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The Entire Writings of Lincoln by Abraham Lincoln

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ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

ORDER FOR A DRAFT OF FIVE HUNDRED
THOUSAND MEN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
February 1, 1864.

Ordered, That a draft of five hundred thousand (500,000) men, to
serve for three years or during the war, be made on the tenth (10th)
day of March next, for the military service of the United States,
crediting and deducting therefrom so many as may have been enlisted
or drafted into the service prior to the first (1st) day of March,
and not before credited.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR YATES.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1864.

GOVERNOR YATES, Springfield, Ill.:

The United States Government lot in Springfield can be used for a
soldiers' home, with the understanding that the Government does not
incur any expense
in the case.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MURPHY.
WASHINGTON, February 6, 1864.

GOVERNOR J. MURPHY:

My order to General Steele about an election was made in ignorance of
the action your convention had taken or would take. A subsequent
letter directs General Steele to aid you on your own plan, and not to
thwart or hinder you. Show this to him.

A. LINCOLN.

THE STORY OF THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION

TOLD BY THE PRESIDENT,
TO THE ARTIST F. B. CARPENTER,
FEBRUARY 6, 1864.

It had got to be," said Mr. Lincoln, "midsummer, 1862. Things had
gone on from bad to worse, until I felt that we had reached the end
of our rope on the plan of operations we had been pursuing; that we
had about played our last card, and must change our tactics, or lose
the game. I now determined upon the adoption of the emancipation
policy; and without consultation with, or the knowledge of, the
Cabinet, I prepared the original draft of the proclamation, and,
after much anxious thought, called a Cabinet meeting upon the
subject. This was the last of July or the first part of the month of
August, 1862. [The exact date was July 22, 1862.] . . . All
were present excepting Mr. Blair, the Postmaster-General, who was
absent at the opening of the discussion, but came in subsequently. I
said to the Cabinet that I had resolved upon this step, and had not
called them together to ask their advice, but to lay the subject-
matter of a proclamation before them, suggestions as to which would
be in order after they had heard it read. Mr. Lovejoy was in error
when he informed you that it excited no comment excepting on the part
of Secretary Seward. Various suggestions were offered. Secretary
Chase wished the language stronger in reference to the arming of the
blacks.

"Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the policy on the ground
that it would cost the administration the fall elections. Nothing,
however, was offered that I had not already fully anticipated and
settled in my mind, until Secretary Seward spoke. He said in
substance, 'Mr. President, I approve of the proclamation, but I
question the expediency of its issue at this juncture. The
depression of the public mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses,
is so great that I fear the effect of so important a step. It may be
viewed as the last measure of an exhausted government, a cry for
help; the government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead
of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the government.' His
idea," said the President, "was that it would be considered our last
shriek on the retreat. [This was his precise expression.] 'Now,'
continued Mr. Seward, 'while I approve the measure, I suggest, sir,
that you postpone its issue until you can give it to the country
supported by military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the
case now, upon the greatest disasters of the war.' "Mr. Lincoln
continued "The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of State struck me
with very great force. It was an aspect of the case that, in all my
thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked. The result was
that I put the draft of the proclamation aside, as you do your sketch
for a picture, waiting for a victory.

"From time to time I added or changed a line, touching it up here and
there, anxiously watching the process of events. Well, the next news
we had was of Pope's disaster at Bull Run. Things looked darker than
ever. Finally came the week of the battle of Antietam. I determined
to wait no longer. The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the
advantage was on our side. I was then staying at the Soldiers' Home
[three miles out of Washington]. Here I finished writing the second
draft of the preliminary proclamation; came up on Saturday; called
the Cabinet together to hear it, and it was published on the
following Monday."

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SEDGWICK.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 11, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SEDGWICK, Army of Potomac:

Unless there be some strong reason to the contrary, please send
General Kilpatrick to us here, for two or three days.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO HORACE MAYNARD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, February 13, 1864.

HON. HORACE MAYNARD, Nashville, Tenn.:

Your letter of [the] second received. Of course Governor Johnson
will proceed with reorganization as the exigencies of the case appear
to him to require. I do not apprehend he will think it necessary to
deviate from my views to any ruinous extent. On one hasty reading I
see no such deviation in his program, which you send.

A. LINCOLN.

TO W. M. FISHBACK.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON, February 17, 1864.

WILLIAM M. FISHBACK, Little Rock, Arkansas:

When I fixed a plan for an election in Arkansas I did it in ignorance
that your convention was doing the same work. Since I learned the
latter fact I have been constantly trying to yield my plan to them.
I have sent two letters to General Steele, and three or four
despatches to you and others, saying that he, General Steele, must be
master, but that it will probably be best for him to merely help the
convention on its own plan. Some single mind must be master, else
there will be no agreement in anything, and General Steele,
commanding the military and being on the ground, is the best man to
be that master. Even now citizens are telegraphing me to postpone
the election to a later day than either that fixed by the convention
or by me. This discord must be silenced.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL STEELE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 17, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE, Little Rock, Arkansas:

The day fixed by the convention for the election is probably the
best, but you on the ground, and in consultation with gentlemen
there, are to decide. I should have fixed no day for an election,
presented no plan for reconstruction, had I known the convention was
doing the same things. It is probably best that you merely assist
the convention on their own plan, as to election day and all other
matters I have already written and telegraphed this half a dozen
times.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO A. ROBINSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, February 18, 1864.

A. ROBINSON, Leroy, N. Y.:

The law only obliges us to keep accounts with States, or at most
Congressional Districts, and it would overwhelm us to attempt in
counties, cities and towns. Nevertheless we do what we can to oblige
in particular cases. In this view I send your dispatch to the
Provost-Marshal General, asking him to do the best he can for you.

A. LINCOLN.

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING BLOCKADE,
FEBRUARY 18, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

A Proclamation.

