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Publications of the Scottish History Society, Vol. 36 by Sir John Lauder

Part 2 out of 9

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Buchanan writ his Franciscani against them) by the praevalent faction the
Pope had in France then, they were all recalled, so that France held them
not so weil out as Venice do'es the Jesuits. Then came the Peres de
l'Oratere, who goes allmost in the same very habit wt the Jesuits. Then
cames the Augustines wt their white coat and a black gown above, after them
came the moncks of the order of St. Bennet or the Benedictin friers, who
goes in a white coat indeed, but above it he wears a black cloak to his
heels, wt the Jesuits he wears also a hat as they do. Then came the
chanoins of the Church of Sainct Croix in their white surplices above their
black gounes and their 4 nooked caps. Tyme sould feel me ere I could
nombair over all orders, but thir ware the most principall, each of which
had their oune crosse wt the crucifix carried by one of their order. This
much for the Ecclesiastick procession. After them came the tounes men in
armes; in a knot of whom went a young fellow who represented the Maid of
Orleans, clad in the same very habit, girt wt that sam very sword wt which
the Maid beat the Englishes. This went thorow all the toun.

[62] At line 19 of Buchanan's _Franciscanus_ is this passage:

'O sanctum festumque diem! cum cannabe cinctus
Obrasumque caput duro velante cucullo,' etc.

During my abode heir, about the end of May, I had occasion to sie another
custome of the city. At that tyme of the year the tounes men put upon the
other syde of the bridge a pole as hie as the hiest house in Edenborough:
on the top of it they fasten a bird made of brasse at which they, standing
at the feet of the pole, shoot in order, beginning at the better, wt gunes,
having head peices on their heads, to sie who can ding it doun. I went and
saw them shoot, but no man chanced to shoot it doun that year I was their.

During the tyme I was heir their was so many fests or holy dayes that I
werily think the thrid part of their year is made up of them. The principal
was fest de Dieu, on which, such is the fury of the blinded papists, the
Hugonots are in very great hazard if they come out, for if they kneel not
at the coming by of the Hosty or Sacrament they cannot escape to be torn in
peices; whence I can compare this day to no other but that wheir the Pagans
performed their Baccanalian feasts wheir the mother used to tear hir
childrens. The occasion of the institution of this day they fainge to be
this. The Virgin appeared say they to a certain godly woman (who wt out
doubt hes been phrenetick and brain sick), and made a griveous complaint
that she had 4 dayes in the year for hir, and God had only the Sabath: this
being devulged it was taken as a admonition from God, whence they
instituted this day and ordainned it to be the greatest holy day in the
year. The most part of all the city was hung with tapistry, espescialy the
principall street which goes straight from the one end of the toune to the
other, which also was covered all above in some parts with hingings, in
other wt sheits according to the ability of the persones; for every man was
obliged to hing over against his oune house, yet the protestants ware not,
tho John Ogilvy was also called before the Judges for not doing it; yet
producing a pladoyes[63] in the Hugonets faveurs they had nothing to say
against it; yet they caused the wals of his house to be hung wt publick
hingings that belonged to the toune. For to sy the procession I went wt the
other pensioners to a place wheir when all others went to the knees, to
wit, when the Hosty came by, we might retire out of sight. I retired not so
far as they did, but boldly stood at a little distance that I aen might sy
it the better. This procession was on the 4 of June, a little after
followed Sainct Barnabas day. Then came mid-Summer even, on whiclk the
papists put on bonfires for John Baptists nativity. The day after, called
S. Jeans day, was keiped holy by processions.

[63] Plaidoyer, pleading, legal argument.

On the 1 of July was S. Pierres day, on which I heard a chanoin preach in
S. Croy upon Piters confession, thou art the sone of the living God, very
weill, only he endevored to have Pierre for the cheife of the Apostles
because forsooth in the 10 of Mathew, wheir al the Apostles are named, he
finds Piter formost.

That I might have a full survey of the toune I went up to the steeple of
St. Croy, which truly is on of the hiest steeples I saw abroad; from it I
had a full visy of the toune, which I fand to be of that bigness specified;
then the sight of the country lying about Orleans, nothing can be
pleasanter to the eye. We saw also the forest of Orleans which environs the
northren syde of the city as a halfe moon: in it ar many wild beasts and
particularly boors; one of which, in the tyme of wintage, give it chance to
come out to the wineyards wheir they comit great outrages, the boors or
peasants uses to gather to the number of 2000 or 3000 from all the adiacent
contry wt dogs, axes and poles to kil the boor.

During my abode heir I went also to the Jesuits Colledge and discoursed wt
the praefectus Jesuitarum, who earnestly enquiring of what Religion I was,
for a long tyme I would give him no other answer but that I was religione
christianus. He pressing that he smeled I was a Calvinist, I replied that
we regarded not these names of Calvin, Luther, Zuinglius, yea not their
very persons, but in whow far they hold the truth. After much discourse on
indifferent matters, at our parting he desired me to search the spirits,
etc. I went and saw the Gardens of the Minims, the Jacbins, the
Carthusians, and the Peres de l'Orat.[64]

[64] _Oratoire_.

Many contrasts ha'es bein betwixt J.O. and I. laboring to defend presbytery
and the procedures of the late tymes. During my abode heir 2 moneths I
attended the Sale de dance wt Mr. Schovaut as also Mr. le Berche,
explaining some of the institutions to me. John was my Mr. of language.

A part of the tyme that I was heir was also the Admiral of Holland, Obdams
Sone, who wt the companions carried himselfe marvelously proud. He and they
feed themselfes so up wt the hoop of the victory that they praepared against
the news sould come of the Engleshes being beat a great heap of punchions
of wine wheir wt they intended to make merry, yea as I was informed to make
Loyer run wt win. But when the news came the Hollanders was beat, that his
father was slain,[65] he and his sunk away we know not whither. That
ranconter that happened betuixt him and Sandwichs Viceadmiral of England
sone coming from Italy (which the Mr. of Ogilvy getting wit of from the
Germans came runing to my chamber and told me) is very remarkable. The
first bruit that came to our ears of that battle was that the Englishes had
lost, the Duc of York was slain. When the true news came the Hollanders
sneered at it, boasting that they would equippe a better fleet ere a 4
night. The French added also the pace, vilifieng and extenuating the
victory as much as they could, knowing that it was not their interest nor
concernment that the King of England sould grow to great. It was fought in
the channel eagerly for 3 dayes; and tho at a good distance from Calice,
yet the noice of their canon mad it al to shake.

[65] Admiral Opdam was blown up with his ship in the battle near
Lowestoft, when the Dutch fleet was defeated by the English,
commanded by the Duke of York, 4th June 1665.

Some weeks that I was heir the heat was so great that afternoon (for then
it was greatest) I would not have knowen what to have done. It occasioned
also several tymes great thunders and such lightenings that sometymes ye
would have thought this syde of the heavens sometymes that, sometymes al on
a fire.

During my staying heir I have learned a lesson which may be of use to me in
the rest of our travels, to wit, to beware of keiping familiar company wt
gentlemens servants, for such a man sal never get respect from the
Mrs.[66]; to beware also of discoursing homly with anie servants. We sould
keip both their for at a prudent distance. The Mr. of Ogilvy and I ware
wery great. I know not what for a man he'el prove, but I have heard him
speak wery fat nonsense whiles.

[66] i.e. Masters.

About 20 dayes ere I left Johns house the Mr. of Lour (Earle of Ethie's
sone)[67] wt his governour David Scot, Scotstorvets nephew, came to
Orleans; the Mr. the very day after took the tertian ague or axes....[68]

[67] Apparently David, afterwards third earl. The title was changed
from Ethie to Northesk after the Restoration. The Master was
grandson to the first earl, who died in 1667.

[68] Seven lines erased in MS.

That Globe that stands on the top of S. Croix is spoken to be of so large a
periphaeria and circumference that 20 men may sit wt in about a round table.

One day as I was going to my Mr. of Institutes as I was entring in a lane
(about the martroy) I meit in the teeth the priests carrieng the Sacrament
(as they call it) with a crosse to some sick person: my conscience not
suffering me to lift of my hat to it, I turned back as fast as I could and
betook me selfe to another street wheir I thought I might be safe: it
followed me to that same very street, only fortunately I got a trumpket[69]
wheir I sheltred myselfe til it passed by.

[69] Spiral stair.

Theirs a pretty maille their; we saw a better one at Tours one many
accounts; the longitude wheirof we meeted and fand it to be neir 1000
paces, as also that of Orleans is only 2 ranks of tries; in some places of
it 3; all the way ye have 4 ranks of tries all of a equall hight and most
equally sett in that of Tours.

About 10 days before my parting from Orleans at Mademoiselles invitation
the Mr. of Ogilvy and I went wt hir, hir mother and Mr. Gandy ther Tutor,
in their coach (for which I payed satly,[70] that being their policy) to
their country village 9 leagues of, situat in the midest of the forest of
Orleans, much of which is now converted into manured land. This tyme was
the first adventure I made of speaking the language, wheir they ware
pleased all to give me applause testifieng that I spake much for my tyme. I
took coach tymously in the morning before halfe 6 and returned the day
after about 8 at night. By the way we saw 2 places wery weill worth the
sieng, Shynaille and Chasteau neuf: Shynaille[71] for its garden and the
other both for its house and garden. At Synaille a great number of
waterworks; creatures of all shapes most artificially casting furth water:
heir ye may sy a frog sputing to a great hieght, their a Serpent and a man
of marble treading on his neck, the water gliding pleasantly partly out at
his meickle too, partly out at the Serpents mouth: in a 3 part a dog, in a
4, Lions; and all done most livelylie. We regrated that the prettiest
machine of all was broken; wheir was to be sein wtin a little bounds above
300 spouts sending furth water and that in sundry formes. In one place it
would arise uprightly as a spear; in another as a feather; in a trid[72] it
sould rise sydelings and so furth, and when it had left of ye sould not be
able to discern whence the water ishued. The main thing in the house of
Chasteau neuf was the rich furniture and hingings; yet the richest Tapistry
that used to be in that house was at that tyme in Paris; the master of the
house being one of the Kings Counsellers; yet these we saw ware wery rich;
some of them ware of leather stamped marvelously weill wt gold; others in
silver; others wrought but wondrous livelylie. From the house we saw the
extent of the yard, which was a monster to sy, being like a little country
for bigness, and yet in marvelous good order in all things, but especially
in the regularity of its walks, each corresponding so weill to the other;
having also a pretty forrest of tries on every syd of it: the circuit of
this yard will be nothing under 3 miles. I never saw a woman worse glid[73]
then she was (tho otherwise a weelfawored women) that took us thorow the
house. At night we lay at their country village.

[70] i.e. Sautly, saltly.

[71] I cannot find this name in the maps.

[72] Third.

[73] Gleyed, squint-eyed.

On the morning we went and hard the cure say Mass, wheir saw a thing we
had not sien before, to wit in a corner of the Church having 4 or 5 rocks
of tow, some tied wt red snoods, some wt blew. On the sieng of this I was
very sollicitous to know what it might mean. Having made my selfe
understood about it I was told that when any honest women died she might
leive a rock full of tow to be hung up in the church as a symboll that they
ware vertuous thrifty women. This put me in mind of Dorcas whose coats and
thrift the women showed to Paull after she was died. Mass being ended I
went and fell in discours with the Cure. We was not long together when we
fell hot be the ears: first we was on the Jansenists opinion about
Praedestination, which by a bull from the present Pope, Alex'r the 7, had
bein a litle before condemned at Paris; then we fell in one frie wil, then
one other things, as Purgatory, etc.; but I fand him a stubborn fellow, one
woluntary blind. We was in dispute above a hower and all in Latin: in the
tyme gathered about us neir the half of the parish, gazing on me as a fool
and mad man that durst undertake to controlle their cure, every word of
whose mouth, tho they understood it no more nor the stone in the wall did,
they took for ane oracle, which minds me of the miserablenese and
ignorantnese of the peasants of France above all other commonalty of the
world; our beggars leading a better life then the most part of them do.

In our returning amongs the best merriments we had was my French, which
moved us sewerall tymes to laughter; for I stood not on steeping stones to
have assurance that it was right what I was to say, for if a man seek that,
he sall never speak right, since he cannot get assurance at the wery first
but most acquire it by use. 4 leagues from Orleans, we lighted at
Gargeau[74] wt Maddle.[75] Ever after this Mademoiselle and I was wery
great, which I know not whow the Mr. of Ogilvy took, I being of much
shorter standing their in Orleans then he was.

[74] Now Jargeau.

[75] Mademoiselle.

Just the Sabath before my parting from Orleans began the Jesuits Logick and
Ethick theses to be disputed: the Mr. of Ogilvy and I went to hear, who
bleetly[76] stayed at behind all almost; I, as give I had bein a person
interested thrust into the wery first rank wheir at the distributor I
demanded a pair of Theses, who civilly gave me a pair, against which tho I
had not sein them till then, I durst have ventred a extemporary argument,
give I had knowen their ceremonies they used in their disputing and
proponing, which I fand litle differing from our oune mode. The most part
of the impugners ware of the religious orders; some of them very sharply,
some tolerably and some pittifully. The first that began was a Minim
against a Logicall Thes[is] that was thus, _Relatio et Terminus non
distinguuntur_. The fellows argument was that usual one, _quae separantur
distinguuntur et haec_, etc.; the Lad answered by a distinction, _quae
separantur per se verum: per accidens, falsum_; and so they went on. The
lad chanced to transmit a proposition one tyme: the fellow in a drollery
replied, _si tu transmittas ego--revocabo_. Thus have we dwelt enough on
Orleans, its hy tyme for us to leeve it.

