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The Bontoc Igorot by Albert Ernest Jenks

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Mang-a-po'-o ya i-sa'

Mang-a-po'-o ya chu'-wa

Mang-a-po'-o ya to'-lo

Ma-mid-du'-a' po'-o

Ma-mid-du'-a' po'-o ya i-sa'

Ma-mit-lo'-i po'-o

Ma-mit-lo'-i po'-o ya i-sa'

Mang-i-pat' ay po'-o

Mang-i-pat' ay po'-o ya i-sa'

Mang-a-li-ma' ay po'-o

Mang-a-li-ma' ay po'-o ya i-sa'

Mang-a-nim ay po'-o

Mang-a-nim ay po'-o ya i-sa'

Mang-a-pi-to' ay po'-o

Mang-a-pi-to' ay po'-o ya i-sa'

Mang-a-wa-lo' ay po'-o

Mang-a-wa-lo' ay po'-o ya i-sa'

Mang-a-si-am ay po'-o

Mang-a-si-am ay po'-o ya i-sa'

One hundredth
Mang-a-po'-o ya po'-o

One hundred and first
Mang-a-po'-o ya po'-o ya i-sa'

Two hundredth
Ma-mid-dua' la-sot'

Two hundred and first
Ma-mid-dua' la-sot' ya i-sa'

Three hundredth
Ma-mit-lo'-i la-sot'

Three hundred and first
Ma-mit-lo'-i la-sot' ya i-sa'

Four hundredth
Mang-i-pat' ay la-sot'

Four hundred and first
Mang-a-pat' ay la-sot' ya i-sa'

Ka-la-so la-sot' or ka-li-fo-li'-fo


Distributive Numerals

One to each
I-sas' nan i-sa'

Two to each
Chu-was' nan i-sa'

Three to each
To-los' nan i-sa'

Ten to each
Po-os' nan i-sa'

Eleven to each
Sim po'-o ya i-sas' nan i-sa'

Twelve to each
Sim po'-o ya chu'-wa is nan i-sa'

Twenty to each
Chu-wan' po-o' is nan i-sa'


[1] -- The proof sheets of this paper came to me at the Philippine
Exposition, St. Louis, Mo., July, 1904. At that time Miss Maria del
Pilar Zamora, a Filipino teacher in charge of the model school at the
Exposition, told me the Igorot children are the brightest and most
intelligent of all the Filipino children in the model school. In
that school are children from several tribes or groups, including
Christians, Mohammedans, and pagans.

[2] -- There are many instances on record showing that people have been
planted on Pacific shores many hundred miles from their native land. It
seems that the primitive Pacific Islanders have sent people adrift from
their shores, thus adding a rational cause to those many fortuitous
causes for the interisland migration of small groups of individuals.

"In 1696, two canoes were driven from Ancarso to one of the
Philippine Islands, a distance of eight hundred miles. They had
run before the wind for seventy days together, sailing from east to
west. Thirty-five had embarked, but five had died from the effects of
privation and fatigue during the voyage, and one shortly after their
arrival. In 1720, two canoes were drifted from a remote distance
to one of the Marian Islands. Captain Cook found, in the island of
Wateo Atiu, inhabitants of Tahiti, who had been drifted by contrary
wind in a canoe, from some islands to the eastward, unknown to the
natives. Several parties have, within the last few years, (prior to
1834), reached the Tahitian shores from islands to the eastward, of
which the Society Islands had never before heard. In 1820, a canoe
arrived at Maurua, about thirty miles west of Borabora, which had
come from Rurutu, one of the Austral Islands. This vessel had been at
sea between a fortnight and three weeks; and, considering its route,
must have sailed seven or eight hundred miles. A more recent instance
occurred in 1824: a boat belonging to Mr. Williams of Raiatea left
that island with a westerly wind for Tahiti. The wind changed after the
boat was out of sight of land. They were driven to the island of Atiu,
a distance of nearly eight hundred miles in a south-westerly direction,
where they were discovered several months afterwards. Another boat,
belonging to Mr. Barff of Huahine, was passing between that island
and Tahiti about the same time, and has never since been heard of;
and subsequent instances of equally distant and perilous voyages in
canoes or open boats might be cited." -- (Ellis) Polynesian Researches,
vol. I, p. 125.