Whereas, by my proclamation of the nineteenth of April, one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-one, the ports of the States of South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and
Texas were, for reasons therein set forth, placed under blockade; and
whereas, the port of Brownsville, in the district of Brazos Santiago,
in the State of Texas, has since been blockaded, but as the blockade
of said port may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the
interests of commerce:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth
section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July, 1861,
entitled " An act further to provide for the collection of duties on
imports, and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade
of the said port of Brownsville shall so far cease and determine from
and after this date, that commercial intercourse with said port,
except as to persons, things, and information hereinafter specified,
may, from this date, be carried on, subject to the laws of the United
States, to the regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the
Treasury, and, until the rebellion shall have been suppressed, to
such orders as may be promulgated by the general commanding the
department, or by an officer duly authorized by him and commanding at
said port. This proclamation does not authorize or allow the
shipment or conveyance of persons in, or intending to enter, the
service of the insurgents, or of things or information intended for
their use, or for their aid or comfort, nor, except upon the
permission of the Secretary of War, or of some officer duly
authorized by him, of the following prohibited articles, namely:
cannon, mortars, firearms, pistols, bombs, grenades, powder,
saltpeter, sulphur, balls, bullets, pikes, swords, boarding-caps
(always excepting the quantity of the said articles which may be
necessary for the defense of the ship and those who compose the
crew), saddles, bridles, cartridge-bag material, percussion and other
caps, clothing adapted for uniforms; sail-cloth of all kinds, hemp
and cordage, intoxicating drinks other than beer and light native
wines.

To vessels clearing from foreign ports and destined to the port of
Brownsville, opened by this proclamation, licenses will be granted by
consuls of the United States upon satisfactory evidence that the
vessel so licensed will convey no persons, property, or information
excepted or prohibited above, either to or from the said port; which
licenses shall be exhibited to the collector of said port immediately
on arrival, and, if required, to any officer in charge of the
blockade, and on leaving said port every vessel will be required to
have a clearance from the collector of the customs, according to law,
showing no violation of the conditions of the license. Any violations
of said conditions will involve the forfeiture and condemnation of
the vessel and cargo, and the exclusion of all parties concerned from
any further privilege of entering the United States during the war
for any purpose whatever.

In all respects, except as herein specified, the existing blockade
remains in full force and effect as hitherto established and
maintained, nor is it relaxed by this proclamation except in regard
to the port to which relaxation is or has been expressly applied.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington,
this eighteenth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United
States the eighty-eighth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

TELEGRAM TO COMMANDER BLAKE.
EXECUTIVE, MANSION, February 19, 1864.

COMMANDER GEORGE S. BLAKE,
Commandant Naval Academy, Newport, R. I.:

I desire the case of Midshipman C. Lyon re-examined and if not
clearly inconsistent I shall be much obliged to have the
recommendation changed.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM FROM WARREN JORDAN.
NASHVILLE, February 20, 1864.

HON. W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C.:

In county and State elections, must citizens of Tennessee take the
oath prescribed by Governor Johnson, or will the President's oath of
amnesty entitle them to vote? I have been appointed to hold the March
election in Cheatham County, and wish to act understandingly.

WARREN JORDAN.

WASHINGTON, February 20, 1864.

WARREN JORDAN, NASHVILLE:

In county elections you had better stand by Governor Johnson's plan;
otherwise you will have conflict and confusion. I have seen his
plan.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON, D. C., February 22, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Saint LOUIS, MO.:

Colonel Sanderson will be ordered to you to-day, a mere omission that
it was not done before. The other questions in your despatch I am not
yet prepared to answer.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL STEELE.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON, D. C., February 22, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE, Little Rock, Ark.:

Yours of yesterday received. Your conference with citizens approved.
Let the election be on the i4th of March as they agreed.

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL F. STEELE.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON, February 25, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE, Little Rock, Arkansas:

General Sickles is not going to Arkansas. He probably will make a
tour down the Mississippi and home by the gulf and ocean, but he will
not meddle in your affairs.

At one time I did intend to have him call on you and explain more
fully than I could do by letter or telegraph, so as to avoid a
difficulty coming of my having made a plan here, while the convention
made one there, for reorganizing Arkansas; but even his doing that
has been given up for more than two weeks. Please show this to
Governor Murphy to save me telegraphing him.

A. LINCOLN.

DESERTERS DEATH SENTENCES REMITTED

GENERAL ORDERS, NO.76.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
ADJUTANT-GENERALS OFFICE,

WASHINGTON, February 26, 1864.

Sentence of Deserters.

The President directs that the sentences of all deserters who have
been condemned by court-martial to death, and that have not been
otherwise acted upon by him, be mitigated to imprisonment during the
war at the Dry Tortugas, Florida, where they will be sent under
suitable guards by orders from army commanders.

The commanding generals, who have power to act on proceedings of
courts-martial in such cases, are authorized in special cases to
restore to duty deserters under sentence, when in their judgment the
service will be thereby benefited.

Copies of all orders issued under the foregoing instructions will be
immediately forwarded to the Adjutant-General and to the Judge-
Advocate General.

By order of the Secretary of War:
B. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General

FEMALE SPY

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 26, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort. Monroe, Va.:

I cannot remember at whose request it was that I gave the pass to
Mrs. Bulky. Of course detain her, if the evidence of her being a spy
is strong against her.

A. LINCOLN.

TO W. JAYNE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, February 26, 1864.

HON. W. JAYNE.

DEAR SIR--I dislike to make changes in office so long as they can be
avoided. It multiplies my embarrassments immensely. I dislike two
appointments when one will do. Send me the name of some man not the
present marshal, and I will nominate him to be Provost-Marshal for
Dakota.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO E. H. EAST.

WASHINGTON, February 27, 1864.

HON. E. H: EAST, Secretary of State, Nashville, Tennessee

Your telegram of the twenty-sixth instant asking for a copy of my
despatch to Warren Jordan, Esq., at Nashville Press office, has just
been referred to me by Governor Johnson. In my reply to Mr. Jordan,
which was brief and hurried, I intended to say that in the county and
State elections of Tennessee, the oath prescribed in the proclamation
of Governor Johnson on the twenty-sixth of January, 1864, ordering an
election in Tennessee on the first Saturday in March next, is
entirely satisfactory to me as a test of loyalty of all persons
proposing or offering to vote in said elections; and coming from him
would better be observed and followed. There is no conflict between
the oath of amnesty in my proclamation of eighth December, 1863, and
that prescribed by Governor Johnson in his proclamation of the
twenty-sixth ultimo.

No person who has taken the oath of amnesty of eighth December, 1863,
and obtained a pardon thereby, and who intends to observe the same in
good faith, should have any objection to taking that prescribed by
Governor Johnson as a test of loyalty.

I have seen and examined Governor Johnson's proclamation, and am
entirely satisfied with his plan, which is to restore the State
government and place it under the control of citizens truly loyal to
the Government of the United States.

A. LINCOLN.

Please send above to Governor Johnson.
A. L.

TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, February 27, 1864

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

SIR:--You ask some instructions from me in relation to the Report of
Special Commission constituted by an order of the War Department,
dated December 5, 1863, "to revise the enrolment and quotas of the
City and State of New York, and report whether there be any, and
what, errors or irregularities therein, and what corrections, if any,
should be made."

