Part 5 out of 6
Senator Wolfe appear to exceptional disadvantage. Wolfe was a member of
the Harbors Committee, as was Senator Wright. Among the recommendations
set forth in the report as originally prepared, was one that forty-four
blocks only of land be purchased by the State for the improvement of the
San Francisco Harbor at Islais Creek, instead of the sixty-three blocks
necessary for practical harbor development.
Senator Wolfe was a warm advocate of the sixty-three block plan which is
the only practical plan, by the way, and shows that Senator Wolfe can
land on the right side of things occasionally. But it was very
discouraging for Senator Wolfe to be confronted with the unfiled report
of his own Harbors Committee, endorsed by his own signature as
committeeman, in which the purchase of only forty-four blocks was urged.
Senator Wolfe's defense was ingenious. He stated that he had signed the
report as a matter of courtesy, not really knowing what it contained.
The incident illustrates the value to the State of such legislative
But in spite of the curious history of Wolfe's Harbors Committee, he was
given another holdover committee in 1909. The Senate - on Wolfe's motion
- adopted a resolution setting aside $5,000 to meet the expenses of a
holdover committee to consist of three members to investigate the cause
of recent advances in the cost of foodstuffs. Senators Wolfe, Welch and
Hare are honored with the appointments. Lieutenant-Governor Porter
Senator Wolfe, from the machine standpoint, certainly earned the
distinction thus thrust upon him, and his share of the money. Senator
Wolfe was not in good health during the session, but in spite of his
indisposition he managed to be present in the Senate Chamber, where
often, pale, haggard and plainly on the verge of breakdown, he fought
valiantly against the reform measures which were aimed at the prestige
of the State machine, and the domination of the tenderloin, the Southern
Pacific Railroad, the racetrack gamblers and allied interests in State
Wolfe led the fight against the Walker-Otis Anti-Gambling bill, against
the Local Option bill, against the effective Stetson Railroad Regulation
bill, against the Direct Primary bill, against admitting Senator Bell of
Pasadena to the Republican caucus, against the bill to prohibit the sale
of intoxicants within a mile and a half of Stanford University, against
the initiative amendment to the Constitution, against the amendment to
the Constitution to correct ambiguities as to the powers and duties of
the State Railroad Commission, and against Burnett's resolution for the
investigation of the cause of the increase in freight rates and express
charges. Senator Wolfe also led the fight for the passage of the Change
of Venue bill.
Curiously enough, Senator Wolfe's stock argument, used in most of the
opposition to reform measures, was to the effect that if such measures
became laws, the Republican party in California would be undermined.
Senator Wolfe's argument had great weight with Republicans like Leavitt
and Weed and Democrats like Hare and Kennedy. For the "good of the
Republican party," these gentlemen generally voted as Senator Wolfe
Senator Welch, the second member of the Pure Food Committee, is at least
entitled to gracious consideration at the hands of the Wolfe-Leavitt
element. Senator Welch was one of the twenty-seven Call-heralded heroes
who defeated the Wolfe-Leavitt element in the first fight on the Direct
Primary bill in the Senate. And Senator Welch was one of the seven
heroes who "flopped" to the Wolfe-Leavitt side when the psychological
moment came. Welch's one vote in the final struggle would have decided
the Direct Primary fight for the side of the reform element. But when
the reform element needed Welch he was found snugly quartered with Wolfe
Welch voted for the Walker-Otis bill, but he was one of the last members
of the Senate to be counted for that measure. Indeed, Welch caught the
rear of the bandwagon on that issue just in time.
On railroad issues Welch's record is as good as the Southern Pacific
Railroad could wish. He voted against the adoption of the practical
absolute rate, and for the impracticable maximum rate; he voted for the
ineffective Wright bill and against the effective Stetson bill. He voted
against the Constitutional Amendment simplyfying the wording of the
Constitution in those sections which prescribe the powers and duties of
the Railroad Commissioners.
So Senator Welch had his appointment to the Food Investigation Committee
due him. He was also made member of the Legislative Committee to
represent the State at the Alaska-Yukon Exposition, of which more later.
Thus Senator Welch rounded out the session very satisfactorily to
Senator Welch and to the machine, if not to the State of California.
Senator Hare is down in the legislative records as a Democrat. He voted
on most measures consistently under the lead of Wolfe and Leavitt. His
appointment need not, therefore, cause surprise.
When the Direct Primary bill was before the Senate Committee on Election
Laws, Hare's vote was with those of Wolfe and Leavitt to make the
measure as ineffective as possible. Hare was among the thirteen
unworthies who voted against the measure when the first fight was made
for it on the floor of the Senate; he was among the twenty who finally,
under Wolfe's leadership, held the measure up in the Senate until by
trick it could be amended to the machine's liking. Hare was one of the
seven Senators who voted against the Walker-Otis Anti-Gambling bill. He
was one of those who voted for the passage of the Change of Venue bill.
On railroad measures Hare voted against the Stetson bill and for the
Wright bill, against the absolute rate and for the maximum rate. He
voted against the amendment to the Constitution to clear up the alleged
ambiguity regarding the powers and duties of the Railroad Commissioners.
Lack of space prevents continuance of the review of Hare's votes. But
enough has been said to show that this "Democrat" was entitled to the
honor at the hands of the Performer, Republican Lieutenant Governor
Warren Porter, of appointment to the Holdover Committee which, under the
leadership of Senator Eddie Wolfe, will investigate the cause of the
increase in the price of foodstuffs.
But a far more desirable appointment was to the committee which is to
represent the State at the Alaska-Yukon Pacific Exposition. By
concurrent resolution the Senate and Assembly decided that seven
Senators, seven Assemblymen, one Lieutenant Governor (Warren Porter) and
one Governor (Gillett) should attend the exposition at the State's
expense. For this purpose $7,000 of the State's money has been provided.
The seven Senators appointed by Performer Porter are Wright, Willis,
Welch, Leavitt, Bills, Kennedy, Curtin.
The seven Assemblymen appointed by Speaker Stanton are Transue,
Beardslee, Leeds, Hewitt, McManus, McClellan and Schimtt.
The records of the Senators thus honored show them worthy the machine's
consideration. Their votes on the banner measures before the Legislature
last winter were as follows:
Against the Walker-Otis bill, to prohibit poolselling and bookmaking
(Anti-Gambling bill) - Leavitt - 1.
For the Walker-Otis bill-Bills, Curtin, Kennedy, Willis, Welch, Wright -
Only seven Senators voted against the Walker-Otis bill. Of the seven
Leavitt is given the Alaska trip; Wolfe and Hare are put on the Food
Investigation Committee. Thus of nine Senators who got on holdover
committees three were among the seven who voted in the interest of the
The records made by the State Senators who will attend the exposition at
the State's expense in the Direct Primary fight are quite as suggestive.
When the first attempt was made in the Senate to force the machine
amendments into the bill, February 18, the seven Senators voted as
For the machine's amendments - Bills, Kennedy, Leavitt, Willis.
Against the machine's amendments - Curtin, Welch, Wright.
Thirteen Senators on February 18 voted for the machine's amendments. Of
their number Hare and Wolfe are on the Food Investigation Committee;
Bills, Kennedy, Leavitt and Willis are to attend the exposition at the
State's expense. Thus six of the thirteen have been rewarded.
The machine, having failed to amend the Direct Primary bill in the
Senate, amended it in the Assembly. When the measure was returned to the
Senate, six of the seven Senators who will attend the exposition voted
to concur in the Assembly amendments. They were, Bills, Kennedy,
Leavitt, Welch, Willis and Wright. Only one of the seven voted against
the machine amendments, Curtin.
The records of the seven favored, trip-taking Senators on railroad
regulation measures are as follows:
For the Wright bill, against the Stetson bill; for the maximum rate,
against the absolute rate - Leavitt, Welch, Willis, Wright, Bills,
Kennedy - 6.
Against the Wright bill, for the Stetson bill, against the maximum rate,
for the absolute rate - Curtin - 1.
Against the constitutional amendment to make clear the powers and duties
of Railroad Commissioners - Bills, Kennedy, Leavitt, Welch, Willis - 5.
For the amendment - Curtin, Wright - 2.
Against the Burnett resolution calling for an investigation of the cause
for an increase in freight rates - Bills, Kennedy, Leavitt, Willis,
Wright - 5.
For the resolution - 0.
Absent or not voting - Curtin, Welch - 2.
The records of the seven on the Local Option bill and the Change of
Venue bill are:
Against Local Option - Leavitt, Welch, Willis, Bills, Curtin, Kennedy -
For Local Option - Wright - 1.
For the Change of Venue bill - Bills, Leavitt, Welch, Willis, Wright -
Against the Change of Venue bill - Curtin, Kennedy - 2.
Kennedy, to be sure, voted against the Change of Venue bill when that
measure passed the Senate. But Senator Kennedy was unaccountably absent
the next morning when the Change of Venue bill was taken up on a motion
for reconsideration. Because of Kennedy's absence, the motion to
reconsider the measure was lost, and its defeat prevented. Senator
Kennedy is scarcely entitled to credit for being recorded on the right
side of this measure.
Nine Senators are included in the two hold-over committees which are
under consideration. As Wolfe and Hare invariably voted with Leavitt, it
will be seen that eight of the nine voted against the Stetson bill and
for the Wright bill; seven of the nine voted against the Constitutional
amendment to make plain the constitutional powers and duties of the
Railroad Commissioners; seven of the nine voted against investigating
the cause of increase in freight and express rates to the Pacific Coast;
eight of the nine voted against local option; seven voted for the Change
of Venue bill, and one of the two others as good as voted for it,
although on record against the measure.
