Full Text Archive logoFull Text Archive — Free Classic E-books

Publications of the Scottish History Society, Vol. 36 by Sir John Lauder

Part 4 out of 9

Adobe PDF icon
Download this document as a .pdf
File size: 0.9 MB
What's this? light bulb idea Many people prefer to read off-line or to print out text and read from the real printed page. Others want to carry documents around with them on their mobile phones and read while they are on the move. We have created .pdf files of all out documents to accommodate all these groups of people. We recommend that you download .pdfs onto your mobile phone when it is connected to a WiFi connection for reading off-line.

[284] Striffan, film.

On the 17 of November opened the Law University at Poictiers, at present
the most famous and renouned in France, usually consisting of above tuo 100
scholers, some coming to it from Navarre in the very skirts of Spain,
sewerals from Tholouse, Bordeaux, Angiers, Orleans, Paris, Rouan, yea from
Berry it selfe, tho formerly Bourges was more renouned--their's almost
nothing to be had their now--and tho in all these places their be

On its opening Mr. Umeau, our Alex'rs Antagonist, and who that year
explained of the D.,[285] belonging _ad nuptias_, made a harangue of wery
neit Latin, which is the property of this University. His text was out of
the 4't book of the C.T.[286] 5 _de condictio Indeb. l., penultima_, whence
he took occasion to discourse of the Discord amongs the Jurise.[287]
raising 2 _quoest. 1'o, utrum recentiores sunt proeferendi antiquioribus:
2'do, utrum juniores natu maioribus_, wheir he ran out on the advantage of
youth: _Quot video Juvenes candidatos tot mihi videor videre aequissimos
Servios, sublimissimos Papinianos gravissimos Ulpianos, et disertissimos
Cicerones: quod plura[288] stellae indubio[289] sunt jae magnitudines in
Sphaera nostra Literaria._

[285] Digest.

[286] Code, title.

[287] Jurisconsults.

[288] Query, _plures_.

[289] Query, _sindubio_.

The Rector of the University was their, the Mair, the Eschewines, the
President of the Palais, the University of the Physicians, wt a great heap
of al orders, especially Jesuits.

We might easily discover that basenese we are so subiect to in detracting
from what al others do'es but ourselves in that groundless censur of many
things in this harangue which our Alex'r had wt another of his partizans.

Mr. Filleau (very like Edward Edgar) gives a paratitle on the title _pro
socio_: he is on of the merriest carles that can be, but assuredly the
learnest man in that part of France, for the Law. _Pro socio, pro socio_,
quoth he, whats that to say _pro socio_, Trib.[290] speaks false Latin or
non-sense, always wt sick familiar expressions.

[290] Tribonian.

Mr. Roy, whoss father was Doctor before him, explained that year T.C.[291]
_de rescindenda vendit_. Mr. Gaultier, who left Angiers and came to be a
Doctor their, explained the title of the canon L.,[292] _de simonia et ne
quid pro spiritualibus exigatur_.

[291] Title of the Code.

[292] Lex.

For Mr. Alex'r its some 17 years since he came to France; he had nothing
imaginable. Seing he could make no fortune unless he turned his coat, he
turned Papist; and tho he had passed his course of Philosophy at Aberden,
yet he began his grammar wt the Jesuits; then studied his philosophy, then
married his wife (who was a bookbinders wife in the toune and had bein a
women of very il report), 50 year old and mor, only for hir gear, and she
took him because he was bony.[293] Studied hard the Law (Pacius,[294] as he
told me, giving him the 1 insight) and about some 5 year ago having given
his trials was choosen _institutaire,_. He is nothing wtout his books, and
if ye chap him on that he hath not latley meditate on, he is very confused.
He is not wery much thought of by the French, he affectats to rigirous a
gravity like a Spaniards, for which seweral (as my host) cannot indure him.
Also his pensioners are not the best treated. We have sein P. and D. Humes
seweral tymes breakfast: they had nothing but a litle crust of bread
betuixt them both, and not a mutching botle of win for my.[295] I never
almost breakfasted but I had the whole loave at my discretion, as much win
as I please, a litle basquet ful of the season fruites, as cherries, pears,
grapes: in winter wt apples. Also by Ps confession he drinks of another
win, better than that his pensionars drinks of. Also if their be on dish
better then another its set doune before him: he chooses and then his
pensionars when its iust contrare wt me.

[293] Bonnie.

[294] Pacius, Julius, 1550-1635, jurist.

[295] Me.

He began his lessons 23 of November. A Frenchman casting up the Rubrics of
the D.,[296] he fand _de edendo_. He showed himselfe wery offended whey
Tribo. had forgot, T.[297] _de Bibendo_ also.

[296] Digest.

[297] Titulus.

We most not forget to buy Gellius and Quintilians Declamations at Paris.

A Coachman was felled dead dressing his horses; 5 masons ware slain at the
Carmelits by the falling of a wal on them.

Mr. Alex'r in salaire hath only 600 livres, the other 4 each a 1000, also
seweral obventions and casualities divided amongs them, of which he gets no
scare, as when any buyes the Doctorat. He is a hasty capped body. Once one
of his servants brook a lossen,[298] he went mad, and amongs other
expressions he had this: these maraudes[299] their break more to me in a
moment then I can win in tuo moneth. They have no discourse at table. He
cars not for his wife. That night the _oubliour_[300] was their and she
would not send another plat[301] he threatned to cast hir and hir family
over the window.

[298] Pane of glass.

[299] Rascals.

[300] _Oublieur_, pronounced _oublieu_, pastrycook's man,
who came round in the evening selling small round cakes,

[301] Plate.

We on night fel to telling of notes of preachings, as of the Englisman
preaching on that, In came Tobit, and much controverted whither they called
it baty, light feit or watch;[302] and of the minister that sayd, Christ,
honest man, liked not war, sayd to Peter; and of on preaching on that, And
Abram gave up the ghost, sayd that it was wery debated if it was for want
of breath or not, that he durst not determin it. Of a Preist preaching on
the miracle wt whilk Christ feed a multitude wt 5 loaves, it was not so
great a miracle, quoth he, as ye trow, for every on of the loaves was as
meikle as this Kirk: a baxter being at the pulpit fit[303] started up and
demanded wheir they got a oven to bake them in, and a pole to put them in
and take them out. Ye are to curious, quoth the preist, go and bake your
oune bread and medle not wt Christs, they had other ovens in the days then
they have now and other poles to, and do ye not think but Christ could have
lent them a pole. Also on who praying for the King our dread soveraine
Charles by the grace [of God] King of S[cots], etc., supream governour,
instead of under the[304] and they sone Christ, sayd over the. Also of
another who praying for the Illustrious Duke of York, sayd the Lusty Duk.
Also whow a hostesse at Camphire served Mr. R. Macquaire, being their to
dine, wt a great deall of other company, he was desired to seik a blissing,
he began so long winded grace that the meat was all spilt and cold ere he
had done. The wife was wood[305] angry. The nixt day comes, the meat was no
sooner put to the fire but she comes to Mr. R. and bids him say the grace.
Whats your haste Margerit, is the meat ready yet? No, Sir, but its layd to
the fire, and ere ye have ended your grace, it wil be ready. We most not
forget the Swisse, who coming in a cabaret at Poictiers demanding for win,
drank for his oune hand 15 pints, calling for a reckning they gave him up
16 pints. He told they ware cheating him of a pint, for he know weill the
measure of his womb, that it held no more but 15 pints, wheirupon he would
pay no more but for 15. Also of the Preist who bringing our Saviour in the
Sacrament to a young galliard very sick, sayd, behold, Sir, Christ is come
to visit you. The sick party replied, I sie very weil that Christ is their
by the carrier of him, for as he was knowen at his entry unto Jerusalem by
his asse that carried him, so do I know him at present.

[302] The meaning is whether Tobit's dog was to be called a comman cur
(baty), or a greyhound, or a watch-dog. The dog does not appear in
the English version of the Apocrypha, but in the Vulgate.--Tob.
vi. I. Profectus est autem Tobias et canis sequutus est eum, et
mansit ... juxta fluvium Tiberis.--xi. 9. Tunc praecucurrit canis
... et quasi nuncius adveniens, blandimento suae caudae gaudebat.

[303] Foot.

[304] Thee.

[305] Mad.

Wonderful was the temperance and moderation of the ancient Romans, yea
greater then whats to be found amongs Christians even now. They know[306]
no more but on diet a day, and that sober enough. At the first tyme that
some Greeks came to Rome, and the Romans saw them, according to the custome
of their country, eat thrise a day, they condamned them for the greatest
gluttons that could be.

[306 1] Knew, as on p. 91.

That story of the General (Fabritius) Roman is weill knowen: who at his
ennemies brought a wast sum of mony to bribe his fidelity to the
commonwealth, they fand him busy stooving a pot of herbes to his supper,
wheiron he answered them, that a man as he, that could be content wt sick a
disch, could not readily be temted wt all their gold. Also of him who being
choosen Dictator they fetched him from the plough to his dignity, sick was
their industry.

For a long tyme amongs the Romans old age was held such a ignominious thing
that they could not get the scurviest coalsteeler in Rome that would act
the person of a old man, not so much as in Comoedy.

For 500 years, and above, after the building of Rome, it [divorce][307] was
not knowen for a man to put away his wife. The first was one Spcius[308]
Carvilius, who under the praetext of sterility divorced from his wife.

[307] Interlined.

[308] Spurius.

We most buy that infamous book of Miltones against the late King,[309] wt
Claudius Salmasius answer.[310] Surely it shal stand as long as the world
stands for a everstanding memorandum of his impudence and ignorance: its
nothing but a faggot of iniury (calomnies), theirs not on right principle
either moral or politick to be found in it al; its penned by a pedant, a
scoolmaster, on who deserved at the cheapest to be torn in peices by 4
horses. Neither in our judgement, tho he deserves not to be refuted, hath
Salmasius done so weill to the cause.

[309] _Iconoclastes_, 1649.

[310] _Defensio Regia_, by Claude de Saumaise, 1588-1653.

A Parisian Advocat cited some civil Laws of whilk he was not sure: his
Antagonist retorting that their ware not sick a Law nether in the C nor
D,[311] he replied, if it be not their yet it sould be their tho.

[311] Code nor Digest.

About the 12' of December 1665 at Poictiers ware programmes affixed thorow
the toune intimating that the Physitians Colledge would sit doune shortly,
and that their Doyen Deacon, on Renatus Cothereau, a wery learned man in
his lessons, _Podagram hominum terrorem artuum que flagellum medicinali
bettio acriter prosequeretur_; hence it hath[312] this exclamation,
_accurite[313] itaque cives festinate arthici_.

[312] Meaning, probably, 'then follows.'

[313] For _accurrite_.

The same Renatus had a harangue at the beginning wherin he descryved very
pedantically the lamentable effects it produces on the body of man: amongs
his salutations, I observed this, _Themidis nostra Argonauta sacratissime,
fidelissime, aequissime_. They get no auditors to their lessons, whence its
only but for faschions sake that they begin their colledge, of which they
have nothing but the name.

We have observed heir in France that on their shortest day, the 22 of
December, the sun sets not but a hower, almost, after its set to us, to wit
at 4 acloack, and that they have light a quarter almost after 5. Also
looking to their Almanacks I fand that it rose on the shortest day at 7
acloack and some minuts, when it rises not to us but after 8, so that they
have in winter at Juile[314] a hower at morn, as much at even, of sun more
then we have. Their 2 howers we gain of them in the summer, for at our
longest day we have a hower sooner the morning the sun then they have; we
have it at 3 howers, they have it not til 4 wt some minuts. At even also we
have a hower of sun after that he get to them on our longest day, for by
their Almanacks he sets on that day in France, or at least at Poictiers, at
7 acloack wt some minuts, wt us not til after 8.

[314] Yule.

Their is a very considerable difference betuixt the French summers and the
Scots: to wit, in their heat; but surely we could remark none in their
winters. Its true we had no considerable cold before Juile, Noeel (tho their
fel a drift of snow about the end of Octobre, French account), yet we fand
it sickerly when it came, so that I do not remember that I felt it colder
in Scotland then it was for a space togither. Its true it leasts not so
long heir as it does wt us.

Juile is a great feste in France. The Papists are very devote on it, yea so
religious that they go all to Church at midnight to hear Masse, for a
preist hath that day power to say thry masses consecutife, when at another
tyme he can say no more but on at a tyine. I went after dinner and hard the
cordelier at St. Pierre. The rest of our Scotsmen ware so curious as to go
hear Midnight Masses. As for me I had no skil of it it was so cold; and
surely I did not repent it considering the affront that they got, that they
ware forced to render their swords at the command of the Intendant who the
night before was come to toune from the Grand Jour[315] that was then in
Auuergne. This he caused do following the mode of Paris, wheir no man is
suffered to carry a sword that night, both by reason of many quarrels begun
that night, as also of sewerals that take occasion to decide former
quarrels on that night. Surely they had no satisfaction in that Mass.

[315] High Commission sent down by the king to the provinces as a final
Court of Appeal.

During the tyme I was heir I fel in discourse wt the Jesuites, going once
to sy our countryman Pere Broune, who was wery kind to us al, and came and
saw me after.