In the correspondence between the Governor of New York and myself
last summer, I understood him to complain that the enrolments in
several of the districts of that State had been neither accurately
nor honestly made; and in view of this, I, for the draft then
immediately ensuing, ordered an arbitrary reduction of the quotas in
several of the districts wherein they seemed too large, and said:
"After this drawing, these four districts, and also the seventeenth
and twenty-ninth, shall be carefully re-enrolled, and, if you please,
agents of yours may witness every step of the process." In a
subsequent letter I believe some additional districts were put into
the list of those to be re-enrolled. My idea was to do the work over
according to the law, in presence of the complaining party, and
thereby to correct anything which might be found amiss. The
commission, whose work I am considering, seem to have proceeded upon
a totally different idea. Not going forth to find men at all, they
have proceeded altogether upon paper examinations and mental
processes. One of their conclusions, as I understand, is that, as
the law stands, and attempting to follow it, the enrolling officers
could not have made the enrolments much more accurately than they
did. The report on this point might be useful to Congress. The
commission conclude that the quotas for the draft should be based
upon entire population, and they proceed upon this basis to give a
table for the State of New York, in which some districts are reduced
and some increased. For the now ensuing draft, let the quotas stand
as made by the enrolling officers, in the districts wherein this
table requires them to be increased; and let them be reduced
according to the table in the others: this to be no precedent for
subsequent action. But, as I think this report may, on full
consideration, be shown to have much that is valuable in it, I
suggest that such consideration be given it, and that it be
especially considered whether its suggestions can be conformed to
without an alteration of the law.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL THOMAS.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 28, 1864.

GENERAL L. THOMAS, Louisville, Kentucky:

I see your despatch of yesterday to the Secretary of War.

I wish you would go to the Mississippi River at once, and take hold
of and be master in the contraband and leasing business. You
understand it better than any other man does. Mr. Miller's system
doubtless is well intended, but from what I hear I fear that, if
persisted in, it would fall dead within its own entangling details.
Go there and be the judge. A Mr. Lewis will probably follow you with
something from me on this subject, but do not wait for him. Nor is
this to induce you to violate or neglect any military order from the
General-in-Chief or Secretary of War.

A. LINCOLN.

TO SECRETARY CHASE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, February 29, 1864.

HON. SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

MY DEAR SIR:--I would have taken time to answer yours of the 22d
inst. sooner, only that I did not suppose any evil could result from
the delay, especially as, by a note, I promptly acknowledged the
receipt of yours, and promised a fuller answer. Now, on
consideration I find there is really very little to say. My
knowledge of Mr. Pomeroy's letter having been made public came to me
only the day you wrote; but I had, in spite of myself, known of its
existence several days before. I have not yet read it, and I think I
shall not. I was not shocked or surprised by the appearance of the
letter, because I had had knowledge of Mr. Pomeroy's committee, and
of secret issues which, I supposed, came from it, and of secret
agents who, I supposed, were sent out by it for several weeks. I
have known just as little a these things as my friends have allowed
me to know. They bring the documents to me, but I do not read them;
they tell me what they think fit to tell me, but I do not inquire for
more.

I fully concur with you that neither of us can justly be held
responsible for what our respective friends may do without our
instigation or countenance and I assure you, as you have assured me,
that no assault has been made upon you by my instigation, or with my
countenance.

Whether you shall remain at the head of the Treasury Department is a
question which I will not allow myself to consider from any
standpoint other than my judgment of the public service, and, in that
view, I do not perceive occasion for a change.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL THOMAS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, March 1,1864.

GENERAL L. THOMAS:

This introduces Mr. Lewis, mentioned in my despatch sent you at
Louisville some days ago. I have but little personal acquaintance
with him; but he has the confidence of several members of Congress
here who seem to know him well. He hopes to be useful, without
charge to the government, in facilitating the introduction of the
free-labor system on the Mississippi plantations. He is acquainted
with, and has access to, many of the planters who wish to adopt the
system. He will show you two letters of mine on this subject, one
somewhat General, and the other relating to named persons; they are
not different in principle. He will also show you some suggestions
coming from some of the planters themselves. I desire that all I
promise in these letters, so far as practicable, may be in good faith
carried out, and that suggestions from the planters may be heard and
adopted, so far as they may not contravene the principles stated, nor
justice, nor fairness, to laborers. I do not herein intend to
overrule your own mature judgment on any point.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL STEELE.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON, D. C., March 3, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE, Little Rock, Ark.:

Yours including address to people of Arkansas is received. I approve
the address and thank you for it. Yours in relation to William M.
Randolph also received. Let him take the oath of December 8,
and go to work for the new constitution, and on your notifying me of
it, I will immediately issue the special pardon for him.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 4,1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Admiral Dahlgren is here, and of course is very anxious about his
son. Please send me at once all you know or can learn of his fate.

A. LINCOLN.

ORDER IN REGARD TO THE EXPORTATION OF TOBACCO BELONGING TO THE FRENCH
GOVERNMENT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, March 7, 1864.

Whereas, by an Executive order of the 10th of November last
permission was given to export certain tobacco belonging to the
French government from insurgent territory, which tobacco was
supposed to have been purchased and paid for prior to the 4th day of
March, 1861; but whereas it was subsequently ascertained that a part
at least of the said tobacco had been purchased subsequently to that
date, which fact made it necessary to suspend the carrying into
effect of the said order; but whereas, pursuant to mutual
explanations, a satisfactory understanding upon the subject has now
been reached, it is directed that the order aforesaid may be carried
into effect, it being understood that the quantity of French tobacco
so to be exported shall not exceed seven thousand hogsheads, and that
it is the same tobacco respecting the exportation of which
application Was originally made by the French government.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO UNITED STATES MARSHAL, LOUISVILLE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 7, 1864.

U.S. MARSHAL, Louisville, Ky.:

Until further order suspend sale of property and further proceedings
in cases of the United States against Dr. John B. English, and S. S.
English, qt al., sureties for John L. Hill. Also same against same
sureties for Thomas A. Ireland.

A. LINCOLN.

MAJOR ECKERT:
Please send the above dispatch.
JNO. G. NICOLAY, Private Secretary

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 9, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

New York City votes ninety-five hundred majority for allowing
soldiers to vote, and the rest of the State nearly all on the same
side. Tell the soldiers.

A. LINCOLN.

MESSAGE TO SENATE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 9, 1864.

TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 1st instant,
respecting the points of commencement of the Union Pacific Railroad,
on the one hundredth degree of west longitude, and of the branch
road, from the western boundary of Iowa to the said one hundredth
degree of longitude, I transmit the accompanying report from the
Secretary of the Interior, containing the information called for.

I deem it proper to add that on the 17th day of November last an
Executive order was made upon this subject and delivered to the vice-
president of the Union Pacific Railroad Company, which fixed the
point on the western boundary of the State of Iowa from which the
company should construct their branch road to the one hundredth
degree of west longitude, and declared it to be within the limits of
the township in Iowa opposite the town of Omaha, in Nebraska. Since
then the company has represented to me that upon actual surveys made
it has determined upon the precise point of departure of their said
branch road from the Missouri River, and located the same as
described in the accompanying report of the Secretary of the
Interior, which point is within the limits designated in the order of
November last; and inasmuch as that order is not of record in any of
the Executive Departments, and the company having desired a more
definite one, I have made the order of which a copy is herewith, and
caused the same to be filed in the Department of the Interior.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

ADDRESS TO GENERAL GRANT,

MARCH 9, 1864.

GENERAL GRANT:--The expression of the nation's approbation of what
you have already done, and its reliance on you for what remains to do
in the existing great struggle, is now presented with this commission
constituting you Lieutenant-General of the Army of the United States.

With this high honor, devolves on you an additional responsibility.
As the country herein trusts you, so, under God, it win sustain you.
I scarcely need add, that with what I here speak for the country,
goes my own hearty personal concurrence.

GENERAL GRANT'S REPLY.

Mr. PRESIDENT:--I accept this commission, with gratitude for the high
honor conferred.

With the aid of the noble armies that have fought on so many fields
for our common country, it will be my earnest endeavor not to
disappoint your expectations.

I feel the full weight of the responsibilities now devolving on me,
and I know that if they are met, it will be due to those armies; and
above all, to the favor of that Providence which leads both nations
and men.

ORDER ASSIGNING U. S. GRANT TO THE COMMAND OF
THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, D. C., March 10, 1864.

Under the authority of an act of Congress to revive the grade of
lieutenant-General in the United States Army, approved February 29,
1864, Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, United States Army, is
assigned to the command of the Armies of the United States.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MURPHY.

WASHINGTON, D. C., March 12, 1864.
GOVERNOR MURPHY, Little Rock, Arkansas:

I am not appointing officers for Arkansas now, and I will try to
remember your request. Do your. best to get out the largest vote
possible, and of course as much of it as possible on the right side.

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL HAHN.
(Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 13, 1864

HON. MICHAEL HAHN.

MY DEAR SIR:--I congratulate you on having fixed your name in history
as the first free-state governor of Louisiana. Now, you are about to
have a convention, which among other things will probably define the
elective franchise. I barely suggest for your private consideration,
whether some of the colored people may not be let in,--as, for
instance, the very intelligent, and especially those who have fought
gallantly in our ranks. They would probably help, in some trying
time to come, to keep the jewel of liberty within the family of
freedom. But this is only a suggestion,--not to the public, but to
you alone.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

CALL FOR TWO HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, MARCH 14, 1864.

In order to supply the force required to be drafted for the Navy and
to provide an adequate reserve force for all contingencies, in
addition to the five hundred thousand men called for February 1,
1864, a call is hereby made and a draft ordered for two hundred
thousand men for the military service (Army, Navy, and Marine Corps)
of the United States.

The proportional quotas for the different wards, towns, townships,
precincts, or election districts, or counties, will be made known
through the Provost Marshal-General's Bureau, and account will be
taken of the credits and deficiencies on former quotas.

The 15th day of April, 1864, is designated as the time up to which
the numbers required from each ward of a city, town, etc., may be
raised by voluntary enlistment, and drafts will be made in each ward
of a city, town, etc., which shall not have filled the quota assigned
to it within the time designated for the number required to fill said
quotas. The drafts will be commenced as soon after the 15th of April
as practicable.

The Government bounties as now paid continue until April I, 1864, at
which time the additional bounties cease. On and after that date
one hundred dollars bounty only will be paid, as provided by the act
approved July 22, 1861.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
(Private.)
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 15, 1864

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, Nashville, Tenn.:

General McPherson having been assigned to the command of a
department, could not General Frank Blair, without difficulty or
detriment to the service, be assigned to command the Corps he
commanded a while last autumn?

A. LINCOLN.

PASS FOR GENERAL D. E. SICKLES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 15, 1864.

WHOM IT MAY CONCERN

Major-General Sickles is making a tour for me from here by way of
Cairo, New Orleans, and returning by the gulf, and ocean, and all
land and naval officers and, employees are directed to furnish
reasonable transportation and other reasonable facilities to himself
and personal staff not inconsistent with the public service.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

ORDER TO GOVERNOR HAHN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 15, 1864.

HIS EXCELLENCY MICHAEL HAHN, Governor of Louisiana

Until further order, you are hereby invested with the powers
exercised hitherto by the military governor of Louisiana.

Yours truly,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

REMARKS AT A FAIR IN THE PATENT OFFICE,

WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1864.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:

I appear to say but a word. This extraordinary war in which we are
engaged falls heavily upon all classes of people but the most heavily
upon the soldier. For it has been said, "All that a man hath will he
give for his life;" and while all contribute of their substance, the
soldier puts his life at stake, and often yields it up in his
country's cause. The highest merit, then, is due to the soldier.

In this extraordinary war, extraordinary developments have manifested
themselves, such as have not been seen in former wars; and among
these manifestations nothing has been more remarkable than these
fairs for the relief of suffering soldiers and their families. And
the chief agents of these fairs are the women of America.

I am not accustomed to the use of language of eulogy: I have never
studied the art of paying compliments to women; but I must say, that
if all that has been said by orators and poets since the creation of
the world in praise of women were applied to the women of America, it
would not do them justice for their conduct during this war. I will
close by saying, God bless the women of America.

REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM
THE WORKINGMEN'S ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK,

MARCH 21, 1864.

GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:

The honorary membership in your association, as generously tendered,
is gratefully accepted.

You comprehend, as your address shows, that the existing rebellion
means more and tends to do more than the perpetuation of African
slavery--that it is, in fact, a war upon the rights of all working
people. Partly to show that this view has not escaped my attention,
and partly that I cannot better express myself, I read a passage from
the message to Congress in December, 1861:

"It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not
exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government,
the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in
the most grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as
in the General tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find
the abridgment of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to
the people of all right to participate in the selection of public
officers, except the legislature, boldly advocated, with labored
argument to prove that large control of the people in government is
the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes
hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. In my
present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising
a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.