As Republican Senators Bell, Birdsall, Black, Boynton, Cutten,
Roseberry, Rush, Stetson, Strobridge and Thompson, who were invariably
on the right side of things, look upon the records of the "Democrats"
and "Republicans" included among the nine favored receivers of plums,
they can scarcely be blamed for demanding with the discouraged little
boy - What's the use of being good, anyhow?
And as the Democratic Senators, Caminetti, Campbell, Cartwright,
Holohan, Miller and Sanford, who worked with the anti-machine
Republicans for the passage of good laws and the defeat of bad ones look
upon the favored Hare and Kennedy they cannot be blamed if the same
question occurs to them also.
The indications are that the Senators who were thus overlooked will have
"to wait for theirs," until The People of California, and not the
machine, award the prizes for faithful public service.
Of the seven Assemblymen who will attend the Alaska-Yukon Exposition,
one, Hewitt, voted against the machine on every important issue that
came up. The other six are a spotted lot.
The six - Beardslee, Leeds, McManus, McClellan, Schmitt and Transue -
voted for the famous "gag rules" which the Assembly rejected by a vote
of 41 to 32. Indeed, Beardslee and Transue were on the Committee on
Rules which the Assembly, when it rejected the Committee's rules,
In the fight for the passage of the Walker-Otis Anti-Gambling bill, two
of the six, Leeds and Transue, managed to keep their records straight.
On the six roll-calls taken on the measure before it passed the
Assembly, Beardslee voted five times against the bill and once for it;
McManus voted six times against it; Schmitt voted five times against it,
on one roll-call he did not vote; while McClellan voted four times for
it and twice against.
Five of the six, Beardslee, Leeds, McManus, McClellan and Schmitt voted
against forcing out of the Committee on Federal Relations the Sanford
resolution, which called for a government line of steamers from Panama
to San Francisco. The five voted for the Johnson amendments to the
resolutions, which cut out all criticizing reference to the
rate-boosting combinations between the great transportation companies.
Transue was absent when the vote to force the resolution out of
committee was taken. But he was present to vote for the Johnson
Five of the six, Leeds, McManus, McClellan, Schmitt and Transue, voted
for the machine amendments to the Direct Primary bill, which were read
into that measure in the Assembly, and which resulted in the Senate
deadlock over the measure. Beardslee voted against the amendments.
Five of the six - Beardslee, Leeds, McManus, McClellan and Transue -
voted against the Holohan bill to remove the party circle from the
election ballot. Schmitt did not vote on this measure.
Assemblyman Hewitt will, at the Alaska-Yukon, find himself in
distinguished company. From the Wolfe-Leavitt-Johnson standpoint, he is
the only one of his associates who cannot be said to have earned the
preferment thrust upon him.
[102a] As these forms are going through the press, word comes that
Senator Willis has been made Assistant United States District Attorney
at Los Angeles. See Willis' record, Table "A" of the appendix.
[102b] The State Constitution provides no method of compensation for
such services. The providing of this compensation, therefore, becomes a
matter of great delicacy. It is done, under a decision of the Supreme
Court that that tribunal cannot go back of a legislative Act, but must
abide by the wording of the Act. The appropriation bills to compensate
the members for their services on hold-over Committees are worded to
meet the opinion of the courts. The money is invariably appropriated "to
pay the claim of," etc. The Legislature is, according to the courts, the
sole Judge of whether the alleged claim is a claim and not a petition
for a gift. The "to -pay- the-claim-of" bills never fail to pull down
[102c] The report as originally drawn, and as it was signed by Senator
Wolfe and his associates.
The Holdover Senators.
Eleven of Them May Be Counted Upon to Vote Against the Machine at the
Session of 1911, Two Are Doubtful, One Will Probably Vote with the
Majority, While Six May Be Counted Upon to Support Machine Policies.
Twenty of the 120 members who sat in the Legislature of 1909 - half of
the forty Senators - hold over and will serve in the Legislature of
1911. The twenty constitute the strength with which the machine and the
anti-machine forces will enter the field in the struggle for control of
the Legislature two years hence.
The machine has, long before this, taken stock of those twenty holdover
Senators. Machine agents unquestionably know what the holdover members
owe and to whom indebted; know their family history; know the church to
which they belong, their lodges, their likes, their dislikes and their
prejudices; know how they can be "reached" if vulnerable; know how they
can be "kept in line" if already tarred with the machine brush.
But the plain citizen, not within the charmed circle of machine
protection, is not concerning himself much about these holdovers. He
scarcely knows their names. It is safe to say that not 2 per cent of the
voters of California could off-hand name the twenty holdover members of
the Upper House of the Legislature.
In other words, the machine is posted, and the citizen is not. And here
is the secret of much of the machine's success. In its campaign for
control of affairs, the machine knows to a nicety just what to expect
from men in public life; the plain citizen is without such information.
In the Appendix will be found a table, "Table H," showing the votes of
the twenty holdover Senators on sixteen roll calls. Representative
citizens, all standing for good government, may differ as to the
desirability or undesirability of several of the measures included in
the list. But by and large the average normal citizen will hold that
certain of the sixteen measures are desirable and others undesirable.
Thus all would probably agree that the Change of Venue bill is
undesirable legislation, and declare the Walker-Otis Anti-Racetrack
Gambling measure to be desirable, although they might honestly differ on
the Local Option bill.
On the sixteen roll calls the twenty holdover Senators cast 283 votes.
Of the 283, 164 are recorded against what the normal citizen would
regard as bad measures, or for what the normal citizen would regard as
good measures. In other words, speaking broadly, 164 of the 283 votes
were cast against machine policies. Only 119 were cast with the machine.
In other words, over the whole session, on what may be fairly considered
the most important roll calls taken in the Senate, the holdover Senators
cast 164 votes against the machine and only 119 votes for the machine.
This isn't a bad showing to start with.
The showing is strengthened by the fact that ninety-two of the 119
machine votes were cast by eight Senators, Finn, Wolfe, Bills,
Martinelli, Hurd, Hare, Lewis and Welch. Senator Finn of San Francisco
heads the list with fifteen of these negative votes. On one occasion
Senator Finn didn't vote. After Finn comes Wolfe, also from San
Francisco, with thirteen of the ninety-two negative or machine votes to
his credit or his discredit; Bills of Sacramento and Martinelli of Marin
follow with twelve each; Hurd of Los Angeles with eleven; Hare of San
Francisco and Lewis of San Joaquin with ten each, and Welch of San
Francisco with nine.
This leaves twenty-seven machine votes to be divided among twelve of the
holdover Senators, about two votes on an average each.
Burnett is credited with seven of the twenty-seven, which reduces the
number to twenty for eleven Senators. Of the twenty votes, seven were
cast in the two ballots taken on the Local Option issue, again the bill;
and eight were cast in two ballots against the Holohan bill to remove
the party circle from the election ballot.
Thus, excluding the votes on local option, and on the Party Circle bill,
on twelve important ballots, eleven of the holdover Senators cast only
five votes for machine policies.
The eleven are Birdsall, Campbell, Cutten, Estudillo, Holohan,
Roseberry, Rush, Stetson, Strobridge, Thompson and Walker.
These eleven Senators, as judged by their performances at the session
just closed, may be depended upon to vote for good bills and against bad
ones at the session of 1911.
To this list should be added the name of Burnett. Burnett got off wrong
on the Stetson Railroad Regulation bill, and managed to land with the
Wolfe element in the direct primary fight. But there is good reason to
believe that Burnett was very sick of his company before the session
closed. The probabilities are that Senator Burnett feels more at home
with Senators Stetson, Strobridge, Thompson and Cutten than with Hare,
Finn and Wolfe.
Senator Hurd is another holdover who started out very well, but went
badly astray after the vote on the Railroad Regulation bills. Like
Burnett, Hurd showed signs toward the end of the session of feeling
himself in uncongenial company. There is reason to believe that Hurd at
the next session will be found voting with the
Senator Welch will be found voting with the majority. This reduces the
number of holdover Senators who can be counted upon to accept Wolfe's
leadership, machine Senators, if you like, to six. The line-up of the
twenty holdovers, then, would on this basis be as follows:
Anti-machine - Birdsall, Cutten, Estudillo, Roseberry, Rush, Stetson,
Strobridge, Thompson, Walker (Republicans), Campbell, Holohan
(Democrats) - 11.
Doubtful - Burnett, Hurd (Republicans) - 2.
With the majority - Welch (Republican) - 1.
Machine - Bills, Finn, Lewis, Martinelli, Wolfe (Republicans), Hare
(Democrat) - 6.
On this basis the anti-machine element will start with all the advantage
in the struggle for control of the Senate in 1911. If Burnett and Hurd
vote with the eleven anti-machine Senators, it will be necessary to
elect only eight anti-machine Senators that the reform element may
control the Senate. This will mean twenty-two votes for the reform
element, for Welch, if he is to be judged by past performances, will be
found with the majority.
From present indications, four important fights will be made at the
Legislative session of 1911.
(1) To pass an effective railroad regulation measure and to amend those
sections of the State Constitution which prescribe the duties and powers
of the Railroad Commissioners.
(2) To amend the Direct Primary law passed at the session just closed to
meet with the popular demand for an effective measure.
(3) To grant local option to the counties.
(4) To adopt an amendment to the State Constitution granting the
initiative to the electors of the State.
Significantly enough, the line-up of the holdover Senators in the Direct
Primary deadlock of the last session was nine to eleven, the eleven
Senators who divide but five machine votes between them standing out
against Wolfe and Leavitt for an effective provision for the selection
of United States Senators by State-wide vote, while the six machine
Senators, the "bandwagon" Senator and the two doubtfuls, voted with
Wolfe and Leavitt.
