693; Historical Records of the Queen's Bays, published by
authority; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Nov. 15.

FN 338 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Dee. 22.

FN 339 Ibid. Dec. 1692; Hop, Jan. 3/13 Hop calls Whitney, "den
befaamsten roover in Engelandt."

FN 340 London Gazette January 2. 1692/3.

FN 341 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Jan. 1692/3.

FN 342 Ibid. Dec. 1692.

FN 343 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, January and February; Hop Jan
31/Feb 10 and Feb 3/13 1693; Letter to Secretary Trenchard, 1694;
New Court Contrivances or more Sham Plots still, 1693.

FN 344 Lords' and Commons' Journals, Nov. 4., Jan. 1692.

FN 345 Commons' Journals, Nov. 10 1692.

FN 346 See the Lords' Journals from Nov. 7. to Nov. 18. 1692;
Burnet, ii. 102. Tindall's account of these proceedings was taken
from letters addressed by Warre, Under Secretary of State, to
Colt, envoy at Hanover. Letter to Mr. Secretary Trenchard, 1694.

FN 347 Lords' Journals, Dec. 7.; Tindal, from the Colt Papers;
Burnet, ii. 105.

FN 348 Grey's Debates, Nov. 21. and 23. 1692.

FN 349 Grey's Debates, Nov. 21. 1692; Colt Papers in Tindal.

FN 350 Tindal, Colt Papers; Commons' Journals, Jan. 11. 1693.

FN 351 Colt Papers in Tindal; Lords' Journals from Dec. 6. to
Dec. 19. 1692; inclusive,

FN 352 As to the proceedings of this day in the House of Commons,
see the Journals, Dec. 20, and the letter of Robert Wilmot, M.P.
for Derby, to his colleague Anchitel Grey, in Grey's Debates.

FN 353 Commons' Journals, Jan. 4. 1692/3.

FN 354 Colt Papers in Tindal; Commons' Journals, Dec. 16. 1692,
Jan. 11 1692; Burnet ii. 104.

FN 355 The peculiar antipathy of the English nobles to the Dutch
favourites is mentioned in a highly interesting note written by
Renaudot in 1698, and preserved among the Archives of the French
Foreign Office.

FN 356 Colt Papers in Tindal; Lords' Journals, Nov. 28. and 29.
1692, Feb. 18. and 24. 1692/3.

FN 357 Grey's Debates, Nov 18. 1692; Commons' Journals, Nov. 18.,
Dec. 1. 1692.

FN 358 See Cibber's Apology, and Mountford's Greenwich Park.

FN 359 See Cibber's Apology, Tom Brown's Works, and indeed the
works of every man of wit and pleasure about town.

FN 360 The chief source of information about this case is the
report of the trial, which will be found in Howell's Collection.
See Evelyn's Diary, February 4. 1692/3. I have taken some
circumstances from Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, from a letter to
Sancroft which is among the Tanner MSS in the Bodleian Library,
and from two letters addressed by Brewer to Wharton, which are
also in the Bodleian Library.

FN 361 Commons' Journals, Nov. 14. 1692.

FN 362 Commons' Journals of the Session, particularly of Nov.
17., Dec. 10., Feb. 25., March 3.; Colt Papers in Tindal.

FN 363 Commons' Journals, Dec. 10.; Tindal, Colt Papers.

FN 364 See Coke's Institutes, part iv. chapter 1. In 1566 a
subsidy was 120,000L.; in 1598, 78,000L.; when Coke wrote his
Institutes, about the end of the reign of James I. 70,000L.
Clarendon tells us that, in 1640, twelve subsidies were estimated
at about 600,000L.

FN 365 See the old Land Tax Acts, and the debates on the Land Tax
Redemption Bill of 1798.

FN 366 Lords' Journals Jan. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20.; Commons'
Journals, Jan. 17, 18. 20. 1692; Tindal, from the Colt Papers;
Burnet, ii. 104, 105. Burnet has used an incorrect expression,
which Tindal, Ralph and others have copied. He says that the
question was whether the Lords should tax themselves. The Lords
did not claim any right to alter the amount of taxation laid on
them by the bill as it came up to them. They only demanded that
their estates should be valued, not by the ordinary
commissioners, but by special commissioners of higher rank.

FN 367 Commons' Journals, Dec. 2/12. 1692,

FN 368 For this account of the origin of stockjobbing in the City
of London I am chiefly indebted to a most curious periodical
paper, entitled, "Collection for the Improvement of Husbandry and
Trade, by J. Houghton, F.R.S." It is in fact a weekly history of
the commercial speculations of that time. I have looked through
the files of several years. In No. 33., March 17. 1693, Houghton
says: "The buying and selling of Actions is one of the great
trades now on foot. I find a great many do not understand the
affair." On June 13. and June 22. 1694, he traces the whole
progress of stockjobbing. On July 13. of the same year he makes
the first mention of time bargains. Whoever is desirous to know
more about the companies mentioned in the text may consult
Houghton's Collection and a pamphlet entitled Anglia Tutamen,
published in 1695.

FN 369 Commons' Journals; Stat. 4 W. & M. c. 3.

FN 370 See a very remarkable note in Hume's History of England,
Appendix III.

FN 371 Wealth of Nations, book v. chap. iii.

FN 372 Wesley was struck with this anomaly in 1745. See his

FN 373 Pepys, June 10. 1668.

FN 374 See the Politics, iv. 13.

FN 375 The bill will be found among the archives of the House of

FN 376 Lords' Journals, Jan. 3. 1692/3.

FN 377 Introduction to the Copies and Extracts of some Letters
written to and from the Earl of Danby, now Duke of Leeds,
published by His Grace's Direction, 1710.

FN 378 Commons' Journals; Grey's Debates. The bill itself is
among the archives of the House of Lords.

FN 379 Dunton's Life and Errors; Autobiography of Edmund Bohun,
privately printed in 1853. This autobiography is, in the highest
degree, curious and interesting.

FN 380 Vox Cleri, 1689.

FN 381 Bohun was the author of the History of the Desertion,
published immediately after the Revolution. In that work he
propounded his favourite theory. "For my part," he says, "I am
amazed to see men scruple the submitting to the present King;
for, if ever man had a just cause of war, he had; and that

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