About the tyme was that poor smith, of whom we made mention before,
execute, who was the first we ever did sie in France. Tho he had receaved
his sentence at Poictiers, yet that could serve til he was taken to Paris
(for the Capital tounes of France are not royal boroughs as our are, having
the power of heading and hanging wtin themselfes), wheir he was condemned
to be broken on the wheel, to be _rouee_, tho according to the custome of
France he know not that he was sentenced til about 2 howers before he was
broken, for by concealing it up til then they keip them from taking wiolent
courses to prevent their death which they would take if they know of it, as
killing themselfes, or means to ecscape, tho otherwise it be very il for
their souls, they having so short tyme to prepare themselfes for death.
They made this poor fellow beleive that he was only condemned to the
galleys, at which he laught, telling that it appeared they knew not he was
a smith, so that he could easily file his chaines and run away. About 12
acloak on that day he was to be execeut he was conveyed to the Palais to
hear his sentence, wheir it was read to him on his knees, the hangman
_bourreau_ at his back wt a tow in his hand. The sentence being read he
puts the tow about his neck wt thir words, _le Roy wous salou, mon amy_, to
show him that its the King that causes him dy. His sentence is read to him
again at the foot of the Palais, as give ye sould say at the coming of the
Parlement close, or Ladies Steeps;[316] and then a third tyme on the

[316] Steps close to St. Giles's Church. See Wilson, _Memorials of
Edinburgh_, 1891, vol. i. p. 260.

Their ware mo then 10,000 spectators at the Marcher Vieux. In the midle of
it their was a little _eschaustaut_[317] erected, on which ware nailed 2
iests after the forme of a St. Androws crosse, upon whilk the poor fellow
was bond on his back, wt his 2 armes and his 2 thigs and legs on the 4
nooks of the crosse, having bein strip naked to his shirt. After he had
prayed a little and the 2 carmes[318] that assisted him, the _bourreau_
made himselfe ready to execute the sentence, which was that he sould get 2
strooks quick and the rest after he was stranguled.

[317] _Echafaud,_ scaffold.

[318] Carmelites.

At Paris in breaking great robbers, for the better exemple they do not
strangle them at all; but after they have broken all their bones to peices
almost, they leave them to dy on the rack.

To return to our poor miserable, the _bourreau_ wt a great baton of iron
began at the armes and brook them wt tuo strooks, then his knees, then a
strook on every thigh, then 2 on the belly, and as many on the stomack; and
after all thir, yea after the 20 strook, he was not fully dead. The
tow[319] brak twice that was ordained to strangle him. In sying what this
cattif suffered made us conclud that it was a cruel death to be broken in
that sort.

[319] Rope.

We cannot forget how coldrif the French women seimed to be in the winter.
The marchands wifes and thorow all the shops every one have their lame
choffer[320] ful of rid charcoal wt their hands in among the mids of it
almost. The beggar wifes going up and doune the streits had them also.

* * * * * [321]

[320] Earthenware chafing dish.

[321] Twenty-two lines erased in MS.

We cannot forget the shift that the poor folk which have no bowets[322]
(which generally are not so good as ours) take when they go out under
night, as I have sein them when I have bein going or coming from Mr.
Alex'rs, and it would have bein so dark that I could not sy my finger
before me. It is they take a peice wood thats brunt only at one end, and
goes thorow the toune waging[323] it from one syde to the other, it casting
a litle light before him. It would almost fly[324] a man in a dark night to
sie it at a distance, and always approaching him, til he keen what it is.

[322] Lanterns.

[323] Wagging.

[324] Frighten.

We cannot but insert a not of a Northren Ministers preaching. His text was
about Piters threefold denial of Christ, and that wt oaths. Beloved, its
wery much controverted amongs the learned what ware the oaths that Piter
swoore, yet the most part condeschends that they ware thir: the 1, God
confound me, if I keen such a man; the 2, Devil ding me in testons;[325]
the third, by Gods wounds, I do not keen him. Mungo Murray of the life gard
was in the kirk, and resolving to make sport came to the Minister after the
kirk was scailed, telling him that he agreed wt him about the 1 [first] 2
oaths that they ware so, but he could not be of his mind about the thrid,
by Gods wounds, for Christ had not yet received any wounds, so that he
could not swear by Gods wounds. The Minister began, Sir, I am very glad
that ye take the freedom to propon your doubts, for its a signe of
attention. As to your difficulty, ye would know that a man when he is
sorest prest he wil swear sorest, so that Peter keipt the greatest oath
last; also ye would know that it was a Profetical oath, as give he sould
have sayd, by the wounds that Christ is to receave.

[325] Teston or testoon, a small silver coin. The last in Scotland were
coined by Mary in 1561, value 5s. Scots.

In the Hylands their was a minister that was to give the Communion to his
Parish wheir it had not bein given 6 or 7 years before. For that effect
they sent to Monross[326] to buy the win, which being come, he and his
elders bit to tast it for fear of poisoning their honest parishioners. Er
ever they wist of themselfes they fand it so good that they licked it out
every drap, and was forced to give the communion in good rid aile.

[326] Montrose.

We most not forget the story of the English Capitaine, who thinking to flie
his Hostesse, he was so frighted himselfe, his man wtout his direction
having bought a great oxes hyde and covered himselfe wt it, that looping
over the stair for hast he brake on of his legs.

Wheir 2 layes in a chamber togither, their are many wayes to flie on
another. We might take a litle cord or a strong threed when the other is
sleiping, bind it to his covering or bed cloaths, then going to our oun bed
wt a end of the string in our hand, making ourselfes to be sleiping, draw
the string to us, and the cloaths wil follow, and he wil be wery ready to
think that its a spirit. Also ty a string to 2, 3 chair feet, and so draw
them up and doune the house. He that knows nothing of it wil impute it to a

Any tymes I was angry at the Frenchmen, if so be I was familiar wt them, I
fell to and abuse them in Scots, as logerhead, ye are a sheip, etc. Their
was no way I could anger them worse then to speak in Scots to them.

The consuetuds and rights of nations about hunting and halking throughout
the most part of the Christian world are wondrously degenerated from the
right of nature and nations and the Civil Law following the footsteps of
both. According to thir, all men have aequaly the liberty of chassing of
wild beasts, no sort of folk being excepted, and that not only in their
oune land but also in any others, since vild beasts, wheir ever they be
they are always wild beasts, apparteening to none; for if that the wild
beast is on my ground sould make that it be estimd myne, then leiving my
ground it leives of to be myn, and by entring unto my neibhours it begins
to be his, and so it might change a 100 masters in one day, which is
absurd. We might as weill say that the piot that bigs[327] on my try is

[327] Magpie that builds.

This liberty is exceedingly impared by the consuetudes at present, so that
nether can we hunt all beasts, the King having excepted dears, harts, etc.,
so that its not lawful for any to chasse or kil under the pein of a fine
500 francks, except only the King and some few others, great peirs, who
have their permission from the King.

Nether is it permitted for all indifferently to hunt, clergymen are
decharged it, Peasants also. Its confessed also by al that Kings may
discharge their subjects the pastime and pleasure of hunting, especially
thess who holds their lands in fief immediatly of the King, which he called
fiefs royalles, whom he may hinder to hunt in their oune ground, ower which
they have ful power otherwise to sel it, woodset it, gift it, or do wt it
what I please: the same power have the inferior seigneurs. Lords in giving
lands to vassals, men who have bein serviceable to them in many occasions
whom they cannot recompence in mony, they give them a tennement of land,
they usualy retain the right of hunting in these lands only to themselfes.

Halking in France is a excercise not permitted to any under a gentleman.

We have sein its not permitted to al to hunt; also its not permitted to
hunt al beasts; also its not permited now to hunt indifferentley in al
places. The Kings keips their parks filled wt wild beasts, wheir its not
leasum for any to hunt but themselfes, as Fontainbleau and St. James Park.
The nobility have also the same right of keiping sick parks; as witnese
upon the rode bothe of England and France we meit wt noblemens incloseurs
wheir would [be] 2 or 300 dears.

Yea, in France its not lawful to shoot wt the gun in another mans ground;
so that if a man take another guning in his ground, he usualy takes the gun
from him and breaks over his shoulders. If he can hinder a man to shoot in
his ground, much more may be hinder him to hunt, since the on is more
praeiudicial to him then the others; for its done wt greater noice, also
does more damnage to the cornes or wines.

What might be the reasons that have moved the Princes to hem in so narrow
bounds the rights of Hunting by the right of nature and civil Law so patant
to all are to be found in Vesembec,[328] paratitlo _de acquir[endo rerum
dominio._ ], For fear that the whole race of beasts sould soon or sin[329]
be totally exstirpated wt the multitude of hunters, if al ware permitted to
hunt. 2do, Least to many (as we sie at present) being to much taken wt the
plaisir of the sport sould forget their businesses of consequence. As to
that obiection, that hunting being from the right of natur, which is
unchangable, it cannot be prohibited by any civil Law, I say hunting is not
from the rights of nature commanding but permitting.

[328] Matthew Wesenbec, Dutch jurist, 1531-1586.

[329] Sooner or later.

Its a custome in France that when a young woman unmarried is condemned to
dy for some offence (unlesse the fault be al the grivevuser) that if the
hangman be unmarried he may sick hir in marriage and get hir hir life that
way: that their hes bein seweral that have refused it and choosen rather to
die. This hes great resemblance wt that custome in England that a man being
sentenced to dy, if a common whore demand him in marriage she wil get him;
it being a charitable work to recal a whore from hir loose and prophan life
by making hir marry. Yet surely both the on custome and the other is but a
corruptel and a mocking at Justice.

The accent the French gives the Latin is so different from ours that
sometymes we would not have understood some of them (for the most part I
understood them weil enought), nor some of them us. Ether we or they most
be right, but I dout not to affirm but that the accent they give it,
straining it to the pronuntiation of their oune language, is not natural,
but a vicious accent, and that we have the natural. My reason is, because
if their be any wayes to know what was the Accent the ancient Romans
prononced the Latin wt it is the Accent that the Italians gives it and
their oune language, which is a degenerated Latin, who be the Romans
posterity; but so be they give it the same very accent that we do: the
French ware never able to answer me this.

As to ther pronuntiation of the Greek I could never keip myselfe from
laughting when they had occasion to read Greek or any Greek sentence, even
their Doctors of Law: vitnesse le Berche at Orleans whom I attended 2
moneths, that Greek that occurres in the 2 T. 1 book of the
instituts,[330] [Greek: ton nomon hoi], he pronunced it [Greek: hi; men
agraphoi], prononced it [Greek: hagraphi; hoi, i; men engraphoi, phi]: as
we observed also in Mr. Filleau at Poictiers, [Greek: dunamenon] esti, he
pronunced the 2 last syllabes damned long. [Car [Greek: son kaphson]
urens.][331] We could give infinite mo instances wheir they prononce it
undoubtedly wrong.

[330] Justinian, _Inst_. i. 2: [Greek: ton nhomon ohi men
heggraphoi, ohi oe hagraphoi].

[331] Interlined. The meaning apparently is that the French pronounced
[Greek: kahnson], a New Testament and Septuagint word for burning
heat, as if it were written [Greek: kaphson].

They do not name their points in writing as we do, that which we cal comma
(following the Greek) they cal it alwayes _Virgula_; our colon, _duo
puncta_; semicolon, _punctum cum virgula_. When we say _nova Linea_ they
say _a capite_, wt sundry others like that.

A woman witness is receaved in France in any causes whither civil or
criminal: only wt this difference that for one man their most be 2 women,
id est, wheir 2 men being ocular witnesses of a murder wil condemne a man,
their most be 4 women, under which their witnes is not admitted.

They have their penny bridiles[332] in France as weil as we in Scotland.
When a servant women marries, her master brings wt him folk to their
wedding as he can get, who casts in into the plat according to their
pleasure. They wil be ready enough to promise on back the halfe of his
again wt the dessein so to engage the rest to give more.

[332] See _Scotland and the Protectorate_, C.H. Firth (S.H.S.),
vol. xxxi. p. 410, note.

About the begining of February 1666 came Comoedians to Poictiers. I went
and saw them severall tymes. The first was called Odip, who resolved the
Sphinx his enigma: was so unfortunat to slay his father by ignorance, marry
his mother, and to conclud al to put out his oune eyes: the fellow acted
his griefe exceeding lifelylie. The farce was _le Marriage du rien_. A fool
fellow in a scoolmasters habit wt a ugly nose, which I was angry at, a
scoop hat, comes on the stage wt his daughter, who proposes to him that she
apprehended furiusly that she might dy a maid and never tast of the
pleasure in marriage. In comes a poet to suit hir, fals out in the
commendation of Poesy; hir father shoots him away, saying that al the Poets
ware fools. In comes a painter who praising his art, whom also he puts
away, saying that the painter ware poor drunken fellows. After came a
Musician, who fell to sing: he called him a cheater. Then came in a
Astronomer, whom he put away because he could not tel whither he would give
him his daughter or not. Then came in a Captain, a floop[333] like fellow
wt his sword about him, making a wery fool reverence, who rodomontades a
space, telling that he had made the Devils tremble; that he was that
Achilles in Homer, that Eneas in Virgil, that Aiax in Ovid, and that al
that historians wrot of brave men was only of him. At last came in one that
called himself nothing, that would assume no title to himselfe. Not finding
anything to obiect against him he accepted of him.