[76] Blately, modestly.

On the 2'd day after this dispute, being the 14 of July wt the French and
consequently the 4 wt the Scots, I took boat at Orleans, the Mr. of Ogilvy
wt James his man, as also Danglebern accompanieng me to the boat. I left
Salt[77] Orleans and sett up for Blois. In the boat among others were 3 of
the order of Charite (as they call it) who beginning to sing their
redicoulous matins, perceiving that I concurred not wt them, they
immediatly suspected me for a Haeretick. One of them put me in mind of
honest James Douy not only for his wisage but also for his zeall and ardeur
he showed to have me converted and brought back to the mother church. That
he seimed to me to personate Mr. Douy not only in his wisage but also in
his strickness and bigotry--being oftner in telling of his beads then both
his other 2 companions fat-looged stirrows[78] ware--made me fall into the
abstract notion that thess who resemble in wisage usually agry in nature
and manners, which at that tyme I thought was to be imputed to that
influence which the temperament or crasis 4 _primarum qualitatum_ hath on
the soull to make it partaker of its nature.

[77] Dear, expensive.

[78] Fat-eared fellows. I presume that loog is lug, ear.

Betuixt Orleans and Blois of tounes on the river we saw first Merug,[79]
then Baniency.[80] At night we came to Blois, wheir I was the day after to
wiew the Toune. I fand it situat on a wery steep eminence, in some places
as wearisom to go up as our Kirkheugh. I went and saw the Kings Garden as
they call it; but nowise in any posture; only theirs besydes it a large
gallery on every syde, wheirof I counted 60 windows, and that at a
considerable distance one from another; it hath pillars also for every
window on whelk it stands. I went nixt and saw the Castle whilk stands on a
considerable eminence, only its the fatality theirof not to be parfaited,
which hath happened by the death of the Duke of Orleans, who had undertaken
the perfecting of it and brought it a considerable length. On the upmost
top of that which he hath done stands his portraict in marble. She that
showed in the rooms was a gay oldmouthed wife who in one chamber showed me
wheir one of the Kings was slain, the very place wheir he fell (the Duke of
Guise, author of the Parisien massacre) and the back door at which the
Assasinates entered: in another wheir one of their Kings as also seweral of
the nobility ware keipt prisoners, and the windows at whilk one of ther
queen mothers attempted to escape, but the tow proving to short she fell
and hurt hirself.

[79] Meung, now Meun.

[80] Beaugency.

When I was in the upmost bartizan we had one of the boniest prospects that
could be. About 2 leagues from us in the corner of a forest we saw the
Castle of Chamburgh,[81] a place wery worthy the sieng (as they say) for
the regularity of its bastimens. We saw wtin a league also tuo pretty
houses belonging to Mr. Cuthbert, whom we would have to be a Scot. I went
and saw sewerall Churches heir. I lay not at the Galere, but at the Chass
Royall: part of the company went to the Croix Blanche.

[81] Chambord.

I cannot forget one passage that behappened me heir: bechance to supper I
demanded give he could give me a pullet, he promises me it. My pullet comes
up, and wt it instead of its hinder legs the hinder legs of a good fat
poddock. I know them weill enough because I had sien and eaten of them at
Orleans. I consedering the cheat called up my host and wt the French I
had, demanded him, taking up the leg, what part of the pullet that might
be, he wt a deal of oaths and execrations would have made me believe it was
the legs of a pullet, but his face bewrayed his cause; then I eated civilly
the rest of my pullet and left the legs to him: such damned cheats be all
the French.

Having bein a day at Blois I took boat for Tours in new company againe, of
some Frenchmen, a Almand and a Dutchman; wt whom I had again to do
vindicating my prince as the most just prince in the world in all his
procedures wt the Hollandez. The fellow behaved himselfe wery proudly.
Betuixt Blois and Tours we saw Amboise, which is in estime especially by
reason of its casle. As we was wtin halfe a league of Tours by the
carelesnese of the matelots and a litle pir of wind that rose we fell upon
a fixt mill in the river, so that the boat ran a hazard of being broken to
peices, but we wan of, only 3 or 4 dales in hir covert was torn of.

Arriving at Tours about 3 a cloack we all tooke another boat to carry us
about a league from the city to sie a convent of the Benedictines
(Marmoustier) a very stupendious peice give ended. It hath also a very
beautifull church, many of the pillars of it being of marble, others of
alabastre, and that of sundry coleurs, some red, some white, etc.: whence
on the entry theirs a prohibition hung up interdicting all from engraving
their name or any other thing on the pillars, least of deforming them. One
of the fathers of the order came and did let us sy the relicts of the
church which ware the first relicts I saw neir at hand: I having sien some
at a distance carried in processions at Orleans. Their we saw the heart of
Benedictus, the founder of their order, enclosed in a crystall and besett
wt diamonds most curiously. We of our company, being 6, ware all of the
Religion, whence we had no great respects for the relict; but their ware
som others their that ware papists; who forsooth bit[82] to sit doune on
their knees and kist. At which I could not contein my selfe from laughing.

[82] Were obliged.

Their saw we also a great number of old relicts of one St. Martin. They had
his scull enclosed (give his scull and not of some theife it may be) in a
bowll of beaten silver. In a selver[83] besyde was shank bones, finger
bones and such like wery religiously keipt. He showed us among others also
a very massy silver crosse watered over wt gold very ancient, which he said
was gifted them by a Englishman. I on that enquired whow they might call
him. He could not tell til he cost up his book of memorials of that church;
and then he found that they called him Bruce, on which I assured him that
that was a Scots name indeed of a wery honorable family.

[83] Salver.

Then we returned back to Tours, wheir we went first to sie their mail[84]
(which I counted by ordinar paces of whilk it was 1000.7 arbres).[85] About
the distance of less than halfe a league we saw the Bridge that lays over
the river of Chere, which payes its tribut to the Loier at Langes,[86] a
little beneath Tours. Next we went and saw some of their churches. In their
principal was hinging a iron chaine by way of a trophee. I demanding what
it might mean, I was told it was brought their by the Chevaliers or Knights
of Malta.

[84] English, mall. Originally an alley where a game was played with a
_mail_, a strong, iron-bound club, with long, flexible handle, and
a ball of boxwood.

[85] Arbre (arbour) probably means 'a shaded or covered alley or
walk.'--Murray's _New English Dict_., s.v. 'Arbour.' The history
of the word, with its double derivation from the Anglo-Saxon root
of 'harbour' and the Latin _arbor_, is very curious. See
Introduction, p. 1, note 2.

[86] Langest in Blaeuw's map, now Langeais.

We lodged at the Innes.[87] To-morrow tymously we took boat for Saumur (St.
Louis). Al the way we fand nothing but brave houses and castles standing on
the river, and amongst other that of Monsoreau tuo leagues large from
Saumur, wheir the river of Chattellerault or Vienne, which riseth in the
province of Limosin, tumbleth it selfe into the Loier; this Monsereau is
the limits of 2 provinces; of Torrain, to the east of whilk Tours is the
capital, and of Anjou to the west, in whilk is Saumur, but Angiers is the
capitall. When we was wtin a league of Saumurs they ware telling us of the
monstrous outbreakings the river had made wtin these 12 years upon all the
country adiacent, which made us curious to go sie it. Whence we landed; and
being on the top of the bank we discovered that the river had bein seiking
a new channell in the lands adiacent, and had left a litle young Loier
behind it; the inundations of this river seims so much the stranger to
many, that finding it so shallow generally that we could not go a league
but we had our selfes to row and work of some bed of sand or other, makes
men to wonder whence it sould overflow so. Thir beds randers it wery
dangerous in the winters; yea in our coming doun we saw in 3 or 4 places
wheir boats had bein broken or sunk thir last winter; some part or other of
them appearing above as beacons. In sewerall places it wines so on the land
that it makes considerable islands, yea such as may give some rent by year.
At last we landed at Saumur, but before I leive the,[88] fair Loier, what
sall I say to thy commedation? Surely if anything might afford pleasure to
mans unsatiable appetit it most be the, give they be any vestiges of that
terrestrial paradise extant, then surely they may lively be read in the.
Whow manie leagues together ware their nothing to be sein but beautiful
arbres,[89] pleasant arrangements of tries, the contemplation of which
brought me into a very great love and conceit of a solitary country life,
which brought me also to pass a definitive sentence that give I ware once
at home, God willing, I would allot the one halfe of the year to the
country and the other halfe for the toune. Is it not deservedly, O Loier,
that thou art surnamed the garden of France, but I can stay no longer on
the, for I am posting to Mr. Doul my countrymans house, who accepts us
kindly. His wife was in the country, seing give the pleasures of the samen
might discuss and dissipat the melancholy she was in for the parting of her
sone, whom his father had some dayes before send for England, to wit, for
Oxford, meirly that he might be frie from his mothers corruptions, who
answering him to franckly in mony, the lad began to grow debaucht. Behold
the French women as great foolls as others. On the morrow after she
returned, amongs other expressions, she said, that it gave heer
encouragdement to let hir sone go wt the better will that she saw that I,
as a young man, had left my native country to come travell.

[87] Innes for inn, cf. p. 38 at top.

[88] i.e. thee.

[89] See p. 20, note 3.

I went and saw my Lord Marquis of Douglasse[90] at Mr. Grayes, whom I was
informed to live both wery quietly and discontentedly, mony not being
answered him as it sould be to one of his quality; and this by reason of
discord amongs his curators, multitude wheirof hath oft bein sein to
redound to the damage of Minors. He was wearing his winter cloath suit for
lack of another. He had a very civill man as could be to his governour, Mr.
Crightoune, for whom I had a letter from William Mitchell.

[90] James, second marquis, born 1646, died 1700.

Sabath fornoon we went togither and hard sermon in their church, which is
wtin the Toune; afternoon we took a walk out to a convent which they call
St. Florans. By the way he communicated to me his intentions for leaving
the Marquis, whom he thought wtin some few moneths would return for
Scotland, his affairs demanding his oune presence, as also his resolutions
of going into Italy give it took foot. I demanding him whow a man that came
abroad might improve his tyme to the best advantage, and what was the best
use that might be made of travelling. He freely told me that the first
thing above all was to remember our Creator in the dayes of our youth, to
be serious wt our God: not to suffer ourselfes to grow negligent and slack
in our duty we ow to God, and then to seik after good and learned company
whence we may learn the customes of the country, the nature and temper of
the peaple, and what wast diversity of humours is to be sein in the world.
He told me also a expression that the Protestant Minister at Saumur used to
him, whereby he taxed the most part of strangers as being ignorant of the
end they came abroad for, to wit, that these that came to sie Saumur all
they had to writ doune in their book was that they went and saw such a
church, that they drank good wines, and got good wictuals at the Hornes, a
signe wheir strangers resorts.

The convent we fand to be liker a castle than a Religious house. We saw a
large window, the covert wheirof was stenchells like those that are on the
windows of the Abby at Holyrood House; but very artificially all beat out
of one peice of iron, but not ioined and soudred togither as they used to
be. Saumurs is a pretty little toune wt fields upon all hands most

I, amongs other things, enquired at Mr. Doull what was their manner in
graduating their students their. He told me it was wholly the same wt that
in other places. They give out Theses which the students defended, only
they had a pretty ceremony about the close: each of these to be graduat got
a laurell branch, on the leaves wheirof was every mans name engraven in
golden letters. Item, he said that when he reflected on the attendance that
the Regents in Scotland gave to ther classes, he thought he saw another
Egyptiacall bondage, for wt them they attended only 4 dayes of the weeks,
and in thess no longer than they took account of ther former lesson, and
gave them out a new one, which they send them home to gett.

On a afternoon I was their I made a tour doune throu the suburbs of the
toune to the Convent of Nostre Dame des Ardilliers.[91] On my return Mr.
Doull and Mr. Crightoun demanding of me wheir I had bein, I freely told:
wheirupon they fell to to scorne me, asking what I went to seek their. I
told meerly to walk. They alleadged that John Ogilvy at Orleans bit to have
told me of the place; that it was the most notorious part of France for
uncleanness, and that women that could not gett children at home, coming
their ware sure to have children. To speak the truth the place seimed to me
wery toun like, for their came a woman to me and spered whey I all alone.

[91] The Church of Notre Dame d'Ardiliers, of the sixteenth century,
was enlarged by Richelieu and Madame de Montespan.

The night before my parting from Saumur a young gallant of the toune, to
show his skill, showed the wholle toune some fireworks in a boat on the
river, but they ware wery pittifull, the principall thing we saw being only
some fireballs which they cost up in the air to a considerable hight som

Theirs one thing we most not forget in the river. In our coming doune in
sewerall places on the syde of the rivers bank we saw pleasant little
excrescencyes of litle rocks and craigs, which makes exceidingly to the
commendation of the places. In thes craigs are built in houses, which be
the vertue of Antiperistasis is cold in summer and hot in winter, tho their
be some of them they dare not dwell in in winter by reason of the looseness
of the earth then.

