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Etext prepared by John Bickers, jbickers@ihug.co.nz
and Dagny, dagnyj@hotmail.com


Translated into English



{e Herodotou diathesis en apasin epieikes, kai tois men agathois
sunedomene, tois de kakois sunalgousa}.--Dion. Halic.


This text was prepared from the third edition, printed in 1914, by
MacMillan and Co., Limited, St. Martin's Street, London.

Greek text has been transliterated and marked with brackets, as in
the opening citation above.




1. In the meantime those of the Persians who had been left behind in
Europe by Dareios, of whom Megabazos was the commander, had subdued
the people of Perinthos first of the Hellespontians, since they
refused to be subject to Dareios. These had in former times also been
hardly dealt with by the Paionians: for the Paionians from the Strymon
had been commanded by an oracle of their god to march against the
Perinthians; and if the Perinthians, when encamped opposite to them,
should shout aloud and call to them by their name, they were to attack
them; but if they should not shout to them, they were not to attack
them: and thus the Paionians proceeded to do. Now when the Perinthians
were encamped opposite to them in the suburb of their city, a
challenge was made and a single combat took place in three different
forms; for they matched a man against a man, and a horse against a
horse, and a dog against a dog. Then, as the Perinthians were getting
the better in two of the three, in their exultation they raised a
shout of /paion/,[1] and the Paionians conjectured that this was the
very thing which was spoken of in the oracle, and said doubtless to
one another, "Now surely the oracle is being accomplished for us, now
it is time for us to act." So the Paionians attacked the Perinthians
when they had raised the shout of paion, and they had much the better
in the fight, and left but few of them alive. 2. Thus it happened with
respect to those things which had been done to them in former times by
the Paionians; and at this time, although the Perinthians proved
themselves brave men in defence of their freedom, the Persians and
Megabazos got the better of them by numbers. Then after Perinthos had
been conquered, Megabazos marched his army through the length of
Thracia, forcing every city and every race of those who dwell there to
submit to the king, for so it had been commanded him by Dareios, to
subdue Thracia.

3. Now the Thracian race is the most numerous, except the Indians, in
all the world: and if it should come to be ruled over by one man, or
to agree together in one, it would be irresistible in fight and the
strongest by far of all nations, in my opinion. Since however this is
impossible for them and cannot ever come to pass among them,[2] they
are in fact weak for that reason. They have many names, belonging to
their various tribes in different places; but they all follow customs
which are nearly the same in all respects, except the Getai and
Trausians and those who dwell above the Crestonians. 4. Of these the
practices of the Getai, who believe themselves to be immortal, have
been spoken of by me already:[3] and the Trausians perform everything
else in the same manner as the other Thracians, but in regard to those
who are born and die among them they do as follows:--when a child has
been born, the nearest of kin sit round it and make lamentation for
all the evils of which he must fulfil the measure, now that he is
born,[3a] enumerating the whole number of human ills; but when a man
is dead, they cover him up in the earth with sport and rejoicing,
saying at the same time from what great evils he has escaped and is
now in perfect bliss. 5. Those who dwell above the Crestonians do as
follows:--each man has many wives, and when any man of them is dead, a
great competition takes place among his wives, with much exertion on
the part of their friends, about the question of which of them was
most loved by their husband; and she who is preferred by the decision
and so honoured, is first praised by both men and women, then her
throat is cut over the tomb by her nearest of kin, and afterwards she
is buried together with her husband; and the others are exceedingly
grieved at it, for this is counted as the greatest reproach to them.
6. Of the other Thracians the custom is to sell their children to be
carried away out of the country; and over their maidens they do not
keep watch, but allow them to have commerce with whatever men they
please, but over their wives they keep very great watch; and they buy
their wives for great sums of money from their parents. To be pricked
with figures is accounted a mark of noble rank, and not to be so
marked is a sign of low birth.[4] Not to work is counted most
honourable, and to be a worker of the soil is above all things
dishonourable: to live on war and plunder is the most honourable
thing. 7. These are their most remarkable customs; and of the gods
they worship only Ares and Dionysos and Artemis. Their kings, however,
apart from the rest of the people, worship Hermes more than all gods,
and swear by him alone; and they say that they are descended from
Hermes. 8. The manner of burial for the rich among them is this:--for
three days they expose the corpse to view, and they slay all kinds of
victims and feast, having first made lamentation. Then they perform
the burial rites, either consuming the body with fire or covering it
up in the earth without burning; and afterwards when they have heaped
up a mound they celebrate games with every kind of contest, in which
reasonably the greatest prizes are assigned for single combat.[5] This
is the manner of burial among the Thracians.

9. Of the region lying further on towards the North of this country no
one can declare accurately who the men are who dwell in it; but the
parts which lie immediately beyond the Ister are known to be
uninhabited and vast in extent. The only men of whom I can hear who
dwell beyond the Ister are those who are said to be called Sigynnai,
and who use the Median fashion of dress. Their horses, it is said,
have shaggy hair all over their bodies, as much as five fingers long;
and these are small and flat-nosed and too weak to carry men, but when
yoked in chariots they are very high-spirited; therefore the natives
of the country drive chariots. The boundaries of this people extend,
it is said, to the parts near the Enetoi, who live on the Adriatic;
and people say that they are colonists from the Medes. In what way
however these have come to be colonists from the Medes I am not able
for my part to conceive, but everything is possible in the long course
of ages. However that may be, the Ligurians who dwell in the region
inland above Massalia call traders /sigynnai/, and the men of Cyprus
give the same name to spears. 10. Now the Thracians say that the other
side of the Ister is occupied by bees, and that by reason of them it
is not possible to pass through and proceed further: but to me it
seems that when they so speak, they say that which is not probable;
for these creatures are known to be intolerant of cold, and to me it
seems that the regions which go up towards the pole are uninhabitable
by reason of the cold climate. These then are the tales reported about
this country; and however that may be, Megabazos was then making the
coast-regions of it subject to the Persians.

11. Meanwhile Dareios, so soon as he had crossed over the Hellespont
and come to Sardis, called to mind the service rendered to him by
Histiaios the Milesian and also the advice of the Mytilenian Coės, and
having sent for them to come to Sardis he offered them a choice of
rewards. Histiaios then, being despot of Miletos, did not make request
for any government in addition to that, but he asked for the district
of Myrkinos which belonged to the Edonians, desiring there to found a
city. Histiaios chose this for himself; but Coės, not being a despot
but a man of the people, asked to be made despot of Mitylene. 12.
After the desires of both had been fulfilled, they betook themselves
to that which they had chosen: and at this same time it chanced that
Dareios saw a certain thing which made him desire to command Megabazos
to conquer the Paionians and remove them forcibly from Europe into
Asia: and the thing was this:--There were certain Paionians named
Pigres and Mantyas, who when Dareios had crossed over into Asia, came
to Sardis, because they desired themselves to have rule over the
Paionians, and with them they brought their sister, who was tall and
comely. Then having watched for a time when Dareios took his seat
publicly in the suburb of the Lydian city, they dressed up their
sister in the best way they could, and sent her to fetch water, having
a water-jar upon her head and leading a horse after her by a bridle
round her arm, and at the same time spinning flax. Now when the woman
passed out of the city by him, Dareios paid attention to the matter,
for that which was done by the woman was not of Persian nor yet of
Lydian fashion, nor indeed after the manner of any people of Asia. He
sent therefore some of his spearmen, bidding them watch what the woman
would do with the horse. They accordingly followed after her; and she
having arrived at the river watered the horse, and having watered him
and filled her jar with the water, she passed along by the same way,
bearing the water upon her head, leading the horse after her by a
bridle round her arm, and at the same time turning the spindle. 13.
Then Dareios, marvelling both at that which he heard from those who
went to observe and also at that which he saw himself, bade them bring
her into his presence: and when she was brought, her brothers also
came, who had been watching these things at no great distance off. So
then when Dareios asked of what country she was, the young men said
that they were Paionians and that she was their sister; and he
replied: "Who then are these Paionians, and where upon the earth do
they dwell?" and he asked them also what they desired, that they had
come to Sardis. They declared to him that they had come to give
themselves up to him, and that Paionia was a country situated upon the
river Strymon, and that the Strymon was not far from the Hellespont,
and finally that they were colonists from the Teucrians of Troy. All
these things severally they told him; and he asked whether all the
women of that land were as industrious as their sister; and they very
readily replied to this also, saying that it was so, for it was with a
view to that very thing that they had been doing this. 14. Then
Dareios wrote a letter to Megabazos, whom he had left to command his
army in Thrace, bidding him remove the Paionians from their place of
habitation and bring them to the king, both themselves and their
children and their wives. Then forthwith a horseman set forth to ride
in haste bearing the message to the Hellespont, and having passed over
to the other side he gave the paper to Megabazos. So he having read it
and having obtained guides from Thrace, set forth to march upon
Paionia: 15, and the Paionians, being informed that the Persians were
coming against them, gathered all their powers together and marched
out in the direction of the sea, supposing that the Persians when they
invaded them would make their attack on that side. The Paionians then
were prepared, as I say, to drive off the army of Megabazos when it
came against them; but the Persians hearing that the Paionians had
gathered their powers and were guarding the entrance which lay towards
the sea, directed their course with guides along the upper road; and
passing unperceived by the Paionians they fell upon their cities,
which were left without men, and finding them without defenders they
easily took possession of them. The Paionians when they heard that
their cities were in the hands of the enemy, at once dispersed, each
tribe to its own place of abode, and proceeded to deliver themselves
up to the Persians. Thus then it happened that these tribes of the
Paionians, namely the Siropaionians,[6] the Paioplians and all up to
the lake Prasias, were removed from their place of habitation and
brought to Asia; 16, but those who dwell about mount Pangaion, and
about the Doberians and Agrianians and Odomantians,[7] and about the
lake Prasias itself, were not conquered at all by Megabazos. He tried
however to remove even those who lived in the lake and who had their
dwellings in the following manner:--a platform fastened together and
resting upon lofty piles stood in the middle of the water of the lake,
with a narrow approach to it from the mainland by a single bridge. The
piles which supported the platform were no doubt originally set there
by all the members of the community working together, but since that
time they continue to set them by observance of this rule, that is to
say, every man who marries brings from the mountain called Orbelos
three piles for each wife and sets them as supports; and each man
takes to himself many wives. And they have their dwelling thus, that
is each man has possession of a hut upon the platform in which he
lives and of a trap-door[8] leading through the platform down to the
lake: and their infant children they tie with a rope by the foot, for
fear that they should roll into the water. To their horses and beasts
of burden they give fish for fodder; and of fish there is so great
quantity that if a man open the trap-door and let down an empty basket
by a cord into the lake, after waiting quite a short time he draws it
up again full of fish. Of the fish there are two kinds, and they call
them /paprax/ and /tilon/.