[333] Floop or flup, awkward.

In the comoedy when the King stood very scrupulously on his word, his
sister fel to to convince him that it was a shame to a King to be slave of
his word, which was the great maxim of Cardinal Mazarini, as I was
informed. Having sent to consult the oracle of Delphos, and it not deigning
to answer him, in a rage he cried furth, _flectere si superos nequeo_, etc.

When a person dies in France they are very careful to mark in what posture
after their death their feet are in; for if they be unaequally laying, on of
them drawen up, they strongly beleive that by that the dead calls his or
hir neirest friend let it be wife, father, or brother, on of which wil dy
shortly after.

Its the faschion of the grandees when they die that they are exposed for 3
days after in a chamber hung all in doole[334] in their bed, also of dool,
in the bests cloaths which they wor when they ware in life, so that al may
come to sy them in that space. Their is holy water in the roome. The
Dutchesse of Montamor, whiles I was at Poictiers, was thus exposed.

[334] Mourning.

The bairnes of France have the excercise of the tap, the pery,[335] the
cleking,[336] and (instead of our gouf, which they know not) they have

[335] Peg top.

[336] Clekin or Clackan, a small wooden bat in shape like a racquet.

In France they have apples without any seeds in them; also great
Pavies[337] (which is the best sort of Peach) wtout any stone, which they
informed me the curious does thus: they graft a peach in a old stock, the
bow the end of the imp[338] and causes it to enter in a other rift made in
the stock, leaves it like a halfe moon or bow til they think it hes taken,
and then cut it in 2. That halfe imp that was grafted first wt the head
upmost bears peaches according course of nature wt stones in them, the
other, which growes as give ye would say backwardlies bears wtout any
stones. This has bein practicat. They'le impe[339] any tyme of the year in

[337] Sorte de peche, dont la chair est ferme, et qui ne quitte pas le
noyau.--Littre, _Dict_.

[338] Shoot.

[339] Graft.

About the mids of February was receaved a new fencing master, whom we saw
give his trials: the Mair made a assaut against him first, then the fencing
masters, then some schollers.

A litle after was the Queen mothers panegyrick or _funebre oraison_ made at
St. Pierre in a prodigious confluence of peeple of al ranks; the Intendant,
the President and the Conseillers, the Mair, the Eschiwines,[340] and the
Maison de Ville assisting; also many of the religious orders. The Cordelier
who preached the Advent before and the caresme after made the harangue. He
deduced hir glory and commendation, lo, from that she was Anne of Austria,
which is the province in which standes Vienne, the Metropolis of Germany;
that she was Philip the 3d of Spaines daughter; next that she was Queen or
wife to Lowis the Just, 13 of that name in France; 3dly, that she was
mother to Lewis the 14't, so hopeful a Prince, after she had bein 23 years
barren. Whence he took occasion to show that tho virginity and coelebat was
wery commendable, yet that it was no wayes so in the succession to crounes.
He had also heir a senselese gasconad which nobody approved of, that St.
Gregoire sould say that as far as Kings are exalted above other men, that
in so far the Kings of France ware above al other Kings. In the 4th place
he fand a large elogium to hir in that she falling widdow she becam Regent
of hir sone and the Realme during his minority. Hir last and principal
commendation was that she was a Princesse most devot and religious.

[340] _Echevins_, municipal magistrates.

We was at comoedy, the farce of which was called _Le cocus imaginaire_.
Their ware some honest women craking[341] togither on a tyme, they came
among other things to speak of Eve and hir transgression: on of them cries
furth very gravely, oh, that I was not their, I wish I had given hir a 12
penie loaf on the condition she had not eaten the apples.

[341] Chatting.

Wery rich stuff has bein heard at the examens in Scotland, some ignorant
folks wt their answers being wery pleasant and merry. Mr. J. Smith,
Minister of the Colledge Kirk, examining a bonnet maker, of whilk theirs a
great number in his parish, he speared at him what was effectual calling;
the fellow, clawing his head, replied, the feeklesest[342] calling I keen,
Sir, is my oune. Kid, minister of the Abby Kirk, spearing at one of my Lord
Catheneses servant women what was the Lords Supper. She, thinking that he
had speared what was for my Lords Supper, answered, Sir, or I came out I
set on the pot and My Ledy hes sent pies to the owen. Mr. Robert Blair,
examining a wery ignorant body, speared at hir, wheirof was ye made, Magie;
the folk neir hand rounded and harked in to hir, of the rib of man. Of the
rib of man, Sir. Weil said, Magy, quoth Mr. Rob, I'm very blaith to sie
that ye answer better then ye did the last examen. Who made man then? The
peaple round about whispered to hir, God. God, Sir. Whirof made he him
then, Magy? The peaple cried to hir then, of dust and clay: which she
mistaking or not hearing weil, insteed of saying of dust and clay, she
said, of curds and whey, Sir. I leive to ghesse whither them that ware
their laught or not. Mr. Robert himselfe, tho a very grave man, could not
refrain from smiling.

[342] Feckless, feeble.

In baptizing about the bairnes names ther hes bein mistakes both on the
Ministers hand and the holder ups. Mr. James Vood was baptizing a man at
St. Androws, and instead that he sould have baptized James, he called it
John. The father, a litle bumbaized at this, after the barne is baptized
and that he hes given it back to the midwife, he stands up and looks the
Minister as griveously in the face and sayes, Sir, what sal I do wt 2
Johns, we have a John at home else, Sir? Whow would ye called then, Robin?
quo' the Minister. James, Sir. James be the name of it then.

Mr. Forbes told me that in the hylands once a mans wife was lighter of a
lasse, the goodman was wery sick so that he could not go to church to
present his oune barne, wheiron he desires one of his freinds or gossips to
go and hold it up for him. He bit to have a Scriptural name for his
daughter, at last he agreed upon Rebecca. The man thought he sould remember
weil enough of it. Just as he is holding up the child he forgets the name.
The Minister speares, whow call ye it. Sir, they call it, they cal it, they
call it, shame fall it, ay hir oune selfe hes forgotten it. Yet I remember
that its a name very lik tobacco. Many did laught wery heartylie at this,
only some present remembered of the name, that it was Rebecca.

Having stayed at Poictiers til the 14 of April French accompte: some 20
dayes before that I was beginning to make many acquantances at Poictiers,
to go in and drink wt them, as wt De Gruche, Ingrande La Figonne, both
Advocats sones, and of the Religion, Mr. de Gay, Borseau, Cotibby, etc.

* * * * * [343]

[343] Twenty-seven lines erased in MS.

I was beginning to fall wery idle, so that if I had stayed longer in
Poictiers, I had alwayes engaged myselfe in more company, and so done the
lesse good, whence I have a sort of satisfaction that I came away.

On the day of my departing I took my leive of Mr. Boutiet, Mlle. Alex'r,
and Mlle. Strachan, Mlle. Chabate and hir mother wt some others, then went
to the Chappeau d'or, wheir we dined, Mr. Alex'r, the Doctor, Sandy, Mr. De
la Porte, Mr. Montozon (for Gorein was not in toune), and I. After having
taken my leive of Madame Daille (himselfe being at Partenay), I took horse
before the buith door and came to the Daufin in the fauxbourgs, wheir I
leapt of. The most part of the Hugonots going to their Temple, their I took
my leive of Sandy'es wife, Madame Peager, and divers others. I took up to
drink wt me Mr. de la Porte, De Gruche, De Gey, De Gaule, Barantons
brother, etc.

* * * * * [344]

[344] Twenty-two lines erased in MS.

On my vakening on the morning, I fand my head sore with the win I had
drunk. For as sick as I was, on I got the morning wt the rest, and came and
dined at Portpile,[345] a litle toune standing 5 leagues (for the leagues
are long their in comparison of them about Paris) from Chattellerauld, on
the Creuse, which runes also by Blanc in Berry.

[345] Le Port de Pilles, Blaeuw's Atlas.

Having ioined their wt the Messenger of Bordeau, who had about 7 Gascons wt
him, and the Messenger of Angoulesme, who had above 12, we was a body above
24. We took al horseback, and having rode the river, tho wery deip, because
the bridge was broken, I fell in wt the Gascons, and was the rarest stuffe
wt them that could be.[346].... Also a gentleman of Sainctonge ioined wt
us, who was coming to Paris.

[346] Eight lines erased in MS.

We came this night to Faux, a litle village standing upon the Lindre, about
7 leagues from Portpile, wher I played one of the Gascons a pret[347] in
the boat; wheir also I saw a reservoire of fisches. Heir I was wery sick,
so that I suped none, as I had not dined, my Poictiers rant incapacitating
me. Yea, I was distempered al the way after, so that I cost not wery dear
to my Messenger for my diet.

[347] Trick.

Nixt morning be 4 howers, having taken horse and riden the water, I came to
Amboise. My heart began to lift in me for Joy when I came to places I had
sein before, for I being wery sick, I fancied now I was almost at the end
of my journy. Amboise is 5 leagues from Faux. We dined at the Cheval rouge,
in the fauxbourgs, this syde of the Loire. I went and saw the Chasteau,
having taken a French Gentleman of Quercy (of which Cahors is the Capital
toune, and Dordogne the cheife river), and another of Thosose[348] wt me,
whose brother, a boy not above 20 years, had already been at the wars
against the Mores of Barbary, and had bein taken prisoner, and was ransoned
by his father for 300 crounes, and was coming in to Paris to get some
employment in the army: such stirring spirits are the French. The Castle I
fand werie strong. I saw their arsenal, wheirs layes the canon of the fort,
the greatest of them carrieng only 10 pound ball. Their best peices ware
transported during the seige of the Rochel; they have never bein brought
back yet. Theirs in the entry King Dagobert and his Queens statues, wt 2
great sheep done _a l'antique_.

[348] Probably for Tholose, Toulouse.

The most considerable thing we saw was the Harts hornes, hung up in the
corner of a chapelle, of a monstrous bignesse, if they be natural. It was
taken some many 100 years ago in a forest of Lorraine towards Allemagne, wt
a collet,[349] about whilk the flesch was so growen that it covered it,
bearing that it belonged to Caesar. It bit to be wery old when it was taken.
Also we saw some rib bons of it monstrouslie great. Also, I saw the chamber
wheir Mr. Fouquet[350] was detained prisoner when the King brought him from

[349] Collar.

[350] Nicolas Fouquet, 1615-1680, finance minister of Louis XIV.,
fell out of favour, and was arrested at Nantes, 1661.

From Amboise we came to Blois 10 short leagues, wheir I went straight to
the Castle (my remarks of which are elsewheir) to sie these verses of
Faustus above the 1 gate of the castle, which are as followeth:

Hic ubi natus erat dextro Ludovicus Olympo
Sumpsit honorata regia[351] sceptra manu,
Foelix quae tanti fulsit lux nuntia regis,
Gallia non alio principe digna fuit.


[351] Regia for regia. At best the line does not scan.

Next morning we came to St. Laurens, a pretty litle toune, wheir we dined.
In the afternoone we passed by Clery, a litle village 4 leagues from
Orleans, wheir I subscrived my name in the great book of all passengers
(wheir I did read several Scots names, as Liddell, Douglas, etc.). I payed
a collation, which cost me a croune.

At Orleans we quartered at the Charrue, in the fauxbourgs towards Paris. As
soon as I was arrived I went to J. Ogilvies, wheir I fand Madame,
Mademoiselle hir daughter, hir 2 sones, Mr. le Baron, and another Allemand.
They ware wery kind to me, caused me stay and sup wt them. They began and
told me the depart of my Lord Ogilwie from their house very discontent,
denieng J. Ogilvie, who was then in Germany for Mr. le Barons busines, to
have bein given him as his Governor by my L[ord] his father. They would
wery fain had me subscribing a paper (for they brought a notaire wtout my
knowledg), wherin I sould have attested that I had heard from him that he
was his gouwerneur, which they could not all obtain of me,... They pressed
me so sore, making remonstrances, that I would obligd them infinitly by
subscryving it, also that I could incurre no dommage by it, that I was put
to feigne that I had made a solemme oath not to subscryve anything while I
was in France, which stoopt their mouths.

I went wt Mr le Baron D'Angleberne and Christophle, le Barons valet, after
supper to the lodging, whither my Lord was retired, which was at the back
of the Church Ste. Croix, wheir I plead[352] the dissembler. Just at the
port of the toune I meet James Hunter, who had bein at my quarters to sie

[352] Played.

Being on horseback, tomorrow being a Sundy, ere 3 howers of the morning we
dined at Thoury, a little toune 10 leagues from Orleans; came at night wt
foul weather to Estampes, a ruinous toune, their no being so meikle as a
whole house standing in al the fauxbourgs, and that since the late troubles
raised by Mr le Prince,[353] who defended the toune against the King. Their
is one long street in the toune. We lay at the trois Rois. We went to the
Cordeliers Convent to sie that Barbet[354] rought[355] water dog that taks
the Escrevisses,[356] but we could not sie it.

