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The Entire Writings of Lincoln by Abraham Lincoln

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TO P. B. LOOMIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, May 12, 1864

F. B. LOOMIS, ESQ.

MY DEAR SIR:--I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of the 28th April, in which you offer to replace the
present garrison at Port Trumbull with volunteers, which you propose
to raise at your own expense. While it seems inexpedient at this
time to accept this proposition on account of the special duties now
devolving upon the garrison mentioned, I cannot
pass unnoticed such a meritorious instance of individual patriotism.
Permit me, for the Government, to express my cordial thanks to you
for this generous and public-spirited offer, which is worthy of note
among the many called forth in these times of national trial.

I am very truly, your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

RESPONSE TO A METHODIST DELEGATION, MAY 14, 1864.

GENTLEMEN:-In response to your address, allow me to attest the
accuracy of its historical statements, indorse the sentiments it
expresses, and thank you in the nation's name for the sure promise it
gives. Nobly sustained, as the Government has been, by all the
churches, I would utter nothing which might in the least appear
invidious against any. Yet without this, it may fairly be said, that
the Methodist Episcopal Church, not less devoted than the best, is by
its greatest numbers the most important of all. It is no fault in
others that the Methodist Church sends more soldiers to the field,
more nurses to the hospitals, and more prayers to Heaven than--any
other. God bless the Methodist Church Bless all the churches; and
blessed be God, who in this our great trial giveth us the churches.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR YATES.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 18, 1864.

His EXCELLENCY RICHARD YATES, Springfield, Ill.:

If any such proclamation has appeared, it is a forgery.

A. LINCOLN.

ARREST AND IMPRISONMENT OF IRRESPONSIBLE NEWSPAPER
REPORTERS AND EDITORS

ORDER TO GENERAL J. A. DIX.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, May 18, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN A. DIX,
Commanding at New York:

Whereas there has been wickedly and traitorously printed and
published this morning in the New York World and New York Journal of
Commerce, newspapers printed and published in the city of New York, a
false and spurious proclamation purporting to be signed by the
President and to be countersigned by the Secretary of State, which
publication is of a treasonable nature, designed to give aid and
comfort to the enemies of the United States and to the rebels now at
war against the Government and their aiders and abettors, you are
therefore hereby commanded forthwith to arrest and imprison in any
fort or military prison in your command, the editors, proprietors,
and publishers of the aforesaid newspapers, and all such persons as,
after public notice has been given of the falsehood of said
publication, print and publish the same with intent to give aid and
comfort to the enemy; and you will hold the persons so arrested in
close custody until they can be brought to trial before a military
commission for their offense. You will also take possession by
military force of the printing establishments of the New York World
and Journal of Commerce, and hold the same until further orders, and
prohibit any further publication therefrom.

A. LINCOLN.

[On the morning of May 18, 3864, a forged proclamation was published
in the World, and Journal of Commerce, of New York. The proclamation
named a day for fasting and prayer, called for 400,000 fresh troops,
and purposed to raise by an "immediate and peremptory draft,"
whatever quotas were not furnished on the day specified. D.W.]

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL B. P. BUTLER.
(Cipher.)
WASHINGTON, D. C., May 18, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Bermuda Hundred, Va.:

Until receiving your dispatch of yesterday, the idea of commissions
in the volunteers expiring at the end of three years had not occurred
to me. I think no trouble will come of it; and, at all events, I
shall take care of it so far as in me lies. As to the major-
generalships in the regular army, I think I shall not dispose of
another, at least until the combined operations now in progress,
under direction of General Grant, and within which yourself and
command are included, shall be terminated.
Meanwhile, on behalf of yourself, officers, and men, please accept my
hearty thanks for what you and they have so far done.

A. LINCOLN.

ORDER CONCERNING THE EXEMPTION OF
AMERICAN CONSULS FROM MILITARY SERVICE,

MAY 19, 1864.

It is officially announced by the State Department that citizens of
the United States holding commissions and recognized as Consuls of
foreign powers, are not by law exempt from military service if
drafted:

Therefore the mere enrolment of a citizen holding a foreign consulate
will not be held to vacate his commission, but if he shall be drafted
his exequatur will be revoked unless he shall have previously
resigned in order that another Consul may be received.

An exequatur bearing date the 3d day of May, 1858, having been issued
to Charles Hunt, a citizen of the United States, recognizing him as a
Consul of Belgium for St. Louis, Missouri, and declaring him free to
exercise and enjoy such functions, powers, and privileges as are
allowed to the Consuls of the most favored nations in the United
States, and the said Hunt having sought to screen himself from his
military duty to his country, in consequence of thus being invested
with the consular functions of a foreign power in the United States,
it is deemed advisable that the said Charles Hunt should no longer be
permitted to continue in the exercise of said functions, powers, and
privileges.

These are therefore to declare that I no longer recognize the said
Hunt as Consul of Belgium, for St. Louis, Missouri, and will not
permit him to exercise or enjoy any of the functions, powers or
privileges allowed to consuls of that nation, and that I do hereby
wholly revoke and annul the said exequatur heretofore given, and do
declare the same to be absolutely null and void from this day
forward.

In testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made patent,
and the seal of the United States of America to be hereunto
affixed................

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MORTON AND OTHERS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1864

GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON:

The getting forward of hundred-day troops to sustain General
Sherman's lengthening lines promises much good. Please put your best
efforts into the work.

A. LINCOLN.

Same to Governor Yates, Springfield, Illinois; Governor Stone,
Davenport, Iowa; Governor Lewis, Madison, Wisconsin.

TELEGRAM TO CHRISTIANA A. SACK.
WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON, D. C., May 21, 1864

CHRISTIANA A. SACK, Baltimore, Md.:

I cannot postpone the execution of a convicted spy on a mere
telegraphic despatch signed with a name I never heard before.
General Wallace may give you a pass to see him if he chooses.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR BROUGH.
WASHINGTON CITY, May 24, 1864.

GOVERNOR BROUGH, Columbus, Ohio:

Yours to Secretary of War [received] asking for something cheering.
We have nothing bad from anywhere. I have just seen a despatch of
Grant, of 11 P.M., May 23, on the North Anna and partly across it,
which ends as follows: "Everything looks exceedingly favorable for
us." We have nothing later from him.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 25,1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

Mr. J. C. Swift wishes a pass from me to follow your army to pick up
rags and cast-off clothing. I will give it to him if you say so,
otherwise not.

A. LINCOLN.

["No job to big or too small" for this president--not even a request
from a Rag Picker. D.W.]

MEMORANDUM CONCERNING THE TRANSPORTATION OF
THE NEW YORK NAVAL BRIGADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, May 26, 1864.

WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:

I am again pressed with the claim of Mr. Marshall O. Roberts, for
transportation of what was called the Naval Brigade from New York to
Fortress Monroe. This force was a special organization got up by one
Bartlett, in pretended pursuance of written authority from me, but in
fact, pursuing the authority in scarcely anything whatever. The
credit given him by Mr. Roberts, was given in the teeth of the
express declaration that the Government would not be responsible for
the class of expenses to which it belonged. After all some part of
the transportation became useful to the Government, and equitably
should be paid for; but I have neither time nor means to ascertain
this equitable amount, or any appropriation to pay it with if
ascertained. If the Quartermaster at New York can ascertain what
would compensate for so much of the transportation as did result
usefully to the Government, it might be a step towards reaching
justice. I write this from memory, but I believe it is substantially
correct.

A. LINCOLN.

TO P. A. CONKLING AND OTHERS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, June 3, 1864.

HON. F. A. CONKLING AND OTHERS.

GENTLEMEN:--Your letter, inviting me to be present at a mass meeting
of loyal citizens, to be held at New York on the 4th instant, for the
purpose of expressing gratitude to Lieutenant-General Grant for his
signal services, was received yesterday. It is impossible for me to
attend. I approve, nevertheless, of whatever may tend to strengthen
and sustain General Grant and the noble armies now under his
direction. My previous high estimate of General Grant has been
maintained and heightened by what has occurred in the remarkable
campaign he is now conducting, while the magnitude and difficulty of
the task before him does not prove less than I expected. He and his
brave soldiers are now in the midst of their great trial, and I trust
that at your meeting you will so shape your good words that they may
turn to men and guns, moving to his and their support.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

INDORSEMENT ON A LETTER TOUCHING THE
REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

JUNE 5, 1864.

(Indorsement.)

Swett is unquestionably all right. Mr. Holt is a good man, but I had
not heard or thought of him for Vice-President. Wish not to
interfere about Vice-President. Cannot interfere about platform.
Convention must judge for itself.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 6, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of the Potomac:

Private James McCarthy, of the One-hundred and fortieth New York
Volunteers, is here under sentence to the Dry Tortugas for an attempt
to desert. His friends appeal to me and if his colonel and you
consent, I will send him to his regiment. Please answer.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.
WASHINGTON, June 8, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, St. Louis, Missouri:

Yours of to-day received. I am unable to conceive how a message can
be less safe by the express than by a staff-officer. If you send a
verbal message, the messenger is one additional person let into the
secret.

A. LINCOLN

REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE NOTIFYING PRESIDENT LINCOLN OF HIS
RENOMINATION,

JUNE 9, 1864.

Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:

I will neither conceal my gratification nor restrain the expression
of my gratitude that the Union people, through their convention, in
their continued effort to save and advance the nation, have deemed me
not unworthy to remain in my present position. I know no reason to
doubt that I shall accept the nomination tendered; and yet perhaps I
should not declare definitely before reading and considering what is
called the platform. I will say now, however, I approve the
declaration in favor of so amending the Constitution as to prohibit
slavery throughout the nation. When the people in revolt, with a
hundred days of explicit notice that they could within those days
resume their allegiance without the overthrow of their institution,
and that they could not so resume it afterward, elected to stand out,
such amendment of the Constitution as now proposed became a fitting
and necessary conclusion to the final success of the Union cause.
Such alone can meet and cover all cavils. Now the unconditional
Union men, North and South, perceive its importance and embrace it.
In the joint names of Liberty and Union, let us labor to give it
legal form and practical effect.

PLATFORM OF THE UNION NATIONAL CONVENTION
HELD IN BALTIMORE, MD., JUNE 7 AND 8, 1864.

1. Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen
to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union and
the paramount authority of the Constitution and laws of the United
States; and that, laying aside all differences of political opinion,
we pledge ourselves, as Union men, animated by a common sentiment and
aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid the
Government in quelling by force of arms the rebellion now raging
against its authority, and in bringing to the punishment due to their
crimes the rebels and traitors arrayed against it.

2. Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Government of
the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer them any
terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an unconditional
surrender of their hostility and a return to their just allegiance to
the Constitution and laws of the United States, and that we call upon
the Government to maintain this position, and to prosecute the war
with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression of the
rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing patriotism, the
heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to
their Country and its free institutions.

3. Resolved, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the
strength, of this rebellion, and as it must be, always and
everywhere, hostile to the principles of republican government,
justice and the national safety demand its utter and complete
extirpation from the soil of the republic; and that while we uphold
and maintain the acts and proclamations by which the Government, in
its own defense, has aimed a death-blow at this gigantic evil, we are
in favor, furthermore, of such an amendment to the Constitution, to
be made by the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall
terminate and forever prohibit the existence of slavery within the
limits or the jurisdiction of the United States.

4. Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to the
soldiers and sailors of the Army and Navy, who have periled their
lives in defense of their country and in vindication of the honor of
its flag; that the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of
their patriotism and their valor, and ample and permanent provision
for those of their survivors who have received disabling and
honorable wounds in the service of the country; and that the memories
of those who have fallen in its defense shall be held in grateful and
everlasting remembrance.

5. Resolved, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the
unselfish patriotism, and the unswerving fidelity to the Constitution
and the principles of American liberty, with which Abraham Lincoln
has discharged under circumstances of unparalleled difficulty the
great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential office; that we
approve and indorse as demanded by the emergency and essential to the
preservation of the nation, and as within the provisions of the
Constitution, the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend
the nation against its open and secret foes; that we approve,
especially, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment as
Union soldiers of men heretofore held in slavery; and that we have
full confidence in his determination to carry these and all other
constitutional measures essential to the salvation of the country
into full and complete effect.

6. Resolved, That we deem it essential to the General welfare that
harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard as
worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who
cordially indorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and
which should characterize the administration of the Government.

7. Resolved, That the Government owes to all men employed in its
armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection
of the laws of war, and that any violation of these laws, or of the
usages of civilized nations in time of war, by the rebels now in
arms, should be made the subject of prompt and full redress.

8. Resolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added
so much to the wealth, development of resources, and increase of
power to this nation, the asylum of the oppressed of all nations,
should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.

9. Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of the
railroad to the Pacific coast.

10. Resolved, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption of
the public debt, must be kept inviolate, and that for this purpose we
recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public
expenditures, and a vigorous and just system of taxation: and that it
is the duty of every loyal State to sustain the credit and promote
the use of the national currency.

11. Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the Government
that the people of the United States can never regard with
indifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow by force
or to supplant by fraud the institutions of any republican government
on the Western Continent, and that they will view with extreme
jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of their own
country, the efforts of any such power to obtain new footholds for
monarchical governments, sustained by foreign military force, in near
proximity to the United States.

REPLY TO A DELEGATION FROM THE NATIONAL UNION LEAGUE,

JUNE 9, 1864.