17. So then those of the Paionians who had been conquered were being
brought to Asia: and Megabazos meanwhile, after he had conquered the
Paionians, sent as envoys to Macedonia seven Persians, who after
himself were the men of most repute in the army. These were being sent
to Amyntas to demand of him earth and water for Dareios the king. Now
from lake Prasias there is a very short way into Macedonia; for first,
quite close to the lake, there is the mine from which after this time
there came in regularly a talent of silver every day to Alexander; and
after the mine, when you have passed over the mountain called Dysoron,
you are in Macedonia. 18. These Persians then, who had been sent to
Amyntas, having arrived came into the presence of Amyntas and
proceeded to demand earth and water for king Dareios. This he was
willing to give, and also he invited them to be his guests; and he
prepared a magnificent dinner and received the Persians with friendly
hospitality. Then when dinner was over, the Persians while drinking
pledges to one another[9] said thus: "Macedonian guest-friend, it is
the custom among us Persians, when we set forth a great dinner, then
to bring in also our concubines and lawful wives to sit beside us. Do
thou then, since thou didst readily receive us and dost now entertain
us magnificently as thy guests, and since thou art willing to give to
king Dareios earth and water, consent to follow our custom." To this
Amyntas replied: "Persians, among us the custom is not so, but that
men should be separate from women. Since however ye being our masters
make this request in addition, this also shall be given you." Having
so said Amyntas proceeded to send for the women; and when they came
being summoned, they sat down in order opposite to the Persians. Then
the Persians, seeing women of comely form, spoke to Amyntas and said
that this which had been done was by no means well devised; for it was
better that the women should not come at all, than that they should
come and should not seat themselves by their side, but sit opposite
and be a pain to their eyes. So Amyntas being compelled bade them sit
by the side of the Persians; and when the women obeyed, forthwith the
Persians, being much intoxicated, began to touch their breasts, and
some no doubt also tried to kiss them. 19. Amyntas seeing this kept
quiet, notwithstanding that he felt anger, because he excessively
feared the Persians; but Alexander the son of Amyntas, who was present
and saw this, being young and without experience of calamity was not
able to endure any longer; but being impatient of it he said to
Amyntas: "My father, do thou grant that which thy age demands, and go
away to rest, nor persevere longer in the drinking; but I will remain
here and give to our guests all that is convenient." On this Amyntas,
understanding that Alexander was intending to do some violence, said:
"My son, I think that I understand thy words, as the heat of anger
moves thee, namely that thou desirest to send me away and then do some
deed of violence: therefore I ask of thee not to do violence to these
men, that it may not be our ruin, but endure to see that which is
being done: as to my departure, however, in that I will do as thou
sayest." 20. When Amyntas after having made of him this request had
departed, Alexander said to the Persians: "With these women ye have
perfect freedom, guests, to have commerce with all, if ye so desire,
or with as many of them as ye will. About this matter ye shall be they
who give the word; but now, since already the hour is approaching for
you to go to bed and I see that ye have well drunk, let these women go
away, if so it is pleasing to you, to bathe themselves; and when they
have bathed, then receive them back into your company." Having so
said, since the Persians readily agreed, he dismissed the women, when
they had gone out, to the women's chambers; and Alexander himself
equipped men equal in number to the women and smooth-faced, in the
dress of the women, and giving them daggers he led them into the
banqueting-room; and as he led them in, he said thus to the Persians:
"Persians, it seems to me that ye have been entertained with a feast
to which nothing was wanting; for other things, as many as we had, and
moreover such as we were able to find out and furnish, are all
supplied to you, and there is this especially besides, which is the
chief thing of all, that is, we give you freely in addition our
mothers and our sisters, in order that ye may perceive fully that ye
are honoured by us with that treatment which ye deserve, and also in
order that ye may report to the king who sent you that a man of
Hellas, ruler under him of the Macedonians, entertained you well at
board and bed." Having thus said Alexander caused a Macedonian man in
the guise of a woman to sit by each Persian, and they, when the
Persians attempted to lay hands on them, slew them. 21. So these
perished by this fate, both they themselves and their company of
servants; for there came with them carriages and servants and all the
usual pomp of equipage, and this was all made away with at the same
time as they. Afterwards in no long time a great search was made by
the Persians for these men, and Alexander stopped them with cunning by
giving large sums of money and his own sister, whose name was Gygaia;
--by giving, I say, these things to Bubares a Persian, commander of
those who were searching for the men who had been killed, Alexander
stopped their search. 22. Thus the death of these Persians was kept
concealed. And that these descendants of Perdiccas are Hellenes, as
they themselves say, I happen to know myself, and not only so, but I
will prove in the succeeding history that they are Hellenes.[10]
Moreover the Hellanodicai, who manage the games at Olympia, decided
that they were so: for when Alexander wished to contend in the games
and had descended for this purpose into the arena, the Hellenes who
were to run against him tried to exclude him, saying that the contest
was not for Barbarians to contend in but for Hellenes: since however
Alexander proved that he was of Argos, he was judged to be a Hellene,
and when he entered the contest of the foot-race his lot came out with
that of the first.[11]

23. Thus then it happened with regard to these things: and at the same
time Megabazos had arrived at the Hellespont bringing with him the
Paionians; and thence after passing over the straits he came to
Sardis. Then, since Histiaios the Milesian was already engaged in
fortifying with a wall the place which he had asked and obtained from
Dareios as a reward for keeping safe the bridge of boats (this place
being that which is called Myrkinos, lying along the bank of the river
Strymon), Megabazos, having perceived that which was being done by
Histiaios, as soon as he came to Sardis bringing the Paionians, said
thus to Dareios: "O king, what a thing is this that thou hast done,
granting permission to a Hellene who is skilful and cunning to found a
city in Thracia in a place where there is forest for shipbuilding in
abundance and great quantity of wood for oars and mines of silver and
great numbers both of Hellenes and Barbarians living round, who when
they have obtained a leader will do that which he shall command them
both by day and by night. Therefore stop this man from doing so, that
thou be not involved in a domestic war: and stop him by sending for
him in a courteous manner; but when thou hast got him in thy hands,
then cause that he shall never again return to the land of the
Hellenes. 24. Thus saying Megabazos easily persuaded Dareios, who
thought that he was a true prophet of that which was likely to come to
pass: and upon that Dareios sent a messenger to Myrkinos and said as
follows: "Hisiaios, king Dareios saith these things:--By taking
thought I find that there is no one more sincerely well disposed than
thou art to me and to my power; and this I know having learnt by deeds
not words. Now therefore, since I have it in my mind to accomplish
great matters, come hither to me by all means, that I may communicate
them to thee." Histiaios therefore, trusting to these sayings and at
the same time accounting it a great thing to become a counsellor of
the king, came to Sardis; and when he had come Dareios spoke to him as
follows: "Histiaios, I sent for thee for this reason, namely because
when I had returned from the Scythians and thou wert gone away out of
the sight of my eyes, never did I desire to see anything again within
so short a time as I desired then both to see thee and that thou
shouldst come to speech with me; since I perceived that the most
valuable of all possessions is a friend who is a man of understanding
and also sincerely well-disposed, both which qualities I know exist in
thee, and I am able to bear witness of them in regard to my affairs.
Now therefore (for thou didst well in that thou camest hither) this is
that which I propose to thee:--leave Miletos alone and also thy newly-
founded city in Thracia, and coming with me to Susa, have whatsoever
things I have, eating at my table and being my counseller." 25. Thus
said Dareios, and having appointed Artaphrenes[12] his own brother and
the son of his father to be governor of Sardis, he marched away to
Susa taking with him Histiaios, after he had first named Otanes to be
commander of those who dwelt along the sea coasts. This man's father
Sisamnes, who had been made one of the Royal Judges, king Cambyses
slew, because he had judged a cause unjustly for money, and flayed off
all his skin: then after he had torn away the skin he cut leathern
thongs out of it and stretched them across the seat where Sisamnes had
been wont to sit to give judgment; and having stretched them in the
seat, Cambyses appointed the son of that Sisamnes whom he had slain
and flayed, to be judge instead of his father, enjoining him to
remember in what seat he was sitting to give judgment. 26. This Otanes
then, who was made to sit in that seat, had now become the successor
of Megabazos in the command: and he conquered the Byzantians and
Calchedonians, and he conquered Antandros in the land of Troas, and
Lamponion; and having received ships from the Lesbians he conquered
Lemnos and Imbros, which were both at that time still inhabited by
Pelasgians. 27. Of these the Lemnians fought well, and defending
themselves for a long time were at length brought to ruin;[13] and
over those of them who survived the Persians set as governor Lycaretos
the brother of that Maiandrios who had been king of Samos. This
Lycaretos ruled in Lemnos till his death. And the cause of it[14] was
this:--he continued to reduce all to slavery and subdue them, accusing
some of desertion to the Scythians and others of doing damage to the
army of Dareios as it was coming back from Scythia.

28. Otanes then effected so much when he was made commander: and after
this for a short time there was an abatement[15] of evils; and then
again evils began a second time to fall upon the Ionians, arising from
Naxos and Miletos. For Naxos was superior to all the other islands in
wealth, and Miletos at the same time had just then come to the very
height of its prosperity and was the ornament[16] of Ionia; but before
these events for two generations of men it had been afflicted most
violently by faction until the Parians reformed it; for these the
Milesians chose of all the Hellenes to be reformers of their State.
29. Now the Parians thus reconciled their factions:--the best men of
them came to Miletos, and seeing that the Milesians were in a
grievously ruined state, they said that they desired to go over their
land: and while doing this and passing through the whole territory of
Miletos, whenever they saw in the desolation of the land any field
that was well cultivated, they wrote down the name of the owner of
that field. Then when they had passed through the whole land and had
found but few of such men, as soon as they returned to the city they
called a general gathering and appointed these men to manage the
State, whose fields they had found well cultivated; for they said that
they thought these men would take care of the public affairs as they
had taken care of their own: and the rest of the Milesians, who before
had been divided by factions, they commanded to be obedient to these

30. The Parians then had thus reformed the Milesians; but at the time
of which I speak evils began to come to Ionia from these States[17] in
the following manner:--From Naxos certain men of the wealthier
class[18] were driven into exile by the people, and having gone into
exile they arrived at Miletos. Now of Miletos it happened that
Aristagoras son of Molpagoras was ruler in charge, being both a son-
in-law and also a cousin of Histiaios the son of Lysagoras, whom
Dareios was keeping at Susa: for Histiaios was despot of Miletos, and
it happened that he was at Susa at this time when the Naxians came,
who had been in former times guest-friends of Histiaios. So when the
Naxians arrived, they made request of Aristagoras, to see if perchance
he would supply them with a force, and so they might return from exile
to their own land: and he, thinking that if by his means they should
return to their own State, he would be ruler of Naxos, but at the same
time making a pretext of the guest-friendship of Histiaios, made
proposal to them thus: "I am not able to engage that I can supply you
with sufficient force to bring you back from exile against the will of
those Naxians who have control of the State; for I hear that the
Naxians have an army which is eight thousand shields strong and many
ships of war: but I will use every endeavour to devise a means; and my
plan is this:--it chances that Artaphrenes is my friend: now
Artaphrenes, ye must know,[18a] is a son of Hystaspes and brother of
Dareios the king; and he is ruler of all the people of the sea-coasts
in Asia, with a great army and many ships. This man then I think will
do whatsoever we shall request of him." Hearing this the Naxians gave
over the matter to Aristagoras to manage as best he could, and they
bade him promise gifts and the expenses of the expedition, saying that
they would pay them; for they had full expectation that when they
should appear at Naxos, the Naxians would do all their bidding, and
likewise also the other islanders. For of these islands, that is the
Cyclades, not one was as yet subject to Dareios. 31. Aristagoras
accordingly having arrived at Sardis, said to Artaphrenes that Naxos
was an island not indeed large in size, but fair nevertheless and of
fertile soil, as well as near to Ionia, and that there was in it much
wealth and many slaves: "Do thou therefore send an expedition against
this land, and restore it to those who are now exiles from it: and if
thou shalt do this, first I have ready for thee large sums of money
apart from the expenses incurred for the expedition (which it is fair
that we who conduct it should supply), and next thou wilt gain for the
king not only Naxos itself but also the islands which are dependent
upon it, Paros and Andros and the others which are called Cyclades;
and setting out from these thou wilt easily attack Eubœa, an island
which is large and wealth, as large indeed as Cyprus, and very easy to
conquer. To subdue all these a hundred ships are sufficient." He made
answer in these words: "Thou makest thyself a reporter of good things
to the house of the king; and in all these things thou advisest well,
except as to the number of the ships: for instead of one hundred there
shall be prepared for thee two hundred by the beginning of the spring.
And it is right that the king himself also should join in approving
this matter." 32. So Aristagoras hearing this went back to Miletos
greatly rejoiced; and Artaphrenes meanwhile, when he had sent to Susa
and communicated that which was said by Aristagoras, and Dareios
himself also had joined in approving it, made ready two hundred
triremes and a very great multitude both of Persians and their allies,
and appointed to be commander of these Megabates a Persian, one of the
Achaimenidai and a cousin to himself and to Dareios, to whose daughter
afterwards Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus the Lacedaemonian (at
least if the story be true) betrothed himself, having formed a desire
to become a despot of Hellas. Having appointed Megabates, I say, to be
commander, Artaphrenes sent away the armament to Aristagoras. 33. So
when Megabates had taken force together with the Naxians, he sailed
with the pretence of going to the Hellespont; but when he came to
Chios, he directed his ships to Caucasa, in order that he might from
thence pass them over to Naxos with a North Wind. Then, since it was
not fated that the Naxians should be destroyed by this expedition,
there happened an event which I shall narrate. As Megabates was going
round to visit the guards set in the several ships, it chanced that in
a ship of Myndos there was no one on guard; and he being very angry
bade his spearmen find out the commander of the ship, whose name was
Skylax, and bind him in an oar-hole of his ship in such a manner[19]
that his head should be outside and his body within. When Skylax was
thus bound, some one reported to Aristagoras that Megabates had bound
his guest-friend of Myndos and was doing to him shameful outrage. He
accordingly came and asked the Persian for his release, and as he did
not obtain anything of that which he requested, he went himself and
let him loose. Being informed of this Megabates was exceedingly angry
and broke out in rage against Aristagoras; and he replied: "What hast
thou to do with these matters? Did not Artaphrenes send thee to obey
me, and to sail whithersoever I should order? Why dost thou meddle
with things which concern thee not?" Thus said Aristagoras; and the
other being enraged at this, when night came on sent men in a ship to
Naxos to declare to the Naxians all the danger that threatened them.
34. For the Naxians were not at all expecting that this expedition
would be against them: but when they were informed of it, forthwith
they brought within the wall the property which was in the fields, and
provided for themselves food and drink as for a siege, and
strengthened their wall.[20] These then were making preparations as
for war to come upon them; and the others meanwhile having passed
their ships over from Chios to Naxos, found them well defended when
they made their attack, and besieged them for four months. Then when
the money which the Persians had brought with them had all been
consumed by them, and not only that, but Aristagoras himself had spent
much in addition, and the siege demanded ever more and more, they
built walls for the Naxian exiles and departed to the mainland again
with ill success. 35. And so Aristagoras was not able to fulfil his
promise to Artaphrenes; and at the same time he was hard pressed by
the demand made to him for the expenses of the expedition, and had
fears because of the ill success of the armament and because he had
become an enemy of Megabates; and he supposed that he would be
deprived of his rule over Miletos. Having all these various fears he
began to make plans of revolt: for it happened also that just at this
time the man who had been marked upon the head had come from Hisiaios
who was at Susa, signifying that Aristagoras should revolt from the
king. For Histiaios, desiring to signify to Aristagoras that he should
revolt, was not able to do it safely in any other way, because the
roads were guarded, but shaved off the hair of the most faithful of
his slaves, and having marked his head by pricking it, waited till the
hair had grown again; and as soon as it was grown, he sent him away to
Miletos, giving him no other charge but this, namely that when he
should have arrived at Miletos he should bid Aristagoras shave his
hair and look at his head: and the marks, as I have said before,
signified revolt. This thing Histiaios was doing, because he was
greatly vexed by being detained at Susa. He had great hopes then that
if a revolt occurred he would be let go to the sea-coast; but if no
change was made at Miletos[20a] he had no expectation of ever
returning thither again.