[353] In 1652 the Prince of Conde's troops held Etampes against
Turenne, Louis XIV.'s general.

[354] A kind of dog with long curly hair.

[355] Rought, rough: as he spells laugh, laught.

[356] _Ecrevisses_, crayfish.

Nixt day, having past by a Hermitage, wheir 2 hermites dwells, and seiks
almes of al that passes, we came and dined at Linas, besydes Montlery, 9
leagues from Estampes,...

At 5 oclock the afternoon we entred Paris by the fauxbourgs St. Jacques,
wheir we passed by the Val de Grace, builded by Queen mother of France,
lately dead, wheir hir heart is keeped; by the colledge of Clermont and the
Sorbonne. We quit our horses in the rue St Jacques, neir the Grande Cerf.
We was not weill of our horses when we was oppressed wt a generation of
Hostlers, taverners, and others that lodges folk, some intreating us to
come wt him, some wt him, all promising us good entertainement and
accommodation. I went wt on Mr. Houlle, a barber, who had bein in England,
because he was neir hand, and would stay but that night. Theyr was a French
Gentleman of Lions and a Spaniard, one of the Queens Attendants: this was
my company. That night they told me of the death of Madame de Touraine, and
of the execution of Mr. del Camp, 2 dayes before my coming, a Maister of a
Academy, and that for false mony, for whilk he had bein pardoned once

Nixt day, whilk was the 20 Aprill 1666, French accompt, I came to Mr
Kinlochs, wheir I am informed that the most part of our countrymen are
already goon for England, and that Thirlestan, Gorenberry, and Sandilands
(whom I saw and gave on his desire my new testament) was to go the day
after. Their I was first acquaint wt Mr. Forbes[357] (Cullodin) and
Archibald Hay (Bara's brother). I changed my quarters that same day and
came to Kinlochs.

[357] Probably Duncan Forbes, 1644-1704, M.P. for Nairn, succeeded his
father about 1688, father of President Forbes.

Within a day or 2 I was acquaint wt our Scots Captains, Captain Caddel, C.
Rutherfurd wt a tree leg--his oune was dong from him at the Seige of
Graveling--and Captain Scot, also on C. White.

I saw the fruit they call grenades[358] at Paris. To look to before its cut
most like a citron: being cut at the top its all ful of litle grains as
like rezer[359] berries in the coulor and bigness, yea almost in the tast,
as can be. It was a pretty sight to sy how prettily the grains ware ranked
wtin the skin.

[358] Pomegranates.

[359] Rezer, rizzer, red currant.

Mr. Kinloch on night coming from a burial of a Hugonet Medecin at Charenton
saw a blind man of the Kings vingt (as they call them, tho they be 15
score) play at the Maille[360] to admiration, wheir upon Mr. Grahme took
occasion to tel severall very wonderful things he know of blind men: amongs
others, of one that could play weill to the gooffe, of another that, take
doune 2 watches, mix their works as much as ye like in a hat or any other
thing, and gave them him, he saw put them up as iust every one wt their
oune vorks as any cknock maker shal do. Its common that they know any sort
of silver by a more parfait touche then ordinar, which God is pleased to
impart unto them in recompence of the want of sight.

[360] See p. 20, note 2.

In the renouned toune of Forfar, one who had many kyn having caused milk
them at his door, left the tub wheirin he had milked them by neglect at his
door. By comes a neigbhours cow, whow being damned thirsty, comes the by
way to the tub and takes a wery hearty draught. In the mean tyme comes he
that ought the milk, and seing the damage that was done him, to the Toune
counsel he goes and makes a very greevous complaint, demandes that he that
owes the cow that had drunk his milk pay him it. The counsel was
exceedingly troubled wt this demand, never in their remembrance having had
the like case throrough their fingers. After much debat on both sydes, a
sutor[361] stands up and showes that he had light upon a medium to take up
the difference. He askes whither it was a standing drink or not that the
cow took when she drank out the milk. They replying whow could she take it
but standing, he replyed that it was a most sure thing in that country,
knowen to them all, that none ever payed for a standing drink. They
following this decision assolzied and cleared cow wt its owner from paying
ought, as having taken only a standing drink.

[361] Cobbler.

Its marked of the Aurelians[362] that they cannot drink standing, but that
tho they have never so litle to drink, they most sit doune. Henry the 4't,
as he was a very mery man, being at Orleans at a tyme, and my Lord maire
and his Eschevins being come to sie him, he would try the truth of this. He
first causes remove all the chaires and stools out of the roome, so that
nothing was left that a man could sit doune on: then caused bring in win,
and drinks to my L. mairs good health, then ordains him to pledge him, who
begins to look about him for a seat; no, nay seat for him, wheir on he
began to suspect the King had done it a purpose, he resolves to give his
Majesty sport. He causes on of his Aldermen to sit doune on his knees and
his hand, so that he may drink of his drink to the King on his back
sitting, which he did, and at which the King did laught no litle.

[362] People of Orleans.

In the tyme of our late stirs one of the name of Gordon, called black
Adam,[363] had broken in on a willage in some part of the north, and had
made such a pillage that he had left nothing that was in the least worth
the carrieng away. One of the women of the willage bewailling her lose wt
her neighbours, demanded whow they called that wicked man that that had
them the scaith. They call him Adam, quoth another, I know no more. Adam,
quoth she. Adam began the world and I think he sal end it to.

[363] Edom o' Gordon.

The Irishes hes a damned respect for St. Phatrick, of whom they say, that
if Christ had no bein Christ, St. Phatrick would have bein Christ, as he
ware the most worthy person after Christ.

In the first part of the Romance termed _Almahide_ or _l'esclave Reyne_,
penned by the renouned Scudery,[364] dedicated to Mademoiselle, the Kings
sister, are brought in the toun of Grenade in a uproar by reason of 2
mighty factions, the Abencerrages, of whilk Abindarrays is the head; and
the Zegris, whose head is Mohavide, betuixt whilk 2 the whole toune is
divided. It comes to a cruel fight in the spatious place of Viwaramble,
notwtstanding what the Mufti wt the Alcoran in his hand could say to
dissuade them, who is descryved wt all the rest of the religious orders.

[364] George de Scuderi, 1601-1667.

Amongs the Abencerrages was eminently conspicous the _bell esclave_ on the
head of Moray Zel, the father of Sultane Queenes party, for fear of whom
the queen suffers no small greife. At last by the mediation of the King
they are brought to peace; only Mohavide subornes a Alfaguy to accuse
criminelly the sclave for being found wt armes in his handes against the
law of the Alcoran: whos harangue is answered and refuted by Moray Zell.
The King, after deip deliberation and a magnanimous harangue of the sclave,
himselfe assolyies him. This reased a curiosity in Roderick de Navarre, a
great Spaniard, prisoner of the Mores at that tyme, having sein the valeur
of the sclave, to know what he might be: whence one Ferdnand, a old slave
of the Sultane queen, begines him his story thus:

In the beginning of the reigne of Muleyhassel, whose sone reigneth at
present, the greatest courtier at the court of Grenade was Morayzell; and
tho their ware many brave Dames, yet none could captivate his heart, so
that long tyme he was called le bel insensible. On a tyme on of his friends
called Almadam came and invited him to a feigned fight of canes he was to
make in the sight of his M'ris Semahis, to which at lenth yeelding, he
beates him, and wines the heart of Semahis, and begines to find his oune
touched. Finaly, after a combat for hir betuixt him and Almadan, in which
he overthrowes Almadan, they are solennly married. About the course of a
year after the beautiful Semahis gave a matchlesse daughter, which they
called Almahide, and who at present is _Sultane reyne_, to the valliant
Morayzel, who caused a learned Arabian cast hir Horoscope, who dressing hir
figure, gave the strange answer, that the stars told him that she sould be
fort sage et fort amoureuse, quelle sera en mesme temps femme et fille,
Vierge et mariee, esclave et Reyne, femme d'un esclave et d'un Roy,
heureuse et malheureuse, Mahometane et Chrestienne, innocente et coupable,
et enfin plus estrange exposee an danger d'estre brulee toute vive. De plus
quelle mourra plus contente qu'elle n'aura vescu, et que parmy les debris
d'un Throne et le bouleversement d'un Royaume, son amour et son innocence
la consoleront elle mesme de la perte d'une courrone que la fortune lui

This gave no smal astonishment to Moray Zel, who to evite them the better
resolves to send his daughter far from Grenade, to Algiers in Africk, that
if it comes to pass it may light far from Grenade. This he puts in
execution, shipping in the infant at Tarriffe under the tuition of seweral
slaves, but especialy of Fernand de Solis. Them we leive on the sea a while
to tell another rancontre.

About 3 years before the birth of Almahide, Inez d'Arragon bore a son to
hir Lord dom Pedro de Leon, due de Medine Sidonia, in Andalousy, in Spaine.
The childs Horoscope the father caused to be casten by one of Toledo, who
desired him to have a watchful eye of his sone til he pass 20, otherwise he
may be made slave. To obey this the better Dom Pedro thought it not amisse
to remove his sone from the court and city and send him to a plaisant
country house called the Fountaines, wheir we leive the young Ponce de
Leon, and returnes to our Almahide on the sea.

The Ship is sett upon by pirats corsaires, and they are taken al sclaves
and carried to the ile of Dorigni. Heir they stayed a long tyme, and
Almahide growes to some years, and hir beauty growes wondrously wt her,
which the pirats seing they resolve to carry hir to Constantinople to sell
hir to them that plenishes the Turks seraglio. Whiles they are on their way
they are casten away, none saved but Fernand and the litle Almahide, tho
Fernand know not of it; for some shephards finding hir in a sound[365] on
the shore, they carried hir to the Fountaines iust at hand (for their lot
was such to be casten away their), and sold hir to the Duc and Dutchesse.
Dom Fernand, finding that he was in his oune country, and knowing that the
Ducks house, who was his old freind, was neir he went to visit him, wheir
to his amazement he fand the litle Almahide, who came runing to him and
velcomed him. Heir the Duc choses Fernand to be his sones gouueneur, and
appointes the beautiful Almahide to stay their to bear his sone company.

[365] Swoon.

All this while Morayzel could gett no newes of his daughter, which was no
small greife to him. In the interim the fierce and fair Semahis, his Lady,
wt hir charmes conqueres so many souls to hir beck that being ambitious she
brought Grenade in hazard.

After this is intervoven a lang but pretty description of the house called
Fontaines. Love begines incessantly to grow betuixt them. The only obstacle
was she was still mahometane, which the sclaves had infused in hir. Yet on
a tyme young Ponce mocking merrily at the fopperies of the Alcoran she
tournes Christian. On this their love takes new strenthe: on a tyme he
impartes it to hir; from whom at lenth he getts a promise of hir fidelity
to him. After she turned Christian she got the name of Aminte. Theirs sowen
in a pretty dispute that happened, what might be the prettiest of flowers,
and its generally by Aminte also concluded on the Tulip.

Their fame cannot be long confined at the Fontaines, but its at the Court
of Sewill already; which drawes many galland persons to come sy them, and
amongs others Dom Alvare, who proved to Ponce de Leon a Rivall, who
expressing his affection to the fair Grenadine both in verses and lettres
it occasioned bad intelligence betuixt him and Ponce, so that it comes to a
combat, wheirin Ponce carries away the victory. And it was like to have
occasioned more mischeif had not Fernand, Ponce his governor, writen to the
Duc to fetche away Aminte, who was the occasion of their striv, which the
Duc obeyes, sending a coach for hir to carry hir to Sewil, who having
renewed hir promise of fidelity to Ponce leives him their a very sorry man.
Thus ends the first Book.

* * * * * [366]

[366] Half a page blank. There follows here an essay in French or
notes of a lecture on the study of law, a juvenile performance.
Though inserted in the MS. book it is not part of the Journal. It
has been printed here as it stands.

Il y a deuz methodes pour estudier le droit, ou par la voye du text ou par
celle des quaestions: certes le chemin du text est le plus asserre, plus
solide et moins trompeur. Pour le text comme guides wous vous attacherez a
Vinneus, ou vous trouwerez cela qu'il est de la scholastick: a Sucidiwen
non paralelle quant est de la practique. A la glosse ou Accurse si vous
souhaitez les cas et les especes des loix: si vous ne tirez pas toute la
satisfaction possible quant est de la text de ceux-cy, feuilletez Bartol,
Cuiace et Azon dans son Summa, de qui autrefois l'on disoit, Qui non habet
Azonem vendat pallium. Si vous voudrez chicaner ou jusque an moindres
points epluscher une loix dans la text vous trouverez vostre conte dans
Antonius Faber.