"It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a General argument should
be made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point,
with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask
a brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal
footing, if not above labor, in the structure of government. It is
assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital; that
nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the
use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next considered
whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce
them to work by their own consent or buy them, and drive them to it
without their consent. Having proceeded so it is naturally concluded
that all laborers are either hired laborers, or what we call slaves.
And, further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer, is
fixed in that condition for life. Now there is no such relation
between capital and labor as assumed, nor is there any such thing as
a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired laborer.
Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them are
groundless.

"Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the
fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first
existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the
higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of
protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and
probably always will be, a relation between capital and labor,
producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole
labor of a community exists within that relation. A few men own
capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and, with their
capital, hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority
belong to neither class--neither work for others, nor have others
working for them. In most of the Southern States, a majority of the
whole people, of all colors, are neither slaves nor masters; while in
the Northern, a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men
with their families, wives, sons, and daughters--work for themselves,
on their farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole
product to themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the one
hand, nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not
forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their own
labor with capital; that is, they labor with their own hands, and
also buy or hire others to labor for them, but this is only a mixed
and not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the
existence of this mixed class.

Again, as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such
thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for
life. Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years
back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent penniless
beginner in the world labors for wages a while, saves a surplus with
which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own
account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to
help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system which
opens the way to all--gives hope to all, and consequent energy and
progress, and improvement of condition to all. No men living are
more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty--none
less inclined to touch or take aught which they have not honestly
earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power they
already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to
close the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix new
disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall be
lost."

The views then expressed remain unchanged, nor have I much to add.
None are so deeply interested to resist the present rebellion as the
working people. Let them beware of prejudices, working division and
hostility among themselves. The most notable feature of a
disturbance in your city last summer was the hanging of some working
people by other working people. It should never be so. The
strongest bond of human sympathy, outside of the family relation,
should be one uniting all working people, of all nations, and
tongues, and kindreds. Nor should this lead to a war upon property,
or the owners of property. Property is the fruit of labor; property
is desirable; is a positive good in the world. That some should be
rich shows that others may become rich, and, hence, is just
encouragement to industry and enterprise. Let not him who is
houseless pull down the house of another, but let him labor
diligently and build one for himself, thus by example assuring that
his own shall be safe from violence when built.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 22, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Hon. W. R. Morrison says he has requested you by letter to effect a
special exchange of Lieut. Col. A. F. Rogers, of Eightieth Illinois
Volunteers, now in Libby Prison, and I shall be glad if you can
effect it.

A. LINCOLN.

CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL C. SCHURZ.
( Private.)

WASHINGTON, March 13, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHURZ.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of February 29 reached me only four days ago; but
the delay was of little consequence, because I found, on feeling
around, I could not invite you here without a difficulty which at
least would be unpleasant, and perhaps would be detrimental to the
public service. Allow me to suggest that if you wish to remain in
the military service, it is very dangerous for you to get temporarily
out of it; because, with a major-general once out, it is next to
impossible for even the President to get him in again. With my
appreciation of your ability and correct principle, of course I would
be very glad to have your service for the country in the approaching
political canvass; but I fear we cannot properly have it without
separating you from the military.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

PROCLAMATION ABOUT AMNESTY,
MARCH 26, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, it has become necessary to define the cases in which
insurgent enemies are entitled to the benefits of the Proclamation of
the President of the United States, which was made on the 8th day of
December, 1863, and the manner in which they shall proceed to avail
themselves of these benefits; and whereas the objects of that
Proclamation were to suppress the insurrection and to restore the
authority of the United States; and whereas the amnesty therein
proposed by the President was offered with reference to these objects
alone:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
do hereby proclaim and declare that the said Proclamation does not
apply to the cases of persons who, at the time when they seek to
obtain the benefits thereof by taking the oath thereby prescribed,
are in military, naval, or civil confinement or custody, or under
bonds, or on parole of the civil, military, or naval authorities, or
agents of the United States, as prisoners of war, or persons detained
for offences of any kind, either before or after conviction; and that
on the contrary it does apply only to those persons who, being yet at
large, and free from any arrest, confinement, or duress, shall
voluntarily come forward and take the said oath, with the purpose of
restoring peace, and establishing the national authority.

Persons excluded from the amnesty offered in the said Proclamation
may apply to the President for clemency, like all other offenders,
and their application will receive due consideration.

I do further declare and proclaim that the oath presented in the
aforesaid proclamation of the 8th of December, 1863, may be taken and
subscribed before any commissioned officer, civil, military, or
naval, in the service of the United States, or any civil or military
officer of a State or Territory not in insurrection, who, by the laws
thereof, may be qualified for administering oaths.

All officers who receive such oaths are hereby authorized to give
certificates thereof to the persons respectively by whom they are
made, and such officers are hereby required to transmit the original
records of such oaths, at as early a day as may be convenient, to the
Department of State, where they will be deposited, and remain in the
archives of the Government.

The Secretary of State will keep a registry thereof, and will, on
application, in proper cases, issue certificates of such records in
the customary form of official certificates.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed............

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 28, 1864.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

MY DEAR SIR:--The Governor of Kentucky is here, and desires to have
the following points definitely fixed:

First. That the quotas of troops furnished, and to be furnished, by
Kentucky may be adjusted upon the basis as actually reduced by able-
bodied men of hers having gone into the rebel service; and that she
be required to furnish no more than her just quotas upon fair
adjustment upon such basis.

Second. To whatever extent the enlistment and drafting, one or both,
of colored troops may be found necessary within the State, it may be
conducted within the law of Congress; and, so far as practicable,
free from collateral embarrassments, disorders, and provocations.

I think these requests of the Governor are reasonable; and I shall be
obliged if you will give him a full hearing, and do the best you can
to effect these objects.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL G. G. MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 29, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE.

MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter to Colonel Townsend, inclosing a slip from
the "Herald," and asking a court of inquiry, has been laid before me
by the Secretary of War, with the request that I would consider it.
It is quite natural that you should feel some sensibility on the
subject; yet I am not impressed, nor do I think the country is
impressed, with the belief that your honor demands, or the public
interest demands, such an inquiry. The country knows that at all
events you have done good service; and I believe it agrees with me
that it is much better for you to be engaged in trying to do more,
than to be diverted, as you necessarily would be, by a court of
inquiry.

Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 29,1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, Army of the Potomac:

Captain Kinney, of whom I spoke to you as desiring to go on your
staff, is now in your camp, in company with Mrs. Senator Dixon. Mrs.
Grant and I, and some others, agreed last night that I should, by
this despatch, kindly call your attention to Captain Kinney.

A. LINCOLN.

TO A. G. HODGES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 4, 1864.

A. G. HODGES, ESQ., Frankfort, Kentucky:

MY DEAR SIR:--You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I
verbally said the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette
and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:

"I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is
wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I
have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an
unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling.
It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.
I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it my
view that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in
using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil
administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my
primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had
publicly declared this many times, and in many ways. And I aver
that, to this day, I have done no official act in mere deference to
my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand,
however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my
ability, imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every
indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that
Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation
and yet preserve the Constitution? By General law, life and limb must
be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but
a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures,
otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful, by becoming
indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution, through the
preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground,
and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I
had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or
any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country,
and Constitution, altogether. When, early in the war, General
Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did
not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later,
General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the
blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable
necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military
emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the
indispensable necessity had come. When, in March, and May, and July,
1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to
favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable
necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come,
unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition, and I
was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either
surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying
strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In
choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss, but of this I was
not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss
by it in our foreign relations, none in our home popular sentiment,
none in our white military force, no loss by it any how, or anywhere.
On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite one hundred and thirty
thousand soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts,
about which, as facts, there can be no caviling. We have the men;
and we could not have had them without the measure.

"And now let any Union man who complains of the measure test himself
by writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by
force of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking these hundred
and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where
they would be but for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his
case so stated, it is only because he cannot face the truth."

I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling
this tale I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to
have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have
controlled me. Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the
nation's condition is not what either party, or any man, devised or
expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending seems
plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also
that we of the North, as well as you of the South, shall pay fairly
for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find therein
new cause to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TO MRS. HORACE MANN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
April 5, 1864.

MRS HORACE MANN:

MADAM:--The petition of persons under eighteen, praying that I would
free all slave children, and the heading of which petition it appears
you wrote, was handed me a few days since by Senator Sumner. Please
tell these little people I am very glad their young hearts are so
full of just and generous sympathy, and that, while I have not the
power to grant all they ask, I trust they will remember that God has,
and that, as it seems, he wills to do it.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 12, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

I am pressed to get from Libby, by special exchange, Jacob C.
Hagenbuek, first lieutenant, Company H, Sixty-seventh Pennsylvania
Volunteers. Please do it if you can without detriment or
embarrassment.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 17, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of the Potomac:

Private William Collins of Company B, of the Sixty-ninth New York
Volunteers, has been convicted of desertion, and execution suspended
as in numerous other cases. Now Captain O'Neill, commanding the
regiment, and nearly all its other regimental and company officers,
petition for his full pardon and restoration to his company. Is
there any good objection?

A. LINCOLN.

LECTURE ON LIBERTY

ADDRESS AT SANITARY FAIR IN BALTIMORE,

APRIL 18, 1864.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--Calling to mind that we are in Baltimore, we
cannot fail to note that the world moves. Looking upon these many
people assembled here to serve, as they best may, the soldiers of the
Union, it occurs at once that three years ago the same soldiers could
not so much as pass through Baltimore. The change from then till now
is both great and gratifying. Blessings on the brave men who have
wrought the change, and the fair women who strive to reward them for
it!

But Baltimore suggests more than could happen within Baltimore. The
change within Baltimore is part only of a far wider change. When the
war began, three years ago, neither party, nor any man, expected it
would last till now. Each looked for the end, in some way, long ere
to-day. Neither did any anticipate that domestic slavery would be
much affected by the war. But here we are; the war has not ended,
and slavery has been much affected how much needs not now to be
recounted. So true is it that man proposes and God disposes.

But we can see the past, though we may not claim to have directed it;
and seeing it, in this case, we feel more hopeful and confident for
the future.

The world has never had a good definition of the word liberty, and
the American people, just now, are much in want of one. We all
declare for liberty; but in using the same word we do not all mean
the same thing. With some the word liberty may mean for each man to
do as he pleases with himself, and the product of his labor; while
with others the same word may mean for some men to do as they please
with other men, and the product of other men's labor. Here are two,
not only different, but incompatible things, called by the same name,
liberty. And it follows that each of the things is, by the
respective parties, called by two different and incompatible names--
liberty and tyranny.

The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's throat, for which the
sheep thanks the shepherd as his liberator, while the wolf denounces
him for the same act, as the destroyer of liberty, especially as the
sheep was a black one. Plainly, the sheep and the wolf are not
agreed upon a definition of the word liberty; and precisely the same
difference prevails to-day among us human creatures, even in the
North, and all professing to love liberty. Hence we behold
the process by which thousands are daily passing from under the yoke
of bondage hailed by some as the advance of liberty, and bewailed by
others as the destruction of all liberty. Recently, as it seems, the
people of Maryland have been doing something to define liberty, and
thanks to them that, in what they have done, the wolf's dictionary
has been repudiated.

It is not very becoming for one in my position to make speeches at
length; but there is another subject upon which I feel that I ought
to say a word. A painful rumor, true, I fear, has reached us, of the
massacre, by the rebel forces at Fort Pillow, in the west end of
Tennessee, on the Mississippi River, of some three hundred colored
soldiers and white officers [I believe it latter turned out to be
500], who had just been overpowered by their assailants [numbering
5000]. There seems to be some anxiety in the public mind whether the
Government is doing its duty to the colored soldier, and to the
service, at this point. At the beginning of the war, and for some
time, the use of colored troops was not contemplated; and how the
change of purpose was wrought I will not now take time to explain.
Upon a clear conviction of duty I resolved to turn that element of
strength to account; and I am responsible for it to the American
people, to the Christian world, to history, and in my final account
to God. Having determined to use the negro as a soldier, there is no
way but to give him all the protection given to any other soldier.
The difficulty is not in stating the principle, but in practically
applying it. It is a mistake to suppose the Government is
indifferent to this matter, or is not doing the best it can in regard
to it. We do not to-day know that a colored soldier, or white
officer commanding colored soldiers, has been massacred by the rebels
when made a prisoner. We fear it, we believe it, I may say,--but we
do not know it. To take the life of one of their prisoners on the
assumption that they murder ours, when it is short of certainty that
they do murder ours, might be too serious, too cruel, a mistake. We
are having the Fort Pillow affair thoroughly investigated; and such
investigation will probably show conclusively how the truth is. If
after all that has been said it shall turn out that there has been no
massacre at Fort Pillow, it will be almost safe to say there has been
none, and will be none, elsewhere. If there has been the massacre of
three hundred there, or even the tenth part of three hundred, it will
be conclusively proved; and being so proved, the retribution shall as
surely come. It will be matter of grave consideration in what exact
course to apply the retribution; but in the supposed case it must
come.