36. Accordingly Hisiaios with this intention was sending the
messenger; and it chanced that all these things happened to
Aristagoras together at the same time. He took counsel therefore with
his partisans, declaring to them both his own opinion and the message
from Hisiaios; and while all the rest expressed an opinion to the same
effect, urging him namely to make revolt, Hecataios the historian
urged first that they should not undertake war with the king of the
Persians, enumerating all the nations over whom Dareios was ruler, and
his power: and when he did not succeed in persuading him, he
counselled next that they should manage to make themselves masters of
the sea. Now this, he continued, could not come to pass in any other
way, so far as he could see, for he knew that the force of the
Milesians was weak, but if the treasures should be taken[21] which
were in the temple at Branchidai, which Crœsus the Lydian dedicated as
offerings, he had great hopes that they might become masters of the
sea; and by this means they would not only themselves have wealth at
their disposal, but the enemy would not be able to carry the things
off as plunder. Now these treasures were of great value, as I have
shown in the first part of the history.[22] This opinion did not
prevail; but nevertheless it was resolved to make revolt, and that one
of them should sail to Myus, to make the force which had returned from
Naxos and was then there, and endeavour to seize the commanders who
sailed in the ships. 37. So Iatragoras was sent for this purpose and
seized by craft Oliatos the son of Ibanollis of Mylasa, and Histiaios
the son of Tymnes of Termera, and Coės the son of Erxander, to whom
Dareios had given Mytilene as a gift, and Aristagoras the son of
Heracleides of Kyme, and many others; and then Aristagoras openly made
revolt and devised all that he could to the hurt of Dareios. And first
he pretended to resign the despotic power and give to Miletos
equality,[23] in order that the Milesians might be willing to revolt
with him: then afterwards he proceeded to do this same thing in the
rest of Ionia also; and some of the despots he drove out, but those
whom he had taken from the ships which had sailed with him to Naxis,
these he surrendered, because he desired to do a pleasure to their
cities, delivering them over severally to that city from which each
one came. 38. Now the men of Mitylene, so soon as they received Coės
into their hands, brought him out and stoned him to death; but the men
of Kyme let their despot go, and so also most of the others let them
go. Thus then the despots were deposed in the various cities; and
Aristagoras the Milesian, after having deposed the despots, bade each
people appoint commanders in their several cities, and then himself
set forth as an envoy to Lacedemon; for in truth it was necessary that
he should find out some powerful alliance.

39. Now at Sparta Anaxandrides the son of Leon was no longer surviving
as king, but had brought his life to an end; and Cleomenes the son of
Anaxandrides was holding the royal power, not having obtained it by
merit but by right of birth. For Anaxandrides had to wife his own
sister's daughter and she was by him much beloved, but no children
were born to him by her. This being so, the Ephors summoned him before
them and said: "If thou dost not for thyself take thought in time, yet
we cannot suffer this to happen, that the race of Eurysthenes should
become extinct. Do thou therefore put away from thee the wife whom
thou now hast, since, as thou knowest, she bears thee no children, and
marry another: and in doing so thou wilt please the Spartans." He made
answer saying that he would do neither of these two things, and that
they did not give him honourable counsel, in that they advised him to
send away the wife whom he had, though she had done him no wrong, and
to take to his house another; and in short he would not follow their
advice. 40. Upon this the Ephors and the Senators deliberated together
and proposed to Anaxandrides as follows: "Since then we perceive that
thou art firmly attached to the wife whom thou now hast, consent to do
this, and set not thyself against it, lest the Spartans take some
counsel about thee other than might be wished. We do not ask of thee
the putting away of the wife whom thou hast; but do thou give to her
all that thou givest now and at the same time take to thy house
another wife in addition to this one, to bear thee children." When
they spoke to him after this manner, Anaxandrides consented, having
two wives, a thing which was not by any means after the Spartan
fashion. 41. Then when no long time had elapsed, the wife who had come
in afterwards bore this Cleomenes of whom we spoke; and just when she
was bringing to the light an heir to the kingdom of the Spartans, the
former wife, who had during the time before been childless, then by
some means conceived, chancing to do so just at that time: and though
she was in truth with child, the kinsfolk of the wife who had come in
afterwards, when they heard of it cried out against her and said that
she was making a vain boast, and that she meant to pass off another
child as her own. Since then they made a great show of indignation, as
the time was fast drawing near, the Ephors being incredulous sat round
and watched the woman during the birth of her child: and she bore
Dorieos and then straightway conceived Leonidas and after him at once
Cleombrotos,--nay, some even say that Cleombrotos and Leonidas were
twins. The wife however who had born Cleomenes and had come in after
the first wife, being the daughter of Primetades the son of
Demarmenos, did not bear a child again. 42. Now Cleomenes, it is said,
was not quite in his right senses but on the verge of madness,[24]
while Dorieos was of all his equals in age the first, and felt assured
that he would obtain the kingdom by merit. Seeing then that he had
this opinion, when Anaxandrides died and the Lacedemonians followed
the usual custom established the eldest, namely Cleomenes, upon the
throne, Dorieos being indignant and not thinking it fit that he should
be a subject of Cleomenes, asked the Spartans to give him a company of
followers and led them out to found a colony, without either inquiring
of the Oracle at Delphi to what land he should go to make a
settlement, or doing any of the things which are usually done; but
being vexed he sailed away with his ships to Libya, and the Theraians
were his guides thither. Then having come to Kinyps[25] he made a
settlement in the fairest spot of all Libya, along the banks of the
river; but afterwards in the third year he was driven out from thence
by the Macai and the Libyans[26] and the Carthaginians, and returned
to Peloponnesus. 43. Then Antichares a man of Eleon gave him counsel
out of the oracles of Laļos to make a settlement at Heracleia[27] in
Sicily, saying that the whole land of Eryx belonged to the
Heracleidai, since Heracles himself had won it: and hearing this he
went forthwith to Delphi to inquire of the Oracle whether he would be
able to conquer the land to which he was setting forth; and the
Pythian prophetess replied to him that he would conquer it. Dorieos
therefore took with him the armament which he conducted before to
Libya, and voyaged along the coast of Italy.[28] 44. Now at this time,
the men of Sybaris say that they and their king Telys were about to
make an expedition against Croton, and the men of Croton being
exceedingly alarmed asked Dorieos to help them and obtained their
request. So Dorieos joined them in an expedition against Sybaris and
helped them to conquer Sybaris. This is what the men of Sybaris say of
the doings of Dorieos and his followers; but those of Croton say that
no stranger helped them in the war against the Sybarites except
Callias alone, a diviner of Elis and one of the descendants of Iamos,
and he in the following manner:--he ran away, they say, from Telys the
despot of the Sybarites, when the sacrifices did not prove favourable,
as he was sacrificing for the expedition against Croton, and so he
came to them. 45. Such, I say, are the tales which these tell, and
they severally produce as evidence of them the following facts:--the
Sybarites point to a sacred enclosure and temple by the side of the
dried-up bed of the Crathis,[29] which they say that Dorieos, after he
had joined in the capture of the city, set up to Athene surnamed "of
the Crathis"; and besides they consider the death of Dorieos himself
to be a very strong evidence, thinking that he perished because he
acted contrary to the oracle which was given to him; for if he had not
done anything by the way but had continued to do that for which he was
sent, he would have conquered the land of Eryx and having conquered it
would have become possessor of it, and he and his army would not have
perished. On the other hand the men of Croton declare that many things
were granted in the territory of Croton as special gifts to Callias
the Eleisan, of which the descendants of Callias were still in
possession down to my time, and that nothing was granted to Dorieos or
the descendants of Dorieos: but if Dorieos had in fact helped them in
the way with Sybaris, many times as much, they say, would have been
given to him as to Callias. These then are the evidences which the two
sides produce, and we may assent to whichever of them we think
credible. 46. Now there sailed with Dorieos others also of the
Spartans, to be joint-founders with him of the colony, namely
Thessalos and Paraibates and Keleas and Euryleon; and these when they
had reached Sicily with all their armament, were slain, being defeated
in battle by the Phenicians and the men of Egesta; and Euryleon only
of the joint-founders survived this disaster. This man then having
collected the survivors of the expedition, took possession of Minoa
the colony of Selinus, and he helped to free the men of Selinus from
their despot Peithagoras. Afterwards, when he had deposed him, he laid
hands himself upon the despotism in Selinus and became sole ruler
there, though but for a short time; for the men of Selinus rose in
revolt against him and slew him, notwithstanding that he had fled for
refuge to the altar of Zeus Agoraios.[30]

47. There had accompanied Dorieos also and died with him Philip the
son of Butakides, a man of Croton, who having betrothed himself to the
daughter of Telys the Sybarite, became an exile from Croton; and then
being disappointed of this marriage he sailed away to Kyrene, whence
he set forth and accompanied Dorieos with a trireme of his own,
himself supplying the expenses of the crew. Now this man had been a
victor at the Olympic games, and he was the most beautiful of the
Hellenes who lived in his time; and on account of his beauty he
obtained from the men of Egesta that which none else ever obtained
from them, for they established a hero-temple over his tomb, and they
propitiate him still with sacrifices.

48. In this manner Dorieos ended his life: but if he had endured to be
a subject of Cleomenes and had remained in Sparta, he would have been
king of Lacedemon; for Cleomenes reigned no very long time, and died
leaving no son to succeed him but a daughter only, whose name was

49. However, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos arrived at Sparta while
Cleomenes was reigning: and accordingly with him he came to speech,
having, as the Lacedemonians say, a tablet of bronze, on which was
engraved a map[31] of the whole Earth, with all the sea and all the
rivers. And when he came to speech with Cleomenes he said to him as
follows: "Marvel not, Cleomenes, at my earnestness in coming hither,
for the case is this.--That the sons of the Ionians should be slaves
instead of free is a reproach and a grief most of all indeed to
ourselves, but of all others most to you, inasmuch as ye are the
leaders of Hellas. Now therefore I entreat you by the gods of Hellas
to rescue from slavery the Ionians, who are your own kinsmen: and ye
may easily achieve this, for the Barbarians are not valiant in fight,
whereas ye have attained to the highest point of valour in that which
relates to war: and their fighting is of this fashion, namely with
bows and arrows and a short spear, and they go into battle wearing
trousers and with caps[32] on their heads. Thus they are easily
conquered. Then again they who occupy that continent have good things
in such quantity as not all the other nations of the world together
possess; first gold, then silver and bronze and embroidered garments
and beasts of burden and slaves; all which ye might have for
yourselves, if ye so desired. And the nations moreover dwell in such
order one after the other as I shall declare:--the Ionians here; and
next to them the Lydians, who not only dwell in a fertile land, but
are also exceedingly rich in gold and silver,"[33]--and as he said
this he pointed to the map of the Earth, which he carried with him
engraved upon the tablet,--"and here next to the Lydians," continued
Aristagoras, "are the Eastern Phrygians, who have both the greatest
number of sheep and cattle[34] of any people that I know, and also the
most abundant crops. Next to the Phrygians are the Cappadokians, whom
we call Syrians; and bordering upon them are the Kilikians, coming
down to this[35] sea, in which lies the island of Cyprus here; and
these pay five hundred talents to the king for their yearly tribute.
Next to these Kilikians are the Armenians, whom thou mayest see here,
and these also have great numbers of sheep and cattle. Next to the
Armenians are the Matienians occupying this country here; and next to
them is the land of Kissia here, in which land by the banks of this
river Choaspes is situated that city of Susa where the great king has
his residence, and where the money is laid up in treasuries. After ye
have taken this city ye may then with good courage enter into a
contest with Zeus in the matter of wealth. Nay, but can it be that ye
feel yourselves bound to take upon you the risk of[36] battles against
Messenians and Arcadians and Argives, who are equally matched against
you, for the sake of land which is not much in extent nor very
fertile, and for confines which are but small, though these peoples
have neither gold nor silver at all, for the sake of which desire
incites one to fight and to die,--can this be, I say, and will ye
choose some other way now, when it is possible for you easily to have
the rule over all Asia?" Aristagoras spoke thus, and Cleomenes
answered him saying: "Guest-friend from Miletos, I defer my answer to
thee until the day after to-morrow."[37] 50. Thus far then they
advanced at that time; and when the appointed day arrived for the
answer, and they had come to the place agreed upon, Cleomenes asked
Aristagoras how many days' journey it was from the sea of the Ionians
to the residence of the king. Now Aristagoras, who in other respects
acted cleverly and imposed upon him well, in this point made a
mistake: for whereas he ought not to have told him the truth, at least
if he desired to bring the Spartans out to Asia, he said in fact that
it was a journey up from the sea of three months: and the other
cutting short the rest of the account which Aristagoras had begun to
give of the way, said: "Guest-friend from Miletos, get thee away from
Sparta before the sun has set; for thou speakest a word which sounds
not well in the ears of the Lacedemonians, desiring to take them a
journey of three months from the sea." 51. Cleomenes accordingly
having so said went away to his house: but Aristagoras took the
suppliant's branch and went to the house of Cleomenes; and having
entered in as a suppliant, he bade Cleomenes send away the child and
listen to him; for the daughter of Cleomenes was standing by him,
whose name was Gorgo, and this as it chanced was his only child, being
of the age now of eight or nine years. Cleomenes however bade him say
that which he desired to say, and not to stop on account of the child.
Then Aristagoras proceeded to promise him money, beginning with ten
talents, if he would accomplish for him that for which he was asking;
and when Cleomenes refused, Aristagoras went on increasing the sums of
money offered, until at last he had promised fifty talents, and at
that moment the child cried out: "Father, the stranger will do thee
hurt,[38] if thou do not leave him and go." Cleomenes, then, pleased
by the counsel of the child, departed into another room, and
Aristagoras went away from Sparta altogether, and had no opportunity
of explaining any further about the way up from the sea to the
residence of the king.