Having stayed 2 dayes in Saumur I hired horse for Poictiers, only the
fellow who aught the horse running at my foot. We rode by Nostre Dame and
along the side of Loier as far as Monsereau. Heir I'm sure I was thrie
miles togither under the shade of wast valnut tries on each syde ladened wt
fruit, great abondance of which I meit all the way thorow. At Monsereau I
left Loier, and struck south east be the banks of the river of Chasteleraut
in Turrain, of whilk Tours is the capitall, the most renouned toune of
France for manufacturies of silks of all sorts. We dined at Chinon,
standing on that river 5 great leagues from Saumur. As we ware about a
league from Chinon, I leiving my guid a considerable distance behind me,
thinking that I bit always to keep close be the river syde, I went about a
mile wrong. The fellow thinking I was in the right way he strikes in the
right; I begines to look behind me. I cannot get my eye upon him; stands a
long tym under a shade very pensive. First I saw some sheirers (for in
France it was harvest then, being only the beginning of July wt the Scots)
at their dinner. I imagined that the fellow might have sit doune wt them to
take scare.[92] After waiting a long tyme I began to steep back, and
drawing neir the sheirers I could not discover him, whence a new suspition
entred in my head, because I had given him at Chinon, on his demand, 14
livres of 17 which I was to give him to defray all my charges to Poictiers,
that he had sliped away wt that that he might bear no more of my charges,
being sure enough that he would get his horse when I brought it to
Poictiers. All this tyme I never dreamed I could be out of the way, yet I
spered at the sheirers what might be the way to Richelieu, who told me I
was not in the way. Then I know the fellow bit to be gone that way, whence
I posted after him, and about a league from that place I overtook him
laying halfe sleiping in a great deall of care, the poor fellow wery blaith
to sy me. I demanded what was his thoughts, whether he thought I was a
voler that had run away wt his horse. He said he quaestioned not in the
least my honesty but he began to suspect I might have fallen amongs

[92] Share, pot-luck.

Thus we came to Chopigni,[93] a pretty village a league from Richelieu, and
about 5 a cloack we entred Richelieu, a toune that give yeell consider its
bigness it hath not its match in France. For being about a mile in circuit,
besides a wery strong wall, it hath a considerable ditch environing it
having something of the nature of a pond; for it abounds wt all sorts of
fisches. The French calls it une canale. Being entred the toune ye have one
of the prettiest prospects thats imaginable. It hath only one street, but
that consisting of such magnifick stately houses that each house might be a
palace. Ye no sooner enter unto the toune but ye have the clear survey of
the whole wt its 4 ports; which comes to pass by the aequality of the
houses on both sydes of the street, which are ranked in such a straight
line that a Lyncaean or sharpest eye sould not be able to discover the
least inaequality of one houses coming out before another. They are all
reased also to the same hieght, that ye sall not sy one chimly hier then
another: for they are al 3 story hy and built after that same mode window
answering to window; so that ye sall sy a rank of about a hundred windows
in a straight line.

[93] Champigny.

But I hast to the Castle, which is bueatiously environed wt that same
canale on the banks of which are such pleasant arrangements
(palissades)[94] and umbrages of tries making allies to the length of halfe
a mile; in which I fand that same I had observed in the toune: the tries
ranked so aequally that its wonderfull to hear; tho monstrously hy yet all
of them observing such a aequality that ye sould find none arrogating
superiority over his neighbour. We entred the castle by a stately draw
bridge over the canale. Over the first gate stands a marble Lowis the 13,
this present kings father, on horseback: on his right hand stands Mars the
God of Armes; on his left Hercules wt his great truncheon or club.

[94] Interlined, palissades. Rows of trees planted close. Term
derived from fortification. See Littre's _Dict_.

Having past this gat, we entred into the court or close round about whilk
the palace is built. The court is 3 tymes as large as the inner court of
the Abbey.[95] Al around the close stand a wast number of Statues
infinitely weill done: only I fand they had not provided weill for the
curiosity of spectateurs in withholding their names and not causing it to
be engraven at their feet. They informed me they ware the statues of the
bravest old Greeks and Romans: as of Alex'r, Epiminondas, Caesar, Marcellus,
and the rest. By the wertue of powerful money all the gates of the Castle
unlockt themselves. The first chamber we entred into he called the chamber
de Moyse, getting this denomination from the emblem hinging above the
chimly, wheirin was wondrously weill done the story whow Pharoes daughter
caused hir maid draw the cabinet of bulrushes wheirin Moses was exposed
upon the Nile to hir sitting on the land. This room (the same may be
repeated of the rest) was hung wt rich tapistry and furnished wt wery brave
plenishings, as chairs, looking glasses, tables and beds. For the
praeserving of the curtains each bed had _tours de lit_ of linnen sheets,
which, causing to be drawen by, we fand some hung wt rich crimson velvet
hingings; others wt red satin; others wt blew; all layd over so richly wt
lace that we could hardly decerne the stuffe. We fand one bed in a chamber
(which they called one of the kings chambers) hung wt dool, which when
occasion offered they made use of. This minded me of Suintones wife, who
when she was in possession of Brunstone[96] had hir allyes and walks so
appropriated to particular uses that she had hir ally wheirin she walked
when she was in mourning, another when she had one such a goune, and so
furth. But to return, in another chamber we was put to the strait of
exercing our _Liberum Arbitrium_. Many pleasant objects offering themselfes
to our wiew at the same tyme, we was at a pusle wt which of them to begin:
for casting up our eyes to the cieling we fand it cut out most artificially
unto sewerall sorts of creatures. Theirs a lion standing ramping ready as
ye would think to devore you; yonder a horse; yonder a dog at the chass;
and all this so glittering by reason that its covered wt gold that it
would dazell any mans eyes. But calling away your eyes from this we
deschended to the walls of the chamber, wheir ye have standing in one broad
Justice, a martiall like woman wt a sword in hir one hand, and the balance
in the other. On her right stands Verity, a woman painted naked to show
that the truth most be naked since it demands no coverture. On the other
stands Magnanimity, a woman of a bravadoing countenance. In another broad
stands Prudence. In a 3d (la chambre de Lucresse) as a emblem of Chastity
we have the story of Lucretias rapture by Tarquinius Superbus sone: first
ye have him standing at hir chamber door wt his men at his back looking
thorow the lock whither she was their or not; in the same broad[97] ye have
represented the violence he used to hir; then as the epiloge of the tragaedy
ye have hir killing herselfe. In another broad ye have to the life don the
story of Judith bringing away the head of Holofernes.

[95] Holyrood.

[96] When the Duke of Lauderdale was under forfeiture the estate of
Brunston, belonging to him, was granted to Swinton of Swinton.--
Sir G. Mackenzie's _Memoirs_, p. 48.

[97] Panel.

In another chamber ye have Lewis the 13 portraicts wt those of all the rest
of the royall family and the most part of the courtiers, counsellers and
statesmen of that tyme, togither wt a embleme of the joy of the city of
Paris at the nativity of this King.

Of this chamber goes a pitty but pretty litle cabinet for Devotion. Their
stands a large crucifix of marble wonderously weill done, round about hings
the 12 Apostles wt the sufferings they ware put to. Their may ye sie the
barbarous Indians knocking Bartholemew, who was spreading the gospell among
them, wt clubs to death; and so of the rest.

In another chamber on the cielery we have panted Thetis dipping hir sone
Achilles in the Ocean to render him immortall. She hath him by the foot,
whence in all his parts he becames immortal and impatible, save only in the
sole of his feet, which ware not dippt. Next ye have him slain by Paris
whiles he is busy on his knees at his devotion in the temple; Paris letting
a dart at him thorow a hole of the door, which wounding him in the sole of
his foot slow him. Nixt ye have Achilles dragging Hectors dead body round
about the walls of Troy. Then ye have Priamus coming begging his sones
body. Ye have also Diomedes and Glaucus frendly renconter wt the exambion
they made of their armes.

In another chamber we found wery delicat weill wrought Tapistry wheirin
ware to be sien, besydes sewerall other stories taken out of Homer, the
funestous and lamentable taking of Troy.

In this same chamber saw we hinging the cardinals oune portraiture to the
full, in his ride robes and his cardinals hat wt a letter in his hand to
tel that he was the Kings secretary: his name is beneath. _Armandus
Richeleus anagrammatized Hercules alter_. Surely the portrait represents a
man of wery grave, wise and reverend aspect. Besydes him hinges the
portraict of his father and mother. His father had bein a souldier; the
cardinal was born in Richeliew.

In another chamber was hinging 3 carts[98] (al done by Sampson), the one
exceeding large of France done by one Sanson, the Kinges Geographer; the
2nd of Italy wt the Iles adiacent of Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, etc.; the
3d of the countryes that lyes on the famous river of Rhein, which runes
thorow Germany, and in the low countries embrasses the sea.

[98] Maps.

At length we came unto a very large gallery, wheir hinges the emblems of al
the things of greatest consequence that happened in France during the tyme
of the Cardinall, as the beseigding of tounes that revolted, and the
stratagemes by whilk some of them were taken. At each end of the gallery
stands a table, but I sal confine my selfe to speak only of the one.
Removing a cover of leather their appeares a considerable large table as
long as etc., the richest beyond controversy of France: it consistes of
precious stones and diamonds, but joined wt such wonderfull artifice that a
man would easily take it for one inteer stone of sewerall colours, the
proportion also of their joinctures, each colour answering to another,
makes much to the commendation of it. Give their be a rid Sardix heir, it
hath direictly of that same very bigness another Sardix answering to it
their; or ye may suppose it to be a blew saphir. In the wery center and
midle of the table is planted about the meikledoom[99] of a truncher[100] a
beautifull green smaradyes; round about it stands a row of blew saphire,
then another of rid diamonds; then followes a joincture of golden
chrysolites, the bigness wheirof renders them wery wonderfull, being
exceeding rare to be found of the halfe of that bigness. Their is not any
coleur which is not to be found amoungs the Stones of that table. They are
joined so marvelously that nothing can be smoother or aeequaler. Thus
breifly for the house.

[99] Size.

[100] Trencher.

Of one of the balconies we descryed the garden, which was wery pleasant,
having great resemblance wt that of Chateau Neuf, up and doune it ware
growing Holyhaucks of all colours; but I cannot stay no longer upon the,
for I am hasting to your church, which I find wery rich, as generally all
the churches in France are.

After I had supped I could not but come and wiew the situation and walls
wtout; but fareweil, for the morrow night setts me in Poictiers. On the hy
way as I travelled I mett bothe aples and plumes, which I looked not one as
forbidden fruit, but franckly pulled. As soon as I came wtin sight of
Poictiers I welcomed it heartily as being to be a place of rest to me for a
tyme. Entering into the suburbes of the toune, I easily discovered the
reason of our Buchannans expression, _Pictonum ad scopulos_: for then and
afterwards I discovered it to be environed wt raged rocks and craigs, the
toune it selfe also to be situat on a considerable eminence; and give ye
take in all its circuit it neids not yeeld much to Paris in bigness; only
much of it is filled up wt spatious gardens for the most part belonging to
religious orders, sometymes of men sometymes of women. It hath also wines
that growes within its circumference, as these that grow in the place of
the Scots walk may testify.

Having entred the toune we sought out Mr. Garnier the Apothecaries, for
whom I had a letter from Mr. Doull at Saumurs, who on that accepted us
kindly enough, only they had not such accomodation as I demanded, whence I
took occasion to deliver a letter I brought wt me out of Scotland from
young John Elies to Mr. Daille, wt whom I entred pensionar about 8 dayes
after I had bein in Poictiers, to wit 28 July 1665.

I cannot bury in silence the moderation of Mr. Garniers wife, so wertous
and sparing a house wife she was that Wine never entred in hir mouth.
Always hir drink was pure water, tho no restraint was laying upon hir to do

As the nature of thir peeple is to be wery frugall, so I fand that they
ware right Athenians loving to tell and to hear news, which may be marked
also in the most part of them that live on the Loier; for I had not bein a
night in Poictiers when all that Street, and in sewerall other places of
the toune, sundry knew that a Scotsman was come to the toune; that he came
from Saumur, that he brought a letter for Mr. Garnier wt whom he quartred.
The first night on my arrivall after I had supped came in my Hosts brother,
a marchand, who amongs others enquired if I might know Mr. Douglas. I
replied, yes; he added that he had left a child behind him, which tho Mr.
Daille owned for his, yet it had wholly a Scots cry not a French.