[There was a massacre of a black company and their officers at Fort
Pillow--they were prisoners who later on, the day of their capture,
were ordered executed. The black soldiers were tied alive to
individual planks--then man and plank were cobbled up like cord wood
and burned. The white officers were shot. D.W.]

TO CALVIN TRUESDALE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 20, 1864.

CALVIN TRUESDALE, ESQ., Postmaster, Rock Island, Ill.:

Thomas J. Pickett, late agent of the Quartermaster 's Department for
the island of Rock Island, has been removed or suspended from that
position on a charge of having sold timber and stone from the island
for his private benefit. Mr. Pickett is an old acquaintance and
friend of mine, and I will thank you, if you will, to set a day or
days and place on and at which to take testimony on the point.
Notify Mr. Pickett and one J. B. Danforth (who, as I understand,
makes the charge) to be present with their witnesses. Take the
testimony in writing offered by both sides, and report it in full to
me. Please do this for me.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO OFFICER COMMANDING AT FORT WARREN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 20, 1864.

OFFICER IN MILITARY COMMAND,
Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, Mass.:

If there is a man by the name of Charles Carpenter, under sentence of
death for desertion, at Fort Warren, suspend execution until further
order and send the record of his trial. If sentenced for any other
offence, telegraph what it is and when he is to be executed. Answer
at all events.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO OFFICER COMMANDING AT FORT WARREN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 21,1864.

OFFICER IN COMMAND AT FORT WARREN,
Boston Harbor, Mass.:

The order I sent yesterday in regard to Charles Carpenter is hereby
withdrawn and you are to act as if it never existed.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, D. C., April 21, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, New York:

Yesterday I was induced to telegraph the officer in military command
at Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, Massachusetts, suspending the
execution of Charles Carpenter, to be executed tomorrow for
desertion. Just now, on reaching your order in the case, I
telegraphed the same officer withdrawing the suspension, and leave
the case entirely with you. The man's friends are pressing me, but I
refer them to you, intending to take no further action myself.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 23, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Senator Ten Eyck is very anxious to have a, special exchange of Capt.
Frank J. McLean, of Ninth Tennessee Cavalry now, or lately, at
Johnson's Island, for Capt. T. Ten Eyck, Eighteenth U. S. Infantry,
and now at Richmond. I would like to have it done. Can it be?

A. LINCOLN.

INDORSEMENT ON OFFER OF TROOPS, APRIL 23, 1864.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

1. The Governors of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin
offer to the President infantry troops for the approaching campaign
as follows: Ohio, thirty thousand; Indiana, twenty thousand;
Illinois, twenty thousand; Iowa, ten thousand; Wisconsin, five
thousand.

2. The term of service to be one hundred days, reckoned from the date
of muster into the service of the United States, unless sooner
discharged.

3. The troops to be mustered into the service of the United States by
regiments, when the regiments are filled up, according to
regulations, to the minimum strength--the regiments to be organized
according to the regulations of the War Department. The whole number
to be furnished within twenty days from date of notice of the
acceptance of this proposition.

4. The troops to be clothed, armed, equipped, subsisted; transported,
and paid as other United States infantry volunteers, and to serve in
fortifications,--or wherever their services may be required, within
or without their respective States.

5. No bounty to be paid the troops, nor the service charged or
credited on any draft.

6. The draft for three years' service to go on in any State or
district where the quota is not filled up; but if any officer or
soldier in this special service should be drafted, he shall be
credited for the service rendered.

JOHN BROUGH, Governor of Ohio.
O. P. MORTON, Governor of Indiana.
RICHARD PATES, Governor of Illinois.
WILLIAM M. STONE, Governor of Iowa.
JAMES T. LEWIS, Governor of Wisconsin

(Indorsement.)

April 23, 1864.

The foregoing proposition of the governors is accepted, and the
Secretary of War is directed to carry it into execution.

A. LINCOLN.

TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 23, 1864.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR:

MY DEAR SIR:--According to our understanding with Major-General Frank
P. Blair at the time he took his seat in Congress last winter, he now
asks to withdraw his resignation as Major-General, then tendered, and
be sent to the field. Let this be done. Let the order sending him
be such as shown me to-day by the Adjutant-General, only dropping
from it the names of Maguire and Tompkins.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO JOHN WILLIAMS.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, April 25, 1864.

JOHN WILLIAMS, Springfield, Ill.:

Yours of the 15th is just received. Thanks for your kind
remembrance. I would accept your offer at once, were it not that I
fear there might be some impropriety in it, though I do not see that
there would. I will think of it a while.
A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, April 25, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

A Mr. Corby brought you a note from me at the foot of a petition I
believe, in the case of Dawson, to be executed to-day. The record
has been examined here, and it shows too strong a case for a pardon
or commutation, unless there is something in the poor man's favor
outside of the record, which you on the ground may know, but I do
not. My note to you only means that if you know of any such
thing rendering a suspension of the execution proper, on your own
judgment, you are at liberty to suspend it. Otherwise I do not
interfere.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL THOMAS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., April 26, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS, Chattanooga, Term.:

Suspend execution of death sentence of young Perry, of Wisconsin,
condemned for sleeping on his post, till further orders, and forward
record for examination.

A. LINCOLN.

TO GOVERNOR MURPHY.

WASHINGTON, D. C., April 27, 1864.

GOVERNOR MURPHY, Little Rock, Arkansas:

I am much gratified to learn that you got out so large a vote, so
nearly all the right way, at the late election; and not less so that
your State government including the legislature, is organized and in
good working order. Whatever I can I will do to protect you;
meanwhile you must do your utmost to protect yourselves. Present my
greeting to all.

A. LINCOLN.

MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, APRIL 28, 1864.

TO THE HONORABLE THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I have the honor to transmit herewith an address to the President of
the United States, and through him to both Houses of Congress, on the
condition and wants of the people of east Tennessee, and asking their
attention to the necessity of some action on the part of the
Government for their relief, and which address is presented by a
committee of an organization called "The East Tennessee Relief
Association."