52. As regards this road the truth is as follows.--Everywhere there
are royal stages[39] and excellent resting-places, and the whole road
runs through country which is inhabited and safe. Through Lydia and
Phrygia there extend twenty stages, amounting to ninety-four and a
half leagues;[40] and after Phrygia succeeds the river Halys, at which
there is a gate[40a] which one must needs pass through in order to
cross the river, and a strong guard-post is established there. Then
after crossing over into Cappadokia it is twenty-eight stages, being a
hundred and four leagues, by this way to the borders of Kilikia; and
on the borders of the Kilikians you will pass through two several
gates and go by two several guard-posts: then after passing through
these it is three stages, amounting to fifteen and a half leagues, to
journey through Kilikia; and the boundary of Kilikia and Armenia is a
navigable river called Euphrates. In Armenia the number of stages with
resting-places is fifteen, and of leagues fifty-six and a half, and
there is a guard-post on the way: then from Armenia, when one enters
the land of Matiene,[41] there are thirty-four stages, amounting to a
hundred and thirty-seven leagues; and through this land flow four
navigable rivers, which cannot be crossed but by ferries, first the
Tigris, then a second and third called both by the same name,[42]
though they are not the same river nor do they flow from the same
region (for the first-mentioned of them flows from the Armenian land
and the other[43] from that of the Matienians), and the fourth of the
rivers is called Gyndes, the same which once Cyrus divided into three
hundred and sixty channels.[44] Passing thence into the Kissian land,
there are eleven stages, forty-two and a half leagues, to the river
Choaspes, which is also a navigable stream; and upon this is built the
city of Susa. The number of these stages amounts in all to one hundred
and eleven. 53. This is the number of stages with resting-places, as
one goes up from Sardis to Susa: and if the royal road has been
rightly measured as regards leagues, and if the league[45] is equal to
thirty furlongs,[46] (as undoubtedly it is), the number of furlongs
from Sardis to that which is called the palace of Memnon is thirteen
thousand five hundred, the number of leagues being four hundred and
fifty. So if one travels a hundred and fifty furlongs each day, just
ninety days are spent on the journey.[47] 54. Thus the Milesian
Aristagoras, when he told Cleomenes the Lacedemonian that the journey
up from the sea to the residence of the king was one of three months,
spoke correctly: but if any one demands a more exact statement yet
than this, I will give him that also: for we ought to reckon in
addition to this the length of the road from Ephesos to Sardis; and I
say accordingly that the whole number of furlongs from the sea of
Hellas to Susa (for by that name the city of Memnon is known) is
fourteen thousand and forty; for the number of furlongs from Ephesos
to Sardis is five hundred and forty: thus the three months' journey is
lengthened by three days added.

55. Aristagoras then being driven out of Sparta proceeded to Athens;
which had been set free from the rule of despots in the way which I
shall tell.--When Hipparchos the son of Peisistratos and brother of
the despot Hippias, after seeing a vision of a dream which signified
it to him plainly,[48] had been slain by Aristogeiton and Harmodios,
who were originally by descent Gephyraians, the Athenians continued
for four years after this to be despotically governed no less than
formerly,--nay, even more. 56. Now the vision of a dream which
Hipparchos had was this:--in the night before the Panathenaia it
seemed to Hipparchos that a man came and stood by him, tall and of
fair form, and riddling spoke to him these verses:

"With enduring soul as a lion endure unendurable evil:
No one of men who doth wrong shall escape from the judgment appointed."

These verses, as soon as it was day, he publicly communicated to the
interpreters of dreams; but afterwards he put away thought of the
vision[49] and began to take part in that procession during which he
lost his life.

57. Now the Gephyraians, of whom were those who murdered Hipparchos,
according to their own account were originally descended from Eretria;
but as I find by carrying inquiries back, they were Phenicians of
those who came with Cadmos to the land which is now called Bœotia, and
they dwelt in the district of Tanagra, which they had had allotted to
them in that land. Then after the Cadmeians had first been driven out
by the Argives, these Gephyraians next were driven out by the Bœotians
and turned then towards Athens: and the Athenians received them on
certain fixed conditions to be citizens of their State, laying down
rules that they should be excluded from a number of things not worth
mentioning here. 58. Now these Phenicians who came with Cadmos, of
whom were the Gephyraians, brought in among the Hellenes many arts
when they settled in this land of Bœotia, and especially letters,
which did not exist, as it appears to me, among the Hellenes before
this time; and at first they brought in those which are used by the
Phenician race generally, but afterwards, as time went on, they
changed with their speech the form of the letters also. During this
time the Ionians were the race of Hellenes who dwelt near them in most
of the places where they were; and these, having received letters by
instruction of the Phenicians, changed their form slightly and so made
use of them, and in doing so they declared them to be called
"phenicians," as was just, seeing that the Phenicians had introduced
them into Hellas. Also the Ionians from ancient time call paper
"skins," because formerly, paper being scarce, they used skins of goat
and sheep; nay, even in my own time many of the Barbarians write on
such skins. 59. I myself too once saw Cadmeian characters in the
temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes of the Bœotians, engraved on
certain[49a] tripods, and in most respects resembling the Ionic
letters: one of these tripods has the inscription,

"Me Amphitryon offered from land Teleboian returning:"[50]

this inscription would be of an age contemporary with Laļos the son of
Labdacos, the son of Polydoros, the son of Cadmos. 60. Another tripod
says thus in hexameter rhythm:

"Me did Scaios offer to thee, far-darting Apollo,
Victor in contest of boxing, a gift most fair in thine honour:"

now Scaios would be the son of Hippocoön (at least if it were really
he who offered it, and not another with the same name as the son of
Hippocoön), being of an age contemporary with Œdipus the son of Laļos:
61, and the third tripod, also in hexameter rhythm, says:

"Me Laodamas offered to thee, fair-aiming Apollo,
He, of his wealth,[51] being king, as a gift most fair in thine honor:"

now it was in the reign of this very Laodamas the son of Eteocles that
the Cadmeians were driven out by the Argives and turned to go to the
Enchelians; and the Gephyraians being then left behind were afterwards
forced by the Bœotians to retire to Athens. Moreover they have temples
established in Athens, in which the other Athenians have no part, and
besides others which are different from the rest, there is especially
a temple of Demeter Achaia and a celebration of her mysteries.

62. I have told now of the vision of a dream seen by Hipparchos, and
also whence the Gephrynians were descended, of which race were the
murderers of Hipparchos; and in addition to this I must resume and
continue the story which I was about to tell at first, how the
Athenians were freed from despots. When Hippias was despot and was
dealing harshly with the Athenians because of the death of Hipparchos,
the Alcmaionidai, who were of Athenian race and were fugitives from
the sons of Peisistratos,[52] as they did not succeed in their attempt
made together with the other Athenian exiles to return by force, but
met with great disaster when they attempted to return and set Athens
free, after they had fortified Leipsydrion which is above Paionia,--
these Alomaionidai after that, still devising every means against the
sons of Peisistratos, accepted the contract to build and complete the
temple at Delphi, that namely which now exists but then did not as
yet: and being wealthy and men of repute already from ancient time,
they completed the temple in a manner more beautiful than the plan
required, and especially in this respect, that having agreed to make
the temple of common limestone,[53] they built the front parts of it
in Parian marble. 63. So then, as the Athenians say, these men being
settled at Delphi persuaded the Pythian prophetess by gifts of money,
that whenever men of the Spartans should come to inquire of the
Oracle, either privately or publicly sent, she should propose to them
to set Athens free. The Lacedemonians therefore, since the same
utterance was delivered to them on all occasions, sent Anchimolios the
son of Aster, who was of repute among their citizens, with an army to
drive out the sons of Peisistratos from Athens, although these were
very closely connected with them by guest-friendship; for they held
that the concerns of the god[53a] should be preferred to those of men:
and this force they sent by sea in ships. He therefore, having put in
to shore at Phaleron, disembarked his army; but the sons of
Peisistratos being informed of this beforehand called in to their aid
an auxiliary force from Thessaly, for they had made an alliance with
the Thessalians; and the Thessalians at their request sent by public
resolution a body of a thousand horse and also their king Kineas, a
man of Conion.[54] So having obtained these as allies, the sons of
Peisistratos contrived as follows:--they cut down the trees in the
plain of Phaleron and made this district fit for horsemen to ride
over, and after that they sent the cavalry to attack the enemy's camp,
who falling upon it slew (besides many others of the Lacedemonians)
Anchimolios himself also: and the survivors of them they shut up in
their ships. Such was the issue of the first expedition from
Lacedemon: and the burial-place of Anchimolios is at Alopecai in
Attica, near the temple of Heracles which is at Kynosarges. 64. After
this the Lacedemonians equipped a larger expedition and sent it forth
against Athens; and they appointed to be commander of the army their
king Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, and sent it this time not by
sea but by land. With these, when they had invaded the land of Attica,
first the Thessalian horse engaged battle; and in no long time they
were routed and there fell of them more than forty men; so the
survivors departed without more ado and went straight back to
Thessaly. Then Cleomenes came to the city together with those of the
Athenians who desired to be free, and began to besiege the despots
shut up in the Pelasgian wall. 64. And the Lacedemonians would never
have captured the sons of Peisistratos at all; for they on their side
had no design to make a long blockade, and the others were well
provided with food and drink; so that they would have gone away back
to Sparta after besieging them for a few days only: but as it was, a
thing happened just at this time which was unfortunate for those, and
at the same time of assistance to these; for the children of the sons
of Peisistratos were captured, while being secretly removed out of the
country: and when this happened, all their matters were thereby cast
into confusion, and they surrendered receiving back their children on
the terms which the Athenians desired, namely that they should depart
out of Attica within five days. After this they departed out of the
country and went to Sigeion on the Scamander, after their family had
ruled over the Athenians for six-and-thirty years. These also[54a]
were originally Pylians and sons of Neleus, descended from the same
ancestors as the family of Codros and Melanthos, who had formerly
become kings of Athens being settlers from abroad. Hence too
Hippocrates had given to his son the name of Peisistratos as a
memorial, calling him after Peisistratos the son of Nestor.

Thus the Athenians were freed from despots; and the things worthy to
be narrated which they did or suffered after they were liberated, up
to the time when Ionia revolted from Dareios and Aristagoras the
Milesian came to Athens and asked them to help him, these I will set
forth first before I proceed further.

66. Athens, which even before that time was great, then, after having
been freed from despots, became gradually yet greater; and in it two
men exercised power, namely Cleisthenes a descendant of Alcmaion, the
same who is reported to have bribed the Pythian prophetess, and
Isagoras, the son of Tisander, of a family which was highly reputed,
but of his original descent I am not able to declare; his kinsmen
however offer sacrifices to the Carian Zeus. These men came to party
strife for power; and then Cleisthenes was being worsted in the
struggle, he made common cause with the people. After this he caused
the Athenians to be in ten tribes, who were formerly in four; and he
changed the names by which they were called after the sons of Ion,
namely Geleon, Aigicoreus, Argades, and Hoples, and invented for them
names taken from other heroes, all native Athenians except Ajax, whom
he added as a neighbour and ally, although he was no Athenian.