The morning after my arrivall they chanced to have sermon in the
Protestants church at Quatre Picket, wheir I fand Colinton,[101] who a
little before had returned from the Rochell, wheir he had bein also on the
Isle of Rhee and that of Oleron. He after dinner took me to Mr. Alex'rs,
wheir I found all our Countrymen convened, only Alex'r Hume was at that
tyme out in the Campaigne some leagues. Their I fand my right reverend good
Sir Mr. Patrick Hume,[102] for whom I had two letters, one from
Pighog,[103] another from John Suty at London, David Hume, for whom I had a
letter from Saumur, Mr. Scot, Ardrosses sone, and Mr. Grahame, Morphees
sone. Shortly after I saw both the 2 Alex'rs, Alexander the professour, to
whom I delivred a letter from young J. Elies and Alex'r Hume: them all one
night I took in to a Hostellery called le Chappeau d'Or and gav them their
supper, which cost me about 17 livres 10 souse.

[101] Probably James Foulis, son of Sir James Foulis, Lord Colinton,
advocate 1669, a lord of Session 1674, with the title of Lord

[102] The friend thus playfully described may be Sir Patrick Hume,
advocate, who often appears as a litigant in Fountainhall's

[103] See page 145, note 2.

About 8 dayes after I had bein in Poictiers was keipt be the Jesuits
Ignatius Loyola their founders day, whence in the Jesuits Church their was
preaching a fellow that usualy preaches, extolling their patron above the
wery skies; evicting whow that he utstripped infinitly the founders of all
other orders, let it be St. Francois, St. Dominick, or be who he will, by
reason that he founded a order to the universal good of Christendome; the
order not being tyed to one place, as other religious are, but much given
to travelling up and doune the world for the conversion of souls, which
truly may be given as a reason whey all that order are usually so
experimented and learned; for their are of them in Americk itselfe. From
all this he concluded that Ignatius was and might deservedly be named the
universall Apostle of the Christian World. He showed also the manner of his
conversion to that manner of life; whow he had bein a soger (he was a
Spaniard by nation) til his 36 or 40 year of age. One tyme in a battell he
had receaved a wound right dangerous, during the cure of this wound one
tyme being some what veary and pained he called for a Story or Romance.
They having none their, some brought a devot book termed the Saints Rest,
not that of Baxters; in which he began to read wt a sort of pleasure, but
wtout any touch. At lenth continuing he began to feel himselfe sensibly
touched, which wrought so that he wholly became a new man; and wt the
permission and confirmation of the Pope then instituted the order.

A litle after followed St. Dominicks day observed by the Jacobins, wheir I
went to hear his panegyrick preached. Their preached a fat-looged[104]
fellow of the order. His text was out of the 36 of Ecclesiasticus, _Vas
auroeum[105] repletum omni lapide proetioso_: all his sermon ran to make
Dominick this vessell. He deduced all that a man might be praised for from
the 3 fold sort of dueties: 1, these we ow to God; 2, these towards our
neighbours; and 3, these towards himselfe. For the vertues that are
relative to God, he numbered them up to 13, and that out of Thomas, whom
they follow in all things; amongs which were piety, sanctite, zeal for
Religion, which broke out to that hieght that he caused sundry of the poor
Albingenses, over the inquisition of whom he was sett, to be brunt; but
this he mentioned _no_. For duties of the 2nd sort he numbered up out of
the same Thomas amongs others thir, Chastite. Of Dominicks chastity he sayd
he was as sure as of one thats new borne. Charite, which was so great one
tyme that having nothing to give to the poor, he would have given himselfe
to a poor widow woman; at which we could not but laugh, tho' his meaning
was that he would have bein content to sell himselfe that the woman might
get the money. He forgot not also his strictness of life and discipline, so
that after his death their was found a cord in wtin his wery flech he
girded him selfe so strait wt it. Heir he recknoned upe his prudence and
magnanimity. Amongs theduties a man owes to himselfe amongs others he
reckned up Temperance; in which he would gladly have us beleiving that St.
Dominick never eated any in his dayes, so great was his abstinence. Then he
came to compare him wt the caelestial powers, which he divided out of
Dionysius pseudareopagita into the Hierarchies receaved in the Romish
Church, of Angels, Archangels, Powere, Dominations, Cherubins, Seraphines,
etc., and then showed his Dominick to excell them all. Many stories he told
us which are to be seen in his legends, but never a word of the zeal he had
when he sat doune and preached to the birds (and seing a frier kissing a
nun he thanked God that their was so much charite left in the world). His
epiloge was that St. Dominick was worth all the Saincts of them. And to
speak the truth, beleiving him he made him on of the perfectest men of the
world, subject to no imperfection. I could discover no difference he made
betuixt him and Christ.

[104] See p. 17, note 2.

[105] _For aureum._

The forme of their preaching is thus. After they are come unto their pulpit
they signe their foorfront and breast with the signe of the cross wt that
in nomine patris, filij, and S.S., as a means to chass away Satan; then
they go to their knees for a wery short space as our bischops do; then
raising they read their text; after which they have a short prayer direct
to Christ and his mother, or even the Sainct, if they be to speak of any,
for their aid and assistance. Then they preach; after which thess that
please to walk may do it. The rest stay out the Vespres.

The forme of the protestant churches differs not much from ours. On the
Sabath morning during the gathering of the congregation they sing a psalme;
the minister coming up by a short sett forme of exhortation, stirring them
up to ioin wt him in prayers, he reads a sett forme of confession of sines
out of their priers ecclesiastiques or Liturgie; which being ended they
singes a psalme, which the minister nominats, reading the first 2 or 3
lines of that to be sung, after which they read no more the line, as we do,
but the peaple follows it out as we do in Glory to the Father, The psalme
being ended, the minister has a conceaved prayer of himselfe adapted for
the most part to what he'es to discourse on. This being ended he reads his
text. Having preached, then reads a prayer out of their Liturgy, then sings
a psalme, and then the blissing.

About a 4 night after I had bein their some 2 chanced to be taken in the
order of the Capuchins, of which order this is strange that the poorest yet
they are numerousest, their being dailly some or other incorporating
themselfes, Their poverty is such that they have nothing to sustein them
but others charite when they come begging, and that every 24 hours. They
having nothing layd up against tomorrow, if their be any day amongs others
wheirin they have gotten litle or nothing, notwtstanding of this they come
al to the Table, tho' nothing to eat. Each man sayes his grace to himselfe,
their they sit looking on one another, poor creatures, as long as give they
had had something to eat. They fast all that day, but if their be any that
cannot fast it out, then he may go doune to the yard and houck out 2, 3
carrots to himselfe, or 'stow some likes some sibows, beets or such like
things, and this is their delicates. If their be any day wheirin they have
gotten more then suffices them all, the superplus they give to the poor.
The convent hath no more rent than will defray their charges in keiping up
their house about their ears. Al this do thir misers under the hopes of
meriting by the samen: yet I would be a Capuchin before any other order I
have sein yet.

To sie the ceremony of their matriculation unto the order I went wt my good
sire, wheir the principal ceremony was that they cast of their cloathes
wheirwt they ware formerly cloathed and receaves the Capuchines broun weid,
as also they get the clerical tonsure, the cord about their west, and the
clogs of wood on their bare feet. A great number of speaches being used in
the intervalls containing as is probable their dueties, but we could not
understand them for the bruit. At the point of each of them all the peaple
cried Amen. Finaly we saw them take all the rest of ther brethren by the
hand, all of them having burning torches in their hands.

After this, on August 14, came about Ste. Radegondes daye, wheiron I saw
sewerall things: first wt Mr. Bouquiet we went doune to the church of Ste.
Radegonde, which stands almost on the bord of the river Sein, which runes
by Poictiers; and their visited hir tomb; but we had a difficulty of accez,
such multitude was their dronning over their prayers, _Sainte Radegonde,
Radegonde, priez pour nous et nos ames_, and this a 100 tymes over, at each
tyme kissing the sepulchre stone which standes reasonable hy.

From this we went to hir Chappell that stands besydes the Church of St.
Croix, to sy the impression that Christ left wt his foot (so sottish is
their delusion) on a hard great stone when he appeared to Ste. Radegonde as
she was praying at that stone. The impression is as deip in the stone as a
mans foot will make in the snow; and its wonderfull to sy whow thir zealots
hath worn the print much deiper in severall parts wt their continuall and
frequent touching of it thorow the iron grate wt which it is covered, and
kissing it on Ste. Radegondes day when the iron grate is removed; according
to that, _gutta cavat lapidem_, etc. All this they do thinking it the least
reverence they can do to the place wheir our Saviours foot was. For
immediatly upon the notification of that by Ste. Radegonde they caused
erect a chappel above the stone, and hath set up Christ upon the right of
the impression wt Capuchin shoes on his feet: and on the left Ste.
Radegonde on hir knees wt hir hands folded praying to him. On the wall
besydes they have this engraven, _Apparuit Dominus Jesus sanctae beatae
Radegundae et dixit ei, tu es speciosa gemma, noverim te praetiosam in
capite meo_ (and wt that they have Christ putting his fingers to his head)

Out of this we came to the Church of St. Croix, wheir just as we were
entring ware coming out 2 women leading a young lass about the Age of 18
who appeared evidently to be distracted or possessed by some Dewill, by hir
horrid looks, hir antick gestures, and hir strange gapes: hir they had had
in the Church and had caused hir kneell, they praying before the Altar for
hir to Ste. Radegonde, whom they beleived had the power to cure hir. The
priests knaveries are wery palpable to the world in this point, who usually
by conjurations, magicall exorcismes as their holy water, consecrated oill,
take upon them to dispossess or cure sick persones, but so far from having
any effect, that the Devill rather gets great advantage by it. Having
entred the Church, standing and looking earnestly about to al the corners
of the church, and particularly to the Altar, which was wery fine, wt as
great gravity as at any tyme, a woman of faschion on hir knees (for indeed
all that ware in the Church ware on their knees but my selfe) fixing hir
eyes upon me and observing that I nether had gone to the font for water,
nether kneelled, in a great heat of zeal she told me, _ne venez icy pour
prophaner ce sainct lieu_. I suddenly replied, _Vous estez bien devotieuse,
Madame; mais peut estre Vostre ignorance prophane ce sainct lieu d'avantage
que ma presence_. This being spoken in the audience of severals, and amongs
others of a preist, I conceived it would not be my worst to retire, which I

That same afternoon I went to Mr. Alex'rs to seik Patrick Hume, wheir I
faud them hearing him explaine some paragraphe of the Institutes: wheir Mr.
Alex'r and I falling on some controverted points betuixt us and them, I
using a great deall of liberty citing frome his oune authors as Bellarmine,
etc., I angred him exceedingly. Then Patrick Hume, David, Mr. Grahame and I
went to walk: and particularly to the pierre leve or stone erected a litle
way from the city. The story or fable wheirof is this: once as Ste.
Radegonde was praying the Devil thought to have smoored[106] or crushed her
wt a great meikle stone greater than 2 milstones, which God knows whence he
brought, but she miraculously supported it wt hir head, as the woman heir
carries the courds and whey on their head. Surly she had a gay burden; and
never rested till she came to that place wheir its standing even now. They
talk also that she brought the 5 pillars on which its erected till above a
mans hight in hir lap wt hir. I mocking at this fable, I fell in inquiry
whence it might have come their, but could get no information; only it
seimed probable to me that it might have bein found in the river and
brought their. On the top of this stone I monted, and metted[107] it thorow
the Diametrum and found it 24 foot; then metted it round about and found it
about 60 foot. Coming doune and going beneath it we discovered the place
wheir hir head had bein (_nugae_).

[106] Smothered.

[107] Measured.

We went and saw a stately convent the Benedictines ware building, the
oldest and richest order of France. To them it is that Nostre Dame at
Saumur belongs; to them belongs the brave bastiments we saw at Tours, in
which city as I was on the Loier I told 16 considerable steeples. We saw
the relicts of a old Convent, wheirupon enquiring whow it came to be
demolished, he replied it was in Calvines tyme, who studied his Law in
Poictiers; and then turning preacher he preached in the same very hall
wheir we hear our lessons of Law. His chamber also is to be sein wheir he
studied on the river syde.

I cannot forgett a story of Calvin which Mr. Alex'r told us saying it was
in their Histories, that Calvin once gladly desiring to work a miracle
suborned a fellow to feigne himselfe dead that so he might raise him to
life. Gods hand was so visible upon the fellow that when he went to do it
he verily died and Calvin could not raise him: this was in Poictiers. And
it minded me first that I had read almost the like cited out of Gregorious
Turonensis History by Bellarmine in his treatise _de Christo_ refuting
Arianisine of a Arian bischop who just so suborned one to feinge himselfe
blind that he might cure him, but God really strake him blind. Also it
minded me of a certain Comoedian (who was to play before the Duc of
Florence) who in his part had to act himselfe as dead for a while. He that
he might act himselfe as dead wt the more life and vigeur agitated and
stirred or rather oppressed his spirits so that when he sould have risen he
was found dead in very truth. As also 3ly of a certain Italian painter who
being to draw our Saviour as he was upon the Cross in his greatest torment
and agony (he caused a comoedian whose main talent was to represent sorrow
to the life), he caused one come and sit doune before him and feigne one of
the dolfullest countenances that he could that he might draw Christ of
him; but he tuise sticked it, wt which being angred he drew out a knife and
stobbed the person to the heart; and out of his countenance as he was
wrestling wt the pangs of death he drow Christ on the cross more lively
then ever any had done, boasting that he cared not to dy for his murder
since he had Christ beholden to him for drawing him so livelylie. I
remember also of a passage that Howell in a letter he writes from Geneva
hes, that Calvin having bein banished once by a praevalent faction from the
city again being restored, he sould proudly and blasphemously have applied
to himselfe that saying of David, proper to Christ, the stone which the
builders refused the same is become the head of the corner. But granting
that all thir to be true, as they are not, they ware but personall escapes,
neither make they me to think a white worse of his doctrine. But as to the
point of miracles its notoriously knowen that the Church of Rome abuses the
world wt false miracles more then any: for besydes these fopperies we have
discovered of Ste. Radegonde they have also another. Thus once St. Hilary
(who was bischop of Poictiers about the 6 century, and who hes a church
that bears his name, erected on the wast syde of the toune a little from
the Scotes walk), about a league from the toune (thus reportes _les annales
de Aquitaine_), as he was riding on his mule Christ meit him. His beast, as
soon as it saw our Saviour, fell doune on the knees of it. As a testimony
wheirof that it fell doune they show at this day the _impressa_ both its
knee and its foot hes made miracoulously in the rock, but this is _fort mal
a propos_; since they seem to mak their St. Hilary Balaam; and his mulet
Balaam his ass which payed reverence to God before its mastre. This fable
minded me of the story we have heir at home, that we can show in Leith Wind
craigs the impressa that Wallace made wt his foot when he stood their and
shoot over the steeple of Edenburgh. Yet their all these things are
beleived as they do the bible.