"In the year 1799, when Finow, a Friendly Island chief, acquired
the supreme power in that most interesting group of islands, after a
bloody and calamitous civil war, in which his enemies were completely
overpowered, the barbarian forced a number of the vanquished to embark
in their canoes and put to sea; and during the revolution that issued
in the subversion of paganism in Otaheite, the rebel chiefs threatened
to treat the English missionaries and their families in a similar
way. In short, the atrocious practice is, agreeably to the Scotch law
phrase, "use and wont," in the South Sea Islands." -- John Dunmore
Lang, View of the Origin and Migrations of the Polynesian Nation,
London, 1834, pp. 62, 63.

[3] -- The Christianized dialect groups are: Bikol, of southern
Luzon and adjacent islands; Cagayan, of the Cagayan Valley of Luzon;
Ilokano, of the west coast of northern Luzon; Pampango and Pangasinan,
of the central plain of Luzon; Tagalog, of the central area South
of the two preceding; and the Visayan, of the central islands and
northern Mindanao.

[4] -- No pretense is now made for permanency either in the
classification of the many groups of primitive people in the
Philippines or for the nomenclature of these various groups; but the
groups of non-Christian people in the Archipelago, as they are to-day
styled in a more or less permanent way by The Ethnological Survey,
are as follows: Ata, north and west of Gulf of Davao in southeastern
Mindanao; Batak, of Paragua; Bilan, in the southern highlands west
of Gulf of Davao, Mindanao; Bagobo, of west coast of Gulf of Davao,
Mindanao; Bukidnon, of Negros; Ibilao or Ilongot, of eastern central
Luzon; Igorot, of northern Luzon; the Lanao Moro, occupying the
central territory of Mindanao between the Bays of Iligan and Illana,
including Lake Lanao; Maguindanao Moro, extending in a band southeast
from Cotabato, Mindanao, toward Sarangani Bay, including Lakes Liguasan
and Buluan; Mandaya, of southeastern Mindanao east of Gulf of Davao;
Mangiyan, of Mindoro: Manobo, probably the most numerous tribe in
Mindanao, occupying the valley of the Agusan River draining northward
into Butuan Bay and the extensive table-land west of that river,
besides in isolated territories extending to both the east and west
coasts of the large body of land between Gulf of Davao and Illana
Bay; Negrito, of several areas of wild mountains in Luzon, Negros,
Mindanao, and other smaller islands; the Sama, of the islands in
Gulf of Davao, Mindanao; Samal Moro, of scattered coastal areas in
southern Mindanao, besides the eastern and southern islands of the
Sulu or Jolo Archipelago; the Subano, probably the second largest
tribal group in Mindanao, occupying all the mountain territory west
of the narrow neck of land between Illana Bay and Pangul Bay; the Sulu
Moro, of Jolo Island; the Tagabili, on the southern coast of Mindanao
northwest of Sarangani Bay; the Tagakola, along the central part of
the west coast of Gulf of Davao, Mindanao; Tagbanua, of Paragua;
Tinguian, of western northern Luzon; Tiruray, south of Cotabato,
Mindanao; Yakan Moro, in the mountainous interior of Basilan Island,
off the Mindanao coast at Zamboanga. Under the names of these large
groups must be included many more smaller dialect groups whose precise
relationship may not now be confidently stated. For instance, the
large Igorot group is composed of many smaller groups of different
dialects besides that of the Bontoc Igorot of which this paper treats.



[7] -- Pages 72 -- 74 of the Report of the Director of the Philippine
Weather Bureau, 1901 -- 1902; Part First, The Climate of Baguio
(Benguet), by Rev. Fr. Jose Algue, S. J. (Manila, Observatory Printing
Office, 1902.)