But the probabilities are that in the event of the anti-machine element
controlling the Senate of 1911, Burnett, Hurd, Lewis, Martinelli and
Welch would join with the reform forces to make necessary amendments to
the measure. When the Direct Primary bill was first before the Senate,
these five Senators united with the Good Government forces and assisted
in defeating the machine's amendment. When the bill was amended in the
Assembly, however, the five flopped to the machine side. Indeed, only
four of the twenty holdover Senators voted for the machine's amendments
to the Direct Primary bill when the measure was first passed upon by the
Senate. They were Bills, Finn, Hare and Wolfe.
The holdover Senators made their poorest showing on the railroad
measures. When the test came on the Stetson bill the twenty holdovers
split even, ten being for the effective Stetson bill, ten for the
ineffective Wright bill. The line-up was as follows:
For the Stetson bill - Birdsall, Campbell, Cutten, Holohan, Lewis,
Roseberry, Rush, Stetson, Strobridge, Thompson - 10.
For the Wright bill - Bills, Burnett, Estudillo, Finn, Hare, Hurd,
Martinelli, Walker, Welch, Wolfe - 10.
Lewis, who usually voted with the performers, voted for the Stetson
bill. But the reform forces lost two votes, those of Walker and
Estudillo. On another vote on the same issue, however, Burnett,
Estudillo and Walker would probably be found with the anti-machine
forces supporting an effective measure. This would make the vote of the
holdover Senators, thirteen for effective railroad regulation, and seven
for a measure of the Wright law variety.
The holdovers made a good showing on the Initiative amendment, eleven
voting for it and five against it, four not voting at all. The vote was
For the Initiative - Birdsall, Campbell, Cutten, Estudillo, Hare,
Roseberry, Rush, Stetson, Thompson, Walker, Welch - 11.
Against the Initiative - Bills, Hurd, Lewis, Martinelli, Wolfe - 5.
Not voting - Burnett, Finn, Holohan, Strobridge - 4.
Of the four who did not vote, three, Burnett, Holohan and Strobridge,
would have voted for the amendment. Finn would probably have voted
against it. This would have made the vote fourteen to six in the
amendment's favor. It will be seen that those who would have the
initiative granted the people, have a good start for the next session.
The outlook for local option is not so reassuring. Of the holdover
Senators who ordinarily were for measures which give the people a voice
in the management of public affairs, Birdsall, Holohan, Rush and
Strobridge were unalterably opposed to the local option idea. The six
machine Senators, of course, opposed it, which with the votes of
Burnett, Welch and Hurd placed thirteen of the twenty holdover Senators
against the measure.
Six of the holdovers voted for the Local Option bill - Campbell, Cutten,
Estudillo, Roseberry, Thompson and Walker.
Stetson was absent and did not vote. He, however, favored the bill. His
vote would have made it 13 to 7. Thus on the vote on their bill at the
last session, the local option forces have seven of the holdover
Senators with them, and thirteen against.
On the other hand, seventeen of the holdover Senators voted for the
Walker-Otis Anti-Racetrack Gambling bill, while only three, Finn, Hare
and Wolfe, voted against it. Thus on the moral issue, as well as the
political and the industrial, the anti-machine element is stronger in
the holdover delegation in the Senate than is the machine. It rests with
the good citizenship of California to maintain its advantage by electing
to the Senate in 1910, men who will stand with the majority of the
holdover members for the passage of good and the defeat of vicious
 Lewis voted with the anti-machine element in the Railroad
Regulation fight, one of the most severe tests of the session. Persons
who know Lewis well stated that he will, if the anti-machine forces be
effectively organized at the session of 1911, be found against the
machine. It is "up to Senator Lewis."
The Retiring Senators.
Of the Twenty Whose Terms of Office Will Have Expired, the Machine Loses
Eleven, the Anti-Machine Element Seven - Two Who Voted With the Machine
on Occasion Were Usually on the Side of Good Government.
Twenty of the forty Senators who sat in the Legislature of 1909, must,
if they sit in the Legislature of 1911, be re-elected at the general
elections in November 1910. They are: Senators Anthony of San Francisco,
Bates of Alameda, Bell of Pasadena, Black of Santa Clara, Boynton of
Yuba, Caminetti of Amador, Cartwright of Fresno, Curtin of Tuolumne,
Hartman of San Francisco, Kennedy of San Francisco, Leavitt of Alameda,
McCartney of Los Angeles, Miller of Kern, Price of Sonoma, Reily of San
Francisco, Sanford of Mendocino, Savage of Los Angeles, Weed of
Siskiyou, Willis of San Bernardino and Wright of San Diego.
By consulting Table A of the Appendix, it will be seen that on sixteen
roll calls the forty members of the Senate of 1909 voted 570 times. Of
the 570 votes 311 were cast against what are regarded as machine
policies; 259 for such policies. Of the 311 anti-machine votes, 164 were
cast by holdover Senators, and were considered in the last chapter,
while 147 were cast by Senators whose successors will be elected in
1910. Thus it will be seen, that on this basis, more desirable Senators
will hold over than those whose terms of office will have expired before
the next Legislature convenes.
On the basis of the machine votes the result is as satisfactory. On the
sixteen roll calls, 259 machine votes were cast. Of these 140 were cast
by the retiring Senators, and only 119 by those who will hold over, and
who will sit in the Legislature of 1911. So, on the whole, the machine
loses and the people gain in the retirement of the twenty Senators.
In point of numbers the result is as satisfactory. The machine will lose
eleven Senators: Bates, Hartman, Kennedy, Leavitt, McCartney, Price,
Reily, Savage, Weed, Willis and Wright; while the anti-machine forces
will lose only seven who can be counted constantly for reform policies:
Bell, Black, Boynton, Caminetti, Cartwright, Miller and Sanford.
This leaves only Anthony and Curtin to be accounted for. Both these men
stood out against the machine's amendments to the Direct Primary bill,
Anthony in particular standing against the severest pressure that could
be brought to compel him to vote against the interests of his
constituents and of the State. But Anthony could not be moved. On the
railroad measures, however, Anthony voted with the machine. But he voted
for the Walker-Otis bill, and, generally speaking, for all measures
which made for political reforms. With any sort of organization of the
reform forces, Anthony could be counted upon as safe for reform. His
record on the Direct Primary bill certainly entitles him to the highest
Curtin also was as a general thing with the reform element. He voted,
however, against the bill to do away with the party circle and he voted
against the Local Option bill, but in so doing he merely followed the
lead of such men as Birdsall, who, while out and out against the
machine, were at the same time against local option and lukewarm on
ballot reform. Birdsall, however, finally voted for the bill to remove
the party circle from the election ballot, although he had on the first
ballot voted against the bill. Curtin did not, however, change his vote.
But Curtin did vote against the Initiative Amendment. On the other hand,
Curtin's record on the Direct Primary bill, on the Railroad Regulation
bills, and on the Anti-Gambling bill is all that could be desired.
While the retirement of all the Senators who do not hold over would
strengthen the reform element in the Senate, nevertheless the State can
ill afford to lose the services of the seven who stood out so valiantly
against machine policies. Senator Bell heads the list, with Caminetti,
Black, Boynton and Sanford close seconds.
Senator Bell not only made the best record made in the Senate of 1909,
but he made the best record of the Senate of 1907. Conscientious, fully
awake to the responsibilities of his position, alive to the tricks of
the machine leaders, in constant attendance, Senator Bell proved himself
during the two sessions that he has served in the Senate, a power for
good government. His absence from the session of 1911 would be a loss to
Senators Black and Boynton at the session of 1909 made records quite as
good as that made by Senator Bell. On the sixteen roll calls taken as
tests of the standing of the several Senators, Black voted but once
against reform policies. On the first ballot on the Party Circle bill he
voted against the measure, but the day following, corrected his mistake
by voting for the measure. Boynton voted to return the Local Option bill
to the Judiciary Committee, but at the final test his vote was recorded
for the bill[103a]. Thus neither of the two Senators can be said to have
voted with the machine even on comparatively unimportant issues.
Senator Caminetti probably gave the machine more worry during the
session than any other one Senator. Caminetti has, a way of saying out
loud what his anti-machine associates are thinking, which is not at all
popular with the machine. True to principle, he, a Democrat, voted for
United States Senator Perkins because, from Caminetti's view-point, no
other candidate came so near to being the popular choice of the people
as Perkins, and Caminetti holds that the people and not the Legislature
should select the United States Senator. The machine was glad of
Caminetti's vote for Perkins, but was not at all pleased with the
departure of a Democrat voting for a Republican. Caminetti's course
continued in by all the members of the Legislature, and the machine
would lose its monopoly of Federal Senator-making.
Caminetti's record is admirable. To be sure, he opposed Local Option,
but he fought as few others fought for an effective Direct Primary law,
for effective railroad regulation, in fact for practically all the
reform policies which the anti-machine forces advocated and the machine
opposed. Senator Sanford also voted for and worked for reform policies.
Like Caminetti, however, he opposed the Local Option bill and voted
against it. Senator Miller, on the other hand, supported the Local
Option bill, but slipped more seriously than did either Caminetti or
Sanford, by voting with the machine Senators against the Initiative
amendment. Miller's work for effective railroad regulation and for an
effective Direct Primary law, won him the deserved admiration and
confidence of the better element of the Legislature. Senator Cartwright
voted but twelve times on the sixteen roll calls, but the twelve
included the votes on the Direct Primary issues, on railroad regulation,
and on all the moral issues considered. And each time, Senator
Cartwright's vote was cast on the side of good government.
On the other side, the machine side, Senator Bates distinguished himself
but once during the session. It was Senator Bates who, to oblige a
friend, had the notorious Change of Venue bill placed on the Special
Urgency File, thus making the passage of the bill possible. Senator
Bates' vote and influence - such as it was - were thrown in the balance
against giving the people of California a State-wide vote - the only
practical vote - for United States Senators. He voted against the
effective Stetson bill; he voted for the ineffective Railroad Regulation
bill. In fact, aside from the Walker-Otis bill, Bates was on the machine
side of practically every issue.