When we was wtout the city we discovered that it would signify litle if it
wanted the convents and religious houses, which ware the only ornaments of
the city. This much for the 14 of August, I had not bein so much out a
fortnight before put it all together.

Heir I most impart a drollery which happened a little before in Poictiers.
Some Flamans had come to the toune and taken up the quarters in a certain
Innes.[108] While they ware supping, the servant that attended them chanced
to let a griveous and horrid fart. The landlady being in the roome and
enquiring give she thought not shame to do so, she franckly replied, _sont
Flamans, madame, sont Flamans, ils n'entendent pas_; thinking that because
they ware strangers that understood not the language, they understood not
also when they hard a fart.

[108] Inn.

O brave consequence, I went one night to the Marche Vieux and saw some
puppy playes, as also rats whom they had learned to play tricks on a

[109] Rope.

Just besyde that port that leads to Quatre Picket (de St. Lazare) or Paris
is erectcd a monument of stone, something in the fashion of a pyramide. I
enquiring what it meant, they informed me the occasion of it was a man that
lived about 3 or 4 years ago in the house just forganst it, who keiping a
Innes, and receaving strangers or others, used to cut their throats and
butcher them for their money; which trade he drave a considerable tyme
undiscovered. At lenth it coming to light as they carried him to Paris to
receave condigne punishment, they not watching him weill enough he killed
himselfe whence they did execution on his body, and erected that before the
door, _ad aeternam rei memoriam._ I think they sould have razed his house
also, yet their is folk dwelling in it prcsently.

I went also and saw the palais wheir the Advocats used to plead but it had
fallen down by meer antiquity about 3 moneths before I came to Poictiers
whence the session had translated themselfes to the Jacobines, whom I went
and saw their. In the falling of the palais it was observable that no harm
redounded to any, and that a certain woman wt a child in hir armes chancing
to be their on day raising out of a desk wheir she was sitting she was
hardly weill gon when a great jest[110] fell (for it fell by degries) and
brok the desk to peices.

[110] Joist.

Their hinges bound upon the wall wt iron chaines the relicts of a dead
hideous crocodile, which, tho' it be infinitly diminished from what it was
(it being some hundred years since it was slain), yet its monstrously great
wt a wast throat. This, they say, was found in one of their prisones, which
I saw also. On a tyme a number of prisoners being put in for some offences,
on the morrow as some came to sie the prisoners not one of them could be
found, it having eaten and devored them every one. Not knowing whow to be
red of this trubulsom beast no man daring attempt to kill it, they profered
one who was condemned to dy for some crime his life give he killed it.
Wheir upon he went to the prison wt a weill charged pistoll as it seimingly
being very hungry was advancing furiously to worry him he shoot in at a
white spot of its breast wheir its not so weill armed wt scalles as
elsewheir and slow it and wan his life.

I enquiring whow that beast might come their it seimed most probable that
it was engendred their _ex putri materia_, as the philosophers speaks, tho
I could hardly weill believe that the sun could giv life to such a
monstrous big creature as it.

We have had occasion to sie severall tymes Madame Biton the tailleurs
daughter, that lives forgainst Mr. Dailles, with whom Madame Daille telles
me Mr. Hope was great. Truly a gallant, personable woman to be of such mean
extract and of parents wheirof the father is a wery unshappen man; the
mother neids yeeld nothing to Jenny Geddes.

I observing that ye sould never sy any of the religious orders be they
Jesuits or others on the streets but 2 of them togither, I enquired the
reason. First it was that the on might watch the other that so none may fly
from their convents, which they might easily do if they had the liberty of
going out alone. 2dly they do it to evite all scandall and suspicion. They
know the thoughts of the common peeple, that they be litle faworable to
them, the orders being talkt of as the lecherousest peeple that lives. To
exime their thoughts they go tuo and 2; for then if the one be so given he
his a restraint laying on him, to wit, another to sie his actions; but
usually they are both lounes.[111]

[111] Knaves.

They have a way of conserving great lumps of ice all the summer over heir
in low caves: and these to keip their wines cold and fresh from heating
when they bring it to their chamber.

To recknon over all the crys of Poictiers (since they are divers according
to the diverse seasons of the year) would be difficult. Yet theirs one I
cannot forgeet, a poor fellow that goes thorow the toune wt a barrell of
wine on his back; in his on hand a glass full halfe wt win; in his other a
pint stoop; over his arm hinges a servit; and thus marched he crieng his
delicate wine for 5 souse the pot thats our pint; or 4 souse or cheaper it
may be. He lets any man taste it that desires, giving them their loof full.

I did sy one fellow right angry on a tyme: their came about 7 or 8 about
one, every one to taste; giving every one of them some, to neir a
chopin[112] not one of them bought from him; wheiron he sayd he sould sie
better marchands before he gave to so many the nixt tyme.

[112] Half a pint old French, and also old Scots, measure, was equal to
about three times the present imperial measure.

Wood also is a passable commodity heir as in all France, wheir they burn no
thing but wood, which seimes indeed to be wholsomer for dressing of meat
then coall. Every fryday and saturday the peasants brings in multitude of
chariots charged wt wood, some of them drawen wt oxen, mo. wt mules,
without whilk I think France could not subsist they are so steadable to
them. For a chariot weill ladened theyle get 6 or 7 livres, which I
remember Mr. Daille payed.

They have another use for wood in that country also which we know not: they
make sabots of them, which the peasants serve themselfes wt instead of
shoes; in some account they are better then shoes. They wil not draw nor
take in water as shoes whiles do, they being made of one intier lump of
wood and that whiles meikle enough. Their disadvantage is this none can run
wt them, they being loose and not fastened to our feet, yet some weill used
wt them can also run in them. They buy them for wery litle money.

These also that cannot aspire to ordinar hats (for since we left Berwick we
saw no bonnets as also no plaids) they have straw hats, one of which theyle
buy for 6 souse, and get 3 or 4 moneths wearing out of it.

The weather in France heir is large as inconstant as in Scotland, scarcely
a week goes over wtout considerable raines.

I cannot forgett the conditions that Madame Daille in sport offered me if I
would wait till hir daughter ware ready, and then take hir to wife, that I
sould pay no pension all the tyme I stayed in their house waiting on hir.

On the 15 of August (being wt the Scots the 5 and observed by them in
remembrance of Gourie conspiracie) came about to be observed _feste de
Nostre Dame_, who hath 4 or 5 fests in the year, as the annuntiation, the
conception, hir purification; and this was hir death and assumption day.

I went and heard the Jesuits preach, a very learned fellow, but turbulent,
spurred and hotbrained; affecting strange gestures in his delivery mor
beseiming a Comoedian then a pulpit man. Truly ever since in seing the
Comoedians act I think I sy him. He having signed himselfe, using the words
_In nomine patris, filij_, etc., and parfaited all the other ceremonies we
mentioned already, he began to preach. The text was out of some part of
Esay, thus, _Et sepulcrum ipsius erat gloriosum_. He branched out his
following discourse unto 2:--1. the Virgines Death; 2. hir assumption. As
to hir death he sayd she neided not have undergoon it but give she liked,
since death is the wages of sin, _mais Nostre Dame estoit affranchie de
toutes sorte de peche, soit originell, soit actuell_. In hir death he fand
3 priviledges she had above all others: first she died most voluntarly,
villingly, and gladly; when to the most of men Death's a king of terrors.
2ndly, she died of no sickness, frie of all pain, languor or angoisse.
3dly, hir body after death was not capable of corruption, since its absurd
to think that that holy body, which carried the Lord of Glory 9 moneths,
layes under the laws of corruption. For thir privelegdes he cited Jean
Damascen and their pope Victor. But it was no wonder she putrified no, for
she was not 3 dayes in the grave (as he related to us) when she was assumed
in great pomp, soul and body, unto heaven, Christ meiting hir at heavens
port and welcoming hir.

He spoke much to establish monstrous merite; laying doune for a principle
that she had not only merited heaven, and indeed the first place their,
being the princess of heaven; but also had supererogated by hir work for
others to make them merit, which works the church had in its treasury to
sell at mister.[113] He made heaven also _a vendre_ (as it is indeed amongs
them), but taking himselfe and finding the expression beastly and
mercenarie he began to speir, but whow is it to sell, is it not for your
_bonnes oeuures_, your penances, repentance, etc. This was part of his

[113] Mister, need.

That Strachan that was regent at Aberdeen and turned papist, I was informed
that he was in a society of Jesuits at Naples.

This order ever since it was a order hath bein one of the most pestilent
orders that ever was erected, being ever a republick in a republick wheir
ever they be; which caused Wenice throw them out of hir, and maugre the
pope who armed Spaine against hir for it holds them out unto this day. They
contemne and disdain all the rest of the orders in comparation of
themselfes; they being indeed that great nerve and sinew that holds all the
popes asustataes[114] togither; whence they get nothing but hatred again
from the other religious, who could wt ease generally sy them all hanged,
especially the Peres de l'Oratoire, who are usually all Jansenists, so that
ye sall seldome find these 2 orders setled in one city, tho they be at
Orleans. The Jesuits be the subtilist folk that breathes, which especially
appears when under the praetext of visitting they fly to a sick carkcass,
especially if it be fat, as ravens does to their prey. Their insteed of
confirming and strenthening the poor folk to dy wt the greater alacrity,
they besett them wt all the subtile mines imaginable to wring and suck
money from them, telling them that they most leive a dozen or 2 of serviets
to the poor Cordeliers; as many spoones to the godly Capuchines who are
busie praying for your soul, and so something to all the rest; but to us to
whom ye are so much beholden a goodly portion, which they repeit wery oft
over; but all this tends as one the one hand to demonstrate their
inexplebible greediness, so one the other to distraict the poor miser wt
thoughts of this world and praejudice or defraudation of his air.

[114] Apparently from [Greek: asustatos], meaning 'ill-compacted
forces or elements.'

Some things are very cheap their. We have bought a quarter a 100 of delicat
peirs for a souse, which makes just a groat the hunder. Madame Daille also
bought very fat geese whiles for 18 souse, whiles 12, whiles 15, whiles for
20; which generally they blood their, reserving it very carefully and makes
a kind of pottages wt it and bread which seimes to them very delicious but
not so to me, tho' not out of the principle that the Apostles, Actes 15,
discharged the gentils to eat blood or things strangled. That which they
call their pottage differ exceidingly from ours, wt which they serve
themselfes instead of our pottage, as also our broth, neither of which they
know. It seems to diffir little from our soups when we make them wt loaves.
Surely I fand it sensibly to be nourishing meat; and it could not be
otherwise, since it consisted of the substance first of the bread, which
wtout doute is wholsomer then ours, since they know not what barme is
their, or at least they know not what use we make of it, to make our bread
firme, yet their bread is as firme wtout it: next the substance of the
flech, which usually they put in of 3 sorts, of lard of mouton, of beef, of
each a little morsell; 3dly of herbes for seasoning, whiles keel, whiles
cocombaes, whiles leeks, whiles minte or others. In my experience I fand it
very loosing, for before I was weill accoustened wt it, if I chanced to sup
any tyme any quantity of the pottage, I was sure of 2 or 3 stools afternoon
wt it.

The French air after the sun setting I learned in my oune experience to be
much more dangerous then ours in Scotland, for being much more thinner and
purer, its consequently more peircing; for even in August their, which is
the hotest and warmest moneth, if at night efter 8 a cloak I had sitten
doune in my linnens and 2 shirtes to read but halfe a hower or a hower
(which I have done in Scotland the mides of vinter and not have gotten
cold) after the day I was sure to feell I had gotten cold; and that by its
ordinary symptomes a peine and throwing in my belly, & 4 or 5 stools; I
played this to my selfe tuize or I observed; ever after if I had liked to
give my selfe physick I had no more ado but to let my selfe get cold.