[8] -- Map No. 7 in the Atlas of the Philippine Islands. (Washington,
Government Printing Office, 1900.)

[9] -- R. P. Fr. Angel Perez, Igorrotes, Estudio Geografico y
Etnografico, etc. (Manila, 1902), p. 7.

[10] -- Op. cit., p. 29.

[11] -- Major Godwin-Austen says of the Garo hill tribes, Bengal,

"In every village is the 'bolbang,' or young men's house. ... In this
house all the unmarried males live, as soon as they attain the age
of puberty, and in this any travelers are put up." -- The Journal of
the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. II,
p. 393. See also op. cit., vol. XI, p. 199.

S. E. Peal says:

"Barracks for the unmarried young men are common in and around Assam
among non-Aryan races. The institution is here seen in various stages
of decline or transition. In the case of 'head-hunters' the young
men's barracks are invariably guardhouses, at the entrance to the
village, and those on guard at night keep tally of the men who leave
and return." -- Op. cit., vol. XXII, p. 248.

Gertrude M. Godden writes at length of the young men's house of the
Naga and other frontier tribes of northeast India: "Before leaving
the Naga social customs one prominent feature of their village
society must be noticed. This is the DEKHA CHANG, an institution in
some respects similar to the bachelors' hall of the Melanesians,
which again is compared with the BALAI and other public halls of
the Malay Archipelago. This building, also called a MORANG, was used
for the double purpose of a sleeping place for the young men and as
a guard or watch house for the village. The custom of the young men
sleeping together is one that is constantly noticed in accounts of
the Naga tribes, and a like custom prevailed in some, if not all,
cases for the girls. ... "The young men's hall is variously described
and named. An article in the Journal of the Indian Archipelago,
1848, says that among the Nagas the bachelors' hall of the Dayak
village is found under the name of 'Mooring.' In this all the boys
of the age of 9 or 10 upward reside apart. In a report of 1854 the
'morungs' are described as large buildings generally situated at the
principal entrances and varying in number according to the size of
the village; they are in fact the main guardhouse, and here all the
young unmarried men sleep. In front of the morung is a raised platform
as a lookout, commanding an extensive view of all approaches, where
a Naga is always kept on duty as a sentry. ... In the Morungs are
kept skulls carried off in battle; these are suspended by a string
along the wall in one or more rows over each other. In one of the
Morungs of the Changuae village, Captain Brodie counted one hundred
and thirty skulls. ... Besides these there was a large basket full of
broken pieces of skulls. Captain Holroyd, from whose memorandum the
above is quoted, speaks later of the Morung as the 'hall of justice'
in which the consultations of the clan council are held.

"The 'MORANGS' of another tribe, the 'Naked' Naga, have recently
been described as situated close to the village gate, and consist
of a central hall, and back and front verandahs. In the large front
verandah are collected all the trophies of war and the chase, from a
man's skull down to a monkey's. Along both sides of the central hall
are the sleeping berths of the young men. ...

"Speaking of the Mao and Muran tribes [continues Miss Godden],
Dr. Brown says, 'the young men never sleep at home, but at their clubs,
where they keep their arms always in a state of readiness.' ...

"With the Aos at the present day the custom seems to be becoming
obsolete; sleeping houses are provided for bachelors, but are seldom
used except by small boys. Unmarried girls sleep by twos and threes
in houses otherwise empty, or else tenanted by one old woman.

"The analogy between the DAKHA CHANG, or MORANG, of the Nagas and the
men's hall of the Melanesians is too close to be overlooked, and in
view of the significance of all evidence concerning the corporate life
of early communities a description of the latter is here quoted. I am
aware of no recorded instance of the women's house, other than these
Naga examples. 'In all the Melanesian groups it is the rule that there
is in every village a building of public character where the men eat
and spend their time, the young men sleep, strangers are entertained;
where as in the Solomon Islands the canoes are kept; where images are
seen, and from which women are generally excluded; ... and all these
no doubt correspond to the balai and other public halls of the Malay
Archipelago.' " -- Op. cit., vol. XXVI, pp. 179 -- 182.