GENTLEMEN--I can only say in response to the remarks of your
chairman, that I am very grateful for the renewed confidence which
has been accorded to me, both by the convention and by the National
League. I am not insensible at all to the personal compliment there
is in this, yet I do not allow myself to believe that any but a small
portion of it is to be appropriated as a personal compliment to me.
The convention and the nation, I am assured, are alike animated by a
higher view of the interests of the country, for the present and the
great future, and the part I am entitled to appropriate as a
compliment is only that part which I may lay hold of as being the
opinion of the convention and of the League, that I am not entirely
unworthy to be intrusted with the place I have occupied for the last
three years. I have not permitted myself, gentlemen, to conclude
that I am the best man in the country; but I am reminded in this
connection of a story of an old Dutch farmer, who remarked to a
companion once that "it was not best to swap horses when crossing a
stream."

REPLY TO A DELEGATION FROM OHIO,

JUNE 9, 1864.

GENTLEMEN:--I am very much obliged to you for this compliment. I
have just been saying, and will repeat it, that the hardest of all
speeches I have to answer is a serenade. I never know what to say on
these occasions. I suppose that you have done me this kindness in
connection with the action of the Baltimore convention, which has
recently taken place, and with which, of course, I am very well
satisfied. What we want still more than Baltimore conventions, or
Presidential elections, is success under General Grant. I propose
that you constantly bear in mind that the support you owe to the
brave officers and soldiers in the field is of the very first
importance, and we should therefore bend all our energies to that
point. Now without detaining you any longer, I propose that you help
me to close up what I am now saying with three rousing cheers for
General Grant and the officers and soldiers under his command.

ADDRESS TO THE ENVOY FROM
THE HAWAIIAN
ISLANDS,

JUNE 11, 1864.

SIR:--In every light in which the State of the Hawaiian Islands can
be contemplated, it is an object of profound interest for the United
States. Virtually it was once a colony. It is now a near and
intimate neighbor. It is a haven of shelter and refreshment for our
merchants, fishermen, seamen, and other citizens, when on their
lawful occasions they are navigating the eastern seas and oceans.
Its people are free, and its laws, language, and religion are largely
the fruit of our own teaching and example. The distinguished part
which you, Mr. Minister, have acted in the history of that
interesting country, is well known here. It gives me pleasure to
assure you of my sincere desire to do what I can to render now your
sojourn in the United States agreeable to yourself, satisfactory to
your sovereign, and beneficial to the Hawaiian people.

REMARKS TO AN OHIO REGIMENT,

JUNE 11, 1864.

Soldiers! I understand you have just come from Ohio; come to help us
in this the nation's day of trial, and also of its hopes. I thank
you for your promptness in responding to the call for troops. Your
services were never needed more than now. I know not where you are
going. You may stay here and take the places of those who will be
sent to the front, or you may go there yourselves. Wherever you go I
know you will do your best. Again I thank you. Good-by.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL L. THOMAS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 13, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS, Louisville, Kentucky:

Complaint is made to me that in the vicinity of Henderson, our
militia is seizing negroes and carrying them off without their own
consent, and according to no rules whatever, except those of absolute
violence. I wish you would look into this and inform me, and see
that the making soldiers of negroes is done according to the rules
you are acting upon, so that unnecessary provocation and irritation
be avoided.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO THOMAS WEBSTER.
WASHINGTON, D. C., June 13, 1864.

THOMAS WEBSTER, Philadelphia:

Will try to leave here Wednesday afternoon, say at 4 P.M., remain
till Thursday afternoon and then return. This subject to events.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
WASHINGTON, June 15, 1864. 7 A.M.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT,
Headquarters Army of the Potomac:

I have just received your dispatch of 1 P.M. yesterday. I begin to
see it: you will succeed. God bless you all.

A. LINCOLN.

ADDRESS AT A SANITARY FAIR IN PHILADELPHIA,

JUNE 16, 1864.

I suppose that this toast is intended to open the way for me to say
something. War at the best is terrible, and this of ours in its
magnitude and duration is one of the most terrible the world has ever
known. It has deranged business totally in many places, and perhaps
in all. It has destroyed property, destroyed life, and ruined homes.
It has produced a national debt and a degree of taxation
unprecedented in the history of this country. It has caused mourning
among us until the heavens may almost be said to be hung in black.
And yet it continues. It has had accompaniments not before known in
the history of the world. I mean the Sanitary and Christian
Commissions, with their labors for the relief of the soldiers, and
the Volunteer Refreshment Saloons, understood better by those who
hear me than by myself, and these fairs, first begun at Chicago and
next held in Boston, Cincinnati, and other cities. The motive and
object that lie at the bottom of them are worthy of the most that we
can do for the soldier who goes to fight the battles of his country.
>From the fair and tender hand of women is much, very much, done for
the soldier, continually reminding him of the care and thought for
him at home. The knowledge that he is not forgotten is grateful to
his heart. Another view of these institutions is worthy of thought.
They are voluntary contributions, giving proof that the national
resources are not at all exhausted, and that the national patriotism
will sustain us through all. It is a pertinent question, When is
this war to end? I do not wish to name the day when it will end, lest
the end should not come at the given time. We accepted this war, and
did not begin it. We accepted it for an object, and when that object
is accomplished the war will end, and I hope to God that it will
never end until that object is accomplished. We are going through
with our task, so far as I am concerned, if it takes us three years
longer. I have not been in the habit of making predictions, but I am
almost tempted now to hazard one. I will. It is, that Grant is this
evening in a position, with Meade and Hancock, of Pennsylvania,
whence he can never be dislodged by the enemy until Richmond is
taken. If I shall discover that General Grant may be greatly
facilitated in the capture of Richmond by rapidly pouring to him a
large number of armed men at the briefest notice, will you go? Will
you march on with him? [Cries of "Yes, yes."] Then I shall call upon
you when it is necessary.

TO ATTORNEY-GENERAL BATES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Jun. 24, 1864

HONORABLE ATTORNEY-GENERAL.

SIR:--By authority of the Constitution, and moved thereto by the
fourth section of the act of Congress, entitled "An act making
appropriations for the support of the army for the year ending the
thirtieth of June, eighteen hundred and sixty-five, and for other
purposes, approved June is, 1864," I require your opinion in writing
as to what pay, bounty, and clothing are allowed by law to persons of
color who were free on the nineteenth day of April, 1861, and who
have been enlisted and mustered into the military service of the
United States between the month of December, 1862, and the sixteenth
of June, 1864.

Please answer as you would do, on my requirement, if the act of June
15, 1864, had not been passed, and I will so use your opinion as to
satisfy that act.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 24, 1864.

MES. A. LINCOLN, Boston, Massachusetts:
All well and very warm. Tad and I have been to General Grant's army.
Returned yesterday safe and sound.
A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.
WASHINGTON, June 24, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, St. Louis, Missouri:

Complaint is made to me that General Brown does not do his best to
suppress bushwhackers. Please ascertain and report to me.

A. LINCOLN.

LETTER ACCEPTING THE NOMINATION FOR PRESIDENT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, June 27, 1864.

HON. WILLIAM DENNISON AND OTHERS,
a Committee of the Union National Convention.

GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 14th inst.., formally notifying me
that I have been nominated by the convention you represent for the
Presidency of the United States for four years from the 4th of March
next, has been received. The nomination is gratefully accepted, as
the resolutions of the convention, called the platform, are heartily
approved.

While the resolution in regard to the supplanting of republican
government upon the Western Continent is fully concurred in, there
might be misunderstanding were I not to say that the position of the
Government in relation to the action of France in Mexico, as assumed
through the State Department and indorsed by the convention among the
measures and acts of the Executive, will be faithfully maintained so
long as the state of facts shall leave that position pertinent and
applicable.

I am especially gratified that the soldier and seaman were not
forgotten by the convention, as they forever must and will be
remembered by the grateful country for whose salvation they devote
their lives.

Thanking you for the kind and complimentary terms in which you have
communicated the nomination and other proceedings of the convention,
I subscribe myself,

Your obedient servant,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL P. STEELE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, June 29, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE:

I understand that Congress declines to admit to seats the persons
sent as Senators and Representatives from Arkansas. These persons
apprehend that, in consequence, you may not support the new State
government there as you otherwise would. My wish is that you give
that government and the people there the same support and protection
that you would if the members had been admitted, because in no event,
nor in any view of the case, can this do any harm, while it will be
the best you can do toward suppressing the rebellion.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL GRANT.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 29, 1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point:

Dr. Worster wishes to visit you with a view of getting your
permission to introduce into the army "Harmon's Sandal Sock." Shall I
give him a pass for that object?

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO DAVID TOD.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 30, 1864.

HON. DAVID TOD, Youngstown, Ohio:
I have nominated you to be Secretary of the Treasury, in place of
Governor Chase, who has resigned. Please come without a moment's
delay.

A. LINCOLN.

TO J. L. SCRIPPS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, July 4, 1864.

To JOHN L. SCRIPPS, E5Q.

DEAR SIR:--Complaint is made to me that you are using your official
power to defeat Mr. Arnold's nomination to Congress. I am well
satisfied with Mr. Arnold as a member of Congress, and I do not know
that the man who might supplant him would be as satisfactory; but the
correct principle, I think, is that all our friends should have
absolute freedom of choice among our friends. My wish, therefore, is
that you will do just as you think fit with your own suffrage in the
case, and not constrain any of your subordinates to [do] other than
[as] he thinks fit with his. This is precisely the rule I inculcated
and adhered to on my part, when a certain other nomination, now
recently made, was being canvassed for.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO J. W. GARRETT.
WASHINGTON, July 5, 1864.

J. W. GARRETT, President [B. & 0. R. R.], Camden Station:

You say telegraphic communication is re-established with Sandy Hook.
Well, what does Sandy Hook say about operations of enemy and of Sigel
during to-day?

A. LINCOLN.

FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON, July 5, 1864.

HIS EXCELLENCY HORATIO SEYMOUR,
Governor of New York, Albany:

The President directs me to inform you that a rebel force, variously
estimated at from fifteen to twenty thousand men, have invaded the
State of Maryland, and have taken Martinsburg and Harper's Ferry, and
are threatening other points; that the public safety requires him to
call upon the State executives for a militia force to repel this
invasion. He therefore directs me to call on you for a militia force
of twelve thousand men from your State to serve not more than one
hundred days, and to request that you will with the utmost despatch
forward the troops to Washington by rail or steamboat as may be most
expeditious.

Please favor me with an answer at your earliest convenience.

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.

PROCLAMATION
SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS,

JULY 5, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, by a proclamation which was issued on the 15th day of April,
1861, the President of the United States announced and declared that
the laws of the United States had been for some time past, and then
were, opposed and the execution thereof obstructed in certain States
therein mentioned, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by
the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the power vested in
the marshals by law; and

Whereas, immediately after the issuing of the said proclamation the
land and naval forces of the United States were put into activity to
suppress the said insurrections and rebellion; and

Whereas, the Congress of the United States, by an act approved on the
third day of March, 1863, did enact that during the said rebellion
the President of the United States, whenever in his judgment the
public safety may require it, is authorized to suspend the privilege
of the writ of habeas corpus in any case throughout the United
States, or any part thereof; and

Whereas, the said insurrection and rebellion still continue,
endangering the existence of the Constitution and Government of the
United States; and

Whereas, the military forces of the United States are now actively
engaged in suppressing the said insurrection and rebellion in various
parts of the States where the said rebellion has been successful in
obstructing the laws and public authorities, especially in the States
of Virginia and Georgia; and

Whereas, on the fifteenth day of September last, the President of the
United States duly issued his proclamation, wherein he declared that
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus should be suspended
throughout the United States, in Cases whereby the authority of the
President of the United States, the military, naval, and civil
officers of the United States, or any of them, hold persons under
their command or in their custody, either as prisoners of war, spies,
or aiders or abettors of the enemy, or officers, soldiers, or seamen
enrolled or drafted, or mustered, or enlisted in, or belonging to the
land or naval forces of the United States, or as deserters therefrom,
or otherwise amenable to military law, or the rules and articles of
war, or the rules and regulations prescribed for the military and
naval service by authority of the President of the United States, or
for resisting a draft, or for any other offence against the military
or naval service; and

Whereas, many citizens of the State of Kentucky have joined the
forces of the insurgents, who have on several occasions entered the
said State of Kentucky in large force and not without aid and comfort
furnished by disaffected and disloyal citizens of the United States
residing therein, have not only greatly disturbed the public peace
but have overborne the civil authorities and made flagrant civil war,
destroying property and life in various parts of the State; and

Whereas, it has been made known to the President of the United
States, by the officers commanding the National armies, that
combinations have been formed in the said State of Kentucky, with a
purpose of inciting the rebel forces to renew the said operations of
civil war within the said State, and thereby to embarrass the United
States armies now operating in the said States of Virginia and
Georgia, and even to endanger their safety.

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws,
do hereby declare that in my judgment the public safety especially
requires that the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus so proclaimed in the said proclamation of the 15th of
September, 1863, be made effectual and be duly enforced in and
throughout the said State of Kentucky, and that martial law be for
the present declared therein. I do therefore hereby require of the
military officers of the said State that the privilege of the habeas
corpus be effectually suspended within the said State, according to
the aforesaid proclamation, and that martial law be established
therein to take effect from the date of this proclamation, the said
suspension and establishment of martial law to continue until this
proclamation shall be revoked or modified, but not beyond the period
when the said rebellion shall have been suppressed or come to an end.
And I do hereby require and command, as well as military officers,
all civil officers and authorities existing or found within the said
State of Kentucky, to take notice of this proclamation and to give
full effect to the same. The martial laws herein proclaimed and the
things in that respect herein ordered will not be deemed or taken to
interfere with the holding of lawful elections, or with the
proceedings of the constitutional Legislature of Kentucky, or with
the administration of justice in the courts of law existing therein
between citizens of the United States in suits or proceedings which
do not affect the military operations or the constituted authorities
of the government of the United States.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this 5th day of July, in the year of
our Lord 1864, and of the independence of the United States the
eighty-eighth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PRAYER, JULY 7, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, the Senate and House of Representatives at their last
session adopted a concurrent resolution, which was approved on the
second day of July instant, and which `was in the words following,
namely:

That the President of the United States be requested to appoint a day
of humiliation and prayer by the people of the United States, that he
request his constitutional advisers at the head of the Executive
Departments to unite with him, as Chief Magistrate of the nation, at
the City of Washington, and the members of Congress, and all
magistrates, all civil, military, and naval officers, all soldiers,
sailors, and marines, with all loyal and law-abiding people, to
convene at their usual places of worship, or wherever they may be, to
confess and to repent of their manifold sins, to implore the
compassion and forgiveness of the Almighty, that, if consistent with
His will, the existing rebellion may be speedily suppressed, and the
supremacy of the Constitution and laws of the United States may be
established throughout all the States; to implore Him, as the Supreme
Ruler of the world, not to destroy us as a people, nor suffer us to
be destroyed by the hostility or connivance of other nations, or by
obstinate adhesion to our own counsels which may be in conflict with
His eternal, purposes, and to implore Him to enlighten the mind of
the nation to know and do His will, humbly believing that it is in
accordance with His will that our place should be maintained as a
united people among the family of nations; to implore Him to grant to
our armed defenders, and the masses of the people, that courage,
power of resistance, and endurance necessary to secure that result;
to implore Him in His infinite goodness to soften the hearts,
enlighten the minds, and quicken the conscience of those in
rebellion, that they may lay down their arms, and speedily return to
their allegiance to the United States, that they may not be utterly
destroyed, that the effusion of blood may be stayed, and that unity
and fraternity may be restored, and peace established throughout all
our borders.

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the `United States,
cordially concurring with the Congress of the United States, in the
penitential and pious sentiments expressed in the aforesaid
resolutions, and heartily approving of the devotional design and
purpose thereof, do hereby appoint the first Thursday of August next
to be observed by the people of the United States as a day of
national humiliation and prayer.

I do hereby further invite and request the heads of the Executive
Departments of this Government, together with all legislators, all
judges and magistrates, and all other persons exercising authority in
the land, whether civil, military, or naval, and all soldiers,
seamen, and marines in the national service, and all other loyal and
law-abiding people of the United States, to assemble in their
preferred places of public worship on that day, and there to render
to the Almighty and merciful Ruler of the Universe, such homage and
such confessions, and to offer to Him such supplications as the
Congress of the United States have, in their aforesaid resolution, so
solemnly, so earnestly, and so reverently recommended.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington
this seventh day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States
the eighty-ninth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING A BILL "TO GUARANTEE TO CERTAIN STATES, WHOSE
GOVERNMENTS HAVE BEEN USURPED OR OVERTHROWN, A REPUBLICAN FORM OF
GOVERNMENT," AND CONCERNING RECONSTRUCTION,

JULY 8, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

A Proclamation.

Whereas at the late session Congress passed a bill "to guarantee to
certain states whose governments have been usurped or overthrown a
republican form of government," a copy of which is hereunto annexed;
and

Whereas, the said bill was presented to the President of the United
States for his approval less than one hour before the sine die
adjournment of said session, and was not signed by him; and

Whereas the said bill contains, among other things, a plan for
restoring the States in rebellion to their proper practical relation
in the Union, which plan expresses the sense of Congress upon that
subject, and which plan it is now thought fit to lay before the
people for their consideration:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
do proclaim, declare, and make known that while I am (as I was in
December last, when, by proclamation, I propounded a plan for
restoration) unprepared by a formal approval of this bill to be
inflexibly committed to any single plan of restoration, and while I
am also unprepared to declare that the free State constitutions and
governments already adopted and installed in Arkansas and Louisiana
shall be set aside and held for naught, thereby repelling and
discouraging the loyal citizens who have set up the same as to
further effort, or to declare a constitutional competency in Congress
to abolish slavery in States, but am at the same time sincerely
hoping and expecting that a constitutional amendment abolishing
slavery throughout the nation may be adopted, nevertheless I am fully
satisfied with the system for restoration contained in the bill as
one very proper plan for the loyal people of any State choosing to
adopt it, and that I am and at all times shall be prepared to give
the Executive aid and assistance to any such people so soon as the
military resistance to the United States shall have been suppressed
in any such States and the people thereof shall have sufficiently
returned to their obedience to the Constitution and the laws of the
United States, in which cases militia-governors will be appointed
with directions to proceed according to the bill.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed..............

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

TO HORACE GREELEY.

WASHINGTON, D. C.,
July 9, 1864

HON. HORACE GREELEY.

DEAR SIR:--Your letter of the 7th, with inclosures, received.

If you can find any person, anywhere, professing to have any
proposition of Jefferson Davis in writing, for peace, embracing the
restoration of the Union and abandonment of slavery, whatever else it
embraces, say to him he may come to me with you; and that if he
really brings such proposition, he shall at the least have safe
conduct with the paper (and without publicity, if he chooses) to the
point where you shall have to meet him. The same if there be two or
more persons.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO J. W. GARRETT.
WASHINGTON, D. C., July 9, 1864

J. W. GARRETT, Camden Station:

What have you heard about a battle at Monocacy to-day? We have
nothing about it here except what you say.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL HALLECK
TO GENERAL WALLACE.
WASHINGTON, July 9, 1864. 11.57 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL L. WALLACE, Commanding Middle Department:

I am directed by the President to say that you will rally your forces
and make every possible effort to retard the enemy's march on
Baltimore.

H. W. HALLECK, Major-General and Chief of Staff.

TELEGRAM TO T. SWAN AND OTHERS.
WASHINGTON, D. C., July 10, 1864. 9.20 A.M.

THOMAS SWAN AND OTHERS, Baltimore, Maryland:

Yours of last night received. I have not a single soldier but whom
is being disposed by the military for the best protection of all. By
latest accounts the enemy is moving on Washington. They cannot fly
to either place. Let us be vigilant, but keep cool. I hope neither
Baltimore nor Washington will be sacked.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.
WASHINGTON CITY, July TO, 1864.2 P.M.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Your dispatch to General Halleck, referring to what I may think in
the present emergency, is shown me. General Halleck says we have
absolutely no force here fit to go to the field. He thinks that with
the hundred-day men and invalids we have here we can defend
Washington, and, scarcely, Baltimore. Besides these there are about
eight thousand, not very reliable, under Howe, at Harper's Ferry with
Hunter approaching that point very slowly, with what number I suppose
you know better than I. Wallace, with some odds and ends, and part of
what came up with Ricketts, was so badly beaten yesterday at
Monocacy, that what is left can attempt no more than to defend
Baltimore. What we shall get in from Pennsylvania and New York will
scarcely be worth counting, I fear. Now, what I think is, that you
should provide to retain your hold where you are, certainly, and
bring the rest with you personally, and make a vigorous effort to
destroy the enemy's forces in this vicinity. I think there is really
a fair chance to do this, if the movement is prompt. This is what I
think upon your suggestion, and is not an order.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.
WASHINGTON, July 11, 1864. 8 A.M.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Yours of 10.30 P.M. yesterday received, and very satisfactory. The
enemy will learn of Wright's arrival, and then the difficulty will be
to unite Wright and Hunter south of the enemy before he will recross
the Potomac. Some firing between Rockville and here now.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.
WASHINGTON, D. C., July 12, 1864. 11.30 AM.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Vague rumors have been reaching us for two or three days that
Longstreet's corps is also on its way [to] this vicinity. Look out
for its absence from your front.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM AND LETTER TO HORACE GREELEY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 12, 1864.