They let their children suck long heir, usually 2 years; if weak 2 years
and a halfe. Madame Daille daughter suckt but 6 quatres, they think much to
give 40 or 50 livres to nourses for fostering. Madame Daille gave 15
crounes in cash and some old cloaths and sick things as they to hir that
nursed her daughter, a peasants wife whom I saw. The gossips and
commers[115] heir give nothing as they do in Scotland, save it may be a
gift to the child.

[115] Godmothers, _commeres_.

I have called my selfe to mind of a most curious portrait that we saw in
Richeliew castle, the description wheirof by reason its so marvelously
weill done sall not be amiss tho it comes in heir _postliminio_ to insert.
On the walls theirfor of one of the chambers we saw is drawen at large the
emblem of the deluge or universall floud, in one corner of it I discovered
men wt a great deall of art swiming (for the world is drawen all over
covered wt waters, the catarracts of the heavens are represented open, the
water deschending _guttatim_ so lively that til a man recall himselfe and
wiew it narrowly hel make a scrupule to approach the broad[116] for fear of
being wett), and that wt a bensill[117] their course being directed to a
mountain which they sy at a distance; which is also drawen. Painters skill
heir hes bein such, that a man would almost fancy he hears the dine the
water makes wt their strugling and striking both hands and feet to gaine
that mountaine. Just besydes thies are laying dead folke wt their armes
negligently stretched out, the furious wawes tossing them terribly, as a
man would think, some of them laying on their back, some of them on their
belly, some wheirof nothing is to be sein but their head and their arme
raxed up above their head. Amongs those that are laying wt their face up
may be observed great diversity of countenances, some wt their mouth wide
open and their tongue hinging out, some glooring,[118] some girning,[119]
some who had bein fierce and cruell during their life, leiving legible
characters in their horrible and barbarous countenances. In another part of
the broad is to be sein all sorts of creatures confusedly thorow other,
notwtstanding of that naturell antipathy that is betuixt some of them, as
the sheip and the wolf, the crocodile and Lizard, etc.; ther may we sy the
wawes peele mel swallowing up wolfes and sheip, Lions and buls, and other
sorts of beasts. Remove your eyes to another corner, and their yeel sy
great tries torn up by the roots, and tost heir and their by the waves;
also hie strong wales falling; also rich moveables, as brave cloaths and
others, whiles above and whiles beneath; and go a litle wy farder yeel sie
brave tower which at every puft of wind give a rock, the water busily
undermining its foundation. A little way from that ye have to admiration,
yea, to the moving of pity, draweu women wt their hair all hinging
disorderly about their face, wt their barnes in their armes, many a
mint[120] to get a clift of a craig to save themselfes and the child to,
some of them looking wt frighted countenances to sy give the waves be
drawing neir them. In a nother ye have a man making a great deall of work
to win out, hees drawen hinging by the great tronc of a try. At his back is
drawen another that claps him desperatly hard and fast by the foot, that if
he win out he may be drawen out wt him. Its wonderfull to sy whow weill the
sundry passions of thir 2, the anger of him who hes a grip of the trunck,
and the trembling fear of him who hes his neighbour by the foot are
expressed; and what strugling they make both, the one to shake the other
loose of his gripes, the other to hold sicker, and this all done so weill
that it occasions in the spectateurs as much greife in beholding it as they
seim to have who are painted. Finaly, the painter hath not forgot to draw
the ark it selfe floting on the waters.

[116] Panel.

[117] Strenuous effort.

[118] Staring.

[119] Grinning (like a child crying).

[120] Mint, attempt.

On a night falling in discours wt some 2 or 3 Frenchmen of Magick and
things of that nature, I perceaved it was a thing wery frequent in France,
tho' yet more frequent in Italy. They told me seweral stories of some that
practized sorcery, for the most part preists who are strangely given to
this curiosity. They told of one who lived at Chateleraut, who, when he
pleased to recreat himselfe, would sit doune and sett his charmes a work,
he made severalls, both men and women, go mother naked thorow the toune,
some chanting and singing, others at every gutter they came to taking up
the goupings[121] of filth and besmeiring themselfes wt it. He hath made
some also leip on horseback wt their face to the horse taill, and take it
in their teeth, and in this posture ride thorow all the toune.

[121] Handfuls.

Ware their not a Comoedian at Orleans who used to bring us billets when
their ware any Comoedies to be acted, who offered for a croune to let us sy
what my father and mother was doing at that instant, and that in a glasse,
I made my selfe as wery angry at him, telling him that I desired not to
know it by such means. On that he gott up the laughter, demanding if I
thought he had it be ill means; for his oune part he sayd he never saw the

Not only is it usuall heir to show what folkes are doing tho ther be 1000
miles distant; but their[122] also that will bring any man or woman to ye
if ye like, let them be in the popes Conclave at Rome; but incontrovertably
its the Devill himselfe that appeires in this case. The tricks also of
robbing the bride groomes of their faculty that they can do nothing to the
wives is very ordinar heir; as also that of bewitching gentlewomen in
causing them follow them lasciviously and wt sundry indecent gestures; and
this they effectuat sometymes by a kind of pouder they have and mix in
amongs hir wine; some tymes by getting a litle of hir hair, which they
boill wt pestiferous herbs; whilk act when its parfaited the women who
aught the hair will come strangely, let hir be the modestest woman in
Europe, wheir the thing is doing, and do any thing the persones likes.

[122] their = there are.

Plumes are in wery great abondance heir, and that of many sorts. We have
bein offered the quatrain, thats 26 of plumes, wery like that we call the
whitecorne, tho' not so big, for 2 deniers or a double, thats for 8 penies
the 100; and they sel them cheaper.

Great is the diversity amongs peirs their. Mr. Daille hath told me that at
least theirs 700 several sorts of peirs that grows in France, al
distinguasble be the tast. We ourselfes have sien great diversity. Theirs a
wery delicious sort of poir they call the _poir de Rosette_, because in
eating it ye seime as give ye ware smelling a rose. They have also among
the best of the peirs _poir de Monsieur_, and _de Madame_. They have the
_poir de piss_, the _poir blanchette_ (which comes wery neir our safron
peer we have at home), and _trompe valet_, a excelent peir, so called
because to look to ye would not think it worth anything, whence the valets
or servants, who comes to seik good peirs to their masters, unless they be
all the better versed, will not readily buy it, whence it cheats them. They
distinguise their peires into _poirs de l'este de l'automne_, and _de
l'yver_, amongs whilk theirs some thats not eatable til pais or pasque.

In the gazetts or news books (which every friday we get from the
Fullions[123] or Bernardines at their Convent, such correspondence does the
orders of the country keip wt thess at Paris), we heard newes passing at
home. The place they bring it from they terme it Barwick, on the borders of
Scotland. We heard that the 29 of May, our Soverains birth day, was solemly
keipt by the Magistrates of Edinburgh and the wholle toune. At another tyme
we heard of a act of our privy counsill, inhibiting all trafic whatsoever
wt any of the places infected wt the plague. In another we heard of a
breach some pirates made in on our Northren Iles, setting some houses on
fire; on whilk our privy counsell by a act layd on a taxation on the
kingdome, to be employed in the war against the Hollanders, ordaining it to
be lifted wtin the 5 years coming.

[123] Fullions, Feuillants, 'Nom de religieux reformes de l'ordre de
Citeaux, appeles en France feuillants, et en Italie reformes de
St. Bernard... Etym., Notre-Dame de Feuillans, devenue en 1573 le
chef de la congregation de la plus etroite observation de Citeaux
... en Latin, Beata Maria fuliensis, fulium dicta a nemore
cognomine, aujourd'hui Bastide des Feuillants, Haute Garonne.'--
Littre, _Dict_. s.v.

Tho the French are knowen and celebrated throwghout the world for the
civility, especially to strangers, yet I thought wonderfull to perceive the
inbreed antipathy they carry against the Spaniard. That I have heard it
many a tyme, not only from Mr. Daille, but from persons of more refined
judgements then his, yea even from religious persones, that they had not no
civility for a Spaniard, that not one of a 1000 of them is welcoome. I
pressing whence this might come to passe that they so courteously receaving
all sortes of strangers, be they Scots, English, Germans, Hollanders, or
Italians, and that they had none of this courtoisie to spare for a
Spaniard, they replied that it came to pass from the contrariety of their
humeurs; that the French ware franck (whence they would derive the name of
their nation), galliard, pleasant, and pliable to all company; the Spaniard
quite contrary retired, austere, rigid, proud. And indeed their are
something of truth in it; for who knows not the pride of the Castilian: if
a Castilian then a Demigod. He thinks himselfe _ex meliore luto natus_ then
the rest of the world is.

Its a fine drollery to sie a Frenchman conterfit the Castilian as he
marches on his streets of Castile wt his castilian bever cockt, his hand in
his syde, his march and paw[124] speaking pride it selfe. Who knows not
also that mortell feud that the Castilian carries to the Portugueze and the
Portuegueze reciprocally to them, and whence this I beseich you if not from
the conceit they have of themselfe. This minds me of a pretty story I have
heard them tell of a Castilian who at Lisbon came into a widows chop to buy
something. She was sitting wt her daughter; the lass observing his habit
crys to her mother, do not sell him nothing, mother, hees a Castilian, the
mother chiding her daughter replied, whow dare you call the honest man a
Castilian; on that tenet they hold that a Castilian cannot be a honest man.
I leive you to ghesse whether the daughters wipe or the mothers was

[124] paw = _pas_.

Howell (as I remember) in a letter (its in the first volume, letter 43) he
writes from Lyons, he findes the 2 rivers on which that brave city (for its
situation yeelding to none in Europe, not to London tho' on lovely Thames)
standes on, to wit the Rhosne and the Sosne, to be a pretty embleme of the
diversity thats betuixt the humeurs of thess 2 mighty nations (France and
Spain), who deservedly may be termed the 2 axletrees or poles on which the
Microcosme of Europe turnes. Its theirfor wery much in the concernement of
the rest of Europe to hold their 2 poles at a even balance, lest the one
chancing at lenth to wieght doune the other there be no resisting of him,
and we find ourselfes wise behind the hand.

Looking again on the Rhosne, which runes impetuously and wiolently, it
mindes him of the French galliardness and lightness, or even inconstancy.
Looking again on the Sosne, and finding it glid smoothly and calmly in its
channel, its mindes him (he sayes) of the rigid gravity the Spaniard
affected. And to speak the truth, this pride and selfe conceetedness is
more legible in the Spaniard than in the French, yet if our experience
abuse us not, we have discovered a great tincture of it in the French. That
its not so palpable amongs them as in the Spaniard we impute to that
naturall courtoisie and civility they are given to, that tempers it or
hides it a little, being of the mind that if the Spaniard had a litle grain
of the French pleasantness, the pride for which we tax them sould not be so

Yet we discovered a beastly proud principle that we have observed the
French from the hiest to the lowest (let him be never so base or so
ignorant) to carry about wt them, to wit, that they are born to teach all
the rest of the world knowledge and manners. What may be the mater and
nutrix of this proud thought is not difficult to ghess; since wtout doubt
its occasioned by the great confluence of strangers of all sorts (excepting
only the Italian and Spaniard, who think they have to good breeding at home
to come and seik it of the French) who are drawen wt the sweitness of the
country, and the common civility of the inhabitants. Let this we have sayd
of the French pass for a definition of him till we be able to give a

About the beginning of September at Poictiers, we had the newes of a horrid
murder that had bein perpetrat at Paris, on a Judge criminell by tuo
desperat rascalls, who did it to revenge themselfes of him for a sentence
of death he had passed against their brother for some crime he had
committed. His wife also, as she came in to rescue hir husband, they
pistoled. The assassinats ware taken and broken on the wheell. He left 5
million in money behind him, a terrible summe for a single privat man,
speaking much the richness of Paris.

The palais at Poictiers (which with us we call the session) raises the 1
Saturday of September, and sittes doune again at Martimess.

We remember that in our observations at Orleans we marked that the violent
beats heir procures terrible thunders and lightnening, and because they are
several tymes of bad consequence, the thunder lighting sometymes on the
houses, sometymes on the steeples and bells, levelling all to the ground,
that they may evite the danger as much as they can they sett all the bells
of the city on work gin goon.[125]

[125] Ding dong.

A man may speir at me what does the ringing of the bells to the thunder.
Yes wery much; for its known that the thunder is partly occasioned by the
thickness, grossness, impuritude, crassitude of the circumambient air wt
which the thunder feides itselfe as its matter. Now Im sure if we can
dissipate and discusse this thickness of the air which occasiones the
thunder, we are wery fair for extinguishing the thunder itselfe according
to the Axioma, _sublata causa tollitur effectus_, whilk maxime tho it holds
not in thess effect which dependes not on the cause _in esse_ and
_conservari_ but only in _fieri_: as _filius, pater quidem est eius causa;
attamen eo sublato non tollitur filius quia nullo modo dependet filius a
patre sive in esse sive in conservari: solum modo ab eo dependet ut est in
fieri_. Yet my axiome is good in this present demonstration, since the
thunder dependes on this grossenese of the air, not only in its _fieri_,
but even in its _esse_ and _conservari_. But weill yeell say, let it be so,
but what influence has the ringing of the bells to dissipat this
grosseness: even wery much: for the sound and noice certainly is not a
thing immateriall; ergo it most be corporeall: since theirfor wt the
consent of the papists themselfes _duo corpora non possunt se penetrare aut
esse in codem loco nuturaliter_, its consequentiall that the sound of the
bells as it passes thorow the circumambient air to come to our ears and to
pass thorow all the places wheir it extends its noice makes place for it
selfe by making the air yeeld that stands in its way; whence it rarifies
and purifies the air and by consequence disipates the crassities of the
air, which occasions the thunder.