Senator Hartman was during the session a mere machine vote. He was
always on hand, always voted, and voted with the machine. It was Senator
Hartman who named an employee of the notorious Sausalito gambling rooms
for an important committee clerkship. So far as the writer can recall,
Hartman made but two speeches during the session; one against the
Walker-Otis Anti-Gambling bill, one against the Islais Creek Harbor
bill, the passage of which meant so much for San Francisco, the city, by
the way, responsible for Hartman's presence at Sacramento.
On the sixteen roll calls under consideration, Hartman voted sixteen
times for machine policies. As a vote, Hartman is a valuable machine
asset; otherwise a nonentity.
Those who have read the previous chapters have already formed their
opinion of the advisability of returning to the Senate, Kennedy, the
hero of the passage of the Change of Venue bill; McCartney, the author
of the famous amendment to the Direct Primary bill; Weed, who introduced
the resolution to drag Senator Black from his sick bed at Palo Alto;
Reily, who with Senator Hartman, alone of all the Senate stood out
against the passage of the Islais Creek Harbor bills; Willis, who as
Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, backed such measures as the Change
of Venue bill, and opposed such measures as the Commonwealth Club bills;
Savage, who in committee and out of it, opposed the State-wide vote plan
for nominating United States Senators, and Senator Price.
Price did not distinguish himself particularly. On the sixteen roll
calls included in Table A, his vote was recorded against the machine as
many as four times. But there were ten Senators who did even worse.
However, a story of the closing days of the session is quite
characteristic of Senator Price.
An important roll call was on - if the writer remembers correctly, it
was on Burnett's motion to continue the investigation into the causes of
the increase of freight and express rates. Price was present, but did
not answer to the call of his name. The advocates of the resolution
insisted that all vote, and demanded a call of the Senate. The doors
were ordered closed, at which order Price made a run for the door.
Caminetti saw the move, understood it and started to intercept the
fleeing Senator. But if Caminetti were quick, Price was quicker.
Caminetti missed his grab at Price, and so chased that gentleman to the
door of the Senate chamber. The assistant Sergeant-at-Arms at the door
was just swinging it closed as Price shot through. The determined
Caminetti made a last grab at Price's coattails, but too late. The
massive doors banged closed, with Price, coattails and all, on the
outside, and the balked Caminetti on the inside. Price didn't vote on
that roll call.
The failure to return Leavitt to the Senate will be a decided loss for
the machine, one hard to offset. Next to Wolfe, Leavitt was by far the
ablest floor leader in the Senate. The brute force of the man, his
grossness, his indifference to public opinion, made him an ideal
machine leader. Leavitt's return from Alameda seems extremely doubtful.
His district takes in the notorious gambling community, Emeryville,
which will be purged of the thug element that has dominated it, by the
enforcement of the Walker-Otis law. With the loss of this portion of
his constituency, Senator Leavitt's chance of re-election from
Emeryville appears slim indeed.
But, according to rather persistent rumor, Senator Leavitt may be
returned to the Senate, not from Alameda, but from the Siskiyou-Shasta
District, the district represented by Weed. Leavitt has property up
there, and the story runs that he will be a candidate from that part of
the State. The voters of Shasta and Siskiyou, however, may conclude that
they have something to say about it.
Senator Wright, the last of the Senators whose terms will have expired
before the next session of the Legislature convenes, is being mentioned
as a "reform candidate" for Governor. The idea seems to be that he will
run on his record made at the session of 1909. If this be true, he may
not be a candidate for re-election to the Senate. Senator Wright's
record as a State Senator has already been treated at length.
[103a] Senator Boynton was a consistent supporter of the Local Option
bill from the beginning to the end of the session. He held, however,
that the bill as originally drawn was not in proper form, and explained
that he voted to have the bill returned to the committee that
amendments, which he deemed necessary, could be made.
 Since the Legislature adjourned Senator Bates has been given a
lucrative position in the United States Mint.
Events of the Session of 1909 Show That Before Any Effective Reform Can
Be Brought About in California, Good Government Republicans and
Democrats Must Unite to Organize Senate and Assembly - Appointment of
Senate Committees May Be Taken Out of the Hands of the
In the opening chapter it was stated that the machine element in the
Legislature of 1909, although in the minority, defeated the purposes of
the reform majority, because of three principal reasons:
(1) The reform element was without organization.
(2) The reform members had, except in the anti-racetrack gambling fight,
no definite plan of action.
(3) The reform members of both Houses permitted the machine to name
presiding officers and appoint committees.
This third reason must appeal to those who have read the foregoing pages
as the most important of all. The story of every machine success, in
face of opposition, is that of advantage gained through the moral
support given by the presiding officers, or of co-operation of
committees, or of both. But, unfortunately, a stupid partisanship - a
partisanship which the machine finds far more potent than bribe money -
makes this cause of machine success more difficult to overcome than
either of the others. Already a movement is on foot, the details of
which the writer is not at liberty to make public, that will unite the
reform element of the next Legislature into a working body, from the day
nominations are made. Steps to this end were taken before the last
Legislature adjourned. In the same way, the work of bringing reform
issues before the public - reform of the ballot laws, amendment of the
Direct Primary law, the simplification of the mode of criminal procedure
- is being taken up in the same effective, commonsense way as was the
Anti-Racetrack Gambling bill. But here the progress of the commonsense
element of machine opposition seems to halt. In spite of their
experience of the last session, Democrats and Republicans who stand for
good government hesitate at the suggestion of non-partisan organization
of Senate and Assembly. The writer has shown in the foregoing chapters
that the machine Republicans and the machine Democrats were for
practical purposes a unit in the organization of the Legislature of
1909. Why, then, should not the anti-machine Republicans and the
anti-machine Democrats unite for purposes of organization, just as they
united, at the session of 1909, to oppose vicious measures and to work
for the passage of good bills? That is a question which has never been
satisfactorily answered. It leads us, however, to the question of the
real line of division in Senate and Assembly, and, for that matter, in
That the real division is no longer between political parties, or even
between party factions, is apparent to the observer who has given the
question any attention at all.
Not once, for example, did the California Legislature of 1909 divide on
a party question; nor did it have to deal with any problem that had not
at one time or another been endorsed by both parties. Both Democrats and
Republicans in either State or county platforms had declared for the
passage of an Anti-Racetrack Gambling law, for an effective Direct
Primary law, for an effective Railroad Regulation law, for the
submission to the people of a Constitutional Amendment granting the
people the privilege of initiating laws. In the same way, county
conventions of both parties - and county conventions are the closest to
the people and most representative of them - had declared for local
option, for the election of United States Senators by direct vote of the
people, for amendments to the codes that should simplify proceedings in
criminal cases, for effective railroad regulation. Estimating the
purposes of the two parties by their county and State platforms, none of
these reforms can be regarded as any more Democratic than Republican,
and these were the issues with which the Legislature of 1909 was called
upon to deal.
A glance at the tables of votes in the appendix will show that the
Assemblymen and the Senators who voted against the Anti-Racetrack
Gambling bill, generally speaking, voted against the effective Stetson
Railroad Regulation bill and for the ineffective Wright bill, opposed
the provision in the Direct Primary bill giving the people an effective
part in the selection of United States Senators, supported the passage
of the Change of Venue bill, opposed the passage of the Local Option
bill, opposed the submission of the Initiative amendment to the electors
of the State. This negative element, opposed to policies which the
normal citizen regards as making for the State's best interests, has in
these pages been called the machine.
As has been shown in these pages, the interests of the several
beneficiaries of the system are in effect pooled; one element helps the
other. The managers of the several elements, the political agents, if
you like, of the tenderloin, Southern Pacific, racetrack, and
public-service monopolies generally; in a word, all who seek to evade
the law or to secure undue special privileges or to continue secure in
the possession of such privileges already secured, recognize that they
must hang together or submit to a reckoning with the public, which must
necessarily result in the breaking of the particular monopoly which each
enjoys, be it in transportation, nickel-in-the-slot graft, or traffic in
the bodies of young women. Should the political bureau of the Southern
Pacific Railroad Company, for example, lose the support of the
tenderloin, or of the racetrack gamblers, or of any other powerful group
of its political associates, the corporation could no longer continue
its strangle-hold upon the State. But none of its associates would dare
thus offend. Such is the machine, which, in the name of a protective
tariff, "sound money," Abraham Lincoln, or Theodore Roosevelt, has
organized the Legislature of California for sixteen years. Previous to
1895, there were California Legislatures organized in the name of Thomas
Jefferson. But the machine has not taken the name of Thomas Jefferson in
vain in California for many years.
Nevertheless, although acting under the name Republican, the machine is
quite as dependent upon "Democrats" as upon "Republicans," and as
dependent upon either as upon the tenderloin, the brewery trust or the
racetrack gambling element. It monopolizes neither party, but it divides
both parties. Or it may be described as a canker that has eaten into
both, diseased both, rendered both unwholesome, until a condition exists
in the dominating parties that requires that the uncorrupted element of
both unite to cut the diseased portion away.
As the machine divides the parties, so did it divide the Republican and
Democratic delegations in the Senate and the Assembly of the California
Legislature of 1909. Hare and Kennedy, for example, Democratic Senators,
voted constantly with Wolfe and Leavitt, Republican Senators, for
machine policies. Nor was the opposition restricted to party lines.
Black and Boynton and Cutten, Republican Senators, were found voting
constantly with Campbell and Holohan, Democratic Senators, against the
machine. Between Black and Wolfe, Republicans, there was nothing in
common during the entire session; nor was there anything in common
between Campbell and Kennedy, Democrats. On practically every important
issue, however, Kennedy, Democrat, and Wolfe, Republican, made common
cause, while Black, Republican, and Campbell, Democrat, opposed them.
The same comparisons could be made in the Assembly, where such Democrats
as Wheelan and Baxter were found with Mott and Coghlan, Republicans,
supporting machine policies, while opposed to them were anti-machine
Republicans of the character of Bohnett and Callan, and anti-machine
Democrats like Polsley and Mendenhall.
Thus, for practical purposes, the Legislature can not be divided on
party lines. The only practical line of division is between the machine
element, and the anti-machine element. Such, at the session of 1909, was
the division on every important issue; such will it be at the
legislative session of 1911. Why should not the same division govern the
organization of Senate and Assembly?
As a matter of fact, the machine disregards party lines even in
organizing. In making up its committees it considers fealty to machine
interests above party name. For example, Hare and Kennedy were the
Democratic Senators who this year affiliated with the machine. Kennedy
was appointed to practically every important committee, at least to
those before which important fights were to be made. Thus we find him on
the Committee on Commerce and Navigation, Contingent Expenses, Elections
and Election Laws, Prisons and Reformatories, and Public Morals, Hare
was appointed to the Committee on Commerce and Navigation, Elections and
Election Laws, Labor, Capital and Immigration, Municipal Corporations,
Printing, and Public Buildings and Grounds. In committees, as well as on
the floor of the Senate, Hare and Kennedy were found as a general thing
casting their influence and their votes on the side of machine policies.
Had the anti-machine Democrats and the anti-machine Republicans in
Senate and Assembly, who worked together for the same ends and voted
together on practically every important issue, taken the same course,
and united for the organization of the two Houses, reform measures which
were defeated by narrow margins would have been made laws, and machine
measures which became laws defeated.
Such being the case, is it not the duty of the anti-machine Republicans
and the anti-machine Democrats who may sit in the Legislature of 1911,
to organize both Senate and Assembly to resist machine purposes and
This can be done comparatively easily in the Assembly, where a movement
to elect the Speaker such as was started by Drew of Fresno this year, if
carried out, would take the Assembly out of machine hands. Although the
organization of the Senate looks more difficult, because the Senate has
no voice in the selection of its presiding officer, nevertheless, even
though a Warren Porter occupy the post of Lieutenant-Governor, at the
session of 1911 the reform element can elect its President pro tem., and
appoint the Senate committees. In other words, a majority of the Senate,
may if it see fit, take the appointing of the committees out of the
hands of the Lieutenant-Governor.
There are two important precedents for this course, one established by a
Democratic Senate; the other by a Republican Senate.
The Democratic precedent was established in 1887. In that year Robert W.
Waterman, a Republican, was Lieutenant-Governor and presiding officer of
the Senate. The Senate was made up of twenty-six Democrats and fourteen
Republicans. The Democratic majority organized the Senate under the
following rule, which will be found in the Senate journal of that
"All Committees of the Senate, special and standing, and all joint
Committees on the part thereof, shall be elected by the Senate unless
The Republican precedent was made in 1897. In that year, William T.
Jeter, a Democrat, was Lieutenant-Governor, while a majority of the
Senators were Republicans. Instead of leaving the appointing of the
committees to the Democratic Lieutenant-Governor, the Republican
Senators adopted a rule that "all standing committees of the Senate
shall be named by the Senate, unless otherwise ordered, and the first
named shall be chairman thereof. All other committees shall be appointed
in such manner as the Senate shall determine."
In other words, the Republican majority of the Senate named the Senate
committees of the session of 1897, taking their appointment out of the
hands of the Lieutenant-Governor as the Democrats had done ten years
before. There is no good reason why the members of the anti-machine
majority in the Senate should not have taken the same course in 1909,
and named the committees. Had they done so, and named the President pro
tem., they would have organized the Senate in the interest of those
policies in advancing which they were soon in open revolt against
Lieutenant-Governor Porter, the machine Senators and the machine lobby.
Failing to do so, they placed themselves under a handicap which they
were unable to overcome.
The reform element of the Legislature of 1911 will have in the
experience of the reform element of the session of 1909, an important
lesson. And The People of California, who will elect that Legislature,
have a lesson as important. The successes of the machine at the session
of 1909, where a clear majority of both Houses opposed machine policies,
demonstrated that the well-being of the State requires that the
opponents of the machine in Senate and Assembly, regardless of party
label, organize the Legislature. But back of this is the even more
important requirement that there be elected to the Legislature American
citizens, with the responsibility of their citizenship upon them, rather
than partisans, burdened until their good purposes are made negative, by
the responsibility of their partisanship.
 See, for example, Speaker Stanton's ruling on the Direct Primary
bill when the Assembly was considering the question of receding from its
 The machine recognizes the real division, if the reform element
does not. The machine, for example, calls itself Republican, and as such
controls the patronage of the San Francisco water front. The
appointments to water front jobs are, of course, partisan, but the
writer is reliably informed that as many "Democrats" as "Republicans"
are employed there. Senators Hare and Kennedy, we have seen, although
Democrats, got appointments to holdover committees. The machine
recognizes but one line in politics, that which divides those who
support machine policies from those who stand for good government and
the square deal. When those who stand for good government and the square
deal become as clear sighted, the fight against the machine will not be
quite so unequal.
 The term "machine" is, as a general thing, rather lightly used. It
is made to stand for everything, from what might be and should be
perfectly legitimate party organization, to the Southern Pacific
political bureau. The Southern Pacific political bureau is, as a matter
of fact, the dominating factor in machine affairs, which gives some
reason for dubbing the machine Southern Pacific. But it is nor more the
Southern Pacific machine than it is the Tenderloin machine or the
Racetrack gamblers' machine, or the United Railroads machine, or the
Electric Power Trust machine.
 Bryce in his American Commonwealth, more than a quarter of a
century ago, showed the hollowness of the contention of the machine
element for arty consideration. "The interest of a Boss in political
questions," said Bryce in one of his admirable chapters on this subject,
"is usually quite secondary. Here and there one may be found and who is
a politician in the European sense, who, whether sincerely or not,
purports and professes to be interested in some principle or measure
affecting the welfare of the country. But the attachment of the ringster
is usually given wholly to the concrete party, that is, to the men who
compose it, regarded as office-holders or office-seekers; and there is
often not even a profession of zeal for any party doctrine. As a noted
politician happily observed to a friend of mine: 'You know, Mr. R.,
there are no politics in politics.' "
 One has a wider view of this condition if he look out beyond the
Sacramento Capitol, into the Senate Hall at Washington. The following is
from an editorial article which appeared in the Saturday Evening Post,
of June 12 last:
"The Iron trade is still in a depressed state. Output is much below the
capacity of the mills, and prices have not recovered from the
demoralization of early spring. Yet the other day the common stock of
the Steel Trust sold higher than ever before. When issued, this common
stock was rather thinner than water, and it represented mostly a
capitalization of the Trust's tariff graft. At the new high price the
market valuation of the graft, therefore, is some three hundred million
dollars. A few days before this new high price was made, eighteen
Democratic Senators voted with the Aldrich Republicans to take iron ore
from the free list - where the House bill had put it - and protect it by
a substantial duty. This action was generally regarded as insuring a
continuation of the Trust's tariff graft. Hence a record price for the
common stock was logical enough, although the iron trade was not exactly
flourishing at the moment.
"Similar acts by Democratic Senators were denounced by President
Cleveland as party perfidy and dishonor; but the regrettable fact is
there is only one party in the United States Senate - just one party,
with some scattering Republicans and Democratic Insurgents. For the
purpose of getting elected and making stump speeches, different labels
and catchwords are employed; but when it comes down to real business in
the matter of taxing eighty-odd million users of iron and steel products
for the benefit of an opulent trust, we find forty-three Republican
Senators and eighteen Democratic Senators staunchly voting aye, against
fourteen Republicans and ten Democrats who vote nay.
"With over half of the Democratic members of the Upper House fondly
recording themselves as Little Brothers to Protection, there is slight
danger that the tariff will be revised otherwise than by its friends."
Tables of Votes.
The test votes given in the several tables record in every instance the
result of a contest between the machine and the anti-machine forces in
Senate or Assembly. It is quite evident that a unanimous vote cannot be
counted a test vote. Thus the unanimous vote by which the Reciprocal
Demurrage bill passed the Senate cannot be regarded as a test, although
the machine fought the demurrage principle viciously in 1907.
Nor can a vote on a measure be taken as a test vote, where the vote was
taken without the members fully realizing what was before them. Thus the
votes on the Wheelan bills do not appear in either Senate or Assembly
tables. These measures were slipped through Senate and Assembly without
the members of either House fully realizing what the bills were, their
purpose, or far-reaching effects. To be sure, a member of the
Legislature should know what he is voting on, but when one considers the
incidents of the whirl-wind close of the session of 1909, the injustice
of holding a member accountable for inadvertently voting for a measure
which he had intended to oppose, becomes apparent.
Following this rule, a vote on a given measure may be a test vote in one
House and not in the other. The Change of Venue bill is an example in
point. The Change of Venue bill was slipped through the Assembly,
without the members fully realizing its import, and hence without
opposition. But in the Senate the issue was fought out. The Senate vote
on the Change of Venue bill, then, is taken as a test vote, while the
Assembly vote on the same measure is not so regarded. In the same way,
the vote on the substitution of the Wright bill for the Stetson Railroad
Regulation bill was a test vote in the Senate. But in the Assembly there
was no test vote taken on the railroad regulation measures, for the
Wright bill was put through practically without opposition. The test
railroad vote in the Assembly came on the Sanford resolution providing
for government steamships on the Pacific. There was no test vote on this
in the Senate, for in the Senate it was adopted practically without
Table A - Records of Senators.
The records of the members of the Senate on sixteen test votes are shown
in Table A. The names of the Senators are arranged in the order of the
number of times their votes were recorded on the side of progress and
reform, the name of the Senator with the most positive votes to his
credit appearing at the top of the list, and the Senator with the least
number at the bottom.
While few will quarrel with the fact that Senator Bell's name leads the
list, while Senators Finn and Hartman divide negative honors at the
bottom, nevertheless the arrangement is not, strictly speaking, fair,
although it is probably as fair as it could be made.
Senator Walker, for example, has only one anti-reform vote registered
against him, but it was, perhaps, the most important test vote of the
session, that on the Railroad Regulation measures. Senator Cutten, on
the other hand, voted on the reform side of every question with the
exception of the measure intended to work political reform by removing
the party circle from the election ballot. Senator Cutten is recorded
twice against this bill, it being necessary, in justice to all the
Senators, to give both the votes taken on this measure. But considering
the relative importance of the Railroad Regulation bills and the Party
Circle bill, all must admit that Senator Cutten made a better record
than Senator Walker, although Cutten's name appears below that of
Unavoidable absence from the Senate Chamber cut down the records of
several of the Senators. Black and Stetson, whose severe illness kept
them from Sacramento toward the end of the session, furnish examples of
Then again, the Party Circle bill and the Local Option bill were
measures on which several of the strongest of the opponents of the
machine differed with the majority of their anti-machine associates.
With the four votes taken on these two issues out of the reckoning,
Bell, Thompson, Roseberry, Cutten, Campbell, Boynton, Sanford,
Cartwright, Black, Holohan, Birdsall, Stetson, Rush and Strobridge, have
not one vote for a machine-backed policy against them. Caminetti's vote
to amend the Stanford bill excludes him from the list, but as this
measure was of the same character and policy as the Local Option bill,
Caminetti's name should in justice be included among those of the
Senators who made practically clear records. Looking at the table in a
broad way, the first nineteen Senators of the list made anti-machine
records. Of the eleven caucus Republicans among them, only one voted
against admitting Bell to the Republican caucus.
The nineteen voted for the Anti-Racetrack Gambling bill, they voted
every time against the machine on the Direct Primary issue, only two of
them voted for the Change of Venue bill, only two of them voted against
the Railroad Regulation bill. These comparisons can be carried out
indefinitely, and always to the advantage of the nineteen.
Senator Wright is twentieth on the list; Senator Anthony is
twenty-first. Those who followed these two Senators through the Direct
Primary bill fight will see immediately that Wright has crowded into
undeserved standing. There is a very good reason for this. In the
Senate, the roll of Senators is called alphabetically, and Senator
Wright's name is the last on the list. A glance at the table will show
that Senator Wright did not vote once against the machine when his vote
would have decided the issue. He voted for the Anti-Racetrack Gambling
bill, but before him thirty-two Senators had voted for the bill, and
only seven against it. Wright's thirty-third affirmative vote counted
for nothing. On the other hand, when Wright's name was reached on roll
call on the Change of Venue bill, with the vote standing nineteen for
the bill and sixteen against, and twenty-one votes necessary for its
passage, Senator Wright cast the twentieth affirmative vote, thus
ensuring the measure's passage. In the same way, Senator Wright's vote
the following day, tied the score on the motion for a call of the
Senate, thus defeating the motion, and preventing reconsideration of the
Change of Venue bill which would have meant its defeat.
The query is: Had the vote on the Anti-Racetrack Gambling bill stood
nineteen against the bill, and twenty for, when Wright's name was
reached, with twenty-one votes necessary for its passage, would Wright's
vote have been cast for or against it? Any person who has any doubt on
the question, is referred to Senator Wright's part in the passage of the
amended Direct Primary bill, and in the defeat of the Stetson bill.
It is most advantageous to have one's name at the bottom of a roll call.
Senator Wright's position above that of Senators Anthony and Burnett,
emphasizes the necessity of considering these tables in connection with
the chapters dealing with the several issues involved. From the first
days of the session Senators Anthony and Burnett gave indications that
had the anti-machine forces been organized, they would have been found
consistently against the machine. At any rate, their records are
admittedly more creditable than that made by Senator Wright.
The Sixteen Test Votes.
Senator Bell did not vote in the Senate Republican caucus, nor did the
nine Democratic Senators. Thus in the sixteen votes recorded, Bell and
the Democratic members voted only fifteen times. An outline of each of
the several issues involved follows:
Senate A - The first test vote of the Republican majority which came in
the Republican caucus described in Chapter II, on motion to admit
Senator Bell to caucus privileges. Lost by a vote of 16 to 14.
Senate B - Vote on proposed McCartney Amendments to Direct Primary bill.
Amendments defeated by vote of 27 to 13. See Chapter IX.
Senate C - Senate vote on Anti-Racetrack Gambling bill. See Chapter VII.
Senate D - Vote on Wolfe's motion to send the Local Option bill back to
the Judiciary Committee. See Chapter XVIII.
Senate E - First vote on Senate Bill 220, abolishing the party circle on
the election ballot. Measure was defeated by vote of 15 to 23.
Senate F - Vote by which the above Senate Bill 220 was passed on
reconsideration. Note the Senators who changed to the side favoring the
Senate G - Test vote on Senate Bill 1144, known as the "Stanford Bill,"
which prohibited the sale of intoxicants within a mile and a half of a
University. The measure was aimed at the low groggeries maintained in
the vicinity of the campus at Stanford. It was fought by the same
tenderloin element that had opposed the Anti-Racetrack Gambling bill.
Senator Wolfe moved to amend the measure to exclude fraternal club
houses and hotels of fifty bed-rooms or more, from its provisions. The
amendment would have delayed and perhaps defeated the bill. Wolfe's
motion was defeated.
Senate H - Vote by which the above Senate Bill 1144 was finally passed.
Senate I - First test railroad vote in the Senate - Senator Stetson
moved that Stetson bill be substituted for the Wright bill. The motion
was defeated by a vote of 16 to 22. Had Rush and Roseberry been present
they would have voted on the side of the Stetson measure. This would
have made the vote twenty-two for the Wright bill, and eighteen for the
Stetson bill. See Chapter XIII.
Senate J - Vote on the Initiative Amendment. See Chapter XIX.
Senate K - Vote on the Local Option bill. See Chapter XVIII.
Senate L - Vote on Senate Constitutional Amendment No. 4, to eliminate
ambiguities from those sections of the State Constitution which
prescribe the powers and duties of the Railroad Commission. See Chapter
Senate M - Vote on Assembly amendments to the Direct Primary bill.
Wright moved that the Senate concur in the amendments. The motion was
lost, but on Wolfe's motion to reconsider the vote, the Senate was held
in deadlock for more than a week. See Chapters X and XI.
Senate N - Vote on Change of Venue bill. See Chapter XVI.
Senate O - Vote on motion to reconsider vote by which Change of Venue
bill was passed. See Chapter XVI.
Senate P - Vote on Burnett's motion that the investigation into the
causes for the increase of freight and express rates be continued after
the Legislature adjourned. See Chapter XIV.
Tables B and C - Record of Assemblymen.
The two tables showing the votes of the members of the Assembly include
eleven test votes. The names of the Assemblymen are arranged as in the
case of the Senators with the names of those who made the best records
at the top.
It will be seen that fourteen Assemblymen voted against the machine on
every roll call, eight were absent on one roll call each, but voted the
ten times they were present against the machine, while three members
voted 'once each with the machine, and ten times against it. These
twenty-five members, voting 267 times, cast 264 votes on the side of
progress and reform, and three votes for machine policies. The record
indicates what might have been done in the Assembly had the reform
forces been organized. Indeed, the forty leading Assemblymen, casting
421 votes, cast only 48 votes for machine policies and 373 against.
The same considerations governed the selection of test votes in the
Assembly as in the Senate. The votes are as follows:
Assembly A - The first test vote in the Assembly was on Drew's
resolution to reject the report of the Committee on Rules. The
resolution was adopted, and the machine's plan to force "gag rules" on
the Assembly failed. See Chapter III Organization of the Assembly.
Assembly B - The test vote on the Anti-Racetrack Gambling bill. The
Committee on Public Morals had recommended that the bill "do pass." Mott
moved that the bill be re-referred to the committee. Motion lost by a
vote of 53 to 23. See Chapter VII.
Assembly C - Vote on the Anti-Racetrack Gambling bill. See Chapter VII.
Assembly D - Vote on motion to reconsider the vote by which the
Anti-Racetrack Gambling bill was passed. See Chapter VII.
Assembly E - The test railroad vote in the Assembly came on Drew's
motion to recall Senate Joint Resolution No. 3 from committee. The
resolution called for a line of government-owned steamships on the
Pacific from San Francisco to Panama. The resolution, having been
adopted by the Senate, went to the Assembly and was referred to the
Committee on Federal Relations. To hasten action on the resolution, Drew
moved that it be recalled from the committee. A two-thirds vote was
necessary for Drew's motion to prevail. The motion failed to carry by a
vote of 36 for to 29 against.
Assembly F - Vote on motion to strike out of Senate joint Resolution No.
3-considered under E - those sections which referred to Commissioner
Bristow's report recommending that the Government steamship line be
established, and criticizing the combinations made between the several
transportation companies. The motion prevailed by a vote of 43 to 30.
Assembly G - Assembly test vote on the Direct Primary bill. Vote taken
on Leed's motion that vote on United States Senators be advisory and by
districts. The motion prevailed by a vote of 38 to 36. See Chapter X.
Assembly H - Vote on proposed amendments to the Islais Creek Harbor
bill. Motion was made to amend by substituting 44 blocks for the 63
necessary for the improvement. Had this been done, the work would have
been made impracticable. Motion lost by a vote of 30 to 45. See Chapter
XXIII, "Influence of the San Francisco Delegation."
Assembly I - Leeds moved that Senate Bill 220 removing the party circle
from the election ballot be denied second reading. The motion prevailed
by a vote of thirty-six for, to thirty-five against.
Assembly J - Vote on Senate Bill 1144 (the Stanford bill), to prohibit
the sale of intoxicants within a mile and a half of Stanford University.
Assembly K - Vote on the Judicial Column bill. This measure provided
that the names of candidates for the Judiciary be placed in a separate
non-partisan column on the election ballot. The bill passed the Senate,
but was defeated in the Assembly.
The Other Tables.
Table D shows the six votes on the Anti-Racetrack Gambling bill. See
Tables E and F - Show the records of the San Francisco delegation in the
Senate and Assembly. See Chapter XXIII.
Table G - Shows the records on sixteen test votes of the twenty Senators
whose terms of office will have expired before the next session
convenes. See Chapter XXVII.
Table H - Shows the records on sixteen test votes of the twenty Senators
who were elected in 1908, and who hold over to serve in the session of
1911. See Chapter XXVI.
Table I - Shows records of the members of the Assembly on the four
principal votes arising out of the fight for the passage of the
so-called Anti-Japanese bills. See Chapter XX.
Table A-Records of Senators on Sixteen Test Votes
* indicates vote on side of Progress and Reform
0 indicates vote against Progress and Reform
A B C D E F G
To Test To refer To do Second
admit vote Walker- Local away Vote First
Bell on Otis Option Bill with party Vote
to Direct Bill. to Party Circle Stanford
Caucus. Primary Committee. Circle. Bill. Bill.
Senator Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No
1 Bell * * * * * *
2 Thompson * * * * 0 * *
3 Roseberry * * * * 0 * *
4 Walker * * * * * * *
5 Cutten * * * * 0 0 *
6 Campbell * * * * *
7 Boynton * * * 0 * *
8 Sanford * * 0 * * *
9 Cartwright * * * * *
10 Caminetti * * 0 * * 0
11 Estudillo 0 * * * * * *
12 Black * * * * 0 * *
13 Holohan * * 0 * *
14 Miller * * * * *
15 Birdsall * * * 0 0 *
16 Stetson * * * * *
17 Rush * * * 0 * *
18 Curtin * * * 0 *
19 Strobridge * * * 0 0 0 *
20 Wright 0 * * * * * *
21 Anthony * * * 0 0 *
22 Burnett 0 * * 0 0 0
23 McCartney 0 0 * 0 *
24 Kennedy 0 * 0 * * 0
25 Lewis 0 * * 0 0 0
26 Willis 0 0 * * * * 0
27 Welch * * * 0 0 0
28 Bates 0 0 * * 0 0 *
29 Price 0 * * 0 0 0 *
30 Savage * 0 * 0 0 0 *
31 Bills 0 0 * * 0 0 *
32 Leavitt 0 0 0 * * * *
33 Hare 0 0 0 * * 0
34 Hurd 0 * * 0 0 *
35 Martinelli 0 * * 0 0 0 0
36 Wolfe 0 0 0 0 * * 0
37 Reily * 0 0 0 0 0
38 Weed 0 0 0 * 0 0
39 Finn 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
40 Hartman 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Totals 14 16 13 27 33 7 20 15 16 22 23 15 8 22
H I J K L M
Second Test Vote Local Assembly
Vote Railroad Initiative Option Railroad Amendment
Stanford Regulation. Amendment. Bill. Amendment. to Direct
Senator Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No
1 Bell * * * * * *
2 Thompson * * * * * *
3 Roseberry * * * * *
4 Walker * 0 * * * *
5 Cutten * * * * * *
6 Campbell * * * * * *
7 Boynton * * * * *
8 Sanford * * * 0 * *
9 Cartwright * * * * *
10 Caminetti * * * 0 * *
11 Estudillo * 0 * * 0 *
12 Black * * * * *
13 Holohan * * 0 * *
14 Miller * * 0 * * *
15 Birdsall * * 0 * *
16 Stetson * * *
17 Rush * * 0 * *
18 Curtin * * 0 0 * *
19 Strobridge * * 0 * *
20 Wright * 0 0 * * 0
21 Anthony * 0 * 0 0 *
22 Burnett * 0 0 * 0
23 McCartney * 0 * 0 * 0
24 Kennedy 0 0 * 0 0 0
25 Lewis * * 0 0 0 0
26 Willis * 0 0 0 0 0
27 Welch 0 * 0 0 0
28 Bates * 0 0 0
29 Price * 0 0 0 0 0
30 Savage * 0 0 0 0
31 Bills * 0 0 0 0 0
32 Leavitt 0 0 0 0 0 0
33 Hare 0 0 * 0 0
34 Hurd 0 0 0 0 0
35 Martinelli * 0 0 0 0
36 Wolfe * 0 0 0 0 0
37 Reily 0 * 0 0 0
38 Weed 0 0 0 0 0
39 Finn 0 0 0 0 0
40 Hartman 0 0 0 0 0 0
Totals 29 5 16 22 20 15 12 25 19 16 20 19
N O P
To Test Totals
Change To To
of reconsider investigate For Against Absent
Venue Change of Freight Reform Reform
Bill. Venue Bill. Rates.
Senator Aye No Aye No Aye No
1 Bell * * * 15 0 0
2 Thompson * * * 15 1 0
3 Roseberry * * * 14 1 1
4 Walker * * 14 1 1
5 Cutten * * * 14 2 0
6 Campbell * * 13 0 2
7 Boynton * * * 13 1 2
8 Sanford * * * 13 2 0
9 Cartwright * * 12 0 3
10 Caminetti * * * 12 3 0
11 Estudillo 0 * * 12 4 0
12 Black * * * 11 1 4
14 Miller 0 * 11 2 2
15 Birdsall * * * 11 3 2
16 Stetson * * 10 0 6
17 Rush * 10 2 4
18 Curtin * * 10 3 2
19 Strobridge * * 10 4 2
20 Wright 0 0 0 9 7 0
21 Anthony 0 0 7 8 1
22 Burnett * 5 7 4
23 McCartney 0 0 5 8 3
24 Kennedy * 0 5 9 1
25 Lewis 0 * 0 5 10 1
26 Willis 0 0 0 5 11 0
27 Welch 0 0 4 9 3
28 Bates 0 0 0 4 10 2
29 Price 0 0 4 11 1
30 Savage 0 0 0 4 11 1
31 Bills 0 0 0 4 12 0
32 Leavitt 0 0 0 4 12 0
33 Hare 0 0 3 10 2
34 Hurd 0 0 0 3 11 2
35 Martinelli 0 0 0 3 12 1
36 Wolfe 0 0 0 3 13 0
37 Reily 0 0 0 2 12 2
38 Weed 0 0 0 1 13 2
39 Finn 0 0 0 0 15 1
40 Hartman 0 0 0 0 16 0
Totals 21 16 18 18 12 16 311 259 60
Table B-Records of Assemblymen on Eleven Test Votes
Forty Members Making Best Records
* indicates vote on side of Progress and Reform
0 indicates vote against Progress and Reform
A B C D E F
Motion to To Return Vote on To To recall amend
Reject Walker-Otis Walker- reconsider S. J. R. S. J.
Committee's Bill to Otis Walker-Otis No. 3
from R. No.
Rules. Committee Bill. Bill. Committee. 3.
Assemblymen Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye
No Aye No
1 Bohnett * * * * *
2 Callan * * * * *
3 Cattell * * * * *
4 Costar * * * * *
5 Gibbons * * * * *
6 Hewitt * * * * *
7 Johnson, P. H. * * * * *
8 Mendenhall * * * * *
9 Polsley * * * * *
10 Preston * * * * *
11 Telfer * * * * *
12 Whitney * * * * *
13 Wilson * * * * *
14 Young * * * * *
15 Cogswell * * * *
16 Drew * * * * *
17 Gillis * * * *
18 Juilliard * * * *
19 Kehoe * * * *
20 Maher * * * *
21 Sackett * * * * *
22 Wyllie * * * *
23 Flint * * * * *
24 Hinkle * * * * *
25 Stuckenbruck * * * * *
26 Gerdes 0 * * * *
27 Holmquist 0 * * * *
28 Otis * * * * * 0
29 Irwin * * * *
30 Rutherford * * * * * 0
31 Griffiths 0 * * * *
32 Odom * 0 * * *
33 Hayes * * * *
34 Lightner * * * * 0
35 Melrose * * * * * 0
36 Silver * * * * * 0
37 Beatty * * * 0
38 Cronin * * * * * 0
39 Barndollar 0 * * * * 0
40 Rech * * * * 0 0
Totals 32 4 1 38 40 0 0 40 33
2 9 28
G H I J K Totals
To To deny
Test Vote amend Party Vote on Vote on
on Direct Islais Circle Stanford Judicial For
Primary. Creek Bill Bill. Column Reform Reform
Harbor Second Bill.
Assemblymen Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No
1 Bohnett * * * * * 11 0 0
2 Callan * * * * * 11 0 0
3 Cattell * * * * * 11 0 0
4 Costar * * * * * 11 0 0
5 Gibbons * * * * * 11 0 0
6 Hewitt * * * * * 11 0 0
7 Johnson, P. H. * * * * * 11 0 0
8 Mendenhall * * * * * 11 0 0
9 Polsley * * * * * 11 0 0
10 Preston * * * * * 11 0 0
11 Telfer * * * * * 11 0 0
12 Whitney * * * * * 11 0 0
13 Wilson * * * * * 11 0 0
14 Young * * * * * 11 0 0
15 Cogswell * * * * * 10 0 1
16 Drew * * * * 10 0 1
17 Gillis * * * * * 10 0 1
18 Juilliard * * * * * 10 0 1
19 Kehoe * * * * * 10 0 1
20 Maher * * * * * 10 0 1
21 Sackett * * * * 10 0 1
22 Wyllie * * * * * 10 0 1
23 Flint * * 0 * * 10 1 0
24 Hinkle * * 0 * * 10 1 0
25 Stuckenbruck * 0 * * * 10 1 0
26 Gerdes * * * * * 9 1 1
27 Holmquist * * * * 0 9 2 0
28 Otis * * 0 * * 9 2 0
29 Irwin * 0 * 0 * 8 2 1
30 Rutherford 0 * * * 0 8 3 0
31 Griffiths * * 0 * 7 2 2
32 Odom * 0 * * 7 2 2
33 Hayes * 0 0 * 7 3 1
34 Lightner 0 0 * * * 7 3 1
35 Melrose 0 * 0 * 0 7 4 0
36 Silver * 0 0 * 0 7 4 0
37 Beatty 0 * * 0 * 6 3 2
38 Cronin 0 * 0 0 6 4 1
39 Barndollar 0 * 0 * 0 6 5 0
40 Rech 0 * 0 * 0 6 5 0
Totals 7 33 6 34 10 28 36 2 31 7 373 48 19
Table C-Records of Assemblymen on Eleven Test Votes
Forty Members Making Poorest Records
* indicates vote on side of Progress and Reform
0 indicates vote against Progress and Reform
(a) - Changed Vote from no to aye to give notice to reconsider.
Was against the bill.
A B C D E
Motion to To Return Vote on To To recall
Reject Walker-Otis Walker- reconsider S. J. R.
Committee's Bill to Otis Walker-Otis No. 3 from
Rules. Committee Bill. Bill. Committee.
Assemblymen Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No
41 Hammon * * * *
42 Hawk 0 * * * *
43 Stanton 0 * * * *
44 Transue 0 * * *
45 Hanlon * * * * 0
46 Wagner * 0 * 0 *
47 Webber * 0 * * 0
48 Butler * * * 0
49 Collum * 0 0
50 Dean 0 * * * 0
51 Perine 0 * * *
52 Pulcifer 0 * * * 0
53 Collier 0 * * * 0
54 Moore 0 0 * 0
55 Leeds 0 * * * 0
56 Nelson 0 0 * * 0
57 Fleisher 0 * * * 0
58 Flavelle 0 * * * 0
59 McClelland 0 * * * 0
60 Beardslee 0 0 * 0 0
61 Hans 0 * * * 0
62 Johnson, G. L. 0 0 * 0 0
63 Baxter 0 0 0
64 Wheelan * * 0
65 Schmidt 0 0 0 0
66 Black * 0 0 0
67 O'Neil * 0 0 0 0
68 Coghlan 0 0 0 0
69 Hopkins * 0 0 0
70 Johnson, T. D. 0 0 * 0 0
71 Pugh 0 0 0 0 0
72 Feeley 0 * 0 0
73 Johnson, P. A. 0 0 * 0 0
74 Greer 0 0 * 0 0
75 Mott 0 0 * 0 0
76 Cullen 0 0 0 0
77 Beban 0 0 0 0
78 Macauley 0 0 0 0 0
79 McManus 0 0 0 0 0
Totals 9 28 22 15 27 10 19 17 3 27
Totals from Table B 32 4 1 38 40 0 0 40 33 2
Grand Total 41 32 23 53 67 10 19 57 36 29
F G H I J K
To To To deny
amend Test Vote amend Party Vote on Vote on
S. J. on Direct Islais Circle Stanford Judicial
R. No. Primary. Creek Bill Bill. Column
3. Harbor Second Bill.
Assemblymen Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No
41 Hammon 0 0 0 *
42 Hawk * 0 0 0 0
43 Stanton 0 0 * 0 0
44 Transue 0 0 * 0 * 0
45 Hanlon 0 0 0 0 * 0
46 Wagner 0 0 * 0 * 0
47 Webber *
48 Butler 0 0 * 0
49 Collum 0 0 * * 0 *
50 Dean 0 * 0 0
51 Perine 0 0 0 0 *
52 Pulcifer 0 0 0 *
53 Collier 0 0 0 0 *
54 Moore 0 * * 0 0 *
55 Leeds 0 0 * 0 0 0
56 Nelson 0 0 * * 0 0
57 Fleisher 0 0 0
58 Flavelle 0 0 0 0
59 McClelland 0 0 0 0 0
60 Beardslee 0 * 0 0 * 0
61 Hans 0 0 0 0 0 0
62 Johnson, G. L. 0 0 0 * * 0
63 Baxter 0 0 * *
64 Wheelan 0 0 0 0
65 Schmidt 0 * * (a) 0
66 Black 0 0 * 0 0
67 O'Neil 0 0 0 *
68 Coghlan 0 0 * * 0 0
69 Hopkins 0
70 Johnson, T. D. 0 0 0
71 Pugh 0 0 * 0
72 Feeley 0 0 0 0 0 0
73 Johnson, P. A. 0 0 0 0 0
74 Greer 0 0 0 0 0 0
75 Mott 0 0 0 0 0 0
76 Cullen 0 0 0 0 0
77 Beban 0 0 0 0 0 0
78 Macauley 0 0 0 0 0
79 McManus 0 0 0 0 0
Totals 34 2 31 3 24 11 26 7 9 15 4 22
Totals from Table B 9 28 7 33 6 34 10 28 36 2 31 7
Grand Total 43 30 38 36 30 45 36 35 45 17 35 29
For Against Absent
42 Hawk 5 5 1
43 Stanton 5 5 1
44 Transue 5 5 1
45 Hanlon 5 6 0
46 Wagner 5 6 0
47 Webber 4 2 5
48 Butler 4 4 3
49 Collum 4 5 2
50 Dean 4 5 2
51 Perine 4 5 2
52 Pulcifer 4 5 2
53 Collier 4 6 1
54 Moore 4 6 1
55 Leeds 4 7 0
56 Nelson 4 7 0
57 Fleisher 3 5 3
58 Flavelle 3 6 2
59 McClelland 3 7 1
60 Beardslee 3 8 0
61 Hans 3 8 0
62 Johnson, G. L. 3 8 0
63 Baxter 2 5 4
64 Wheelan 2 5 4
65 Schmidt 2 6 3
66 Black 2 7 2
67 O'Neil 2 7 2
68 Coghlan 2 8 1
69 Hopkins 1 4 6
70 Johnson, T. D. 1 7 3
71 Pugh 1 8 2
72 Feeley 1 9 1
73 Johnson, P. A. 1 9 1
74 Greer 1 10 0
75 Mott 1 10 0
76 Cullen 0 9 2
77 Beban 0 10 1
78 Macauley 0 10 1
79 McManus 0 10 1
Totals 107 258 64
Totals from Table B 373 48 19
Grand Total 480 306 83
Table D-Record of Assemblymen on Anti-Racetrack Gambling Bill
F shows vote For the Bill
A shows vote Against the Bill
A B C D
Assembly Vote Motion to Reconsider Butler's Motion to
on Walker-Otis Return Bill Defeat of Motion Put Bill
Bill. to Mott's to Amend on its
Committee. Motion. Bill. Passage.
Assemblymen Aye No Aye No Aye No Aye No
Barndollar F F F A
Baxter A A A A
Beardslee A A A A
Beatty F F F
Beban A A A A
Black A A A A
Bohnett F F F F
Butler F F A A
Callan F F F F
Cattell F F F F
Coghlan A A A A
Cogswell F F F
Collier F F F F
Collum A A A A
Costar F F F F
Cronin F F F F
Cullen A A A
Dean F F F F
Drew F F F F
Feeley A A A
Flavelle F F F F
Fleisher F F F F
Flint F F F F
Gerdes F F F F
Gibbons F A F
Gillis F F F F
Greer A A A A
Griffiths F F F F
Hammon F F F F
Hanlon F F F F
Hans F F F F
Hawk F A F F
Hayes F F F F
Hewitt F F F F
Hinkle F F F F
Holmquist F F F F
Hopkins A A A A
Irwin F A A A
Johnson, G. L. A A A A
Johnson, P. A. A A A A
Johnson, P. H. F
Johnston, T. D. A A A A
Juilliard F A A A
Kehoe F F F F
Leeds F F F F
Lightner F F F A
Macauley A A A A
Maher F F F A
McClellan F A F A
McManus A A A A
Melrose F F F F
Mendenhall F F F F
Moore A A F A
Mott A A F A
Nelson A A A A
Odom A A F A
Otis F F F F
O'Neil A A A A
Perine F F F A
Polsley F F F F
Preston F F F F
Pugh A A A A
Pulcifer F F F F
Rech F F F F
Rutherford F F F F
Sackett F F
Schmitt A A A A
Silver F F F F
Stanton F F F F
Stuckenbruck F F F F
Telfer F F F F
Transue F F F F
Wagner A A F F
Webber A A A A
Wheelan A A A
Whitney F F F F
Wilson F F F F
Wyllie F F F F
Young F F F F
Totals 23 53 30 48 23 52 44 32
E F Totals
Assembly Vote Vote Vote on For Against
on Walker-Otis on Motion to the the Absent.
Bill. Bill. Reconsider. Bill. Bill.
Assemblymen Aye No Aye No
Barndollar F F 5 1
Baxter A 5 1
Beardslee F A 1 5
Beatty F F 5 1
Beban A A 6
Black A A 6
Bohnett F F 6
Butler F F 4 2
Callan F F 6
Cattell F F 6
Coghlan A A 6
Cogswell F F 5 1
Collier F F 6
Collum A 5 1
Costar F F 6
Cronin F F 6
Cullen A A 5 1
Dean F F 6
Drew F F 6
Feeley F A 1 4 1
Flavelle F F 6
Fleisher F F 6
Flint F F 6
Gerdes F F 6
Gibbons F F 4 1 1
Gillis F F 6
Greer F A 1 5
Griffiths F F 6
Hammon F F 6
Hanlon F F 6
Hans F F 6
Hawk F F 5 1