Deeply commiserating the condition of these most loyal and suffering
people, I am unprepared to make any specific recommendation for their
relief. The military is doing and will continue to do the best for
them within its power. Their address represents that the
construction of direct railroad communication between Knoxville and
Cincinnati by way of central Kentucky would be of great consequence
in the present emergency. It may be remembered that in the annual
message of December, 1861, such railroad construction was
recommended. I now add that, with the hearty concurrence of
Congress, I would yet be pleased to construct a road, both for the
relief of these people and for its continuing military importance.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

APRIL 28, 1864.

TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In obedience to the resolution of your honorable body, a copy of
which is herewith returned, I have the honor to make the following
brief statement, which is believed to contain the information sought:

Prior to and at the meeting of the present Congress, Robert C.
Schenck, of Ohio, and Frank P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, members elect
thereto, by and with the consent of the Senate held commissions from
the Executive as major-generals in the volunteer army. General
Schenck tendered the resignation of his said commission, and took his
seat in the House of Representatives, at the assembling thereof, upon
the distinct verbal understanding with the Secretary of War and the
Executive that he might, at any time during the session, at his own
pleasure, withdraw said resignation and return to the field.

General Blair was, by temporary assignment of General Sherman, in
command of a corps through the battles in front of Chattanooga, and
in the march to the relief of Knoxville, which occurred in the latter
days of November and early days of December last, and of course was
not present at the assembling of Congress. When he subsequently
arrived here, he sought, and was allowed by the Secretary of War and
the Executive, the same conditions and promise as allowed and made to
General Schenck.

General Schenck has not applied to withdraw his resignation; but when
General Grant was made Lieutenant-General, producing some change of
commanders, General Blair sought to be assigned to the command of a
corps. This was made known to Generals Grant and Sherman, and
assented to by them, and the particular corps for him designated.

This was all arranged and understood, as now remembered, so much as a
month ago; but the formal withdrawal of General Blair's resignation,
and making the order assigning him to the command of the corps, were
not consummated at the War Department until last week, perhaps on the
23d of April instant. As a summary of the whole, it may be stated
that General Blair holds no military commission or appointment other
than as herein stated, and that it is believed he is now acting as
major-General upon the assumed validity of the commission herein
stated, in connection with the facts herein stated, and not
otherwise. There are some letters, notes, telegrams, orders,
entries, and perhaps other documents in connection with this subject,
which it is believed would throw no additional light upon it, but
which will be cheerfully furnished if desired.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 30, 1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

Not expecting to see you before the spring campaign opens, I wish to
express in this way my entire satisfaction with what you have done up
to this time, so far as I understand it.

The particulars of your plans I neither know nor seek to know. You
are vigilant and self-reliant; and, pleased with this, I wish not to
obtrude any restraints or constraints upon you. While I am very
anxious that any great disaster or capture of our men in great number
shall be avoided, I know that these points are less likely to escape
your attention than they would be mine. If there be anything wanting
which is within my power to give, do not fail to let me know it.

And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may God sustain you.

Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

MAY 2, 1864.

TO THE HONORABLE THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In compliance with the request contained in your resolution of the
29th ultimo, a copy of which resolution is herewith returned, I have
the honor to transmit the following:
[Correspondence and orders relating to the resignation and
reinstatement of Major-General Frank P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri.]

The foregoing constitutes all sought by the resolution so far as is
remembered or has been found upon diligent search.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.
WASHINGTON, D. C., May 4, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, Chattanooga, Tenn.:

I have an imploring appeal in behalf of the citizens who say your
Order No.8 will compel them to go north of Nashville. This is in no
sense an order, nor is it even a request that you will do anything
which in the least shall be a drawback upon your military operations,
but anything you can do consistently with those operations for those
suffering people I shall be glad of.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 5, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Commanding, Saint Louis, Mo.:

The President directs me to inquire whether a day has yet been fixed
for the execution of citizen Robert Louden, and if so what day?

JOHN HAY,
Major and Assistant Adjutant-General.

TO MRS. S. B. McCONKEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, May 9, 1864.

MRS. SARAH B. McCONKEY, West Chester, Pa.:

MADAM:--Our mutual friend, Judge Lewis, tells me you do me the honor
to inquire for my personal welfare. I have been very anxious for
some days in regard to our armies in the field, but am considerably
cheered, just now, by favorable news from them.

I am sure you will join me in the hope for their further success;
while yourself, and other good mothers, wives, sisters, and
daughters, do all you and they can, to relieve and comfort the
gallant soldiers who compose them.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

RECOMMENDATION OF THANKSGIVING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, May 9, 1864

TO THE FRIENDS OF UNION AND LIBERTY:

Enough is known of army operations, within the last five days, to
claim our special gratitude to God. While what remains undone
demands our most sincere prayers to and reliance upon Him (without
whom all effort is vain), I recommend that all patriots at their
homes, in their places of public worship, and wherever they may be,
unite in common thanksgiving and prayer to Almighty God.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

RESPONSE TO A SERENADE,

MAY 9, 1864.

FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I am very much obliged to you for the compliment of
this call, though I apprehend it is owing more to the good news
received to-day from the Army, than to a desire to see me. I am
indeed very grateful to the brave men who have been struggling with
the enemy in the field, to their noble commanders who have directed
them, and especially to our Maker. Our commanders are following up
their victories resolutely and successfully. I think, without
knowing the particulars of the plans of General Grant, that what has
been accomplished is of more importance than at first appears. I
believe, I know (and am especially grateful to know) that General
Grant has not been jostled in his purposes, that he has made all his
points, and to-day he is on his line as he purposed before he moved
his armies. I will volunteer to say that I am very glad at what has
happened, but there is a great deal still to be done. While we are
grateful to all the brave men and officers for the events of the past
few days, we should, above all, be very grateful to Almighty God, who
gives us victory.

There is enough yet before us requiring all loyal men and patriots to
perform their share of the labor and follow the example of the modest
General at the head of our armies, and sink all personal
consideration for the sake of the country. I commend you to keep
yourselves in the same tranquil mood that is characteristic of that
brave and loyal man. I have said more than I expected when I came
before you. Repeating my thanks for this call, I bid you good-bye.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL LEW WALLACE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., May 10, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL WALLACE, Baltimore:

Please tell me what is the trouble with Dr. Hawks. Also please ask
Bishop Whittington to give me his view of the case.

A. LINCOLN.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS,
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 11, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, St. Louis, Missouri:

Complaints are coming to me of disturbances in Canoll, Platte, and
Buchanan counties. Please ascertain the truth, correct what is
found wrong, and telegraph me.

A. LINCOLN.

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