That the noice thats conveyed to our ears is corporeall and material be it
of bels or of canons is beyond controversy, since _sonus_ is _obiectum
sensus corpori, ut auditus: at objectum rei corporcae oportet esse
corporeum: cum incorporea sub sensibus naturaliter non cadunt_. I adde
_naturaliter_, because I know _super naturaliter in beatifica visione Deus
quodammodo cadet sub sensibus ut glorificatus_, according to that of Jobs
with thir same wery eyes sall I see my Redeimer: yea not only is _sonus
quid materiale_, but further something much more grossely material then the
objects of the rest of the senses, as for instance in the discharging of a
canon being a distance looking on we would think it gives fire long before
it gives the crack, tho in wery truth they be both in the same instant.
The reason then whey we sie the fire before we hear the crack is because
the _species Wisibiles_ that carries the fire to our eyes, tho material are
exceeding spirituall and subtill and are for that soon conveyed to our
sight: when the _Species Audibiles_ being more gross takes a pitty tyme to
peragrate and passe over that distance that is betuixt us and the canon, or
they can rendre them selfes to the organ of our hearing.

But let us returne, we are informed that in Italy, wheir thunders are bothe
more frequent and more dangerous then heir, they are wery carefull not only
to cause ring all their bells, but also to shoot of their greatest cannons
and peices of ordonnances and that to the effect mentioned. I am not
ignorant but the Papists feignes and attributes a kind of wertue to the
ringing of bells for the chassing away of all evill spirits if any place be
hanted or frequented wt them. Yet this reason cannot have roome in our
case, since ther are few so ignorant of the natural causes of thunder as to
impute it to the raging of ill spirits in the air, tho the Mr. of Ogilvy at
Orleans, who very wilfully whiles would maintain things he could not
maintain, would not hear that a natural cause could be given of the
thunder, but would impute it to evill spirits. I do not deny but the Devils
wt Gods permission may occasion thunders and other tempests in the air, but
what I aime at is this, they never occasion it so, but they make use of
natural means; for who is ignorant but the Meteorologists gives and
assignes all the 4 causes of it its efficient, its materiall, its formall
and its finall.

I cannot forget the effect I have sein the thunder produce in the papists.
When they hear a clap coming they all wery religiously signe theyr
forfronts and their breast wt the signe of the cross, in the wertue of
which they are confident that clap can do them no scaith. Some we have sein
run to their beads and their knees and mumble over their prayers, others
away to the church and doune before the Altar and blaither anything that
comes in their cheek. They have no thunders in the winter.

Discoursing of the commodityes of sundry nations transported to France,
their ordinar cxpression is, that they are beholden to Scotland for nothing
but its herrings, which they count a wery grosse fish no wayes royall, as
they speak, thats, not for a kings table. As for linnen, cloath and other
commodities the kingdome affords, we have litle more of them then serves
our oune necessity.

I was 5 moneth in France before I saw a boyled or roasted egge. Their
mouton is neither so great nor so good heir as its at home. The reason of
which may be the litle roome they leive for pasturage in the most parts of
France. They buy a leg heir for 8 souse, whiles 10 souse.

On the 20 of August came about St. Bernard, Abbot of Clarevill,[126] his
day, who founded the order of the Foullions[127] or Bernardines, whence we
went that afternoon to their Convent and heard one of the order preach his
panygyrick, but so constupatly that the auditory seweral tymes had much ado
to keip themselfes from laughting.

[126] Clairvaux.

[127] See p. 47, note.

On the 24 of the samen ditto was keipt the Aposle St. Bartholemewes day:
the morrow, 25, St. Lowis, king of France, his day, a great feste, and in
that city the festivall day of the marchands (for each calling hes its
particular festivall day: as the taylors theirs, the sutors theirs, the
websters thers, and so furth). Every trade as their day comes about makes a
sort of civil procession thorow all the streets of the toune. Instead of
carrieng crosses and crucifixes, according to the custome of the place,
they carry, and that on the shoulders of 4 of the principal of the trade, a
great farle of bread, seiming to differ nothing from the great bunes we use
to bake wt currants all busked wt the fleurs that the seasone of the year
affordes, and give in winter then wt any herbe to be found at the tyme; and
this wt a sort of pomp, 4 or 5 drummers going before and as many pipers
playing; the body of the trade coming behind. To returne, tho this day was
the feste of the marchands, yet I observed they used not the ceremomy
before specified, looking on it as dishonorable and below them.

This day we went to the Jesuits Church and heard one of the learnedest of
the Augustinians preach, but tediously. The nixt feste was the 8 of
Septembre, _Nativite de nostre Dame_. On which I went and heard our
Comoedian the Jesuit preach hir panegyrick and his oune Valedictory Sermon
(for they preach 12 moneth about, and he had ended his tower[128]). He
would have had us beleiving that she was cleansed from the very womb from
that wery sin which all others are born wt, that at the moment of hir
conception she receaved a immense degrie of grace infused in her. If he
ware to draw the Horoscope of all others that are born he would decipher it
thus, thou sal be born to misery, angoiss, trouble and vexation of spirit,
which, on they wery first entering into this walley of tears, because thou
cannot tell it wt they tongue thou sal signify by thy weiping. But if I
ware, sayes he, to cast our charming Ladies Horoscope I would have
ascertained then, that she was born for the exaltation of many, that she
[was] born to bear the only sone of God, etc.

[128] Tour, turn

The sone he brought in as the embleme of Justice ever minding his father of
his bloody death and sufferings, to the effect that he take vengeance for
it even on thess that crucifies him afresh. The mother he brought on the
stage as the embleme of mercy, crying imperiously, _jure matris_, I
inhibite your justice, I explode your rigor, I discharge your severity. Let
mercy alone triumph. Surely if this be not blasphemy I know not whats
blasphemie. To make Christ only Justice fights diamettrally[129] wt the
Aposle John, If any man hath sinned he has a Advocat with the father.
Christ the righteous, he sayes, is not Christ minding his father continualy
of this passion; its true, but whey; to incite God to wrath, sayes he. O
wicked inference, horrid to come out of the mouth of any Christian save
only a Jesuites. Does not the Scripture language cut thy throat, O
prophane, which teaches us that Christ offereth up to his father his
sufferings as a propitiatory sacrifice; and consequently to appaise, not to

[129] Diametrically. The word is indistinctly written.

His inference at lenth was thus: since the business is thus then,
Messieurs, Mesdames, mon cher Auditoire, yeel do weill in all occassion to
make your address to the Virgin, to invock hir, yea definitivly I assert
that if any of you have any lawfull request if yeel but pray 30 dayes
togither once every day to the Virgin ye sal wtout faill obtain what you
desire. On whilk decision I suppose a man love infinitly a woman who is
most averse from him, if he follow this rule he sall obtaine hir. But who
sies not except thess that are voluntary blind whow rash, inconsiderat, and
illgrounded thir decisions are, and principally that of invocking the
Virgin, since wtout doubt its a injury to Christ, whom we beleive following
the Scripture to be the only one Mediator betwixt God and Man. Also, I find
Christ calling us to come to him, but never to his mother or to Peter or

It will not be a unreasonable drollery whiles to counterfit our Regent, Mr.
James,[130] if it be weill tymed, whow when he would have sein any of his
scollers playing the Rogue he would take them asyde and fall to to admonish
them thus. I think you have forgot ye are _sub ferula_, under the rod, ye
most know that Im your Master not only to instruct you but to chastize you,
and wt a ton[131] do ye ever think for to make a man, Sir; no, I promise
you no. [He killed Kincairnes father by boyling the antimonian cup, which
ought only to seep in.][132] _Inter bonos bene agier_.[133] When any plead
a prate[134] and all denied it, I know the man, yet _neminem nominabo_,
Honest Cicero hes learned me that lesson.

[130] I have not discovered who Mr. James was.

[131] 'Wt a ton' is possibly 'with a tone,' i.e. raising his voice.

[132] Interlined.

[133] _Agier_ for _agere_.

[134] Played a trick.

We cannot forgett also a note of a ministers (called Mr. Rob. Vedderburne)
preaching related me by Robert Scot which happened besyde them. God will
even come over the hil at the back of the kirk their, and cry wt a hy
woice, Angel of the church of Maln[moon]sy, compeir; than Ile answer, Lord,
behold thy servant what hes thou to say to him. Then God wil say, Wheir are
the souls thou hest won by your ministery heir thir 17 years? He no wal
what to answer to this, for, Sirs, I cannot promise God one of your souls:
yet Ile say, behold my own Soul and my crooked Bessies (this was his
daughter), and wil not this be a sad matter. Yet this was not so ill as Mr.
John Elies note of a Minister was, who prayed for the success of the Kings
navy both by sea and be land.

The very beggers in France may teach folk thrift. Ye sall find verie few
women beggers (except some that are ether not working stockings, or very
old and weak) who wants[135] their rock in their bosome, spining very
busily as they walk in the streets.

[135] wants = have not.

The French, notwtstanding all their civility, are horridly and furiously
addicted to the cheating of strangers. If they know a man to be a stranger
or they cause him not pay the double of what they sell it to others for,
theyl rather not sell it at all, which whither it comes from a malitious
humour or a greedy I cannot determine, yet I'm sure they play the fooll in
it, for tho they think a stranger wil readily give them all they demand, or
if he mint to go away that he'el come again; yet they are whiles mistaken.
Many instances we could give of it in our oune experience, al whilk we sall
bury at this tyme, mentioning only one of Patrick Humes, who the vinter he
was at Poictiers, chancing to get the cold, went to buy some sugar candy.
Demanding what they sold the unce of it for, they demanded 18 souse, at
last came to 15, vould not bat a bottle;[136] wheirupon thinking it over
dear he would have none of it, but coming back to Mr. Alex'rs he sent furth
his man, directing him to that same wery chop, who brought him in that for
3 souse which they would not give him under 15. That story may pass in the
company of one that understandes French, of the daughter who was sitting wt
her mother at the fire, wt a great sigh cried, '_O que je foutcrois._ The
mother spearing what sayes thou, she replied readily, _O que je souperois_.

[136] Bate a bodle.

On September 12 arrived heir 2 Englishmen from Orleans, who brought us
large commendations from Mr. Ogilvie their, who desiring to sy the toune, I
took them first up to the steeple of the place, which being both situat on
a eminence and also hy of it selfe gave us a clear survey of the whole
toune. We discovered a great heap of wacuities filled up wt gardens and
wines, and the city seimed to us like a round hill, the top of it and all
the sydes being filled wt houses. And to our wiew it seimed not to have
many mo houses then what we had discovered at Orleans, for their we thought
we saw heir one and their one dispersed. At Orleans we would think they lay
all in a heap (lump).[137] From thence, not desiring but that they sould
find the Scots as civil and obligding as any, we was at the paines to take
them first to the church of Nostre Dame la grande, on the wall of which
that regardes the place standes the statue of the Empereur Constantine, _a
cheval_, wt a sword in his hand. From thence to Ste. Radegondes, wheir we
showed them hir _tombeau_; from that to St. Croix, wheir we showed them the
_empressa_ of Christs foot, of which we spake already; and from that to St.
Peters, which we looked all on as a very large church, being 50 paces

[137] Interlined.

In the afternoon we went to the Church of St. Hilaire, wheir at a distance
we discovered the Scots walk; so called because when the Englishes ware
beseiging the toune a Regiment of Scotsmen who ware aiding the French got
that syde of the toune to garde and defend, who on some onset behaving
themselfes gallantly the Captain got that great plot of ground which goes
now under that name gifted him by the toune, who after mortified to a
nunnery neir hand, who at present are in possession of it. The church we
fand to smell every way of antiquity.

Heir we saw first that miraculous stone (of which we also brought away some
relicts) which if not touched has no smell, if rubed hard or stricken wt a
key or any other thing, casteth a most pestilentious, intollerable smell,
which we could not indure. We tried the thing and fand it so. The occasion
and cause of this they relate wariously. Some sayes that the stone was a
sepulchre stone, and under it was buried a wicked man that had led a ill
life, whos body the Dewill came on a tyme and carried away; whence the
stone ever stinks in that maner since. Others say that when the Church was
a bigging, the Dewill appeared to one of the maisons, in the signe
[shape][138] of a mulet and troubled him; wheirupon the maison complained
to St. Hilaire the Bischop, who watched the nixt day wt the maison, and the
Dewill appearing in that shape he caused take him and yoke him in a cart to
draw stones to the bigging of the church. They gott him to draw patiently
that great stone which we saw and which stinks so, but he got away and
would draw no more.

[138] Interlined.