Ayant leu les Institutes avec ses aydes, vous vous tournerez aux
Paratitlairs. Sur la quelle matiere personne n'entrera en parrallelle avec
Peresius in C. Vesenbecius ne laisse pas faire assez bicn la dessus: vous
pourrez aussi regardez Corvinus. Calvin dans ses Paratitles n'a fait qu'une
honteuse recueill de cela que les autres avoient dit la dessus devant lui,
comme de Cuiace, Vesenbec, etc. Entre les Docteur Francois les parratitles
de Maranus, Antecesseur de Tholose, sont en haute estime, mais puisque nos
sentiments nous sont libres, nous ne voyons pas trop de raison. Vous
n'oublierez pas les Paratitles de Tulden wrayment grand homme: comme ceux
de Zoesig et sur les Digests, et sur le droit canon. Cette Methode
apprendre le droit par le text a receu ses meilleurs et plus brillantes
lumiers des Francois. Seulement vous prendrez icy garde d'une faute de qui
je les accus presque tous, pourtant fort insupportable et bien digne de la
fowette: c'est que ils advancent des choses en controverse comme s'ils
estoient hors du controverses et autant de Principes, et par ainsi
pitieusement abusent la ieunesse. Afin de vous detromper vous passerez dans
l'autre chemin, qui est celui des Quaestions, lequel si vous pourrez marier
heureusement a l'autre, de cette union vous peut redonder dans son temps
une entiere connoissance du droit. Dans ce chemin-cy wous ne manquez pas
des hommes scavants pour vos praecepteurs. Ici s'offrent Fachinaei
controversiae, Vasquii controversiae Illustres: item son traite De
successionibus tam ex testamento quam ab intestato. Item Pacij centuriae:
qui outre son commentaire ad Institutiones a aussi escrit ad librum 4tum c.
lequel oeuure de Pacius emporte sur tous ses autres. Vous y trowwerez
Merenda. Vous chercherez pour Bronchorstii Quaestiones, qui a aussi escrit
ad T.D. De Regulis Juris. Vous ne manquerez pas d'acheter les disputationes
selecta Treutheri ou ses Theses, avec Hunnius (qui a aussi ecrit 4 libres
variarum resolutionum) in 3 tomes le dessus, et Bachovius cet grand esprit,
de qui Vineus derobe le meilleur de cela qu'il a. Mais sur toute n'oubliez
pas le 4 Tomes de Harpreclitus sur les 4 livres des Institutes, qui vous
donnera une lumiere merveilleuse dans toutes les quaestions; et ou il defail
le lui-mesme, il vous n'envoye aux meilleurs autheurs qui a escrit sur
cette matiere. A la mesme fin vous demanderez pour Mastertius, ou
particulierement pour son sedes illustrium materiarum Juvis civilis, ou il
vous monstre tous les meilleurs Autheurs de la connoissance qui explique
une telle ou une telle loix Voyez Nicolaus de Passeribus De
Reconciliationibus Legum.

While I was at Campheire, towards the end of July 1667, I had occasion to
sie the book writ by our banished ministers at Rotterdam and other places,
and particularly by Mr. Macquaire[367] put ut in the years 1665, intituled
'An Apologetical Relation of the particular sufferings of the faithful
ministers and professors of the Church of Scotland since August 1660,
wherein severall questions useful for the tyme are discussed. The Kings
praerogative over parliament and peaple soberly inquired into; the
lawfulnesse of defensive war cleared; the supreme Magistrats powers in
Church matters examined, Mr. Stellingfleets notion of the divine right of
the formes of government considered; the author of the Seasonable Case
answered: other particulars, such as the hearing of the curates, the
appearing before the hy commission court., etc., canvassed, togither with
the rise, raigne, and ruine of the former Praelats in Scotland, being a
breiff accompt from History of the Goverment of the Church of Scotland from
the beginning, and of the many troubles which Praelats have created to hir
first and last, for satisfaction of Strangers and encouradgement of present
sufferers by a weill wisher to the goud old cause. Then follows some places
of Scripture, as Jeremias 50, ver. 34, Micah 7, ver. 9-10, Isay 51, ver.

[367] Robert Macquare wrote a postscript to the _Apologetical
Relation_, etc., which was the work of J. Brown. A reprint in the
_Presbyterian's Armoury_, vol. iii. (1843), is in the British

In this book they traduce Spotswood, Archbishop of St. Androws, endeavoring
to make him ridiculous, and empanelling him of falsehood in many places of
his History, using to refute him the auctority of Buchanan, a auctor more
suspected then himselfe.

In their 4 section they prove the Marquis of Argyle most uniustly to have
bein put to death the 27 of May 1661. The ground of his sentence they say
in the 78 page to have bein that he was and had bein an ennemy to the King
and his interests thesse 23 years or more bypast, which in effect (say
they) is as much as give ye would say he had bein an active freind for the
interest of Christ, making Gods interest and the Kings interest point blanc
contrary, so that a freind to the one could not be but a ennemy to the

The thing that more particularly the Parliament adhered to was his
compliance wt the English and sitting in their Parliaments. But that this
was not treason, and consequently not capable to take his life, they labor
to prove by sundry particulars, first that the Lawyers themselfes (who best
of any should know what treason is) complied, yea swore fidelity, to that
government. They instance to his odium Sir John Fletcher, then Kings
Advocate. 2dly, He was not guilty of compliance alon. Many members of
Parliament sitting their to judge him war _conscii criminis_. 3dly, If
compliance was treasonable and capable enough to put him to death, whey
ware they so anxious to find out other grounds against him wheiron they
might walk? 4ly, Whey was never on save this nobleman not so much as
empanelled for this fault, much lesse put to death? Whow came it to passe
that William Purves, who by complying had almost occasioned ruine to many
noblemen, boroughs, and gentlemen, was absolved by a act of Parliament?
Then their was never act of Parliament, nether any municipal Law,
condemning necessesary compliance for life and liberty wt a conqueror, and
for the good of the country conquered, as treasonable. Their was never a
practick or _praejudicium_ in Scotland for it since it was a Kingdome.
Bruce did never so much as quaestion his nobility that in Balliols tyme had
complied wt Edward of England. Nixt the Royalists say conquaest is a just
title to a croune. So Baleus[368] in his _Sacro-sancta Regum Maiestas_,
cap. 17; but so be Cromwell conquered our country, ergo, he was our lawful
governour and had just title to our croune. If so, whow could compliance
and passive obedience to such a on be treason? In this he triumphs so, that
he addes, let al the Royalists answer to this wtout contradicting
themselfes if they can. No definition out of the civil Law can be brought
of treason which wil comprehend necessary compliance; ergo, its no
treasonable. Finally, we sie compliance to be the practise of all conquered
nations, yet upon the alteration of government no body condemned for it.

[368] John Bale, Bishop of Ossory, died 1563.

In the end they appeal to al governours of states, Lawyers, casuists,
politicians, canonists, and Quod-libetists, yea to Royalists themselfes,
whither or no when a nation is broken in 3 or 4 battells, so that they can
do no more, but are oblidged to take laws from the conqueror, wil it be
treason to comply wt the ennemy for life and liberty, and when he is chosen
by the country to go and sit in the conquerors judicatories (which
priveledge _ex gratia_ he grants them), to sie the affairs of the Kingdom
regulate, and sie to what wil be best for the good of the country. They
persuade themselfes that all wil say this is no treason. Then subsume they,
but such was Argiles compliance; ergo, for treasonable compliance he could
not be put to death because not guilty of it.

Then ye have a vindication of Mr. James Guthry,[369] execute 1 of June
1661, from the crimes layd to his charge wheirupon his sentence was
founded. They say the crime was that some 10 years before, being challenged
by the King for somthing spok over the pulpit, he declined his cognizance
as a incompetent judge in ecclesiastical spiritual matters, which
declinaturs be a act of Parliament, anno 1584, are discharged under the
pain of hy treason; but this they contend was afterwards abrogated, so that
they conclud him to have died a martyr for the truth against Erastian

[369] Covenanting minister (? 1612-1661).

In the 6 section ye have the zeal of that minister, who upon the
Parliaments casting of the Covenant, pulling out a six pence, took
instruments in the hands of the peaple and protested against all courses or
acts in preiudice of the Covenant, for which he was banished. None of the
banisht ministers could ever obtain a extrait of their sentence, which is a
thing no judicatory ever refused. Nixt, because they could not banish them
furder then from Scotland, they forged a bond to which they compelled the
ministers to subscryve, wheirin they promised not to be found wtin any of
his maiesties dominions under the pain of death; which they call cruel and

Voetius they commend and cite often. Sharpe they call a betrayer of his
bretheren, and a most unnatural sone of his mother church. Then the reasons
whence they refuse to go to the praelats courts are rendred; whey they
refuse collation and presentation of them, which they exclaime against as
popish, foisting in its steed the peaples frie election.

In France they know not moor foul. They have 2 sorts of excellent
partridges. That we call the Lampre elle, wt us esteemed almost poison, wt
them called la Lamprey, is a great delicacy. They are wery big.

Follows some riddles.

* * * * * [370]

[370] Eight lines are omitted, containing four riddles with _double
entendres_ which are grossly indecent without being witty.

Sequitur AEnigmaticum quoddam epitaphium Bononia studiorum ante multa
saecula marmoreo lapidi insculptum: AElia Laelia crispis, nec vir nec
mulier, nec androgyna nec puella, nec juvenis nec anus, nec meretrix
nec pudica, sed omnia; sublata neque fame nec ferro nec veneno sed
omnibus; nec caelo nec aquis nec terra sed ubiqe iacet. Lucius Agatho
Priscus nec maritus nec amator nec necessarius neque moerens, neque
gaudens neque flens hanc neque molem nec pyramidem nec sepulchrum sed
omnia, scit et nescit quid qui posuerit, hoc est, sepulchrum intus
cadaver non habens, hoc est, cadaver sepulchrum extra non habens sed
cadaver idem est et sepulchrum sibi.

Bacon has write Apothegmes new and old, a litle book.

A English curate said their was 3 things that annoyed man, and they began
all wt a double w, win, women, and tobacco, but whow does tobacco begin wt
a w, wil ye say: tobacco is nothing but a weed, which word begins wt a w.

Another having read his text, sayd he had 3 things to tell them, the first
thing he know and they know it not, and this was that under his gown he had
a pair of ragged breitches; the 2d thing they know and he know it not, and
this was, whither they would give him new ones or no; the thrid thing
nether of us knows, and that is the true meaning of thir words: and thus
out of the pulpit he went.

Repasse Dom Alvare, repasse bien cxactement en ta memoire tous ces que tes
yeux t'out fait voir de beau depuis que la suit de l'age les a rendus
capables de faire une juste discernement des belles et de laides choses, et
apres cette soigneuse recherche ne seras tu pas obliger de prononcer en
faveur D'Aminte, et d'auoueer ingenument quelle est sans contredit la plus
aimable et la plus accomplie personne que Nature ait jamais fait. Quelle
grace n'a tu pas remarquee au ton de sa voix comme en ses paroles et ses
beaux yeux; n'out ils pas beaucoup plus parle que sa belle bouche? O qu'ils
sont eloquens ces beaux yeux! qu'ils sont doux! qu'il sont pourtant
imperieux, qu'ils ont de charmes et de Maieste! qu'ils ont de charmes et de
Maieste? qu'ils ont de feu! qu'ils ont de lumiere! et que leur eclat est
brillant et dangereux!

Vous dites tants de choses agreables que vous me fait venir l'eau a la
bouche. Dissimulez aussi bien que vous voulez la mesche est deia eventee.

Il n'y a gueres de fumee sans feu, iamais escritoire ne fut bonne espee, il
vaut mieux tard que iamais. Il ne faut pas lire beaucoup, c'est a dire, il
faut faire choiz des Auteurs et se les rendre familier. L'Histoire a bon
droit est appelle le tesmoin des temps, le flambeau de la verite, la vie de
la memoire, et la maistresse de la vie. L'occasion fait le Larron; for
finding a thing in the way it temptes him to steall, it seing so faire a
occasion. Pain coupe n'a point de maistre, whence a man seing bread cut,
wheirof no man is as yet in possession, he may freely take hold of it as
belonging to none or having no master. Chacune est fol de sa marotte: the
crow thinks hir oune bird fairest. Chaque pais chaque coustume. Toutes
choses ont leur season, qui premier nait premier paiste. The eldest feids
first, insinuating the priveledges of primogeniture, which are great in
France as also with us.

Il faut prendre gard (saye the frenchman) d'une qui pro quo d'une
Apotiquaire (as when in mistake he takes one pig[371] for another, or out
of ignorance gives a binding thing for a laxative) d'une et caetera d'un
Notaire (by which is taxed the knaveries of that calling), d'une dewant une
femme, d'une derriere une mule, et d'un Moin de tout costes: thats to say,
diligently. Of the man that undertakes the voyag to Rome, because of the
great corruptions their, of which few can keip themselfes frie, the
Frenchman sayes: Jamais bon cheval ni meschant homme ne s'amendist pour
aller a Rome. When they would taxe on for being much given to lying, they
say, Il est un menteur comme un arracheur de dents; for the tooth-drawers
wil promise that they sall not so much as touch them almost, that they sal
find no peine, when in the interim the peine wil be very sensible. Of one
much given to study, they say, Il estudie tant que les rats scauroient
manger ses oreilles. Who can approach such a glorious sun wtout being

[371] Earthenware vessel.