67. Now in these things it seems to me that this Cleisthenes was
imitating his mother's father Cleisthenes the despot of Sikyon: for
Cleisthenes when he went to war with Argos first caused to cease in
Sikyon the contests of rhapsodists, which were concerned with the
poems of Homer, because Argives and Argos are celebrated in them
almost everywhere; then secondly, since there was (as still there is)
in the market-place itself of the Sikyonians a hero-temple of Adrastos
the son of Talaos, Cleisthenes had a desire to cast him forth out of
the land, because he was an Argive. So having come to Delphi he
consulted the Oracle as to whether he should cast out Adrastos; and
the Pythian prophetess answered him saying that Adrastos was king of
the Sikyonians, whereas he was a stoner[55] of them. So since the god
did not permit him to do this, he went away home and considered means
by which Adrastos should be brought to depart of his own accord: and
when he thought that he had discovered them, he sent to Thebes in
Bœotia and said that he desired to introduce into his city Melanippos
the son of Astacos, and the Thebans gave him leave. So Cleisthenes
introduced Melanippos into his city, and appointed for him a sacred
enclosure within the precincts of the City Hall[56] itself, and
established him there in the strongest position. Now Cleisthenes
introduced Melanippos (for I must relate this also) because he was the
greatest enemy of Adrastos, seeing that he had killed both his brother
Mekisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus: and when he had appointed the
sacred enclosure for him, he took away the sacrifices and festivals of
Adrastos and gave them to Melanippos. Now the Sikyonians were
accustomed to honour Adrastos with very great honours; for this land
was formerly the land of Polybos, and Adrastos was daughter's son to
Polybos, and Polybos dying without sons gave his kingdom to Adrastos:
the Sikyonians then not only gave other honours to Adrastos, but also
with reference to his sufferings they specially honoured him with
tragic choruses, not paying the honour to Dionysos but to Adrastos.
Cleisthenes however gave back the choruses to Dionysos, and the other
rites besides this he gave to Melannipos. 68. Thus he had done to
Adrastos; and he also changed the names of the Dorian tribes, in order
that the Sikyonians might not have the same tribes as the Argives; in
which matter he showed great contempt of the Sikyonians, for the names
he gave were taken from the names of a pig and an ass by changing only
the endings, except in the case of his own tribe, to which he gave a
name from his own rule. These last then were called Archelaoi,[57]
while of the rest those of one tribe were called Hyatai,[58] of
another Oneatai,[59] and of the remaining tribe Choireatai.[60] These
names of tribes were used by the men of Sikyon not only in the reign
of Cleisthenes, but also beyond that for sixty years after his death;
then however they considered the matter and changed them into Hylleis,
Pamphyloi, and Dymanatai, adding to these a fourth, to which they gave
the name Aigialeis after Aigialeus the son of Adrastos.

69. Thus had the Cleisthenes of Sikyon done: and the Athenian
Cleisthenes, who was his daughter's son and was called after him,
despising, as I suppose, the Ionians, as he the Dorians, imitated his
namesake Cleisthenes in order that the Athenians might not have the
same tribes as the Ionians: for when at the time of which we speak he
added to his own party the whole body of the common people of the
Athenians, which in former time he had despised,[61] he changed the
names of the tribes and made them more in number than they had been;
he made in fact ten rulers of tribes instead of four, and by tens also
he distributed the demes in the tribes; and having added the common
people to his party he was much superior to his opponents. 70. Then
Isagoras, as he was being worsted in his turn, contrived a plan in
opposition to him, that is to say, he called in Cleomenes the
Lacedemonian to help him, who had been a guest-friend to himself since
the siege of the sons of Peisistratos; moreover Cleomenes was accused
of being intimate with the wife of Isagoras. First then Cleomenes sent
a herald to Athens demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and with him
many others of the Athenians, calling them the men who were under the
curse:[62] this message he sent by instruction of Isagoras, for the
Alcmaionidai and their party were accused of the murder to which
reference was thus made, while he and his friends had no part in it.
71. Now the men of the Athenians who were "under the curse" got this
name as follows:--there was one Kylon among the Athenians, a man who
had gained the victory at the Olympic games: this man behaved with
arrogance, wishing to make himself despot; and having formed for
himself an association of men of his own age, he endeavoured to seize
the Acropolis: but not being able to get possession of it, he sat down
as a suppliant before the image of the goddess.[63] These men were
taken from their place as suppliants by the presidents of the
naucraries, who then administered affairs at Athens, on the condition
that they should be liable to any penalty short of death; and the
Alcmaionidai are accused of having put them to death. This had
occurred before the time of Peisistratos. 72. Now when Cleomenes sent
demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and of those under the curse,
Cleisthenes himself retired secretly; but after that nevertheless
Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no very large force, and having
arrived he proceeded to expel as accursed seven hundred Athenian
families, of which Isagoras had suggested to him the names. Having
done this he next endeavoured to dissolve the Senate, and he put the
offices of the State into the hands of three hundred, who were the
partisans of Isagoras. The Senate however making opposition, and not
being willing to submit, Cleomenes with Isagoras and his partisans
seized the Acropolis. Then the rest of the Athenians joined together
by common consent and besieged them for two days; and on the third day
so many of them as were Lacedemonians departed out of the country
under a truce. Thus was accomplished for Cleomenes the ominous saying
which was uttered to him: for when he had ascended the Acropolis with
the design of taking possession of it, he was going to the sanctuary
of the goddess, as to address her in prayer; but the priestess stood
up from her seat before he had passed through the door, and said,
"Lacedemonian stranger, go back and enter not into the temple, for it
is not lawful for Dorians to pass in hither." He said: "Woman, I am
not a Dorian, but an Achaian." So then, paying no attention to the
ominous speech, he made his attempt and then was expelled again with
the Lacedemonians; but the rest of the men the Athenians laid in bonds
to be put to death, and among them Timesitheos the Delphian, with
regard to whom I might mention very great deeds of strength and
courage which he performed. 73. These then having been thus laid in
bonds were put to death; and the Athenians after this sent for
Cleisthenes to return, and also for the seven hundred families which
had been driven out by Cleomenes: and then they sent envoys to Sardis,
desiring to make an alliance with the Persians; for they were well
assured that the Lacedemonians and Cleomenes had been utterly made
their foes. So when these envoys had arrived at Sardis and were saying
that which they had been commanded to say, Artaphrenes the son of
Hystaspes, the governor of Sardis, asked what men these were who
requested to be allies of the Persians, and where upon the earth they
dwelt; and having heard this from the envoys, he summed up his answer
to them thus, saying that if the Athenians were willing to give earth
and water to Dareios, he was willing to make alliance with them, but
if not, he bade them begone: and the envoys taking the matter upon
themselves said that they were willing to do so, because they desired
to make the alliance. 74. These, when they returned to their own land,
were highly censured: and Cleomenes meanwhile, conceiving that he had
been outrageously dealt with by the Athenians both with words and with
deeds, was gathering together an army from the whole of the
Peloponnese, not declaring the purpose for which he was gathering it,
but desiring to take vengeance on the people of the Athenians, and
intending to make Isagoras despot; for he too had come out of the
Acropolis together with Cleomenes. Cleomenes then with a large army
entered Eleusis, while at the same time the Bœotians by agreement with
him captured Oinoe and Hysiai, the demes which lay upon the extreme
borders of Attica, and the Chalkidians on the other side invaded and
began to ravage various districts of Attica. The Athenians then,
though attacked on more sides than one, thought that they would
remember the Bœotians and Chalkidians afterwards, and arrayed
themselves against the Peloponnesians who were in Eleusis. 75. Then as
the armies were just about the join battle, the Corinthians first,
considering with themselves that they were not acting rightly, changed
their minds and departed; and after that Demaratos the son of Ariston
did the same, who was king of the Spartans as well as Cleomenes,
though he had joined with him in leading the army out from Lacedemon
and had not been before this at variance with Cleomenes. In
consequence of this dissension a law was laid down at Sparta that it
should not be permitted, when an army went out, that both the kings
should go with it, for up to this time both used to go with it, and
that as one of the kings was set free from service, so one of the sons
of Tyndareus[64] also should be left behind; for before this time both
of these two were called upon by them for help and went with the
armies. 76. At this time then in Eleusis the rest of the allies,
seeing that the kings of the Lacedemonians did not agree and also that
the Corinthians had deserted their place in the ranks, themselves too
departed and got them away quickly. And this was the fourth time that
the Dorians had come to Attica, twice having invaded it to make war
against it, and twice to help the mass of the Athenian people,--first
when they at the same time colonised Megara (this expedition may
rightly be designated as taking place when Codros was king of the
Athenians), for the second and third times when they came making
expeditions from Sparta to drive out the sons of Peisistratos, and
fourthly on this occasion, when Cleomenes at the head of the
Peloponnesians invaded Eleusis: thus the Dorians invaded Athens then
for the fourth time.

77. This army then having been ingloriously broken up, the Athenians
after that, desiring to avenge themselves, made expedition first
against the Chalkidians; and the Bœotians came to the Euripos to help
the Chalkidians. The Athenians, therefore, seeing those who had come
to help,[64a] resolved first to attack the Bœotians before the
Chalkidians. Accordingly they engaged battle with the Bœotians, and
had much the better of them, and after having slain very many they
took seven hundred of them captive. On this very same day the
Athenians passed over into Eubœa and engaged battle with the
Chalkidians as well; and having conquered these also, they left four
thousand holders of allotments in the land belonging to the "Breeders
of Horses":[65] now the wealthier of the Chalkidians were called the
Breeders of Horses. And as many of them as they took captive, they
kept in confinement together with the Bœotians who had been captured,
bound with fetters; and then after a time they let them go, having
fixed their ransom at two pounds of silver apiece:[66] but their
fetters, in which they had been bound, they hung up on the Acropolis;
and these were still existing even to my time hanging on walls which
had been scorched with fire by the Mede,[67] and just opposite the
sanctuary which lies towards the West. The tenth part of the ransom
also they dedicated for an offering, and made of it a four-horse
chariot of bronze, which stands on the left hand as you enter the
Propylaia in the Acropolis, and on it is the following inscription:

"Matched in the deeds of war with the tribes of Bœotia and Chalkis
The sons of Athens prevailed, conquered and tamed them in fight:
In chains of iron and darkness they quenched their insolent spirit;
And to Athene present these, of their ransom a tithe."

78. The Athenians accordingly increased in power; and it is evident,
not by one instance only but in every way, that Equality[68] is an
excellent thing, since the Athenians while they were ruled by despots
were not better in war that any of those who dwelt about them, whereas
after they had got rid of despots they became far the first. This
proves that when they were kept down they were wilfully slack, because
they were working for a master, whereas when they had been set free
each one was eager to achieve something for himself.