Nixt we saw St. Hilaires _berceau_, wheirin they report he lay, a great
long peice of wood hollowed (for it wil hold a man and I had the curiosite
to lay in it a while) halfe filled wt straw that they may lay the softer.
To this the blinded papists attributes the vertue of recovering madmen or
those that are besydes themselfes to their right wites, if they lay in it 9
dayes and 9 nights wt their handes bound, a priest saying a masse for them
once every day. And indeed according to the beleife of this place it hath
bein oft verified. The fellow that hes a care of thess that are brought
hither told us of a Mademoisselle who was extraordinarly distracted and who
was fully recovered by this means. Another of a gentleman who had gone mad
for love to a gentlewoman whom he could not obtaine, and who being brought
their in that tyme recovered his right wits as weill as ever he had them in
his dayes. Its commonly called the _berceau de fols_; so that heir in their
flitting they cannot anger or affront one another worse then to cast up
that they most be rockt in St. Hilaires cradle, since its none but fools or
madmen that are used so.

The greatest man in the province of Poictou is the governour, who in all
things representes the king their, save only that he hath not the power to
pardon offenders or guilty persones. Tho a man of wast estat, to wit of
300,000 livres a year, yet he keips sick a low saile[139] that he wil not
spend the thrid of his rent a year, only a pitty garde or 7 or 8 persons on
foot going before his coach; and 4 or 5 lacquais behind; yea he sells vin,
which heir is thought no disparadgement to no peir of France, since theirs
a certain tym of the year that the King himselfe professes to sell win, and
for that effect he causes at the Louwre hing out a bunch of ivy, the symbol
of vin to be sold.

[139] Lives so quietly.

The King also playes notably weill on the drum, especially the keetle
drumes, thinking it no disparagdement when he was a boy to go thorow Paris
whils playing on the drum, whiles sounding the trumpet, that his subjects
may sie whow weill hes wersed in all these warlike, brave, martiall
excercises. The invention of the keetle drume we have from the Germans who
makes great use of it.

The father of this present King also, Lowis the 13, could exactly frame and
make a gun, and much more a pistol, with all the appartenances of it, as
also canons wt all other sort of Artillerie; for he was a great engineer.

There are amongs the French nobility some great deall richer then any
subject of our Kings; for the greatest subject of the King of Englands is
the Duc of Ormond, or the Earle of Northumberland, nether of which tho hath
above 30,000 pounds sterling, which make some 300,000 livres in french
money, which is ordinar for a peir in France. The last of which, to wit, my
Lord Northumberland, by reason of that great power and influence he hath in
the north of England, his oune country, the parliament of England of old
hath found it not a miss to discharge him the ever going their, and that
for the avoiding and eviting of insurrectiones which, if he ware amongs
them, he could at his pleasure raise. Surely this restraint neids not be
tedious to him since he is confined in a beautiful prison, to wit, London;
yea he may go thorow all the world save only Northumberland, he may come to
Scotland whilkes benorth Northumberland be sea.[140] It may be it might be
telling Scotland that by sick another act they layd a constrainct on that
house of Huntly, the Cock of the north. If so, the French Jesuits sould not
have such raison to boast (as we have heard them), and the papists sould
not have so great footing in the north as they have.

[140] I have not traced the authority for this statement.

We most not forgett the drolleries we have had wt our host Mr. Daille when
I would have heard him at the _garde robe_, to sport my selfe whiles, I
would have come up upon him or he had bein weill begun and prayed him to
make hast by reason I was exceedingly straitned when they would have bein
no such thing, wheiron he would have raisen of the stooll or he had bein
halfe done and up wt his breecks, it may be whiles wt something in them.

In our soups, which we got once every day, and which we have descryved
already, such was Madames frugality that the one halfe of it she usually
made of whiter bread, and that was turned to my syde of the board, the
other halfe or a better part she made of the braner, like our rye loaves,
and that was for hir and hir husband.

The bread ordinarly used heir they bake it in the forme of our great
cheeses, some of them 12 pence, others 10 souse, others for 8. Thess for 10
souse are as big again as our 6 penie loaves, and some of them as fine.

There comes no vine out of France to forreine country, save that which they
brimstone a litle, other wise it could not keip on the sea, but it would
spoil. Its true the wine works much of it out againe, yet this makes that
wine much more unwholsome and heady then that we drink in the country wheir
it growes at hand. We have very strick laws against the adulterating of
wines, and I have heard the English confess that they wished they had the
like, yet the most do this for keiping of it; yea their hardly wine in any
cabaret of Paris that is otherwise.

Hearing a bel of some convent ringing and ronging on a tyme in that same
very faschion that we beginne our great or last bel to the preaching, I
demanding what it meint, they told me it was for some person that was
expiring, and that they cailed it _l'agonie_. That the custome was that any
who ware at the point of death and neir departing they cause send to any
religious house they please, not forgetting money, to ring a Agonie that
all that hears, knowing what it means, to wit, that a brother or sister is
departing, may help them wt their prayers, since then they may be
steadable, which surely seimes to be wery laudable, and it nay be not amiss
that it ware in custome wt us. The Church of England hath it, and on the
ringing any peaple that are weill disposed they assemble themselfes in the
Church to pray. In France also they ring upon the death of any person to
show the hearers, called _le trespas_, that some persone is dead. The same
they have in England, wt which we was beguiled that night we lay at Anick,
for about 2 howers of the morning the toune bel ronging on the death of one
Richard Charleton, I taking it to be the 5 howers bel we rose in hast, on
wt our cloaths, and so got no more sleip that night.

Their was nothing we could render Mr. Daille pensive and melancholick so
soon wt as to fall in discourse of Mr. Douglas. He hes told me his mind of
him severall tymes, that he ever had a evill opinion of him; that he never
heard him pray in his tyme; all 16 month he was wt him, he was not 3 or 4
tymes at Quatre Piquet [the church],[141] and when he went it was to mock;
that he was a violent, passionate man; that he spak disdainefully of all
persones; that he took the place of all the other Scotsmen, that he had no
religion, wt a 100 sick like.

[141] Interlined.

Its in wery great use heir for the bridegroomes to give rich gifts to the
brides, especially amongs thess of condition; as a purse wt a 100 pistols
in it, and this she may dispose on as she pleaseth to put hir selfe bravely
in the faschion against hir marriage. We have heard of a conseillers sone
in Poictiers who gave in a burse 10000 livres in gold. Yet I am of the mind
that he would not have bein content if she had wared all this on hir
marriage cloaths and other things concerning it, as on bracelets and rings.
The parents also of the parties usually gives the new married folk gifts as
rich plenishing, silver work, and sicklike.

In parties appealls heir from a inferior to a superior, if it appear that
they ware justly condemned, and that they have wrongously and rashly
appealed, they condeime them unto a fine called heir Amende, which the
Judge temperes according to the ability of the persones and nature of the
businesse: the fine its converted ether to the use of the poor or the
repairing of the palais.

The Jurisdiction of thess they call Consuls in France is to decide
controversies arising betuixt marchand and marchand. Their power is such
that their sentence is wtout appeall, and they may ordaine him whom they
find in the wrong to execute the samen wtin the space of 24 howers, which
give they feill to do they may incarcerate them. Thus J. Ogilvie at

Even the wery papists heir punisheth greivously the sine of blasphemy and
horrid swearing. Mr. Daille saw him selfe at Bordeaux a procureurs clerk
for his incorrigibleness in his horrid swearing after many reproofes get
his tongue boored thorow wt a hot iron.

The present bischop of Poictiers is a reasonable, learned man, they say. On
a tyme a preist came to gett collation from him, the bischop, according to
the custome, demanding of him if he know Latin, if he had learned his
Rhetorick, read his philosophy, studied the scooll Divinity and the Canon
Law, etc., the preist replied _quau copois_,[142], which in the Dialect of
bas Poictou (which differes from that they speak in Gascoigne, from that in
Limosin, from that in Bretagne, tho all 4 be but bastard French) signifies
_une peu_. The bischop thought it a very doulld[143] answer, and that he
bit to be but a ignorant fellow. He begines to try him on some of them, but
try him wheir he will he findes him better wersed then himselfe. Thus he
dismissed him wt a ample commendation; and severall preists, efter hearing
of this, when he demanded if they had studied sick and sick things, they
ware sure to reply _cacopois_. He never examined them further, crying, go
your wayes, go your wayes, they that answers _cacopois_ are weill

[142] Perhaps _quelque peu_.

[143] Stupid, from doule, a fool.

We have sein sewerall English Books translated in French, as the Practise
of Piety, the late kings [Greek: eikon basilikae], Sidneyes Arcadia, wt

We have sein the plume whilk they dry and make the plumdamy[144] of.

[144] Dried plum, prune.

The habit of the Carmelites is just opposite to that of the Jacobines,[145]
who goe wt a long white robe beneath and a black above. The Carmes wt a
black beneath and a white above. The Augustines are all in black, the
Fullions all in white.

[145] Jacobins, Dominicans, so called from the church of St. Jacques in
Paris, granted to the order, near which they built their convent.
The convent gave its name to the club of the Jacobins at the
French Revolution, which had its quarters there.

Its very rare to sy any of the women religious, they are so keipt up, yet
on a tyme as I was standing wt some others heir in the mouth of a litle
lane their came furth 2 nunnes, in the name of the rest, wt a litle box
demanding our charity. Each of us gave them something: the one of them was
not a lass of 20 years.

Mr. Daille loves fisch dearly, and generally, I observe, that amongs 10
Frenchmen their sall be 9 that wil praefer fisch to flech, and thinks the
one much more delicat to the pallate then the other. The fisch they make
greatest cont of are that they call the sardine, which seimes to be our
sandell, and which we saw first at Saumur, and that they call _le solle_,
which differs not from our fluck[146] but seimes to be the same. The French
termes it _le perdrix de la mer_, the patridge of the sea, because as the
pertridge is the most delicious of birds, so it of fisches. Mr. Daille and
his wife perceaving that we cared not for any sort of fisches, after they
would not have fisches once in the moneth.

[146] Flounder.

We cannot forget a story or 2 we have heard of Capuchines. On a tyme as a
Capuchin, as he was travelling to a certain village a little about a dayes
journy from Poictiers, he rencontred a gentlemen who was going to the same
place, whence they went on thegither. On their way they came to a little
brook, over which their was no dry passage, and which would take a man mid
leg. The Capuchin could easily overcome this difficulty for, being bare
legged, he had no more ado but to truce up his gowen and pass over; the
gentleman could not wt such ease, whence the Capucyn offers to carry him
over on his back. When he was in the mides of the burn the Capucyn demanded
him if he had any mony on him. The man, thinking to gratify the Capucyn,
replied that he had as much as would bear both their charges. Wheiron the
Capucyn replied, If so, then, Sir, I can carry you no further, for by the
institution of our order I can carry no mony, and wt that he did let him
fall wt a plasch in the mides of the burn. _Quoeritur_, whither he would
have spleeted[147] on the regular obedience of their order if he carried
the man having mony on him wholly throw the water.

[147] Split, spleeted on, departed from.

At another tyme a Capucyn travelling all alone fand a pistoll laying on the
way. On which arose a conflict betuixt the flesch and the spirit, that same
man as a Capuchin and as another man. On the one hand he reasoned that for
him to take it up it would be a mortell sine; on the other hand, that to
leive it was a folly, since their was nobody their to testify against him.
Yet he left it, and as he was a litle way from it the flesch prevailed, he
returned and took it up, but be a miracle it turned to a serpent in his
hand and bit him.

Enquiring on a tyme at Madame Daille and others whow the murders perpetrate
by that fellow that lived at the port St. Lazare came to be discovered, I
was informed that after he had committed these villanies on marchands and
others for the space of 10 years and above, the house began to be hanted wt
apparitions and spirits, whence be thought it was tyme for him to quatte
it, so that he sould it for litle thing, and retired to the country
himselfe. He that had bought the house amongs others reformations he was
making on it, he was causing lay a underseller wt stone, whilk while they
are digging to do, they find dead bodies, which breeds suspicion of the
truthe, wheirupon they apprehend him who, after a fainte deniall, confesses
it; and as they are carrieing him to Paris to receave condigne punishment,
they not garding him weell, some sayes he put handes in himselfe, others
that his complices in the crime, fearing that he might discover them, to
prevent it they layd wait for him and made him away by the way, for dead
folk speaks none.

On the 22 of Septembre 1665 parted from this for Paris 4 of our society,
Mr. Patrick, David and Alex'r Humes, wt Colinton. We 3 that ware left
behind hired horses and put them the lenth of Bonnevette, 3 leagues from
Poictiers (it was built by admiral Chabot[148] in Francis the firsts time,
and he is designed in the story Admirall de Bonnivette). By this we bothe
gratified our commorades and stanched our oune curiosity we had to sie that
house. It's its fatality to stand unfinished; by reason of whilk together
wt its lack of furniture it infinitly comes short of Richelieu. It may be
it may yeeld nothing to it in its bastiments, for its all built of a brave
stone, veill cut, which gives a lustre to the exterior. Yet we discovered
the building many wayes irregular, as in its chimlies, 4 on the one side
and but 3 on the other. That same irregularity was to found in the vindows.

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