The French are generally wery timorous on Sea, whereon he sayes, Je n'aime
pas passer la ou le cheure[372] ne scauroit fermer ses pieds, hold its
feet. The frenchman sayes that he hath heard qu'une grande riviere et un
grand seigneur sont mauvais voisins. Vous serez bien venu comme une singe,
mais point comme une renard. Chou pour chou, craft for craft. Patience
abuse se tourne en fureur. Laughter compelled and bitter, as the Latins
calles it, Risus sardonius, so the French sayes; Le ris d'hosteliers qui ne
passe point le noeud de la gorge, because that hoasts and others of sick
like stuffe laught ordainarly to please their ghests wt out any true
affection to laught. The occasion of the Latin, Risus sardonius, as Erasmus
explaines, is because of a Herbe called in Latin, Apium Risus, in French,
Herbe de Sardagne, because it growes in great abondance in Sardinia, which
no sooner eaten but it looseth and disiointeth al the nerves, so that the
mouth falls wide open iust as give they ware laughting; yea in this posture
they die. Thus the commentator on Du Bartas weeks, que dit un peuple dit un
fol, who sayes a multitude sayes a fool. C'est tousiours plus mal-aise de
faire mal que bien, its easier to do a thing the right way then the wrong,
as in opening a door. Il n'y a marchand qui gaigne tousjours. _Nemo ubique
potest foelici_,[373] etc., its a good roost that drapes aye.[374] Of him
that out of scarcity tauntes his neihbour wt the same scorne wt which he
scorned him, the Frenchman sayes, il ne vaut rien pour prendre la bal a la
seconde enleuement, at the 2d stot. He is a man of a 1000 crounes a year,
l'un important l'autre, on way or other; its used also in drinking healths.
Of a modest, learned young man, _cui contigit ante diem virtus_, they say,
qu'il demente son menton, he belyes his chin. If one would know another
weill he most try him and sus et sous la peau trinque [land][375] hachis
hach, old French words used by Du Bartas. If ye demand him for a thing he
hath eaten, he'el tel you, il est passe par la ville d'Angoulesme. Of a man
that hath not spirit, they say, il est ni chair ni poisson; l'on moque de
cela a la cour. Entre nous autres Gentils-hommes il n'y a point de
bourgois, as give ye would say, among 10 whites their is not a black.

[372] Chevre, goat.

[373] For _felici_.

[374] Ferguson's _Scottish Proverbs_, p. 21: It's a good goose
that draps ay.

[375] Interlined.

They put a gentleman and burgoise as opposites; he cannot be a gentleman if
a burgoise; but he may become on and then he ceaseth to be a burgoise. I
urged whither or no a gentlemans sone by becoming a burgoise was not stil
gentleman; they sayd not, for by becoming bourgoise (he is called Roturier)
he seimes to renounce his right of gentleman. Throw Germany they are
thought so incompatible, that if a man can deduce himselfe, tho never so
far fetcht, from gentlemen, he, tho he have no means and be like to starve,
he wil not turne marchand or any other trade.

Une harangue de Gascoigne is on courte et mauvaise, tho they have not the
tongue and cannot manage it weil, yet they have ever manadged the sword
weill, being brave sogers, and consequently horrid Rodomontades and
boasters. Du Bartas tho was a Gascoin.

They call a brothers sone in France neveu; our sones sone petit fils. A
barren women in France they call very disdainfully une mulet: thus they
termed Marguerit, King of Spaines daughter, Emperor Charles the 5 neice,
Henry the 4ts queen, for a tyme, who cucolded him.

We most never forget the 2 catalogues which served Pighoog[376] of so great
use, on of all the fathers, the other of all the Haeresies; also the
dron[377] and false Latin we fand in the Corpus Glossatum, Domine tanta,
etc.; as also our rowing at the boat, Pighogs ...[378] and Piters falling
on his back, his perruvick coming of; also our sports that night we studied
the stars wt Mr. James, his griveous hat, and James of a low stature and
William Ker had almost lost his hat, wt many others to be recalled to

[376] A nickname for somebody, perhaps a tutor or schoolmaster.

[377] Have not found this word.

[378] Three or four words erased.

If we be demanded at any tyme to sing a song we may begin...[379] we would
look to the company. If they be speaking of any song, we may say we have
heard it song sweitly wt 3, 2 of them harkening and the 3d not opening his
mouth. If we fall to be demanded to tell a story we may begin ...[380] that
of him that called himselfe ...[381] If they be talking of wonders, we may
say that their was a stone at Poictiers, which at every twelve howers it
hard whirled about thrice. Also when togither wt any commorads and fall to
in merrinesse to dance, at any pas in mockery we may say it was worth a 100

[379] Nearly a line erased.

[380] Three or four words erased.

[381] Two words erased.

They have 3 proverbs in France: 1, save a thief from the gallowes and he'el
be the readiest man to help you to it; 2, never commit your secrets to a
woman, as to your wife; and 3d, a man sould not bourd[382] wt his masters.

[382] Jest familiarly.

One example sal verify all 3. In the tyme of Charles the great their was on
that had a great wogue of learning and wisdome, to which man the King
concredited his sone the Prince. One of the Princes attendants was taken in
a roobery and condemned to the gibbet: the Prince and his master begged his
life, and so saved him. To try the 2d byword, the master took his pupill
the Prince to the Soan to bath, having bathed, he put him wtin a mil wt
strait orders not to stir from that til he called for him. He comes home to
his wife wt a feigned heady countenance, telling her wt a great deal of
protestations for secrecy, that as he was causing the young Prince for his
healths sake bath, he was perished. Tomorrow he pickt a litle quarrel wt
his wife, before some company: she being angry wt him cost up the secret to
him, so that it was immediatly conveyed to the Kings ears, who in a fury
ordained that he sould be broken on the wheel. The usual executioners could
not be found; yea, no other body that would supply his place, so generally
was the man reverenced be all. The King enraged, offers 50 pistols to him
that wil do the turne. None yet presents themselfes save only the theif he
had saved from the gallowes. The childs gowernour having tried all that he
desired, demanded licence to go bring the Prince safe, which he did to the
admiration, wonder and gladness of all.

He fand it was not good to play wt his superiors, as also he did who once
taking of Charles the 9 beard in France took the boldnesse to sie that the
Kings throat was in his reverence, was hanged immediatly, the King saying
that his throat sould never be in his reverence againe. Also that nobleman
who getting the King wtin that great cage that's to be sein at Chinon yet,
in sporting said that he had the King at his reverence; its true, quoth the
King, but let me out. He was no sooner out but he caused him be shut up in
the cage, and suffered him to dy their for hunger wtout mercy. The story of
K. James his fool may werify this same truth.

The French sayes, _il n'est pas tant la qualite que la quantite de quelque
chose qui fait mal_. Is it possible that the sun hath halfed his privilegde
wt you; that as he communicated heatte to the inferior bodies wtout
enioying any in his oune sphaere, so also can you ...[383] not heats but
dazeles and mortally wounds all that approach you wtout being in the least
touched yourselfe; no, pardon me, if I cannot beleive it.

[383] Word erased.

If I be spaired what sort of folks the French are, we may reply they are
folk wt noses on their faces, and that like St. Paul never speaks but they
open their mouth. Rapier and Miton[384] are French words.

[384] _Mitten_. The French word has also other meanings.

They have many othes in France. Jesus, Maria, and Nostre Dame are lawful
oaths used by the Churchmen themselfes. Jarne[385] Diable is also lawful,
as the Cordelier sayd in his preaching, Jarne Mahomet most also be lawful.
They have a numbre of horrid ones, as ventre Dieu, teste Dieu, mort Dieu,
ou mort blew Jarnec Dieu; cap de bious, a Gascoin oath, and verte chou, a
great oath assuredly.

[385] Corruption of _je renie_.

Qui a bon voisin a bon mastin, he is as steadable to him as a good mastive.
Charite bien reiglee commence a soy mesme. To the same purpose, le peau est
nous plus cher que la chemise. Le chat aime le poisson bien, mais elle
n'aime pas de mouiller ses pates. Ce qui vien de la fluste s'en retourne au
son du tambour, Il woon soon spent; goods lightly gotten lightly slipes
away. When ye would say that he knows not weil sick a man, vous n'avez
iamais mange un minot[386] de sel avec lui. Dite moy quelle companie vous
avez frequente, et ie vous diray vos moeurs.

[386] A measure containing half a mine, equal to thirty-nine litres.

A northern minister preaching on that, Esau sold to his brother Jacob his
birthright for a morsel of pottage: base man that he was, quoth he, the
belligod loune, sel his birth-right for a cog of pottage, what would he
have done if it had bein a better dish.

They alleadge that a Frenchman sould have sayd, that if our Saviour had a
brother, the greatest honor he could put upon him would be to make him King
of France.

Anthoine le Bourbon, 1 protestant of the Kings of Navarre, having got a
Capycin and a Minister together, he would have them dispute before him. The
Minister began on the point of the crosse. Theirs a tree, sayd he, of the
one halfe of it ye make a crosse which ye vorship, of the other halfe ye
make a gallows to hang up a theif on. Whey carry ye respect for that peice
ye make a crosse of, and no for that ye make the gibet of, since they are
both of on matter? The Capycin seimed to be wery much pusled wt this. After
a little pause he demands the Minister if he was married. Yes, that I am,
what of it? quoth the M. Whow comes it to passe then, quoth the Capycin,
that ye kisse your wifs mouth and not hir arse, whey have ye more respect
for hir mouth then hir arse, since they are both of on mater? The Minister
thought himselfe out; yea, King Anthony thought shame of him.

Their was a minister of Fyfe of the name of Bruce that had a great
gade[387] of ending promiscuosly his sermons, as, for example, he was
telling on a tyme how the Beaver, being purshued hotly by the hunters, used
to bit of his stones, the silly fellow, forgetting what he had to sy more,
added, to which end, good God, bring us, as if he had sayd to bit of our
stoons. He closed in that same sort once whow Judas hanged himselfe. Once
as he was exhorting the peaple to beware of the Devil, who was a roaring
and ramping lyon, etc., he added, to whom wt the father and the holy ghost
be all honnor and glory for now and ever, amen.

[387] Probably for 'gait,' way.

One being asked whence came the antipathy that we find betuixt some beasts,
as the dog and the hare, the Lizard (Ichneumon) and the crocodile, the
sheip and the wolfe, and he replyed that it began wt the flood of Noah when
they ware all in Ark together, that then the hare stol the dogs shoe from
him, and that theirfor the dog ever when he sies him since runs efter him
to get his shoe again.

The Mythologists gives 2 reasons whey they[388] bloody bat flies under
night, and compairs not on the day: the first is because of his defections
from the birds when they ware in war wt the beasts; the 2d because
beginning to marchandise he played banque route, whence he dare never be
sein in the day for fear that his creditors take him wt caption.

[388] Perhaps 'the.' The 'y' is indistinct, as if it was intended to be

This minds me of on at Edenborough, who being drouned in debt durst never
pipe[389] out in the day light, but always under night. On a tyme coming by
the fleschstocks of the Landmarket, a cleak[390] claughts a grip of his
cloak, and holds him. He immediatly apprehending that it was some sergent
or messenger that was arresting him, he cryes back as pittyfully, at whose
instance, Sir; at whose, etc.

[389] Peep.

[390] Hook.

A Minister of Bamf (as Mr. Mowat when I was at dinner once their reported
it), being to give the communion, he had caused buy as much win as would
serve for his parishioners. Whil the cup is going about, it falls to be ful
on a strong, sturdy cloun that used not to drink win oft, and who was wery
thristy; he gets the cup to his head; he never rested tel he had whistled
it over. On of the Elders, seing what he had done, in a great anger cryes
out, even the devil go doune wt it, for that might have geined[391] a

[391] Gein or gane, sufficed for.

Its reported of Gustavus Adolphus that he was used to say, that for
ennemies he had to do wt a fool (which was Valstein, Duc of Fritland, one
of the Imperialists generals, a cruell man and a foolish man, he thought to
make himself Emperor; wheirupon at the Emperors instigation he was slain by
our countrymen Leslie and Gordon: Butler would not do it), wt a soger
(which was Pappenheim, a brave souldier, slain in that same battell of
Lutzen that Gustavus was slain in), and a preist; which was Tilly who never
wanted his chappelets of his arme, never missed a Messe, and boasted he
never know a women.

Many a brave Scotsman served in thesse wars of Germany (we most remember
what he did to that tyran the Duc of Cleves), amongst others on Colonel
Edmond,[392] a baxters sone of Stirleving.

[392] Colonel Sir William Edmond. See _Scots Brigade in Holland_
(S.H.S.), vol. i. p. 577, where it appears that his father was a
baker in Edinburgh. Colonel Edmond died in 1606.

The Bischop of Munster, a merry man, wil cry whiles, _donnez moy trois
grande verres de vin_, then, _c'est a la sante des mes trois Charles et
Charles Seconds: Charles 2d D'Angleterre, Charles 2d D'Espaigne, et Charles
2d_ [sic] _de Suede_: this is wery remarkable.

Philip, the 2d, Charles the Emperors son, had also a Charles, Prince of
Spain, whom most barbarously he caused strangle, as Peter Mathieu reports
it, tho Strada would dissemble it.