Similar institutions appear to exist also in Sumatra.

In Borneo among the Land Dyaks "head houses," called "pangah," are
found in each village. Low says of them: "The Pangah is built by
the united efforts of the boys and unmarried men of the tribe, who,
after having attained the age of puberty, are obliged to leave the
houses of the village; and do not generally frequent them after they
have attained the age of 8 or 9 years." -- Sir Hugh Low, Sarawak,
its Inhabitants and Productions (London, 1848), p. 280.

Lieutenant F. Elton writes of the natives of Solomon Islands: "In
every village they have at least one so-called tamboo house of TOHE,
generally the largest building in the settlement. This is only for
the men, it being death for a female to enter there. It is used as a
public place and belongs to the community. Any stranger coming to the
village goes to the tamboo house and remains there until the person he
is in quest of meets him there." -- The Journal of the Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. XVII, p. 97.

Mr. H. O. Forbes writes of the tribes of Timor (islands between New
Guinea and Australia) that they have a building called "Uma-lulik." He
says: "The LULIK can be at once recognized, were it by nothing
else than by the buffalo crania with which it is decorated on the
outside." An officer who holds one of the highest and certainly the
most influential positions in the kingdom has charge of the building,
and presides over the sacred rites which are conducted in them. ... The
building is cared for by some old person, sometimes by a man and his
wife, but they must not both -- being of opposite sex -- stay all
night." -- Op. cit., XIII, pp. 411, 412.

[12] -- The o'-lag of Buyayyeng is known as La-ma'-kan; that of Amkawa,
in Buyayyeng, is Ma-fa'-lat; that of Polupo is Ma-lu-fan'. The
two of Fatayyan are Ka-lang'-kang and A-la'-ti. Ta-ting' is the
o'-lag in the Tang-e-ao' section of Fatayyan. Chung-ma' is the
one in Filig. Lang-i-a' and Ab-lo' are the two of Mageo, both in
Pudpudchog. The o'-lag of Chakong is called Kat'-sa, and that of
Lowingan is Si-mang'-an. The one of Pudpudchog is Yud-ka'. Sung-ub'
is the o'-lag of Sipaat, situated in Lowingan. Kay-pa', Tek-a-ling,
and Sak-a-ya' are, respectively, the o'-lag of Sigichan, Somowan,
and Pokisan. Ag-lay'-in is the o'-lag of Luwakan, and Tal-pug and
Say-ki'-pit are o'-lag of Choko and Longfoy, respectively.

[13] -- The Journal of The Anthropological Institute of Great Britain
and Ireland, vol. XXVI, pp. 179, 180.

[14] -- Op. cit., vol. XXII, p. 248.

[15] -- Sweet potato, IPOMOEA BATATAS. -- J.H.

[16] -- An anito, as is developed in a later chapter, is the name
given the spirit of a dead person. The anito dwell in and about the
pueblo, and, among other of their functions, they cause almost all
diseases and ailments of the people and practically all deaths.

[17] -- Earthenware pot. -- J.H.

[18] -- Gong. -- J.H.

[19] -- David J. Doherty, M.D., translator of The Philippines,
A Summary Account of their Ethnological, Historical, and Political
Conditions, by Ferdinand Blumentritt, etc. (Chicago, 1900), p. 16.

[20] -- A fermented drink.

[21] -- A fermented drink.

[22] -- The accompanying photo was an instantaneous exposure, taken
in the twilight. The people could not be induced to wait for a time

[23] -- No true cats are known to be indigenous to the Philippines,
but the one shown in the plate was a wild mountain animal and was a
true cat, not a civet. Its ancestors may have been domestic.