79. These then were faring thus: and the Thebans after this sent to
the god, desiring to be avenged on the Athenians; the Pythian
prophetess however said that vengeance was not possible for them by
their own strength alone, but bade them report the matter to the
"many-voiced" and ask help of those who were "nearest" to them. So
when those who were sent to consult the Oracle returned, they made a
general assembly and reported the oracle; and then the Thebans heard
them say that they were to ask help of those who were nearest to them,
they said: "Surely those who dwell nearest to us are the men of
Tanagra and Coroneia and Thespiai; and these always fight zealously on
our side and endure the war with us to the end: what need is there
that we ask of these? Rather perhaps that is not the meaning of the
oracle." 80. While they commented upon it thus, at length one
perceived that which the oracle means to tell us. Asopos is said to
have had two daughters born to him, Thebe and Egina; and as these are
sisters, I think that the god gave us for answer that we should ask
the men of Egina to become our helpers." Then as there seemed to be no
opinion expressed which was better than this, they sent forthwith and
asked the men of Egina to help them, calling upon them in accordance
with the oracle; and they, when these made request, said that they
sent with them the sons of Aiacos to help them. 81. After that the
Thebans, having made an attempt with the alliance of the sons of
Aiacos and having been roughly handled by the Athenians, sent again
and gave them back the sons of Aiacos and asked them for men. So the
Eginetans, exalted by great prosperity and calling to mind an ancient
grudge against the Athenians, then on the request of the Thebans
commenced a war against the Athenians without notice: for while the
Athenians were intent on the Bœotians, they sailed against them to
Attica with ships of war, and they devastated Phaleron and also many
demes in the remainder of the coast region, and so doing they deeply
stirred the resentment of the Athenians.[69]

82. Now the grudge which was due beforehand from the Eginetans to the
Athenians came about from a beginning which was as follows:--The land
of the Epidaurians yielded to its inhabitants no fruit; and
accordingly with reference to this calamity the Epidaurians went to
inquire at Delphi, and the Pythian prophetess bade them set up images
of Damia and Auxesia, and said that when they had set up these, they
would meet with better fortune. The Epidaurians then asked further
whether they should make images of bronze or of stone; and the
prophetess bade them not use either of these, but make them of the
wood of a cultivated olive-tree. The Epidaurians therefore asked the
Athenians to allow them to cut for themselves an olive-tree, since
they thought that their olives were the most sacred; nay some say that
at that time there were no olives in any part of the earth except at
Athens. The Athenians said that they would allow them on condition
that they should every year bring due offerings to Athene Polias[70]
and to Erechtheus. The Epidaurians, then, having agreed to these
terms, obtained that which they asked, and they made images out of
these olive-trees and set them up: and their land bore fruit and they
continued to fulfil towards the Athenians that which they had agreed
to do. 83. Now during this time and also before this the Eginetans
were subject to the Epidaurians, and besides other things they were
wont to pass over to Epidauros to have their disputes with one another
settled by law:[71] but after this time they built for themselves
ships and made revolt from the Epidaurians, moved thereto by
wilfulness. So as they were at variance with them, they continued to
inflict damage on them, since in fact they had command of the sea, and
especially they stole away from them these images of Damia and
Auxesia, and they brought them and set them up in the inland part of
their country at a place called Oia, which is about twenty furlongs
distant from their city. Having set them up in this spot they
worshipped them with sacrifices and choruses of women accompanied with
scurrilous jesting, ten men being appointed for each of the deities to
provide the choruses: and the choruses spoke evil of no man, but only
of the women of the place. Now the Epidaurians also had the same
rites; and they have also rites which may not be divulged. 84. These
images then having been stolen, the Epidaurians no longer continued to
fulfil towards the Athenians that which they had agreed. The Athenians
accordingly sent and expressed displeasure to the Epidaurians; and
they declared saying that they were doing no wrong; for during the
time when they had the images in their country they continued to
fulfil that which they had agreed upon, but since they had been
deprived of them, it was not just that they should make the offerings
any more; and they bade them demand these from the men of Egina, who
had the images. So the Athenians sent to Egina and demanded the images
back; but the Eginetans said that they had nothing to do with the

85. The Athenians then report that in one single trireme were
despatched those of their citizens who were sent by the State after
this demand; who having come to Egina, attempted to tear up from off
their pedestals the images, (alleging that they were made of wood
which belonged to the Athenians), in order to carry them back with
them: but not being able to get hold of them in this manner (say the
Athenians) they threw ropes round them and were pulling them, when
suddenly, as they pulled, thunder came on and an earthquake at the
same time with the thunder; and the crew of the trireme who were
pulling were made beside themselves by these, and being brought to
this condition they killed one another as if they were enemies, until
at last but one of the whole number was left; and he returned alone to
Phaleron. 86. Thus the Athenians report that it came to pass: but the
Eginetans say that it was not with a single ship that the Athenians
came; for a single ship, and even a few more than one, they could have
easily repelled, even if they had not happened to have ships of their
own: but they say that the Athenians sailed upon their country with a
large fleet of ships, and they gave way before them and did not fight
a sea-battle. They cannot however declare with certainty whether they
gave way thus because they admitted that they were not strong enough
to fight the battle by sea, or because they intended to do something
of the kind which they actually did. The Athenians then, they say, as
no one met them in fight, landed from their ships and made for the
images; but not being able to tear them up from their pedestals, at
last they threw ropes round them and began to pull, until the images,
as they were being pulled, did both the same thing (and here they
report something which I cannot believe, but some other man may), for
they say that the images fell upon their knees to them and that they
continue to be in that position ever since this time. The Athenians,
they say, were doing thus; and meanwhile they themselves (say the
Eginetans), being informed that the Athenians were about to make an
expedition against them, got the Argives to help them; and just when
the Athenians had disembarked upon the Eginetan land, the Argives had
come to their rescue, and not having been perceived when they passed
over from Epidauros to the island, they fell upon the Athenians before
these had heard anything of the matter, cutting them off secretly from
the way to their ships; and at this moment it was that the thunder and
the earthquake came upon them. 87. This is the report which is given
by the Argives and Eginetans both, and it is admitted by the Athenians
also that but one alone of them survived and came back to Attica: only
the Argives say that this one remained alive from destruction wrought
by them upon the army of Athens, while the Athenians say that the
divine power was the destroyer. However, even this one man did not
remain alive, but perished, they say, in the following manner:--when
he returned to Athens he reported the calamity which had happened; and
the wives of the men who had gone on the expedition to Egina, hearing
it and being very indignant that he alone of all had survived, came
round this man and proceeded to stab him with the brooches of their
mantles, each one of them asking of him where her husband was. Thus he
was slain; and to the Athenians it seemed that the deed of the women
was a much more terrible thing even than the calamity which had
happened; and not knowing, it is said, how they should punish the
women in any other way, they changed their fashion of dress to that of
Ionia,--for before this the women of the Athenians wore Dorian dress,
very like that of Corinth,--they changed it therefore to the linen
tunic, in order that they might not have use for brooches. 88. In
truth however this fashion of dress is not Ionian originally but
Carian, for the old Hellenic fashion of dress for women was
universally the same as that which we now call Dorian. Moreover it is
said that with reference to these events the Argives and Eginetans
made it a custom among themselves in both countries[72] to have the
brooches made half as large again as the size which was then
established in use, and that their women should offer brooches
especially in the temple of these goddesses,[73] and also that they
should carry neither pottery of Athens nor anything else of Athenian
make to the temple, but that it should be the custom for the future to
drink there from pitchers made in the lands themselves.

89. The women of the Argives and Eginetans from this time onwards
because of the quarrel with the Athenians continued to wear brooches
larger than before, and still do so even to my time; and the origin of
the enmity of the Athenians towards the Eginetans came in the manner
which has been said. So at this time, when the Thebans invaded them,
the Eginetans readily came to the assistance of the Bœotians, calling
to mind what occurred about the images. The Eginetans then were laying
waste, as I have said, the coast regions of Attica; and when the
Athenians were resolved to make an expedition against the Eginetans,
an oracle came to them from Delphi bidding them stay for thirty years
reckoned from the time of the wrong done by the Eginetans, and in the
one-and-thirtieth year to appoint a sacred enclosure for Aiacos and
then to begin the war against the Eginetans, and they would succeed as
they desired; but if they should make an expedition against them at
once, they would suffer in the meantime very much evil and also
inflict very much, but at last they would subdue them. When the
Athenians heard the report of this, they appointed a sacred enclosure
for Aiacos, namely that which is now established close to the market-
place, but they could not endure to hear that they must stay for
thirty years, when they had suffered injuries from the Eginetans. 90.
While however they were preparing to take vengeance, a matter arose
from the Lacedemonians which provided a hindrance to them: for the
Lacedemonians, having learnt that which had been contrived by the
Alcmaionidai with respect to the Pythian prophetess, and that which
had been contrived by the Pythian prophetess against themselves and
the sons of Peisistratos, were doubly grieved, not only because they
had driven out into exile men who were their guest-friends, but also
because after they had done this no gratitude was shown to them by the
Athenians. Moreover in addition to this, they were urged on by the
oracles which said that many injuries would be suffered by them from
the Athenians; of which oracles they had not been aware of before, but
they had come to know them, since Cleomenes had brought them to
Sparta. In fact Cleomenes had obtained from the Acropolis of the
Athenians those oracles which the sons of Peisistratos possessed
before and had left in the temple when they were driven out; and
Cleomenes recovered them after they had been left behind. 91. At this
time, then, when the Lacedemonians had recovered the oracles and when
they saw that the Athenians were increasing in power and were not at
all willing to submit to them, observing that the Athenian race now
that it was free was becoming[74] a match for their own, whereas when
held down by despots it was weak and ready to be ruled,--perceiving, I
say, all these things, they sent for Hippias the son of Peisistratos
to come from Sigeion on the Hellespont, whither the family of
Peisistratos go for refuge;[75] and when Hippias had come upon the
summons, the Spartans sent also for envoys to come from their other
allies and spoke to them as follows: "Allies, we are conscious within
ourselves that we have not acted rightly; for incited by counterfeit
oracles we drove out into exile men who were very closely united with
us as guest-friends and who undertook the task of rendering Athens
submissive to us, and then after having done this we delivered over
the State to a thankless populace, which so soon as it had raised its
head, having been freed by our means drove out us and our king with
wanton outrage; and now exalted with pride[76] it is increasing in
power, so that the neighbours of these men first of all, that is the
Bœotians and Chalkidians, have already learnt, and perhaps some others
also will afterwards learn, that they committed an error.[76a] As
however we erred in doing those things of which we have spoken, we
will try now to take vengeance on them, going thither together with
you;[77] since it was for this very purpose that we sent for Hippias,
whom ye see here, and for you also, to come from your cities, in order
that with common counsel and a common force we might conduct him to
Athens and render back to him that which we formerly took away."

92. Thus they spoke; but the majority of the allies did not approve of
their words. The rest however kept silence, but the Corinthian
Socles[78] spoke as follows: (a) "Surely now the heaven shall be below
the earth, and the earth raised up on high above the heaven, and men
shall have their dwelling in the sea, and fishes shall have that
habitation which men had before, seeing that ye, Lacedemonians, are
doing away with free governments[79] and are preparing to bring back
despotism again into our cities, than which there is no more unjust or
more murderous thing among men. For if in truth this seems to you to
be good, namely that the cities should be ruled by despots, do ye
yourselves first set up a despot in your own State, and then endeavour
to establish them also for others: but as it is, ye are acting
unfairly towards your allies, seeing that ye have had no experience of
despots yourselves and provide with the greatest care at Sparta that
this may never come to pass. If however ye had had experience of it,
as we have had, ye would be able to contribute juster opinions of it
than at present. (b) For the established order of the Corinthian State
was this:--the government was an oligarchy, and the oligarchs, who
were called Bacchiadai, had control over the State and made marriages
among themselves.[80] Now one of these men, named Amphion, had a
daughter born to him who was lame, and her name was Labda. This
daughter, since none of the Bacchiadai wished to marry her, was taken
to wife by Aėtion the son of Echecrates, who was of the deme of Petra,
but by original descent a Lapith and of the race of Caineus. Neither
from this wife nor from another were children born to him, therefore
he set out to Delphi to inquire about offspring; and as he entered,
forthwith the prophetess addressed him in these lines:

"'Much to be honoured art thou, yet none doth render thee honour.[81]
Labda conceives, and a rolling rock will she bear, which shall ruin
Down on the heads of the kings, and with chastisement visit Corinthos.'

This answer given to Aėtion was by some means reported to the
Bacchiadai, to whom the oracle which had come to Corinth before this
was not intelligible, an oracle which had reference to the same thing
as that of Aėtion and said thus:

"'An eagle conceives in the rocks[82] and shall bear a ravening lion,
Strong and fierce to devour, who the knees of many shall loosen.
Ponder this well in your minds, I bid you, Corinthians, whose dwelling
Lies about fair Peirene's spring and in craggy Corinthos.'

(c) This oracle, I say, having come before to the Bacchiadai was
obscure; but afterwards when they heard that which had come to Aėtion,
forthwith they understood the former also, that it was in accord with
that of Aėtion; and understanding this one also they kept quiet,
desiring to destroy the offspring which should be born to Aėtion.
Then, so soon as his wife bore a child, they sent ten of their own
number to the deme in which Aėtion had his dwelling, to slay the
child; and when these had come to Petra and had passed into the court
of Aėtion's house, they asked for the child; and Labda, not knowing
anything of the purpose for which they had come, and supposing them to
be asking for the child on account of friendly feeling towards its
father, brought it and placed it in the hands of one of them. Now
they, it seems, had resolved by the way that the first of them who
received the child should dash it upon the ground. However, when Labda
brought and gave it, it happened by divine providence that the child
smiled at the man who had received it; and when he perceived this, a
feeling of compassion prevented him from killing it, and having this
compassion he delivered it to the next man, and he to the third. Thus
it passed through the hands of all the ten, delivered from one to
another, since none of them could bring himself to destroy its life.
So they gave the child back to its mother and went out; and then
standing by the doors they abused and found fault with one another,
laying blame especially on the one who had first received the child,
because he had not done according to that which had been resolved;
until at last after some time they determined again to enter and all
to take a share in the murder. (d) From the offspring of Aėtion
however it was destined that evils should spring up for Corinth: for
Labda was listening to all this as she stood close by the door, and
fearing lest they should change their mind and take the child a second
time and kill it, she carried it and concealed it in the place which
seemed to her the least likely to be discovered, that is to say a
corn-chest,[84] feeling sure that if they should return and come to a
search, they were likely to examine everything: and this in fact
happened. So when they had come, and searching had failed to find it,
they thought it best to return and say to those who had sent them that
they had done all that which they had been charged by them to do. (e)
They then having departed said this; and after this the son of Aėtion
grew, and because he had escaped this danger, the name of Kypselos was
given him as a surname derived from the corn-chest. Then when Kypselos
had grown to manhood and was seeking divination, a two-edged[85]
answer was given him at Delphi, placing trust in which he made an
attempt upon Corinth and obtained possession of it. Now the answer was
as follows:

"'Happy is this man's lot of a truth, who enters my dwelling,
Offspring of Aėtion, he shall rule in famous Corinthos,
Kypselos, he and his sons, but his children's children no longer.'

Such was the oracle: and Kypselos when he became despot was a man of
this character,--many of the Corinthians he drove into exile, many he
deprived of their wealth, and very many more of their lives. (f) And
when he had reigned for thirty years and had brought his life to a
prosperous end, his son Periander became his successor in the
despotism. Now Periander at first was milder than his father; but
after he had had dealings through messengers with Thrasybulos the
despot of Miletos, he became far more murderous even than Kypselos.
For he sent a messenger to Thrasybulos and asked what settlement of
affairs was the safest for him to make, in order that he might best
govern his State: and Thrasybulos led forth the messenger who had come
from Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing
corn; and as he passed through the crop of corn, while inquiring and
asking questions repeatedly[86] of the messenger about the occasion of
his coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those ears
of corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their
heads he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the
finest and richest part of the crop. So having passed through the
place and having suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed the
messenger. When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was
anxious to hear the counsel which had been given; but he said that
Thrasybulos had given him no counsel, and added that he wondered at
the deed of Periander in sending him to such a man, for the man was
out of his senses and a waster of his own goods,--relating at the same
time that which he had seen Thrasybulos do. (g) So Periander,
understanding that which had been done and perceiving that Thrasybulos
counselled him to put to death those who were eminent among his
subjects, began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the
citizens of the State; for whatsoever Kypselos had left undone in
killing and driving into exile, this Periander completed. And in one
day he stripped all the wives of the Corinthians of their clothing on
account of his own wife Melissa. For when he had sent messengers to
the Thesprotians on the river Acheron to ask the Oracle of the dead
about a deposit made with him by a guest-friend, Melissa appeared and
said she would not tell in what place the deposit was laid, for she
was cold and had no clothes, since those which he had buried with her
were of no use to her, not having been burnt; and this, she said,
would be an evidence to him that she was speaking the truth, namely
that when the oven was cold, Periander had put his loaves into it.
When the report of this was brought back to Periander, the token made
him believe, because he had had commerce with Melissa after she was
dead; and straightway after receiving the message he caused
proclamation to be made that all the wives of the Corinthians should
come out to the temple of Hera. They accordingly went as to a festival
in their fairest adornment; and he having set the spearmen of his
guard in ambush, stripped them all alike, both the free women and
their attendant; and having gathered together all their clothes in a
place dug out, he set fire to them, praying at the same time to
Melissa. Then after he had done this and had sent a second time, the
apparition of Melissa told him in what spot he had laid the deposit
entrusted to him by his guest-friend.

"Such a thing, ye must know, Lacedemonians, is despotism, and such are
its deeds: and we Corinthians marvelled much at first when we saw that
ye were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel even more because ye
say these things; and we adjure you, calling upon the gods of Hellas,
not to establish despotisms in the cities. If however ye will not
cease from your design, but endeavour to restore Hippias contrary to
that which is just, know that the Corinthians at least do not give
their consent to that which ye do."

93. Socles being the envoy of Corinth thus spoke, and Hippias made
answer to him, calling to witness the same gods as he, that assuredly
the Corinthians would more than all others regret the loss of the sons
of Peisistratos, when the appointed days should have come for them to
be troubled by the Athenians. Thus Hippias made answer, being
acquainted with the oracles more exactly than any other man: but the
rest of the allies, who for a time had restrained themselves and kept
silence, when they heard Socles speak freely, gave utterance every one
of them to that which they felt, and adopted the opinion of the
Corinthian envoy, adjuring the Lacedemonians not to do any violence to
a city of Hellas.

94. Thus was this brought to an end: and Hippias being dismissed from
thence had Anthemus offered to him by Amyntas king of the Macedonians
and Iolcos by the Thessalians. He however accepted neither of these,
but retired again to Sigeion; which city Peisistratos had taken by
force of arms from the Mytilenians, and having got possession of it,
had appointed his own natural son Hegesistratos, born of an Argive
woman, to be despot of it: he however did not without a struggle keep
possession of that which he received from Peisistratos; for the
Mytilenians and Athenians carried on war for a long time, having their
strongholds respectively at Achilleion and at Sigeion, the one side
demanding that the place be restored to them, and the Athenians on the
other hand not admitting this demand, but proving by argument that the
Aiolians had no better claim to the territory of Ilion than they and
the rest of the Hellenes, as many as joined with Menelaos in exacting
vengeance for the rape of Helen. 95. Now while these carried on the
war, besides many other things of various kinds which occurred in the
battles, once when a fight took place and the Athenians were
conquering, Alcaios the poet, taking to flight, escaped indeed
himself, but the Athenians retained possession of his arms and hung
them up on the walls of the temple of Athene which is at Sigeion.
About this matter Alcaios composed a song and sent it to Mytilene,
reporting therein his misadventure to one Melanippos, who was his
friend. Finally Periander the son of Kypselos made peace between the
Athenians and the Mytilenians,[87] for to him they referred the matter
as arbitrator; and he made peace between them on the condition that
each should continue to occupy that territory which they then
possessed. 96. Sigeion then in this matter had come under the rule of
the Athenians. And when Hippias had returned to Asia from Lacedemon,
he set everything in motion, stirring up enmity between the Athenians
and Artaphrenes, and using every means to secure that Athens should
come under the rule of himself and of Dareios. Hippias, I say, was
thus engaged; and the Athenians meanwhile hearing of these things sent
envoys to Sardis, and endeavoured to prevent the Persians from
following the suggestions of the exiled Athenians. Artaphrenes however
commanded them, if they desired to be preserved from ruin, to receive
Hippias back again. This proposal the Athenians were not by any means
disposed to accept when it was reported; and as they did not accept
this, it became at once a commonly received opinion among them that
they were enemies of the Persians.

97. While they had these thoughts and had been set at enmity with the
Persians, at this very time Aristagoras the Milesian, ordered away
from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedemonian, arrived at Athens; for this
was the city which had most power of all the rest besides Sparta. And
Aristagoras came forward before the assembly of the people and said
the same things as he had said at Sparta about the wealth which there
was in Asia, and about the Persian manner of making war, how they used
neither shield nor spear and were easy to overcome. Thus I say he
said, and also he added this, namely that the Milesians were colonists
from the Athenians, and that it was reasonable that the Athenians
should rescue them, since they had such great power; and there was
nothing which he did not promise, being very urgent in his request,
until at last he persuaded them: for it would seem that it is easier
to deceive many than one, seeing that, though he did not prove able to
deceive Cleomenes the Lacedemonian by himself, yet he did this to
thirty thousand Athenians. The Athenians then, I say, being persuaded,
voted a resolution to despatch twenty ships to help the Ionians, and
appointed to command them Melanthios one of their citizens, who was in
all things highly reputed. These ships proved to be the beginning of
evils for the Hellenes and the Barbarians.

98. Aristagoras however sailed on before and came to Miletos; and then
having devised a plan from which no advantage was likely to come for
the Ionians (nor indeed was he doing what he did with a view to that,
but in order to vex king Dareios), he sent a man to Phrygia to the
Piaonians who had been taken captive by Megabazos from the river
Strymon, and who were dwelling in a district and village of Phrygia
apart by themselves; and when the messenger came to the Paionians he
spoke these words: "Paionians, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos sent
me to offer to you salvation, if ye shall be willing to do as he says;
for now all Ionia has revolted from the king and ye have an
opportunity of coming safe to your own land: to reach the sea shall be
your concern, and after this it shall be thenceforth ours." The
Paionians hearing this received it as a most welcome proposal, and
taking with them their children and their women they began a flight to
the sea; some of them however were struck with fear and remained in
the place where they were. Having come to the coast the Paionians
crossed over thence to Chios, and when they were already in Chios
there arrived in their track a large body of Persian horsemen pursuing
the Paionians. These, as they did not overtake them, sent over to
Chios to bid the Paionians return back: the Paionians however did not
accept their proposal, but the men of Chios conveyed them from Chios
to Lesbos, and the Lesbians brought them to Doriscos, and thence they
proceeded by land and came to Paionia.

99. Aristagoras meanwhile, when the Athenians had arrived with twenty
ships, bringing with them also five triremes of the Eretrians, he
joined the expedition not for the sake of the Athenians but of the
Milesians themselves, to repay them a debt which they owed (for the
Milesians in former times had borne with the Eretrians the burden of
all that war which they had with the Chalkidians at the time when the
Chalkidians on their side were helped by the Samians against the
Eretrians and Milesians),--when these, I say, had arrived and the
other allies were on the spot, Aristagoras proceeded to make a march
upon Sardis. On this march he did not go himself, but remained at
Miletos and appointed others to be in command of the Milesians, namely
his brother Charopinos and of the other citizens one
Hermophantos.[87a] 100. With this force then the Ionians came to
Ephesos, and leaving their ships at Coresos in the land of Ephesos,
went up themselves in a large body, taking Ephesians to guide them in
their march. So they marched along by the river Ca’ster, and then when
they arrived after crossing the range of Tmolos, they took Sardis
without any resistance, all except the citadel, but the citadel
Artaphrenes himself saved from capture, having with him a considerable
force of men. 101. From plundering this city after they had taken it
they were prevented by this:--the houses in Sardis were mostly built
of reeds, and even those of them which were of brick had their roofs
thatched with reeds: of these houses one was set on fire by a soldier,
and forthwith the fire going on from house to house began to spread
over the whole town. So then as the town was on fire, the Lydians and
all the Persians who were in the city being cut off from escape, since
the fire was prevailing in the extremities round about them, and not
having any way out of the town, flowed together to the market-place
and to the river Pactolos, which brings down gold-dust for them from
Tmolos, flowing through the middle of their market-place, and then
runs out into the river Hermos, and this into the sea;--to this
Pactolos, I say, and to the market-place the Lydians and Persians
gathered themselves together, and were compelled to defend themselves.
The Ionians then, seeing some of the enemy standing on their defence
and others in great numbers coming on to the attack, were struck with
fear and retired to the mountain called Tmolos, and after that at
nightfall departed to go to their ships.

102. Sardis was then destroyed by fire, and in it also the temple of
the native goddess Hybebe; which the Persians alleged afterwards as a
reason for setting on fire in return the temples in the land of the
Hellenes. However at the time of which I speak the Persians who
occupied districts within the river Halys, informed beforehand of this
movement, were gathering together and coming to the help of the
Lydians; and, as it chanced, they found when they came that the
Ionians no longer were in Sardis; but they followed closely in their
track and came up with them at Ephesos: and the Ionians stood indeed
against them in array, but when they joined battle they had very much
the worse; and besides other persons of note whom the Persians
slaughtered, there fell also Eualkides commander of the Eretrians, a
man who had won wreaths in contests of the games and who was much
celebrated by Simonides of Keos: and those of them who survived the
battle dispersed to their various cities.

103. Thus then they fought at that time; and after the battle the
Athenians left the Ionians together, and when Aristagoras was urgent
in calling upon them by messengers for assistance, they said that they
would not help them: the Ionians, however, though deprived of the
alliance of the Athenians, none the less continued to prepare for the
war with the king, so great had been the offences already committed by
them against Dareios. They sailed moreover to the Hellespont and
brought under their power Byzantion and all the other cities which are
in those parts; and then having sailed forth out of the Hellespont,
they gained in addition the most part of Caria to be in alliance with
them: for even Caunos, which before was not willing to be their ally,
then, after they had burnt Sardis, was added to them also. 104. The
Cyprians too, excepting those of Amathus, were added voluntarily to
their alliance; for these also had revolted from the Medes in the
following manner:--there was one Onesilos, younger brother of Gorgos
king of Salamis, and son of Chersis, the son of Siromos, the son of
Euelthon. This man in former times too had been wont often to advise
Gorgos to make revolt from the king, and at this time, when he heard
that the Ionians had revolted, he pressed him very hard and
endeavoured to urge him to it. Since however he could not persuade
Gorgos, Onesilos watched for a time when he had gone forth out of the
city of Salamis, and then together with the men of his own faction he
shut him out of the gates. Gorgos accordingly being robbed of the city
went for refuge to the Medes, and Onesilos was ruler of Salamis and
endeavoured to persuade all the men of Cyprus to join him in revolt.
The others then he persuaded; but since those of Amathus were not
willing to do as he desired, he sat down before their city and
besieged it.