We had several marks of the Spanish gravity in this Prince. When the news
was told him of the great victory of Lepanto, woon over the Turks by his
natural brother, Dom John of Austria (the way whow they made D. Jean know
his quality is worth the knowing), generalissimo of the Christian forces,
he would not appear to be moved wt the least joy, al he sayd was, _Dom Juan
a beaucoup hazarde_. When the news was told him of the dissipation of his
invincible Armado, commanded by the Duc of Medine Sidonia, he would not
seim to be troubled wt it, all he sayd was, _j'ay envoye une flote pour
combattre des hommes non pas les vagues et les vents_.

They reporte of the Queen of Suede when she was in France that she was wery
curious to sie all the [brave][393] great men of the court, and amongs
others to sy Mr. le Prince[394] who hes no great mine[395] to look to. On a
tyme entering unto the roome wheir she was, some told her it was Mons'r le
Prince. She, having contemplated him disdainfully, cryes out, _Esque la le
prince de qui l'on parle tant_: he gied[396] his hat a litle, and payed hir
wery weil back in her oune coin, _es que la la Reyne qui faict tant parler

[393] Interlined.

[394] Conde.

[395] Mein.

[396] Turned, cocked.

The young Daufin of France, tho not yet 5 years old, gives great hopes of
proving a brave man. As the King was removing from St. Germains to go to
Fontainebleau, and they had taken doune the plenishing to carry and put up
their, as the Daufin is coming thorough the roomes he begines to misse
their hingers,[397] he spears what was come to them; they told him they
ware carried to F'bleau. Hes not F'bleau, quoth he, furniture for it selfe
of its oune; they replying no, _cela est vilain, cela est honteux, dit-il_.
His answer was told to the King: he did laught and say, _il a raison, il a

[397] Hangings, tapestry.

They prove that a woman hes not a soul out of that of the 22 of Genesis,
And all the souls of Abrahams house ware circumcised, but so be its certain
the women ware not circumcised; ergo, they have not souls.

Mr. Thomas Courty, preaching on that, be ye followers of Christ, sayd their
was 4 sort of followers of Christ, the first was them that did not follow
him at all, the 2 them that ran before him, the 3d sort of followers was
them that went cheeky for chow wt him, the 4 was them that ware indeed
behind him, but so far that they never could gett their eye on him.

King James gave one of his daughters to the Count Palatin of the Rhin,
Frederic, who was afterward chosen King of Bohemia in 1619, the States
having declaired the nomination of the Archiduc Ferdinand afterwards
Emperor nulle. This election was the occasion of thesse bloudy wars that
troubled poor Germany from 19 to 48 wherin the peace of Munster was
concluded. The Elector sent to King James desyring his assistance, who
refused it (against his interest), wt this answer, I gave my daughter to
the Palatin on the Rhin, not to the King of Bohemia. The Elector hearing
this replyed, a man that marries the King of Englands daughter whey may not
he be King of Bohemia.

A Frenchman told me that he beleived when the devil tempted our Saviour to
worship him by showing him al the Kingdomes of the earth and the glory of
the samen, that the devil did put his meikle thomb upon Scotland to hide it
from our Saviour for fear that having seen it sick a montanous, barren,
scurvey country, he sould have conceaved a disgoust at all the rest.[398]

[398] Montereul tells the same story. See his _Correspondence_
(S.H.S.), vol. ii. p. 513.

[What follows is written at the end of book, and written the reverse way to
the rest of the MS., the two writings meeting on the same page.]

From Monsieur Kinloch, I have receaved first 100 livres at Paris; a bil for
150 at Orleans, another for 42; as also a third for 100 payed me by one Mr.
Boyetet, marchand their. At Poietiers I have drawen on Francis for a 100
livres, of which I have receaved payment heir from Mr. Augier, marchand. I
drow again for 200, out of which I have payed Mr. Alex'r 155 francks,
whence their rests me about 46. In February 1666 I drow for 300f., out of
which I payed 180 francks to my hoast; I lent 3 pistols to Mr. Alexandre, a
escu to Mr. Grahme.

* * * * *

Claudes answer to the perpetuite of the faith 45_f_.,[399] Du Meulins
Bouelier 30_f_., Hallicarnasseus 10 _f_., Hypocrates 5_f_. les Remarques du
Droict Francois une escus, Fornery Selectionum llibri duo 6_f_., les
bouffoneries des Guicciardin les lois usitees dans les cours des France de
Buguion[400] acheptees dans le cemetiere des SSts Innocents. L'istoire
universelle de Turcelin en 3 tomes 3_ll_., Le Parfaict Capitaine 20_f_.,
les oeuvres de Rabelais en deux tomes 1_l_.

[399] f stands for sou; _l_ for livre.

[400] Buguion, for Bourguignon.

* * * * *

In my voyage of Flanders I changed 2 Jacobuses and a carolus, amonting to
some 30_ll_. To my hoste of Anvers, when I was going to Gand for 2 dayes
and a night 6_11_. 5_f_., to the cocher for Gand 48_f_., for my diner by
the way 9_f_. At Gand for going up on the belfroy 9_f_., to my hoste at the
Cerf 4_ll_. 8_f_., for my place in the waggon coming back 42_f_., for diner
wt that Suisse of Zurick 24_f_., to my hoste of Antwerp for a night 26_f_.,
for my place in the coach for Mardick 3_ll_., for my diner on the way
12_f_., for my supper 14_f_., to the master of the bark for Rotterdam
30_f_., for entry 6_f_., at the ...[401] house 7_ll_., for washing 12_f_.

[401] A word here is illegible. The last part of it seems to be kerers.

In Gold I have at present, 21 December 1665, 8 14 pound peices, 14
Caroluses, 10 of whilk I got from my father before my parting from
Scotland, the other 4 remaines of 8 I exchanged wt Mony at London, besydes
thir I have 3 other peices, which seime to be 10 schiling peices, wt 2
other lesser ones. I have a ring wt a 4 mark peice and a ii schilling
peice. On of the 14 Caroluses is in 2 10 shiling sterling peices. I have
but 13 Caroluses now. I changed on of them coming wt the messenger from
Poictiers. In my voyage thorow Flanders for Holland, I spent 2 Jacobuses,
so that I have no mo but 6 and a Carolus, so that I have no mo but 12; the
Carolus at 10_ll_. 10_f_., the one Jacobus at Gand at 11_ll_. 10_f_., the
other at Antwerp at 13_ll_.[402]

[402] Half a page blank in MS.

A breife account of my expenses from my taking horse at Edenborough, 20
of March til this present 11 of May 1665, according to the Scots
account, and also after.

First before my parture I got from my Father in Gold 10 Caroluses, or 20
shiling peices, 8 Jacobuses,[403] or 14 pound peices, wt 2 5 shil. peices,
and as many 10. In money[404] I got first 50 shilings, then 60 halfe
crounes, thats 30 crounes; and last I had my horse price, for which I got 5
pound and a croune to lift at London. Of my gold I spended none til I was
in France, whence their remained only the silver mentioned to spend. Of
this our journey to London spent 50 shilings, including also the 5 shilings
I payed ut for the baggadge horse at Durham. At London of the silver
resting, to wit, the 31 crounes and 5 pound sterl. I payed 9 pound of
silver for 8 caroluses, whence they had 7 groats[405] of gain for every
peice. This consumed the 30 crounes, a pound sterling and 2 crounes out of
the horses price; so that for defraying my charges from my first arrival at
London, on Saturday, April 1, til monday com 8 dayes, April 10, compleit 10
dayes, I had only the remaining mony wt in 4 pounds. Of which 20 shilings
by that halfe day of posting to Dover was exhausted, comprehending also our
expense for our meat, and in paying the postilion, for betuixt Gravesend
and Rochester burn we payed halfe a croune; from it to Seaton, 14 miles
(the former stage being but 7), 4 shillings; from it to Canterbury, 16
miles, 5 shilings; from Canterbury to Dover, 16 miles, 5 shillings: their
was 17 of the 20 shil. At Dover, as dues we payed 4 shillings to that knave
Tours; our supper at one Buchans was halfe a croune; our fraught throw the
channell was a croune, and to the boat that landed us a shiling.

[403] See Introduction, p. xliii.

[404] i.e. smaller coin than gold; Fr. monnaie. The half-crown, 30s.
Scots, 2s. 6d. sterling, was coined by James VI.

[405] Groat (English), value 4d. No groat Scots had been struck since
1527, value l8d. Scots, or ijd.

We landed at Calice on the Saturday morning, and stayed their til the
Monday afternoone, spending much mony; so that from my arrival to London
and my joining wit the messenger for Paris I spent 3 pound 10 shillings.
Thus is all my silver, so that now I have my recourse to my gold, out of
which I pay the messenger 40 livres to carry me to Paris, giving him 3
Caroluses, which according to the French rate roade 41 livres, 10 souse,
whence 1 got 30 souse againe.[406] At Paris I changed [on]e carolus to pay
Mr. Strachan and Mr. Hamilton, who on the rode in France had payed for me,
as in the drink money, and in paying the messenger halfe a croune.

[406] There seems to be a mistake here. Three Caroluses (20-shilling
pieces) would be worth at their nominal value only 36 livres. But
in France they did not fetch so much in exchange. If they were
worth each 10_ll_. 10s., as the one he exchanged in Flanders (see
p. 148), 30 livres to the messenger instead of 40 would make the
calculation right.

Thir ware all my expenses till I was answered of mony be Francis Kinloch,
so that I find all my expenses betuixt Edinborough and Paris, wheir I
arrived the 14 of April, to amount to 10 pound sterling give I count the
peice I changed at Paris, to 9 only give I exclud it.

All this being spent, on my demand F. advanced me 30 livres, 14 of which
was spent on these books I bought at Paris, wheirof I have set doune the
cataloge; 50 souse for a pair of halfe stockings; for a stamp, a comb, for
helping[407] my whip and my pantons[408] I payed 10 souse; for a pair of
gloves 18 souse; for vashing my cloaths 15 souse; a croune and a halfe
among Mr. Kinloch's servants: theirs ane account of 23 livres out the 30.
For the 7 other I can give no particular account, only it might be spent
when I went in wt commorads, as when we went to drinke Limonade and Tissin,
etc. At my parting from Francis I got 70 livres, which wt the former 30
makes a 100 livres. Of thir 70, 16 I payed to the messenger for Orleans, 4
livres baiting a groat for the carriadge of my valize and box, which
weighted 39 pound weight, and for each pound I payed 2 souse. About a livre
I spent in drinkmony by the way; another I gave to the messenger. Heir of
my 70 livres are 22 gone.

[407] Mending.

[408] Slippers.

Thus I won to Orleans. The fellow that carries my valize to Mr. Ogilvies
gets 10 souse; at a breakfast wt Patrick Portues I was 30 souse. For books
from my coming to Orleans til this present day, 11 of May, according to the
Scots account, I have payed 8 livres; for seing a comedy 10 souse; for to
helpe my hand in writting a croune; for dancing a croune in hand, the other
at the moneths end; for to learn me the language I gave 2 crounes. To the
maister of the law Im to give 11 livres 8 souse; for a supper wheir Mr.
Ogilvy payed out for us 3 livres. This being all ramasht[409] togither it
comes to 62 livres, so that of the 70 only 8 are left. Out of thes 8 I
payed 4 livres 10 souse for a pair of clesps, whence rests only 3 livres 10
souse. I pay 24 souse for one vashing of my linnens, and 20 souse at a four
hours wt James Hunter. Thus ye have ane account of all 100 livres I got
from F. Kinloch til 26 souse. Ut of the mony mentioned I payed also 3
livres 5 souse for a pair of shoes.

[409] Ramashed, ramasse.

About a moneth after I had bein in Orleans Francis sent me a bill for a
hundred and 50 livres on on Boyetet, marchand their. Out of whilk I
immediatly payed Mr. Ogilvy for the moneths pension bypast 55 livres; for
to teach me the language for the moneth to come 6 livres; for 2 washings of
my linnens 40 souse, so that out of my 150 livres are 63 gone, whence
remains 87 only.

Francis, at Mr. Ogilvyes order, payed at Paris 42 livres. which Mr. Ogilvy
was to refound to me: this sal pass as part of payment in the 2d moneths
pension. Out of the 87 remaining I have to pay Mr. Le Berche a pistoll; Mr.
Schovo 6 livres, whence their are only 70. For a pair of stockings 5
livres; for a wast belt 2 livres; for mending my silk stockings 25 souse,
for washing my linnings 17 souse; so that now their remains only 60. Thir
60 livres put wt that 46 livres Francis payed at Paris, and was to be
refounded to me, makes 96 livres, which Madam Ogilvyes extravagant compt
for my 2d moneth, and my 6 dayes above (being) pension wholly exhausted,
for first I payed 85 livres, and then for the drink that I had that night I
took my leave of the gentlemen their a pistoll most shamelessly.