[24] -- This estimate was obtained by a primitive surveying outfit
as follows:

A rifle, with a bottle attached used for a liquid level, was sighted
from a camera tripod. A measuring tape attached to the tripod showed
the distance of the rifle above the surface of the water. A surveyor's
tape measured the distance between the tripod and the leveling rod,
which also had an attached tape to show the distance of the point
sighted above the surface of the water.

I am indebted to Mr. W. F. Smith, American teacher in Bontoc, for
assisting me in obtaining these measurements.

The strength of the scaffolding supporting the troughs is suggested
by the statement that the troughs were brimming full of swift-running
water, while our "surveying" party of four adults, accompanied by
half a dozen juvenile Igorot sightseers, weighed about 900 pounds,
and was often distributed along in the troughs, which we waded,
within a space of 30 feet.

[25] -- MUNIA JAGORI (Martens).

[26] -- Mr. Elmer D. Merrill.

[27] -- Mr. F. A. Thanisch.

[28] -- Igorrotes, Estudio Geografico y Etnografico sobre algunos
Distritos del Norte de Luzon, by R. P. Fr. Angel Perez (Manila), 1902.

[29] -- This typical Malayan bellows is also found in Siam, and is
shown in a half tone from a photograph facing page 186 of Maxwell
Somerville's Siam on the Meinam from the Gulf to Aynthia (London,
Sampson Low, Marston & Co., 1897).

There is also a crude woodcut of this bellows printed as fig. 2,
Pl. XIV, in The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great
Britain and Ireland, vol. XXII. With the illustration is the
information that the bellows is found in Assam, Salwin, Sumatra,
Java, Philippines, and Madagascar.

[30] -- It is believed to be either a PORCELAIN (PORCELANA) or a SPIDER
(MAIOIDEA) crab.

[31] -- Analysis made for this study by Bureau of Government
Laboratories, Manila, P.I., February 21, 1903.

[32] -- Charles A. Goessmann in Universal Cyclopaedia, vol. X (1900),
p. 274.

[33] -- The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (2 vols.,
London, 1896); pp. 140 -- 174, vol. II.

[34] -- A party, consisting of the Secretary of the Interior for
the Philippine Islands, Hon. Dean C. Worcester; the governor and
lieutenant-governor of Lepanto-Bontoc, William Dinwiddie and Truman
K. Hunt, respectively; Captain Chas. Nathorst of the Constabulary,
and the writer, was in Banawi in time to witness the procession and
burial but not the previous ceremonies at the dwelling.

[35] -- See also the story, "Who
took my father's head?" Chapter IX, p 225.

[36] -- The bird called "co-ling'" by the Bontoc Igorot is the
serpent eagle (SPILOMIS HOLOSPLILUS Vigors). It seems to be found in
no section of Bontoc Province except near Bontoc pueblo.

There were four of these large, tireless creatures near the pueblo,
but an American shot one in 1900. The other three may be seen day
in and day out, high above the mountain range west of the pueblo,
sailing like aimless pleasure boats. Now and then they utter their
penetrating cry of "qu-iu'-kok."

[37] -- MUNIA JAGORI (Martens).

[38] -- "A wife monkey."

[39] -- An iguana some two feet long.

[40] -- CORONE PHILIPPA (Bonap.).

[41] -- The Korean Review, July, 1903, pp. 289 -- 294.

[42] -- William Edwin Safford, American Anthropologist, April --
June, 1903, p. 293.

[43] -- Otto Scheerer (MS.), The Ibaloi Igorot, MS. Coll., Ethnological
Survey for the Philippine Islands.

[44] -- One blind.

[45] -- From Ilokano.

[46] -- Many small stars

[47] -- The country northward

[48] -- The country southward

[49] -- It is probable they seldom count as high as 13,000

[50] -- These people say they have no separate adverbs denoting
repetition of action -- as, once, twice, thrice, four times, ten times,
etc. They use the ordinal numerals for this purpose also.

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