105. Onesilos then was besieging Amathus; and meanwhile, when it was
reported to king Dareios that Sardis had been captured and burnt by
the Athenians and the Ionians together, and that the leader of the
league for being about these things[88] was the Milesian Aristagoras,
it is said that at first being informed of this he made no account of
the Ionians, because he knew that they at all events would not escape
unpunished for their revolt, but he inquired into who the Athenians
were; and when he had been informed, he asked for his bow, and having
received it and placed an arrow upon the string, he discharged it
upwards towards heaven, and as he shot into the air he said: "Zeus,
that it may be granted me to take vengeance upon the Athenians!"
Having so said he charged one of his attendants, that when dinner was
set before the king he should say always three times: "Master,
remember the Athenians." 106. When he had given this charge, he called
into his presence Histiaios the Milesian, whom Dareios had now been
keeping with him for a long time, and said: "I am informed, Histiaios,
that thy deputy, to whom thou didst depute the government of Miletos,
has made rebellion against me; for he brought in men against me from
the other continent and persuaded the Ionians also,--who shall pay the
penalty to me for that which they did,--these, I say, he persuaded to
go together with them, and thus he robbed me of Sardis. Now therefore
how thinkest thou that this is well? and how without thy counsels was
anything of this kind done? Take heed lest thou afterwards find reason
to blame thyself for this." Histiaios replied: "O king, what manner of
speech is this that thou hast uttered, saying that I counselled a
matter from which it was likely that any vexation would grow for thee,
either great or small? What have I to seek for in addition to that
which I have, that I should do these things; and of what am I in want?
for I have everything that thou hast, and I am thought worthy by thee
to hear all thy counsels. Nay, but if my deputy is indeed acting in
any such manner as thou hast said, be assured that he has done it
merely on his own account. I however, for my part, do not even admit
the report to be true, that the Milesians and my deputy are acting in
any rebellious fashion against thy power: but if it prove that they
are indeed doing anything of that kind, and if that which thou hast
heard, O king, be the truth, learn then what a thing thou didst in
removing me away from the sea-coast; for it seems that the Ionians,
when I had gone out of the sight of their eyes, did that which they
had long had a desire to do; whereas if I had been in Ionia, not a
city would have made the least movement. Now therefore as quickly as
possible let me set forth to go to Ionia, that I may order all these
matters for thee as they were before, and deliver into thy hands this
deputy of Miletos who contrived these things: and when I have done
this after thy mind, I swear by the gods of the royal house that I
will not put off from me the tunic which I wear when I go down to
Ionia, until I have made Sardinia tributary to thee, which is the
largest of all islands." 107. Thus saying Histiaios endeavoured to
deceive the king, and Dareios was persuaded and let him go, charging
him, when he should have accomplished that which he had promised, to
return to him again at Susa.

108. In the meantime, while the news about Sardis was going up to the
king, and while Dareios, after doing that which he did with the bow,
came to speech with Histiaios, and Histiaios having been let go by
Dareios was making his journey to the sea-coast,--during all that time
the events were happening which here follow.--As Onesilos of Salamis
was besieging those of Amathus, it was reported to him that Artybios a
Persian, bringing with him in ships a large Persian army, was to be
expected shortly to arrive in Cyprus. Being informed of this, Onesilos
sent heralds to different places in Ionia to summon the Ionians to his
assistance; and they took counsel together and came without delay with
a large force. Now the Ionians arrived in Cyprus just at the time when
the Persians having crossed over in ships from Kilikia were proceeding
by land to attack Salamis, while the Phenicians with the ships were
sailing round the headland which is called the "Keys of Cyprus." 109.
This being the case, the despots of Cyprus called together the
commanders of the Ionians and said: "Ionians, we of Cyprus give you a
choice which enemy ye will rather fight with, the Persians or the
Phenicians: for if ye will rather array yourselves on land and make
trial of the Persians in fight, it is time now for you to disembark
from your ships and array yourselves on the land, and for us to embark
in your ships to contend against the Phenicians; but if on the other
hand ye will rather make trial of the Phenicians,--whichever of these
two ye shall choose, ye must endeavour that, so far as it rests with
you, both Ionia and Cyprus shall be free." To this the Ionians
replied: "We were sent out by the common authority of the Ionians to
guard the sea, and not to deliver our ships to the Cyprians and
ourselves fight with the Persians on land. We therefore will endeavour
to do good service in that place to which we were appointed; and ye
must call to mind all the evils which ye suffered from the Medes, when
ye were in slavery to them, and prove yourselves good men." 110. The
Ionians made answer in these words; and afterwards, when the Persians
had come to the plain of Salamis, the kings of the Cyprians set in
order their array, choosing the best part of the troops of Salamis and
of Soloi to be arrayed against the Persians and setting the other
Cyprians against the rest of the enemy's troops; and against Artybios,
the commander of the Persians, Onesilos took up his place in the array
by his own free choice.

111. Now Artybios was riding a horse which had been trained to rear up
against a hoplite. Onesilos accordingly being informed of this, and
having a shield-bearer, by race of Caria, who was of very good repute
as a soldier and full of courage besides,[89] said to this man: "I am
informed that the horse of Artybios rears upright and works both with
his feet and his mouth against any whom he is brought to attack. Do
thou therefore consider the matter, and tell me forthwith which of the
two thou wilt rather watch for and strike, the horse or Artybios
himself." To this his attendant replied: "O king, I am ready to do
both or either of these two things, and in every case to do that which
thou shalt appoint for me; but I will declare to thee the way in which
I think it will be most suitable[90] for thy condition. I say that it
is right for one who is king and commander to fight with a king and
commander; for if thou shalt slay the commander of the enemy, it turns
to great glory for thee; and again, if he shall slay thee, which
heaven forbid, even death when it is at the hands of a worthy foe is
but half to be lamented: but for us who are under thy command it is
suitable to fight with the others who are under his command and with
his horse: and of the tricks of the horse have thou no fear at all,
for I engage to thee that after this at least he shall never stand
against any man more." Thus he spoke; and shortly afterwards the
opposed forces joined battle both on land and with their ships. 112.
On that day the Ionians for their part greatly distinguished
themselves and overcame the Phenicians, and of them the Samians were
best: and meanwhile on land, when the armies met, they came to close
quarters and fought; and as regards the two commanders, what happened
was this:--when Artybios came to fight with Onesilos sitting upon his
horse, Onesilos, as he had concerted with his shield-bearer, struck at
Artybios himself, when he came to fight with him; and when the horse
put its hoofs against the shield of Onesilos, then the Carian struck
with a falchion[91] and smote off the horse's feet. 113 So Artybios
the commander of the Persians fell there on the spot together with his
horse: and while the others also were fighting, Stesenor the despot of
Curion deserted them, having with him a large force of men,--now these
Curians are said to be settlers from Argos,--and when the Curians had
deserted, forthwith also the war-chariots of the men of Salamis
proceeded to do the same as the Curians. When these things took place,
the Persians had the advantage over the Cyprians; and after their army
had been put to rout, many others fell and among them Onesilos the son
of Chersis, he who brought about the revolt of the Cyprians, and also
the king of the Solians, Aristokypros the son of Philokypros,--that
Philokypros whom Solon the Athenian, when he came to Cyprus, commended
in verse above all other despots. 114. So the men of Amathus cut off
the head of Onesilos, because he had besieged them; and having brought
it to Amathus they hung it over the gate of the city: and as the head
hung there, when it had now become a hollow, a swarm of bees entered
into it and filled it with honeycomb. This having so come to pass, the
Amathusians consulted an Oracle about the head, and they received an
answer bidding them take it down and bury it and sacrifice to Onesilos
every year as a hero; and if they did this, it would go better with
them. 115. The Amathusians accordingly continued to do so even to my
time. But the Ionians who had fought the sea-fight in Cyprus, when
they perceived that the fortunes of Onesilos were ruined and that the
cities of the Cyprians were besieged, except Salamis, and that this
city had been delivered over by the Salaminians to Gorgos the former
king,--as soon as they perceived this, the Ionians sailed away back to
Ionia. Now of the cities in Cyprus Soloi held out for the longest time
under the siege; and the Persians took it in the fifth month by
undermining the wall round.

116. The Cyprians then, after they had made themselves free for one
year, had again been reduced to slavery afresh: and meanwhile
Daurises, who was married to a daughter of Dareios, and Hymaies and
Otanes, who were also Persian commanders and were married also to
daughters of Dareios, after they had pursued those Ionians who had
made the expedition to Sardis and defeating them in battle had driven
them by force to their ships,--after this distributed the cities
amongst themselves and proceeded to sack them. 117. Daurises directed
his march to the cities on the Hellespont, and he took Dardanos and
Abydos and Percote and Lampsacos and Paisos, of these he took on each
day one; and as he was marching from Paisos against the city of
Parion, the report came that the Carians had made common cause with
the Ionians and were in revolt from the Persians. He turned back
therefore from the Hellespont and marched his army upon Caria. 118.
And, as it chanced, a report of this was brought to the Carians before
Daurises arrived; and the Carians being informed of it gathered
together at the place which is called the "White Pillars" and at the
river Marsyas, which flows from the region of Idrias and runs out into
the Maiander. When the Carians had been gathered together there, among
many other counsels which were given, the best, as it seems to me, was
that of Pixodaros the son of Mausolos, a man of Kindye, who was
married to the daughter of the king of the Kilikians, Syennesis. The
opinion of this man was to the effect that the Carians should cross
over the Maiander and engage battle with the Persians having the river
at their backs, in order that the Carians, not being able to fly
backwards and being compelled to remain where they were, might prove
themselves even better men in fight than they naturally would. This
opinion did not prevail; but they resolved that the Persians rather
than themselves should have the Maiander at their backs, evidently[92]
in order that if there should be a flight of the Persians and they
should be worsted in the battle, they might never return home, but
might fall into the river. 119. After this, when the Persians had come
and had crossed the Maiander, the Carians engaged with the Persians on
the river Marsyas and fought a battle which was obstinately contested
and lasted long; but at length they were worsted by superior numbers:
and of the Persians there fell as many as two thousand, but of the
Carians ten thousand. Then those of them who escaped were shut up in
Labraunda[93] within the sanctuary of Zeus Stratios, which is a large
sacred grove of plane-trees; now the Carians are the only men we know
who offer sacrifices to Zeus Stratios. These men then, being shut up
there, were taking counsel together about their safety, whether they
would fare better if they delivered themselves over to the Persians or
if they left Asia altogether. 120. And while they were thus taking
counsel, there came to their aid the Milesians and their allies. Then
the Carians dismissed the plans which they were before considering and
prepared to renew the war again from the beginning: and when the
Persians came to attack them, they engaged with them and fought a
battle, and they were worsted yet more completely than before; and
while many were slain of all parties,[94] the Milesians suffered most.
121. Then afterwards the Carians repaired this loss and retrieved
their defeat; for being informed that the Persians had set forth to
march upon their cities, they laid an ambush on the road which is by
Pedasos,[95] and the Persians falling into it by night were destroyed
both they and their commanders, namely Daurises and Amorges and
Sisimakes; and with them died also Myrsos the son of Gyges. Of this
ambush the leader was Heracleides the son of Ibanollis, a man of

122. These then of the Persians were thus destroyed; and meanwhile
Hymaies, who was another of those who pursued after the Ionians that
had made the expedition to Sardis, directed his march to the Propontis
and took Kios in Mysia; and having conquered this city, when he was
informed that Daurises had left the Hellespont and was marching
towards Caria, he left the Propontis and led his army to the
Hellespont: and he conquered all the Aiolians who occupy the district
of Ilion, and also the Gergithes, who were left behind as a remnant of
the ancient Teucrians. While conquering these tribes Hymaies himself
ended his life by sickness in the land of Troas. 123. He thus brought
his life to an end; and Artaphrenes the governor of the province of
Sardis was appointed with Otanes the third of the commanders to make
the expedition against Ionia and that part of Aiolia which bordered
upon it. Of Ionia these took the city of Clazomenai, and of the
Aiolians Kyme.

124. While the cities were thus being taken, Aristagoras the Milesian,
being, as he proved in this instance, not of very distinguished
courage, since after having disturbed Ionia and made preparation of
great matters[96] he counselled running away when he saw these things,
(moreover it had become clear to him that it was impossible to
overcome king Dareios),--he, I say, having regard to these things,
called together those of his own party and took counsel with them,
saying that it was better that there should be a refuge prepared for
them, in case that they should after all be driven out from Miletos,
and proposing the question whether he should lead them from thence to
Sardinia, to form a colony there, or to Myrkinos in the land of the
Edonians, which Histiaios had been fortifying, having received it as a
gift from Dareios. This was the question proposed by Aristagoras. 125.
Now the opinion of Hecataios the son of Hegesander the historian[97]
was that he should not take a colony to either of these places, but
build a wall of defence for himself in the island of Leros and keep
still, if he should be forced to leave Miletos; and afterwards with
this for his starting point he would be able to return to Miletos.
126. This was the counsel of Hecataios; but Aristagoras was most
inclined to go forth to Myrkinos. He therefore entrusted the
government of Miletos to Pythagoras, a man of repute among the

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