HON. HORACE GREELEY, New York:

I suppose you received my letter of the 9th. I have just received
yours of the 13th, and am disappointed by it. I was not expecting
you to send me a letter, but to bring me a man, or men. Mr. Hay goes
to you with my answer to yours of the 13th.

A. LINCOLN.

[Carried by Major John Hay.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, JULY 15, 1864.

HON. HORACE GREELEY.

MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 13th is just received, and I am
disappointed that you have not already reached here with those
commissioners, if they would consent to come on being shown my letter
to you of the 9th instant. Show that and this to them, and if they
will come on the terms stated in the former, bring them. I not only
intend a sincere effort for peace, but I intend that you shall be a
personal witness that it is made.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

SAFE CONDUCT FOR CLEMENT C. CLAY AND OTHERS,

JULY 16, 1864.

The President of the United States directs that the four persons
whose names follow, to wit, HON. Clement C. Clay, HON. Jacob
Thompson, Professor James P. Holcombe, George N. Sanders, shall have
safe conduct to the city of Washington in company with the HON.
HORACE GREELEY, and shall be exempt from arrest or annoyance of any
kind from any officer of the United States during their journey to
the said city of Washington.

By order of the President:
JOHN HAY, Major and Assistant Adjutant-General

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
[WASHINGTON] July 17. 1864. 11.25 A.M.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

In your dispatch of yesterday to General Sherman, I find the
following, to wit:

"I shall make a desperate effort to get a position here, which will
hold the enemy without the necessity of so many men."

Pressed as we are by lapse of time I am glad to hear you say this;
and yet I do hope you may find a way that the effort shall not be
desperate in the sense of great loss of life.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
President.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. HUNTER
WASHINGTON JULY 17, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER, Harper's Ferry, West Va.

Yours of this morning received. You misconceive. The order you
complain of was only nominally mine, and was framed by those who
really made it with no thought of making you a scapegoat. It seemed
to be General Grant's wish that the forces under General Wright and
those under you should join and drive at the enemy under General
Wright. Wright had the larger part of the force, but you had the
rank. It was thought that you would prefer Crook's commanding your
part to your serving in person under Wright. That is all of it.
General Grant wishes you to remain in command of the department, and
I do not wish to order otherwise.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864. 11.25 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, Chattahoochee River, Georgia:

I have seen your despatches objecting to agents of Northern States
opening recruiting stations near your camps. An act of Congress
authorizes this, giving the appointment of agents to the States, and
not to the Executive Government. It is not for the War Department,
or myself, to restrain or modify the law, in its execution, further
than actual necessity may require. To be candid, I was for the
passage of the law, not apprehending at the time that it would
produce such inconvenience to the armies in the field as you now
cause me to fear. Many of the States were very anxious for it, and I
hoped that, with their State bounties, and active exertions, they
would get out substantial additions to our colored forces, which,
unlike white recruits, help us where they come from, as well as where
they go to. I still hope advantage from the law; and being a law, it
must be treated as such by all of us. We here will do what we
consistently can to save you from difficulties arising out of it.
May I ask, therefore, that you will give your hearty co-operation.

A. LINCOLN.

ANNOUNCEMENT CONCERNING TERMS OF PEACE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864.

TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:

Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the
integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and
which comes by and with an authority that can control the armies now
at war against the United States, will be received and considered by
the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by
liberal terms on other substantial and collateral points; and the
bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND VOLUNTEERS,

JULY 18, 1864,

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas by the act approved July 4, 1864, entitled "An act further to
regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out the national
forces and for other purposes," it is provided that the President of
the United States may, "at his discretion, at any time hereafter,
call for any number of men, as volunteers for the respective terms of
one, two, and three years for military service," and "that in case
the quota or any part thereof of any town, township, ward of a city,
precinct, or election district, or of a county not so subdivided,
shall not be filled within the space of fifty days after such call,
then the
President shall immediately order a draft for one year to fill such
quota or any part thereof which may be unfilled;" and

Whereas the new enrolment heretofore ordered is so far completed as
that the aforementioned act of Congress may now be put in operation
for recruiting and keeping up the strength of the armies in the
field, for garrisons, and such military operations as may be required
for the purpose of suppressing the rebellion and restoring the
authority of the United States Government in the insurgent States:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
do issue this my last call for five hundred thousand volunteers for
the military service: Provided, nevertheless, That this call shall
be reduced by all credits which may be established under section
eight of the aforesaid act on account of persons who have entered the
naval service during the present rebellion and by credits for men
furnished to the military service in excess of calls heretofore made.
Volunteers will be accepted under this call for one, two, or three
years, as they may elect, and will be entitled to the bounty provided
by the law for the period of services for which they enlist.

And I hereby proclaim, order, and direct that immediately after the
5th day of September, 1864, being fifty days from the date of this
call, a draft for troops to serve for one year shall be had in every
town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or
county not so subdivided, to fill the quota which shall be assigned
to it under this call or any part thereof which may be unfilled by
volunteers on the said 5th day of September, 1864.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this i8th day of July, A.D. 1864, and
of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 20, 1864. 4.30 p.m.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Yours of yesterday, about a call for three hundred thousand, is
received. I suppose you had not seen the call for five hundred
thousand, made the day before, and which, I suppose, covers the case.
Always glad to have your suggestions.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO J. L. WRIGHT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, JULY. 20, 1864.

J. L. WRIGHT, Indianapolis, Ind.:

All a mistake. Mr. Stanton has not resigned.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. HUNTER.
(Cipher.)

WAR DEPARTMENT, JULY 23, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER, Harper's Ferry, West Va.

Are you able to take care of the enemy, when he turns back upon you,
as he probably will on finding that Wright has left?

A. LINCOLN.

TO GOVERNOR CURTIN, ENCLOSING A LETTER TO WILLIAM O. SNIDER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, July 25, 1864.

GOVERNOR CURTIN:

Herewith is the manuscript letter for the gentleman who sent me a
cane through your hands. For my life I cannot make out his name; and
therefore I cut it from his letter and pasted it on, as you see. I
suppose [sic] will remember who he is, and I will thank you to
forward him the letter. He dates his letter at Philadelphia.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, ,July 25, 1864.

WILLIAM O. SNIDER:

The cane you did me the honor to present through Governor Curtin was
duly placed in my hand by him. Please accept my thanks; and, at the
same time, pardon me for not having sooner found time to tender them.
Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

FROM JOHN HAY TO J. C. WELLING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON.
July 25, 1864.

J. C. WELLING, ESQ.

SIR:--According to the request contained in your note, I have placed
Mr. Gibson's letter of resignation in the hands of the President. He
has read the letter, and says he accepts the resignation, as he will
be glad to do with any other, which may be tendered, as this is, for
the purpose of taking an attitude of hostility against him.

He says he was not aware that he was so much indebted to Mr. Gibson
for having accepted the office at first, not remembering that he ever
pressed him to do so, or that he gave it otherwise than as was usual,
upon request made on behalf of Mr. Gibson.

He thanks Mr. Gibson for his acknowledgment that he has been treated
with personal kindness and consideration, and says he knows of but
two small drawbacks upon Mr. Gibson's right to still receive such
treatment, one of which is that he never could learn of his giving
much attention to the duties of his office, and the other is this
studied attempt of Mr. Gibson's to stab him.

I am very truly,

Your obedient servant,

JOHN HAY.

TO COLONEL, FIRST N. Y. VETERAN CAVALRY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, JULY 25, 1864.

Thomas Connor, a private in the First Veteran New York Cavalry, is
now imprisoned at hard labor for desertion. If the Colonel of said
Regiment will say in writing on this sheets that he is willing to
receive him back to the Regiment, I will pardon, and send him.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.
WASHINGTON, July 26, 1864. 2.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, near Atlanta:

I have just seen yours complaining of the appointment of Hovey and
Osterhaus. The point you make is unquestionably a good one, and yet
please hear a word from us. My recollection is that both General
Grant and yourself recommended both H [ovey] and O [sterhaus] for
promotion, and these, with other strong recommendations, drew
committals from us which we could neither honorably or safely
disregard. We blamed H [ovey] for coming away in the manner in which
he did, but he knew he had apparent reason to feel disappointed and
mortified, and we felt it was not best to crush one who certainly had
been a good soldier. As to [Osterhaus], we did not know of his
leaving at the time we made the appointment, and do not now know the
terms on which he left. Not to have appointed him, as the case
appeared to us at the time, would have been almost, if not quite, a
violation of our word. The word was given on what we thought was
high merit and somewhat on his nationality. I beg you to believe we
do not act in a spirit of disregarding merit. We expect to await
your programme for further changes and promotions in your army. My
profoundest thanks to you and your whole army for the present
campaign so far.

A. LINCOLN.

FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL HALLECK.

WASHINGTON CITY,
July 27, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK,
Chief of Staff of the Army:

GENERAL:--Lieutenant-General Grant having signified that, owing to
the difficulties and delay of communication between his headquarters
and Washington, it is necessary that in the present emergency
military orders must be issued directly from Washington, the
President directs me to instruct you that all the military operations
for the defense of the Middle Department, the Department of the
Susquehanna, the Department of Washington, and the Department of West
Virginia, and all the forces in those departments, are placed under
your general command, and that you will be expected to take all
military measures necessary for defense against any attack of the
enemy and for his capture and destruction. You will issue from time
to time such orders to the commanders of the respective departments
and to the military authorities therein as may be proper.

Your obedient servant,

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.
WASHINGTON, July 27, 1864.

GOVERNOR JOHNSON, Nashville, Tennessee:

Yours in relation to General A. C. Gillam just received. Will look
after the matter to-day.

I also received yours about General Carl Schurz. I appreciate him
certainly, as highly as you do; but you can never know until you have
the trial, how difficult it is to find a place for an officer of so
high rank when there is no place seeking him.

A. LINCOLN.

TO Mrs. ANNE WILLIAMSON,

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
July 29, 1864.

Mrs. ANNE WILLIAMSON.

MADAM:--The plaid you send me is just now placed in my hands. I
thank you for that pretty and useful present, but still more for
those good wishes for myself and our country, which prompted you to
present it.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

INDORSEMENT, AUGUST 3, 1864.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON CITY, August 2, 1864.

MR. PRESIDENT:--This note will introduce to you Mr. Schley of
Baltimore, who desires to appeal to you for the revocation of an
order of General Hunter, removing some persons, citizens of
Frederick, beyond his lines, and imprisoning others. This Department
has no information of the reasons or proofs on which General Hunter
acts, and I do not therefore feel at liberty to suspend or interfere
with his action except under your direction.

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

[Indorsement.)

August 3, 1864.

The Secretary of War will suspend the order of General Hunter
mentioned within, until further order and direct him to send to the
Department a brief report of what is known against each one proposed
to be dealt with.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U, S. GRANT.
(Cipher.)

WASHINGTON, D. C.. August 3, 1864

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

I have seen your despatch in which you say, "I want Sheridan put in
command of all the troops in the field, with instructions to put
himself south of the enemy, and follow him to the death. Wherever
the enemy goes, let our troops go also."

This, I think, is exactly right as to how our forces should move; but
please look over the despatches you may have received from here, ever
since you made that order, and discover, if you can, that there is
any idea in the head of any one here of "putting our army south of
the enemy," or of following him to the "death," in any direction. I
repeat to you, it will neither be done nor attempted, unless you
watch it every day and hour, and force it.

A. LINCOLN.

[Here the President was mistaken in thinking that Sherman and Grant
had the same inability of most of his previous general officers. No
one needed to watch Grant or Sherman, they only needed to get out of
their way. D.W.]

TELEGRAM TO HORACE GREELEY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 6, 1864

HON. HORACE GREELEY, New York:

Yours to Major Hay about publication of our correspondence received.
With the suppression of a few passages in your letters in regard to
which I think you and I would not disagree, I should be glad of the
publication. Please come over and see me.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO HORACE GREELEY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 8, 1864

HON. HORACE GREELEY, New York:

I telegraphed you Saturday. Did you receive the despatch? Please
answer.

A. LINCOLN.

ON DISLOYAL FAMILY MEMBER

TO GENERAL S. O. BURBRIDGE.

WASHINGTON, D. C.,
August 8, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL BURBRIDGE, Lexington, Ky.:

Last December Mrs. Emily T. Helm, half-sister of Mrs. Lincoln, and
widow of the rebel general, Ben Hardin Helm, stopped here on her way
from Georgia to Kentucky, and I gave her a paper, as I remember, to
protect her against the mere fact of her being General Helm's widow.
I hear a rumor to-day that you recently sought to arrest her, but
were prevented by her presenting the paper from me. I do not intend
to protect her against the consequences of disloyal words or acts,
spoken or done by her since her return to Kentucky, and if the paper
given her by me can be construed to give her protection for such
words and acts, it is hereby revoked pro tanto. Deal with her for
current conduct just as you would with any other.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
WASHINGTON, D. C., August 14, 1864. 1.30 P.M.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

The Secretary of War and I concur that you had better confer with
General Lee, and stipulate for a mutual discontinuance of house-
burning and other destruction of private property. The time and
manner of conference and particulars of stipulation we leave, on our
part, to your convenience and judgment.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 15,1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, near Atlanta, Ga.:

If the Government should purchase, on its own account, cotton
northward of you, and on the line of your communications, would it be
an inconvenience to you, or detriment to the military service, for it
to come to the north on the railroad?

A. LINCOLN.

INTERVIEW WITH JOHN T. MILLS,

AUGUST [15?], 1864.

Mr. President," said Governor Randall, "why can't you seek seclusion,
and play hermit for a fortnight? It would reinvigorate you."

"Ah," said the President, "two or three weeks would do me no good. I
cannot fly from my thoughts--my solicitude for this great country
follows me wherever I go. I do not think it is personal vanity or
ambition, though I am not free from these infirmities, but I cannot
but feel that the weal or woe of this great nation will be decided in
November. There is no program offered by any wing of the Democratic
party but that must result in the permanent destruction of the Union.

"But, Mr. President, General McClellan is in favor of crushing out
this rebellion by force. He will be the Chicago candidate."

"Sir, the slightest knowledge of arithmetic will prove to any man
that the rebel armies cannot be destroyed by Democratic strategy. It
would sacrifice all the white men of the North to do it. There are
now in the service of the United States nearly one hundred and fifty
thousand able-bodied colored men, most of them under arms, defending
and acquiring Union territory. The Democratic strategy demands that
these forces be disbanded, and that the masters be conciliated by
restoring them to slavery. The black men who now assist Union
prisoners to escape are to be converted into our enemies, in the vain
hope of gaining the good-will of their masters. We shall have to
fight two nations instead of one.

"You cannot conciliate the South if you guarantee to them ultimate
success; and the experience of the present war proves their success
is inevitable if you fling the compulsory labor of millions of black
men into their side of the scale. Will you give our enemies such
military advantages as insure success, and then depend on coaxing,
flattery, and concession to get them back into the Union? Abandon all
the posts now garrisoned by black men, take one hundred and fifty
thousand men from our side and put them in the battle-field or corn-
field against us, and we would be compelled to abandon the war in
three weeks.

"We have to hold territory in inclement and sickly places; where are
the Democrats to do this? It was a free fight, and the field was open
to the war Democrats to put down this rebellion by fighting against
both master and slave, long before the present policy was
inaugurated.

"There have been men base enough to propose to me to return to
slavery the black warriors of Port Hudson and Olustee, and thus win
the respect of the masters they fought. Should I do so, I should
deserve to be damned in time and eternity. Come what will, I will
keep my faith with friend and foe. My enemies pretend I am now
carrying on this war for the sole purpose of abolition. So long as I
am President, it shall be carried on for the sole purpose of
restoring the Union. But no human power can subdue this rebellion
without the use of the emancipation policy, and every other policy
calculated to weaken the moral and physical forces of the rebellion.

"Freedom has given us one hundred and fifty thousand men, raised on
Southern soil. It will give us more yet. Just so much it has
subtracted from the enemy, and, instead of alienating the South,
there are now evidences of a fraternal feeling growing up between our
men and the rank and file of the rebel soldiers. Let my enemies
prove to the country that the destruction of slavery is not necessary
to a restoration of the Union. I will abide the issue."

ENDORSEMENT OF APPLICATION FOR EMPLOYMENT,
AUGUST 15, 1864.

I am always for the man who wishes to work; and I shall be glad for
this man to get suitable employment at Cavalry Depot, or elsewhere

A. LINCOLN.

TO H. J. RAYMOND.

EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, August 15, 1864

HON. HENRY J. RAYMOND.

MY DEAR SIR:--I have proposed to Mr. Greeley that the Niagara
correspondence be published, suppressing only the parts of his
letters over which the red pencil is drawn in the copy which I
herewith send. He declines giving his consent to the publication of
his letters unless these parts be published with the rest. I have
concluded that it is better for me to submit, for the time, to the
consequences of the false position in which I consider he has placed
me, than to subject the country to the consequences of publishing
these discouraging and injurious parts. I send you this, and the
accompanying copy, not for publication, but merely to explain to you,
and that you may preserve them until their proper time shall come.

Yours truly,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 17, 1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

I have seen your despatch expressing your unwillingness to break your
hold where you are. Neither am I willing. Hold on with a bulldog
grip, and chew and choke as much as possible.

A. LINCOLN.

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS,
AUGUST 18, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas the act of Congress of the 28th of September, 1850, entitled
"An act to create additional collection districts in the State of
California, and to change the existing districts therein, and to
modify the existing collection districts in the United States,"
extends to merchandise warehoused under bond the privilege of being
exported to the British North American provinces adjoining the United
States, in the manner prescribed in the act of Congress of the 3d of
March, 1845, which designates certain frontier ports through which
merchandise may be exported, and further provides "that such other
ports, situated on the frontiers of the United States adjoining the
British North American provinces, as may hereafter be found
expedient, may have extended to them the like privileges, on the
recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury, and proclamation
duly made by the President of the United States, specially
designating the ports to which the aforesaid privileges are to be
extended."

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of
America, in accordance with the recommendation of the Secretary of
the Treasury, do hereby declare and proclaim that the port of
Newport, in the State of Vermont, is and shall be entitled to all the
privileges in regard to the exportation of merchandise in bond to the
British North American provinces adjoining the United States, which
are extended to the ports enumerated in the seventh section of the
act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1845, aforesaid, from and after
the date of this proclamation.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington,
this eighteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United
States of America, the eighty-ninth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

INDORSEMENT CONCERNING AN EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS, AUGUST 18, 1864.

If General Hitchcock can effect a special exchange of Thomas D.
Armesy, now under conviction as a spy, or something of the sort, and
in prison at for Major Nathan Goff, made a prisoner of war, and now
in prison at Richmond, let it be done.

A. LINCOLN.

ADDRESS TO THE 164TH OHIO REGIMENT,

AUGUST 18, 1864.

SOLDIERS:--You are about to return to your homes and your friends,
after having, as I learn, performed in camp a comparatively short
term of duty in this great contest. I am greatly obliged to you, and
to all who have come forward at the call of their country. I wish it
might be more generally and universally understood what the country
is now engaged in. We have, as all will agree, a free government,
where every man has a right to be equal with every other man. In
this great struggle, this form of government and every form of human
right is endangered if our enemies succeed. There is more involved
in this contest than is realized by every one. There is involved in
this struggle, the question whether your children and my children
shall enjoy the privileges we have enjoyed. I say this, in order to
impress upon you, if you are not already so impressed, that no small
matter should divert us from our great purpose.

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