This put me to write for a bil of another 100 livres, of whilk I receaved
payment, paying out of it againe 30 souse to him that carried me from
Orleans to Blois; to my host at Blois I payed 5 livres 10 souse, paying, to
wit, for the victualls I took in wt me for the following day; to the fellow
that carried from Blois to Saumur, 2 dayes journey, a croune; at Tours I
was 36 souse; at Saumur, wheir I was 2 dayes, I was 7 livres 10 souse; to
the fellow whose horse I had, and who bore my charges from Saumurs to
Poictiers, 17 livres; to him who took us throw Richelieu Castle 20 souse;
to the messenger that brought my box a croune; to Madam Garnier for the 8
dayes I was wt hir a pistoll, to hir maid 15 souse; for a pair of linnen
socks 18 souse. Thir be all my considerable expenses til this present day,
July last: all which ramassed wil amount to 53 livres, but in some places I
most have heighted, for give so then I sould have only 47 of my 100
resting, when I have about 50 at present. Out of thir 50 I have payed 12
francks for a Corpus Juris; 4 francks for a Vesenbecius; 20 souse for a
litle institutes, which ramassed makes 17 livres, whence their only
remaines me 33: out of thir for a supper wt Mr. Alexander and all the rest
of our compatriots above 18 livres; whence at this present August 5 rests
with me about 14 livers 10 souse. Out of thir I have payed 18 souse for the
lean[410] of Romances from Mr. Courtois, as Celie and the sundry parts of
Almahide, penned by Scuderie; 50 souse for a pair of showes; 25 souse for
our dinner one Sabath communion wt Colinton and Peter Hoome in the
fauxbourgs; 8 souse for cutting my head; 5 souse on a pair of carts; about
10 souse on paper and ink; for washing 30 souse; so at this present first
of September I have not full 7 livres. I have payed 40 souse or 2 livres
for a pair of gallozes;[411] 5 souse for a quartron of peches; 5 souse to
Charlotte, whence I have little more then 4 livres; 30 souse at a

[410] Loan.

[411] Braces.

When I was reduced to thir 3 livres, then I was answered of my bill I drow
on Francis Kinloch for a 100 livres. Out of which I payed 15 livres for 2
halfe shirtes, but because we had 3 livres of old mony we shall call it
only 12; 2 livres for 2 gravates; 60 livres to Mr. Daillie, whence I have
about 25 livres. Out of thir 25 I have payed 3 livres to Mr. Rue, wt whom I
began to dance, September 10, 1665; 20 souse at the tennis; 5 or 6 for
lettres ports; 20 souse for a horse hire; 6 or 7 souse I was put to
dispurse that day; 3 livres for washing my linnings; 8 souse sundry wayes;
5 souse on a quartron[412] of dragees[413] or sweityes, which are 20 sos.
the livre; 3 souse on a peice stuffe, 2 sousemarkies[414] to Lowise;[415] 5
souse for ports; 8 souse to the Barber; 10 souse for a bottle of win to my
C.;[416] 4 francks lost at carts; 34 souse at a collation after supper,
when we wan all the fellows oublies,[417] and made him sing the song; a
escus to Mr. Rue; a escus for dressing my cloaths; une escus for wasching;
[8 frank 5 souse for my supper the night of St. Andre; 10 souse wt Mad'm
and others at the Croix de Fer].[418] Thus is al that rested me of thesse
200 francks, the first mony I drow at Poictiers gone.

[412] Quarteron, quarter of a livre (pound).

[413] Sugar almonds.

[414] _Sous marque_. See p. 92, note 1.

[415] _Probably_ a maidservant at M. Daille's.

[416] 'My C.' has baffled me.

[417] See p. 114, note 6. The meaning here is obscure. I can only
conjecture that the party made a wager of some kind with the
pastrycook's man for his cakes. See p. 114, Note 6.

[418] Erased in MS., but legible.

Then beginning of Novembre I drow 200 livers. Out of which I payed Mr.
Alex're 155_ll_, whence there rests wt me 46 francks, of which I have payed
8 francks 5 souse for my part of that supper we had the night of St.
Andre; 12 souse wt Mr. D. and others at the Croix de Fer; 8 souse to the
Barbier; 12 souse for a pair of gloves; 21 francks to Mr. Daillie; 15 souse
on Romances; 15 souse to Garniers man; une escus on the 1 day of the new
year as hansel, les estraines to Rue, Biron, and Violet for their musick;
27 souse in collation to my countrymen that same day; 4 sousmarkies the
Sabath I communicated at Quarter Picquet, being the 3 of January 1666; 52
sous markies on Noeels.

When I had about 40 souse, I borrowed a Pistol from R. Scot, After I payed
a croune[419] for the port of my cloack from Paris; 12 souse for win that
night that Grame payed us his Royaute wt Frontignan and Enschovo'es. My
oune Royaute cost me 30 souse on a good fat bresil cook and 8 on wine; 15
souse on a iockleg,[420] my Scots on being stolen from me; 5 souse on a
inkhorn, my Scots on breaking wt a fall; 8 souse to the Barbcr. About the
mids of January 1666, for a pair of shoes, which ware the 4 pair I had made
since my leiving of Scotland, March before, a croune; to Mr. Rue a croune;
to Madame Marie for my last washing 30 souse; at a collation 30 souse.

[419] See Introduction, p. xliii.

[420] Folding-knife. Etym., Jacques de Liege, cutler.

About this tyme I receaved 3 crounes in lain[421] from Alex'r Home that
same night that Mr. Mompommery was headed; 6 souse on a bottle of wine; 7
souse at another tyme; 15 souse at the comoedy; 3 souse for my chair; 18
souse at another comoedy; une escus to Mr. Rue the 20 of February; 20 souse
at a comoedy, called Les Intrigues des Carosses a Cinq Sols, the farce was
La Femme Ruse ou Industrieuse; 15 souse for mending my sword.

[421] Loan.

About the end of February I was payed of a bil of 300_ll_. I had drawen.
Out of which I payed first a 130f. to my host; then lent 3 pistols, halfe a
Pistol and 2 crounes to Mr. Alexander; out of it a croune to Grahme; 30
souse for a peice concerning Monting a Cheval, presented me by the Author
of the samen; 10s. for mending stockings; a croune at a desjeuner wt
Georges Sinclar and other 2 countrymen, coming from Bordeaux going for
Paris; 30 souse to Mr. Rue; 20s. at a collation; a croune for La Perpetuite
de la Foy; 30 souse on a collation in the fauxbourgs wt Mr. Bourseau; 30
souse lost at the fair on China oranges and cordecidron; 20 souse for le
Capychin Escossois;[422] 30s. to Rue; 34 souse at a collation wt him; 40s.
at another wt De Gruches and Ingrande; 40s. for une Voyage de France. That
which remained of these 300_ll_. went away partly on my hoast, partly on my
adieus, which stood me wery dear, and partly in paying the messenger for
Paris (I payed 50_ll_.).

[422] Father Archangel Leslie.

It suffices to know that on my arriving to Paris I was wery light of mony,
whence I borrowed from Mr. Kinloch some 20 crounes, of which I bestowed
some 13_ll_. on books, thus, on some comoedies about 20 souse, on Scarrons
Virgil travestis 20s., on Pacij Centuria[423] 30s., on Robertus rerum
Judicatarum[424] 30s., on the Voyage de la Terre Saincte[425] 30s., on
Laertius[426] 8s., on a new testament 50s., on Du Moulins Bouckler[427]
30s., on Mr. Claudes Answer[428] 45s., whence their remaines me about
47_ll_. Out of which I first payed neir 4_ll_. for a pair of shoes; 20s.
that day I communicated at Charenton to the boatmen, the poor, and my seat;
on day wt Mr. Forbes it cost me in a cabaret a croune, and Scot keipt up a
escu dor, which was 5_ll_. 11 souse.[429] The day after at the bowlls I
lost 4_ll_.; then I payed for Limonade 3_ll_. 20s.; then after 4_ll_. 10s.
which I lost at bowlls; for a point de Flandres 15_ll_. Whence of the
60_ll_. their remains me only 6, to which add 5 I receaved from the
Messenger of Poictiers, and I have just a pistoll this 5 of May 1666, of
which I lent a croune to Mr. Grahme; then payed 50s. for a collation wt
Kinloch, Mowat, and D. Hewes; also 50s. for a part of a collation; I payed
6 francks wt my L. Ogilvy at a collation; 30s. at another tyme wt J.
Ogilvy; 20 souse on a Hallicarnasseus[430] and a Hippocrates; and that out
of 38 livres I receaved from F. Kinloch the 10 of May, so that this day
16th I have now 30 francks. On Les Remarques du droit Francois a croune.
That day I went to Ruell a pistol; on my journey to Fountainbleau 2 crounes
of gold. On the Parfaict Capitaine and the universal history, in 3 tomes,

[423] Pacius, Julius, [Greek: ENANTIOPhANON], _seu legum
conciliatarum Centuriae_ VII. (1605). Ed. alt. 1610.

[424] Robertus, Annaeus, _R.J._, Lib. iv. 1599; new ed., 1645.

[425] Doubdan, Jean, _Voyage_, etc., 1666.

[426] Diogenes Laertius.

[427] Molinaeus, Petrus, _Bouclier de la Foi_, 1619. Engl. tr.

[428] Claude, Jean, _Reponse a la Perpetuite de la Foi_, 1665.

[429] _Ecu d'or_. See Introduction, p. xliii.

[430] Dionysius of Halicarnassus.

On the 10 of June I receaved 20 crounes. Out of which I payed first 4_ll_.
for Rablais in 2 tomes; 40s. at collation wt that Frenchman of the Kings
Gard; 30s. the day after wt the Captains; 30s. wt J. Ogilvie; 6_ll_. for
Mornacius observations;[431] 3_ll_. for Guiccardins[432] History, in 2
volumes; 40s. for Gomesii Commentarius in Regulas Cancellariae and Le
Martyre de la Reyne d'Escosse;[433] 20s. for Bellon[434] Resolutiones
Antinomiarum and Molinoei Sommaire des rentes, usures, etc.; Molineus in
Consuetudines Parisienses 50s.; Connani Commentarius in Jus Civile 40s.;
Mantica de coniectur: ult. voluntatum[435] 60s.; Hottomanus[436] in Instit
30s.; Molinoei consilia 40s.; Menochius de Interdictis 40s.; Valerius
Maximus 10s.; L'histoire du Concile de Trente 5_ll_.; Gellius[437] 10s.;
Cepolla[438] de Servitutibus 50s.; les Memoires et le voyage du Duc du
Rohan 40s.; Profession de foy catholique 12s.; Le Monde D'Avity,[439] in 5
Tomes, 8 crounes; Aubignees History[440] 4_ll_.; Pierre Mathieu his
history, in 2 tomes, 3_ll_.; Du Plessis Memoires, in 2 volumes, 3_ll_. At a
breakfast wt Mr. Fullerton 3_ll_.; at a collation wt Mr. Ogilvy 3_ll_.; 2
crounes given to the box of the Scots Talzors at Paris; 30s. given to sy
the gallery of the Luxembourg; 40s. at a collation wt Mr. Hume and Grame; a
croune on our diner that day that Mr. Geismar went to Charenton wt us;
4_ll_. for Munsteri Cosmographia; Thucydides 40s.; Desseins de Mr. de Laval
30s.; in collation wt that Gascon of the Kings garde (called St. Martin);
Machiavellus 10s.; Justini Historia 5s.; Histoire du Seicle de fer 20s.;
Les oeuvres de du Vair 40s.; Le Sage resolu, in 2 tomes, 40s.; Cardanus de
Subtilitate 60s.; Histoire de Portugal 20s.; Tacitus 20s.; Remarques
politiques from Henry Hamilton for a compend of Philosophy of Marande[441].

[431] 1 Mornacius, Ant., _Obs. on Codex_. (1654), _on Digest_ (1654).

[432] Guicciardini, Francesco, _Historia di Italia._

[433] Blackwood, Adam, _Le Martyre_, etc.

[434] Bellonus, Joannes, _Antinomiarum Juris Dissolutiones_.
Lugduni, 1551.

[435] Mantica, Fr., _De Conjecturis_, etc., 1580.

[436] Hottomannus, Fr., _Commentarius_, in iv. lib.; _Inst_., 1567.

[437] Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae._

[438] Cepola or Caepolla, Barth, _Tract, de Serv._

[439] Avity, Pierre d', _Les estats, empires, etc., du monde_.

[440] Aubigne, Th. A., _L'histoire universelle._

[441] Marande, Leonard de. _Abrege curieux el familier de toute la
philosophie_, 1648 and 1686.

On the 14 of July 1666 I packt up al my books in a box to send them for
Dieppe, and to the end they might not be visited any wheir else, I caused
them be carried to the Douanne of Paris, which is the controoller of all
others, and by which if things be once visited none in France dare efter
offer to visite them. Their it stood me a croune or 3_ll_ to cause remballe
it; 10 souse to cause plomb it wt the King of Frances armes; 30s. for a
passeport. They lightly looked over the uppermost books. Then I caused it
be carried to the Chassemary of Dieeppe.

I gave the porte faix 20s.; 15s. for a Italian grammer; 5s. for Mureti
orationes; 12s. to the Secretary of Sts. Innocents; 40s. for Sleidan; 30s.
for Fabri rationalium Tomus jus;[442] for 4 volumes of de Thoues History
40s.; for Aschames lettres 10s.; for Le cose meravigliose della cita de
Roma 8s.; for Pierii Hieroglyphica 50s.; for Harangues out of al the

Book of the day: