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Plutarch's Lives

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prescribed to those that are banished by the ostracism. In the mean
time, the Lacedaemonians, on their return after freeing Delphi from
the Phocians, encamped their army at Tanagra, whither the Athenians
presently marched with design to fight them.

Cimon, also, came thither armed, and ranged himself among those of
his own tribe, which was the Oeneis, desirous of fighting with the
rest against the Spartans; but the council of five hundred being
informed of this, and frighted at it, his adversaries crying out he
would disorder the army, and bring the Lacedaemonians to Athens,
commanded the officers not to receive him. Wherefore Cimon left the
army, conjuring Euthippus, the Anaphlystian, and the rest of his
companions, who were most suspected as favoring the Lacedaemonians,
to behave themselves bravely against their enemies, and by their
actions make their innocence evident to their countrymen. These, being
in all a hundred, took the arms of Cimon and followed his advice; and
making a body by themselves, fought so desperately with the enemy,
that they were all cut off, leaving the Athenians deep regret for
the loss of such brave men, and repentance for having so unjustly
suspected them. Accordingly, they did not long retain their severity
toward Cimon, partly upon remembrance of his former services, and
partly, perhaps, induced by the juncture of the times. For being
defeated at Tanagra in a great battle, and fearing the Peloponnesians
would come upon them at the opening of the spring, they recalled
Cimon by a decree, of which Pericles himself was author. So
reasonable were men's resentments in those times, and so moderate
their anger, that it always gave way to the public good. Even
ambition, the least governable of all human passions, could then
yield to the necessities of the State.

Cimon, as soon as he returned, put an end to the war, and reconciled
the two cities. Peace thus established, seeing the Athenians
impatient of being idle, and eager after the honor and aggrandizement
of war, lest they should set upon the Greeks themselves, or with so
many ships cruising about the isles and Peloponnesus, they should
give occasions to intestine wars, or complaints of their allies
against them, he equipped two hundred galleys, with design to make an
attempt upon Egypt and Cyprus; purposing, by this means, to accustom
the Athenians to fight against the barbarians, and enrich themselves
honestly by spoiling those who were the natural enemies to Greece.
But when all things were prepared, and the army ready to embark,
Cimon had this dream. It seemed to him that there was a furious
bitch barking at him, and, mixed with the barking, a kind of human
voice uttered these words: --

Come on, for thou shalt shortly be,
A pleasure to my whelps and me.

This dream was hard to interpret, yet Astyphilus of Posidonia, a man
skilled in divinations, and intimate with Cimon, told him that his
death was presaged by this vision, which he thus explained. A dog is
enemy to him be barks at; and one is always most a pleasure to one's
enemies, when one is dead; the mixture of human voice with barking
signifies the Medes, for the army of the Medes is mixed up of Greeks
and barbarians. After this dream, as he was sacrificing to Bacchus,
and the priest cutting up the victim, a number of ants, taking up the
congealed particles of the blood, laid them about Cimon's great toe.
This was not observed for a good while, but at the very time when
Cimon spied it, the priest came and showed him the liver of the
sacrifice imperfect, wanting that part of it called the head. But he
could not then recede from the enterprise, so he set sail. Sixty of
his ships he sent toward Egypt; with the rest he went and fought the
king of Persia's fleet, composed of Phoenician and Cilician galleys,
recovered all the cities thereabout, and threatened Egypt; designing
no less than the entire ruin of the Persian empire. And the rather,
for that he was informed Themistocles was in great repute among the
barbarians, having promised the king to lead his army, whenever he
should make war upon Greece. But Themistocles, it is said,
abandoning all hopes of compassing his designs, very much out of the
despair of overcoming the valor and good-fortune of Cimon, died a
voluntary death. Cimon, intent on great designs, which he was now to
enter upon, keeping his navy about the isle of Cyprus, sent
messengers to consult the oracle of Jupiter Ammon upon some secret
matter. For it is not known about what they were sent, and the god
would give them no answer, but commanded them to return again, for
that Cimon was already with him. Hearing this, they returned to sea,
and as soon as they came to the Grecian army, which was then about
Egypt, they understood that Cimon was dead; and computing the time of
the oracle, they found that his death had been signified, he being
then already with the gods.

He died, some say, of sickness, while besieging Citium, in Cyprus;
according to others, of a wound he received in a skirmish with the
barbarians. When he perceived he should die, he commanded those
under his charge to return, and by no means to let the news of his
death be known by the way; this they did with such secrecy that they
all came home safe, and neither their enemies nor the allies knew
what had happened. Thus, as Phanodemus relates, the Grecian army
was, as it were, conducted by Cimon, thirty days after he was dead.
But after his death there was not one commander among the Greeks that
did anything considerable against the barbarians, and instead of
uniting against their common enemies, the popular leaders and
partisans of war animated them against one another to that degree,
that none could interpose their good offices to reconcile them. And
while, by their mutual discord, they ruined the power of Greece, they
gave the Persians time to recover breath, and repair all their
losses. It is true, indeed, Agesilaus carried the arms of Greece
into Asia, but it was a long time after; there were, indeed, some
brief appearances of a war against the king's lieutenants in the
maritime provinces, but they all quickly vanished; before he could
perform anything of moment, he was recalled by fresh civil
dissensions and disturbances at home. So that he was forced to leave
the Persian king's officers to impose what tribute they pleased on
the Greek cities in Asia, the confederates and allies of the
Lacedaemonians. Whereas, in the time of Cimon, not so much as a
letter-carrier, or a single horseman, was ever seen to come within
four hundred furlongs of the sea.

The monuments, called Cimonian to this day, in Athens, show that his
remains were conveyed home, yet the inhabitants of the city Citium
pay particular honor to a certain tomb which they call the tomb of
Cimon, according to Nausicrates the rhetorician, who states that in a
time of famine, when the crops of their land all failed, they sent to
the oracle, which commanded them not to forget Cimon, but give him
the honors of a superior being. Such was the Greek commander.


Lucullus's grandfather had been consul; his uncle by the mother's
sister was Metellus, surnamed Numidicus. As for his parents, his
father was convicted of extortion, and his mother Caecilia's
reputation was bad. The first thing that Lucullus did before ever
he stood for any office, or meddled with the affairs of state,
being then but a youth, was, to accuse the accuser of his father,
Servilius the augur, having caught him in an offense against the
state. This thing was much taken notice of among the Romans, who
commended it as an act of high merit. Even without the
provocation, the accusation was esteemed no unbecoming action, for
they delighted to see young men as eagerly attacking injustice, as
good dogs do wild beasts. But when great animosities ensued,
insomuch that some were wounded and killed in the fray, Servilius
escaped. Lucullus followed his studies, and became a competent
speaker, in both Greek and Latin, insomuch that Sylla, when
composing the commentaries of his own life and actions, dedicated
them to him, as one who could have performed the task better
himself. His speech was not only elegant and ready for purposes of
mere business, like the ordinary oratory which will in the public

Lash as a wounded tunny does the sea,

but on every other occasion shows itself

Dried up and perished with the want of wit;

but even in his younger days he addicted himself to the study,
simply for its own sake, of the liberal arts; and when advanced in
years, after a life of conflicts, he gave his mind, as it were, its
liberty, to enjoy in full leisure the refreshment of philosophy;
and summoning up his contemplative faculties, administered a timely
check, after his difference with Pompey, to his feelings of
emulation and ambition. Besides what has been said of his love of
learning already, one instance more was, that in his youth, upon a
suggestion of writing the Marsian war in Greek and Latin verse and
prose, arising out of some pleasantry that passed into a serious
proposal, he agreed with Hortensius the lawyer, and Sisenna the
historian, that he would take his lot; and it seems that the lot
directed him to the Greek tongue, for a Greek history of that war
is still extant.

Among the many signs of the great love which he bore to his brother
Marcus, one in particular is commemorated by the Romans. Though he
was elder brother, he would not step into authority without him,
but deferred his own advance until his brother was qualified to
bear a share with him, and so won upon the people, as when absent
to be chosen Aedile with him.

He gave many and early proofs of his valor and conduct, in the
Marsian war, and was admired by Sylla for his constancy and
mildness, and always employed in affairs of importance, especially
in the mint; most of the money for carrying on the Mithridatic war
being coined by him in Peloponnesus, which, by the soldiers' wants,
was brought into rapid circulation, and long continued current
under the name of Lucullean coin. After this, when Sylla conquered
Athens, and was victorious by land, but found the supplies for his
army cut off, the enemy being master at sea, Lucullus was the man
whom he sent into Libya and Egypt, to procure him shipping. It was
the depth of winter when he ventured with but three small Greek
vessels, and as many Rhodian galleys, not only into the main sea,
but also among multitudes of vessels belonging to the enemies, who
were cruising about as absolute masters. Arriving at Crete, he
gained it; and finding the Cyrenians harassed by long tyrannies and
wars, he composed their troubles, and settled their government;
putting the city in mind of that saying which Plato once had
oracularly uttered of them, who, being requested to prescribe laws
to them, and mold them into some sound form of government, made
answer, that it was a hard thing to give laws to the Cyrenians,
abounding, as they did, in wealth and plenty. For nothing is more
intractable than man when in felicity, nor anything more docile,
when he has been reduced and humbled by fortune. This made the
Cyrenians so willingly submit to the laws which Lucullus imposed
upon them. From thence sailing into Egypt, and, pressed by
pirates, he lost most of his vessels; but he himself narrowly
escaping, made a magnificent entry into Alexandria. The whole
fleet, a compliment due only to royalty, met him in full array, and
the young Ptolemy showed wonderful kindness to him, appointing him
lodging and diet in the palace, where no foreign commander before
him had been received. Besides, he gave him gratuities and
presents, not such as were usually given to men of his condition,
but four times as much; of which, however, he took nothing more
than served his necessity, and accepted of no gift, though what was
worth eighty talents was offered him. It is reported he neither
went to see Memphis, nor any of the celebrated wonders of Egypt.
It was for a man of no business and much curiosity to see such
things, not for him who had left his commander in the field,
lodging under the ramparts of his enemies.

Ptolemy, fearing the issue of that war, deserted the confederacy,
but nevertheless sent a convoy with him as far as Cyprus, and at
parting, with much ceremony, wishing him a good voyage, gave him a
very precious emerald set in gold. Lucullus at first refused it,
but when the king showed him his own likeness cut upon it, he
thought he could not persist in a denial, for had he parted with
such open offense, it might have endangered his passage. Drawing a
considerable squadron together, which he summoned, as he sailed by,
out of all the maritime towns, except those suspected of piracy, he
sailed for Cyprus; and there understanding that the enemy lay in
wait under the promontories for him, he laid up his fleet, and sent
to the cities to send in provisions for his wintering among them.
But when time served, he launched his ships suddenly, and went off,
and hoisting all his sails in the night, while he kept them down in
the day, thus came safe to Rhodes. Being furnished with ships at
Rhodes, he also prevailed upon the inhabitants of Cos and Cnidus,
to leave the king's side, and join in an expedition against the
Samians. Out of Chios he himself drove the king's party, and set
the Colophonians at liberty, having seized Epigonus the tyrant, who
oppressed them.

About this time Mithridates left Pergamus, and retired to Pitane,
where being closely besieged by Fimbria on the land, and not daring
to engage with so bold and victorious a commander, he was
concerting means for escape by sea, and sent for all his fleets
from every quarter to attend him. Which when Fimbria perceived,
having no ships of his own, he sent to Lucullus, entreating him to
assist him with his, in subduing the most odious and warlike of
kings, lest the opportunity of humbling Mithridates, the prize
which the Romans had pursued with so much blood and trouble, should
now at last be lost, when he was within the net, and easily to be
taken. And were he caught, no one would be more highly commended
than Lucullus, who stopped his passage and seized him in his
flight. Being driven from the land by the one, and met in the sea
by the other, he would give matter of renown and glory to them
both, and the much applauded actions of Sylla at Orchomenus and
about Chaeronea, would no longer be thought of by the Romans. The
proposal was no unreasonable thing; it being obvious to all men,
that if Lucullus had hearkened to Fimbria, and with his navy, which
was then near at hand, had blocked up the haven, the war soon had
been brought to an end, and infinite numbers of mischiefs prevented
thereby. But he, whether from the sacredness of friendship between
himself and Sylla, reckoning all other considerations of public or
of private advantage inferior to it, or out of detestation of the
wickedness of Fimbria, whom he abhorred for advancing himself by
the late death of his friend and the general of the army, or by a
divine fortune sparing Mithridates then, that he might have him an
adversary for a time to come, for whatever reason, refused to
comply, and suffered Mithridates to escape and laugh at the
attempts of Fimbria. He himself alone first, near Lectum in Troas,
in a sea-fight, overcame the king's ships; and afterwards,
discovering Neoptolemus lying in wait for him near Tenedos, with a
greater fleet, he went aboard a Rhodian quinquereme galley,
commended by Damagoras, a man of great experience at sea, and
friendly to the Romans, and sailed before the rest. Neoptolemus
made up furiously at him, and commanded the master, with all
imaginable might, to charge; but Damagoras, fearing the bulk and
massy stem of the admiral, thought it dangerous to meet him prow to
prow, and, rapidly wheeling round, bid his men back water, and so
received him astern; in which place, though violently borne upon,
he received no manner of harm, the blow being defeated by falling
on those parts of the ship which lay under water. By which time,
the rest of the fleet coming up to him, Lucullus gave order to turn
again, and vigorously falling, upon the enemy, put them to flight,
and pursued Neoptolemus. After this he came to Sylla, in
Chersonesus, as he was preparing to pass the strait, and brought
timely assistance for the safe transportation of the army.

Peace being presently made, Mithridates sailed off to the Euxine
sea, but Sylla taxed the inhabitants of Asia twenty thousand
talents, and ordered Lucullus to gather and coin the money. And it
was no small comfort to the cities under Sylla's severity, that a
man of not only incorrupt and just behavior, but also of
moderation, should be employed in so heavy and odious an office.
The Mitylenaeans, who absolutely revolted, he was willing should
return to their duty, and submit to a moderate penalty for the
offense they had given in the case of Marius. But, finding them
bent upon their own destruction, he came up to them, defeated them
at sea, blocked them up in their city and besieged them; then
sailing off from them openly in the day to Elaea, he returned
privately, and posting an ambush near the city, lay quiet himself:
And on the Mitylenaeans coming out eagerly and in disorder to
plunder the deserted camp, he fell upon them, took many of them,
and slew five hundred, who stood upon their defense. He gained six
thousand slaves, and a very rich booty.

He was no way engaged in the great and general troubles of Italy
which Sylla and Marius created, a happy providence at that time
detaining him in Asia upon business. He was as much in Sylla's
favor, however, as any of his other friends; Sylla, as was said
before, dedicated his Memoirs to him as a token of kindness, and at
his death, passing by Pompey, made him guardian to his son; which
seems, indeed, to have been the rise of the quarrel and jealousy
between them two being both young men, and passionate for honor.

A little after Sylla's death, he was made consul with Marcus Cotta,
about the one hundred and seventy-sixth Olympiad. The Mithridatic
war being then under debate, Marcus declared that it was not
finished, but only respited for a time, and therefore, upon choice
of provinces, the lot falling to Lucullus to have Gaul within the
Alps, a province where no great action was to be done, he was
ill-pleased. But chiefly, the success of Pompey in Spain fretted
him, as, with the renown he got there, if the Spanish war were
finished in time, he was likely to be chosen general before anyone
else against Mithridates. So that when Pompey sent for money, and
signified by letter that, unless it were sent him, he would leave
the country and Sertorius, and bring his forces home to Italy,
Lucullus most zealously supported his request, to prevent any
pretence of his returning home during his own consulship; for all
things would have been at his disposal, at the head of so great an
army. For Cethegus, the most influential popular leader at that
time, owing to his always both acting and speaking to please the
people, had, as it happened, a hatred to Lucullus, who had not
concealed his disgust at his debauched, insolent, and lawless life.
Lucullus, therefore, was at open warfare with him. And Lucius
Quintius, also, another demagogue, who was taking steps against
Sylla's constitution, and endeavoring to put things out of order,
by private exhortations and public admonitions he checked in his
designs, and repressed his ambition, wisely and safely remedying a
great evil at the very outset.

At this time news came that Octavius, the governor of Cilicia, was
dead, and many were eager for the place, courting Cethegus, as the
man best able to serve them. Lucullus set little value upon
Cilicia itself, no otherwise than as he thought, by his acceptance
of it, no other man besides himself might be employed in the war
against Mithridates, by reason of its nearness to Cappadocia. This
made him strain every effort that that province might be allotted
to himself, and to none other; which led him at last into an
expedient not so honest or commendable, as it was serviceable for
compassing his design, submitting to necessity against his own
inclination. There was one Praecia, a celebrated wit and beauty,
but in other respects nothing better than an ordinary harlot; who,
however, to the charms of her person adding the reputation of one
that loved and served her friends, by making use of those who
visited her to assist their designs and promote their interests,
had thus gained great power. She had seduced Cethegus, the first
man at that time in reputation and authority of all the city, and
enticed him to her love, and so had made all authority follow her.
For nothing of moment was done in which Cethegus was not concerned,
and nothing by Cethegus without Praecia. This woman Lucullus
gained to his side by gifts and flattery, (and a great price it was
in itself to so stately and magnificent a dame, to be seen engaged
in the same cause with Lucullus,) and thus he presently found
Cethegus his friend, using his utmost interest to procure Cilicia
for him; which when once obtained, there was no more need of
applying himself either to Praecia, or Cethegus; for all
unanimously voted him to the Mithridatic war, by no hands likely to
be so successfully managed as his. Pompey was still contending
with Sertorius, and Metellus by age unfit for service; which two
alone were the competitors who could prefer any claim with Lucullus
for that command. Cotta, his colleague, after much ado in the
senate, was sent away with a fleet to guard the Propontis, and
defend Bithynia.

Lucullus carried with him a legion under his own orders, and
crossed over into Asia and took the command of the forces there,
composed of men who were all thoroughly disabled by dissoluteness
and rapine, and the Fimbrians, as they were called, utterly
unmanageable by long want of any sort of discipline. For these
were they who under Fimbria had slain Flaccus, the consul and
general, and afterwards betrayed Fimbria to Sylla; a willful and
lawless set of men, but warlike, expert, and hardy in the field.
Lucullus in a short time took down the courage of these, and
disciplined the others, who then first, in all probability, knew
what a true commander and governor was; whereas in former times
they had been courted to service, and took up arms at nobody's
command, but their own wills.

The enemy's provisions for war stood thus; Mithridates, like the
Sophists, boastful and haughty at first, set upon the Romans, with
a very inefficient army, such, indeed, as made a good show, but was
nothing for use. But being shamefully routed, and taught a lesson
for a second engagement, he reduced his forces to a proper,
serviceable shape. Dispensing with the mixed multitudes, and the
noisy menaces of barbarous tribes of various languages, and with
the ornaments of gold and precious stones, a greater temptation to
the victors than security to the bearers, he gave his men broad
swords like the Romans', and massy shields; chose horses better for
service than show, drew up an hundred and twenty thousand foot in
the figure of the Roman phalanx, and had sixteen thousand horse,
besides chariots armed with scythes, no less than a hundred.
Besides which, he set out a fleet not at all cumbered with gilded
cabins, luxurious baths and women's furniture, but stored with
weapons and darts, and other necessaries, and thus made a descent
upon Bithynia. Not only did these parts willingly receive him
again, but almost all Asia regarded him as their salvation from the
intolerable miseries which they were suffering from the Roman
money-lenders, and revenue farmers. These, afterwards, who like
harpies stole away their very nourishment, Lucullus drove away, and
at this time by reproving them, did what he could to make them more
moderate, and to prevent a general secession, then breaking out in
all parts. While Lucullus was detained in rectifying these
matters, Cotta, finding affairs ripe for action, prepared for
battle with Mithridates; and news coming from all hands that
Lucullus had already entered Phrygia, on his march against the
enemy, he, thinking he had a triumph all but actually in his hands,
lest his colleague should share in the glory of it, hasted to
battle without him. But being routed, both by sea and land, he
lost sixty ships with their men, and four thousand foot, and
himself was forced into and besieged in Chalcedon, there waiting
for relief from Lucullus. There were those about Lucullus who
would have had him leave Cotta and go forward, in hope of
surprising the defenseless kingdom of Mithridates. And this was
the feeling of the soldiers in general, who wore indignant that
Cotta should by his ill-counsel not only lose his own army, but
hinder them also from conquest, which at that time, without the
hazard of a battle, they might have obtained. But Lucullus, in a
public address, declared to them that he would rather save one
citizen from the enemy, than be master of all that they had.

Archelaus, the former commander in Boeotia under Mithridates, who
afterwards deserted him and accompanied the Romans, protested to
Lucullus that, upon his mere coming, he would possess himself of
all Pontus. But he answered, that it did not become him to be more
cowardly than huntsmen, to leave the wild beasts abroad, and seek
after sport in their deserted dens. Having so said, he made
towards Mithridates with thirty thousand foot, and two thousand
five hundred horse. But on being come in sight of his enemies, he
was astonished at their numbers, and thought to forbear fighting,
and wear out time. But Marius, whom Sertorius had sent out of
Spain to Mithridates with forces under him, stepping out and
challenging him, he prepared for battle. In the very instant
before joining battle, without any perceptible alteration
preceding, on a sudden the sky opened, and a large luminous body
fell down in the midst between the armies, in shape like a
hogshead, but in color like melted silver, insomuch that both
armies in alarm withdrew. This wonderful prodigy happened in
Phrygia, near Otryae. Lucullus after this began to think with
himself that no human power and wealth could suffice to sustain
such great numbers as Mithridates had, for any long time in the
face of an enemy, and commanded one of the captives to be brought
before him, and first of all asked him, how many companions had
been quartered with him, and how much provision he had left behind
him, and when he had answered him, commanded him to stand aside;
then asked a second and a third the same question; after which,
comparing the quantity of provision with the men, he found that in
three or four days' time, his enemies would be brought to want.
This all the more determined him to trust to time, and he took
measures to store his camp with all sorts of provision, and thus
living in plenty, trusted to watch the necessities of his hungry

This made Mithridates set out against the Cyzicenians, miserably
shattered in the fight at Chalcedon, where they lost no less than
three thousand citizens and ten ships. And that he might the safer
steal away unobserved by Lucullus, immediately after supper, by the
help of a dark and wet night, he went off and by the morning gained
the neighborhood of the city, and sat down with his forces upon the
Adrastean mount. Lucullus, on finding him gone, pursued, but was
well pleased not to overtake him with his own forces in disorder;
and he sat down near what is called the Thracian village, an
admirable position for commanding all the roads and the places
whence, and through which the provisions for Mithridates's camp
must of necessity come. And judging now of the event, he no longer
kept his mind from his soldiers, but when the camp was fortified
and their work finished, called them together, and with great
assurance told them that in a few days, without the expense of
blood, he would give them victory.

Mithridates besieged the Cyzicenians with ten camps by land, and
with his ships occupied the strait that was betwixt their city and
the main land, and so blocked them up on all sides; they, however,
were fully prepared stoutly to receive him, and resolved to endure
the utmost extremity, rather than forsake the Romans. That which
troubled them most was, that they knew not where Lucullus was, and
heard nothing of him, though at that time his army was visible
before them. But they were imposed upon by the Mithridatians, who,
showing them the Romans encamped on the hills, said, "Do ye see
those? those are the auxiliary Armenians and Medes, whom Tigranes
has sent to Mithridates." They were thus overwhelmed with thinking
of the vast numbers round them, and could not believe any way of
relief was left them, even if Lucullus should come up to their
assistance. Demonax, a messenger sent in by Archelaus, was the
first who told them of Lucullus's arrival; but they disbelieved his
report, and thought he came with a story invented merely to
encourage them. At which time it happened that a boy, a prisoner
who had run away from the enemy, was brought before them; who,
being asked where Lucullus was, laughed at their jesting, as he
thought, but, finding them in earnest, with his finger pointed to
the Roman camp; upon which they took courage. The lake Dascylitis
was navigated with vessels of some little size; one, the biggest of
them, Lucullus drew ashore, and carrying her across in a wagon to
the sea, filled her with soldiers, who, sailing along unseen in the
dead of the night, came safe into the city.

The gods themselves, too, in admiration of the constancy of the
Cyzicenians, seem to have animated them with manifest signs, more
especially now in the festival of Proserpine, where a black heifer
being wanting for sacrifice, they supplied it by a figure made of
dough, which they set before the altar. But the holy heifer set
apart for the goddess, and at that time grazing with the other
herds of the Cyzicenians on the other side of the strait, left the
herd and swam over to the city alone, and offered herself for
sacrifice. By night, also, the goddess appearing to Aristagoras,
the town clerk, "I am come," said she, "and have brought the Libyan
piper against the Pontic trumpeter; bid the citizens, therefore, be
of good courage." While the Cyzicenians were wondering what the
words could mean, a sudden wind sprung up and caused a considerable
motion on the sea. The king's battering engines, the wonderful
contrivance of Niconides of Thessaly, then under the walls, by
their cracking and rattling, soon demonstrated what would follow;
after which an extraordinarily tempestuous south wind succeeding
shattered in a short space of time all the rest of the works, and
by a violent concussion, threw down the wooden tower a hundred
cubits high. It is said that in Ilium Minerva appeared to many
that night in their sleep, with the sweat running down her person,
and showed them her robe torn in one place, telling them that she
had just arrived from relieving the Cyzicenians; and the
inhabitants to this day show a monument with an inscription,
including a public decree, referring to the fact.

Mithridates, through the knavery of his officers, not knowing for
some time the want of provision in his camp, was troubled in mind
that the Cyzicenians should hold out against him. But his ambition
and anger fell, when he saw his soldiers in the extremity of want,
and feeding on man's flesh; as, in truth, Lucullus was not carrying
on the war as mere matter of show and stage-play, but according to
the proverb, made the seat of war in the belly, and did everything
to cut off their supplies of food. Mithridates, therefore, took
advantage of the time, while Lucullus was storming a fort, and sent
away almost all his horse to Bithynia, with the sumpter cattle, and
as many of the foot as were unfit for service. On intelligence of
which, Lucullus, while it was yet night, came to his camp, and in
the morning, though it was stormy weather, took with him ten
cohorts of foot, and the horse, and pursued them under falling snow
and in cold so severe that many of his soldiers were unable to
proceed; and with the rest coming upon the enemy, near the river
Rhyndacus, he overthrew them with so great a slaughter, that the
very women of Apollonia came out to seize on the booty and strip
the slain. Great numbers, as we may suppose, were slain; six
thousand horses were taken, with an infinite number of beasts of
burden, and no less than fifteen thousand men. All which he led
along by the enemy's camp. I cannot but wonder on this occasion at
Sallust, who says that this was the first time camels were seen by
the Romans, as if he thought those who, long before, under Scipio,
defeated Antiochus, or those who lately had fought against
Archelaus near Orchomenus and Chaeronea, had not known what a camel
was. Mithridates, himself fully determined upon flight, as mere
delays and diversions for Lucullus, sent his admiral Aristonicus to
the Greek sea; who, however, was betrayed in the very instant of
going off, and Lucullus became master of him, and ten thousand
pieces of gold which he was carrying with him to corrupt some of
the Roman army. After which, Mithridates himself made for the sea,
leaving the foot officers to conduct the army, upon whom Lucullus
fell, near the river Granicus, where he took a vast number alive,
and slew twenty thousand. It is reported that the total number
killed, of fighting men and of others who followed the camp,
amounted to something not far short of three hundred thousand.

Lucullus first went to Cyzicus, where he was received with all the
joy and gratitude suiting the occasion, and then collected a navy,
visiting the shores of the Hellespont. And arriving at Troas, he
lodged in the temple of Venus, where, in the night, he thought he
saw the goddess coming to him, and saying,

Sleep'st thou, great lion, when the fawns are nigh?

Rising up hereupon, he called his friends to him, it being yet
night, and told them his vision; at which instant some Ilians came
up and acquainted him that thirteen of the king's quinqueremes were
seen off the Achaean harbor, sailing for Lemnos. He at once put to
sea, took these, and slew their admiral Isidorus. And then he made
after another squadron, who were just come into port, and were
hauling their vessels ashore, but fought from the decks, and sorely
galled Lucullus's men; there being neither room to sail round
them, nor to bear upon them for any damage, his ships being afloat,
while theirs stood secure and fixed on the sand. After much ado,
at the only landing-place of the island, he disembarked the
choicest of his men, who, falling upon the enemy behind, killed
some, and forced others to cut their cables, and thus making from
the shore, they fell foul upon one another, or came within the
reach of Lucullus's fleet. Many were killed in the action. Among
the captives was Marius, the commander sent by Sertorius, who had
but one eye. And it was Lucullus's strict command to his men
before the engagement, that they should kill no man who had but one
eye, that he might rather die under disgrace and reproach.

This being over, he hastened his pursuit after Mithridates, whom he
hoped to find still in Bithynia, intercepted by Voconius, whom he
sent out before to Nicomedia with part of the fleet, to stop his
flight. But Voconius, loitering in Samothrace to get initiated and
celebrate a feast, let slip his opportunity, Mithridates being
passed by with all his fleet. He, hastening into Pontus before
Lucullus should come up to him, was caught in a storm, which
dispersed his fleet and sunk several ships. The wreck floated on
all the neighboring shore for many days after. The merchant ship,
in which he himself was, could not well in that heavy swell be
brought ashore by the masters for its bigness, and it being heavy
with water and ready to sink, he left it and went aboard a pirate
vessel, delivering himself into the hands of pirates, and thus
unexpectedly and wonderfully came safe to Heraclea, in Pontus.

Thus the proud language Lucullus had used to the senate, ended
without any mischance. For they having decreed him three thousand
talents to furnish out a navy, he himself was against it, and sent
them word that without any such great and costly supplies, by the
confederate shipping alone, he did not in the least doubt but to
rout Mithridates from the sea. And so he did, by divine
assistance, for it is said that the wrath of Diana of Priapus
brought the great tempest upon the men of Pontus, because they had
robbed her temple, and removed her image.

Many were persuading Lucullus to defer the war, but he rejected
their counsel, and marched through Bithynia and Galatia into the
king's country, in such great scarcity of provision at first, that
thirty thousand Galatians followed, every man carrying a bushel of
wheat at his back. But subduing all in his progress before him, he
at last found himself in such great plenty, that an ox was sold in
the camp for a single drachma, and a slave for four. The other
booty they made no account of, but left it behind or destroyed it;
there being no disposing of it, where all had such abundance. But
when they had made frequent incursions with their cavalry, and had
advanced as far Themiscyra, and the plains of the Thermodon, merely
laying waste the country before them, they began to find fault with
Lucullus, asking "why he took so many towns by surrender, and never
one by storm, which might enrich them with the plunder? and now,
forsooth, leaving Amisus behind, a rich and wealthy city, of easy
conquest, if closely besieged, he will carry us into the Tibarenian
and Chaldean wilderness, to fight with Mithridates." Lucullus,
little thinking this would be of such dangerous consequence as it
afterwards proved, took no notice and slighted it; and was rather
anxious to excuse himself to those who blamed his tardiness, in
losing time about small pitiful places not worth the while, and
allowing Mithridates opportunity to recruit. "That is what I
design," said he, "and sit here contriving by my delay, that he may
grow great again, and gather a considerable army, which may induce
him to stand, and not fly away before us. For do you not see the
wide and unknown wilderness behind? Caucasus is not far off, and a
multitude of vast mountains, enough to conceal ten thousand kings
that wished to avoid a battle. Besides this, a journey but of few
days leads from Cabira to Armenia, where Tigranes reigns, king of
kings, and holds in his hands a power that has enabled him to keep
the Parthians in narrow bounds, to remove Greek cities bodily into
Media, to conquer Syria and Palestine, to put to death the kings of
the royal line of Seleucus, and carry away their wives and
daughters by violence. This same is relation and son-in-law to
Mithridates, and cannot but receive him upon entreaty, and enter
into war with us to defend him; so that, while we endeavor to
depose Mithridates, we shall endanger the bringing in of Tigranes
against us, who already has sought occasion to fall out with us,
but can never find one so justifiable as the succor of a friend and
prince in his necessity. Why, therefore, should we put Mithridates
upon this resource, who as yet does not see now he may best fight
with us, and disdains to stoop to Tigranes; and not rather allow
him time to gather a new army and grow confident again, that we may
thus fight with Colchians, and Tibarenians, whom we have often
defeated already, and not with Medes and Armenians."

Upon these motives, Lucullus sat down before Amisus, and slowly
carried on the siege. But the winter being well spent, he left
Murena in charge of it, and went himself against Mithridates, then
rendezvousing at Cabira, and resolving to await the Romans, with
forty thousand foot about him, and fourteen thousand horse, on whom
he chiefly confided. Passing the river Lycus, he challenged the
Romans into the plains, where the cavalry engaged, and the Romans
were beaten. Pomponius, a man of some note, was taken wounded; and
sore, and in pain as he was, was carried before Mithridates, and
asked by the king, if he would become his friend, if he saved his
life. He answered, "yes, if you become reconciled to the Romans;
if not, your enemy." Mithridates wondered at him, and did him no
hurt. The enemy being with their cavalry master of the plains,
Lucullus was something afraid, and hesitated to enter the
mountains, being very large, woody, and almost inaccessible, when,
by good luck, some Greeks who had fled into a cave were taken, the
eldest of whom, Artemidorus by name, promised to bring Lucullus,
and seat him in a place of safety for his army, where there was a
fort that overlooked Cabira. Lucullus, believing him, lighted his
fires, and marched in the night; and safely passing the defile,
gained the place, and in the morning was seen above the enemy,
pitching his camp in a place advantageous to descend upon them if
he desired to fight, and secure from being forced, if he preferred
to lie still. Neither side was willing to engage at present. But
it is related that some of the king's party were hunting a stag,
and some Romans wanting to cut them off, came out and met them.
Whereupon they skirmished, more still drawing together to each
side, and at last the king's party prevailed, on which the Romans,
from their camp seeing their companions fly, were enraged, and ran
to Lucullus with entreaties to lead them out, demanding that the
sign might be given for battle. But he, that they might know of
what consequence the presence and appearance of a wise commander is
in time of conflict and danger, ordered them to stand still. But
he went down himself into the plains, and meeting with the foremost
that fled, commanded them to stand and turn back with him. These
obeying, the rest also turned and formed again in a body, and thus,
with no great difficulty, drove back the enemies, and pursued them
to their camp. After his return, Lucullus inflicted the customary
punishment upon the fugitives, and made them dig a trench of twelve
foot, working in their frocks unfastened, while the rest stood by
and looked on.

There was in Mithridates's camp, one Olthacus a chief of the
Dandarians, a barbarous people living near the lake Maeotis, a man
remarkable for strength and courage in fight, wise in council, and
pleasant and ingratiating in conversation. He, out of emulation,
and a constant eagerness which possessed him to outdo one of the
other chiefs of his country, promised a great piece of service to
Mithridates, no less than the death of Lucullus. The king
commended his resolution, and, according to agreement,
counterfeited anger, and put some disgrace upon him; whereupon he
took horse, and fled to Lucullus, who kindly received him, being a
man of great name in the army. After some short trial of his
sagacity and perseverance, he found way to Lucullus's board and
council. The Dandarian, thinking he had a fair opportunity,
commanded his servants to lead his horse out of the camp, while he
himself, as the soldiers were refreshing and resting themselves, it
being then high noon, went to the general's tent, not at all
expecting that entrance would be denied to one who was so familiar
with him, and came under pretence of extraordinary business with
him. He had certainly been admitted, had not sleep, which has
destroyed many captains, saved Lucullus. For so it was, and
Menedemus, one of the bedchamber, was standing at the door, who
told Olthacus that it was altogether unseasonable to see the
general, since, after long watching and hard labor, he was but just
before laid down to repose himself. Olthacus would not go away
upon this denial, but still persisted, saying that he must go in to
speak of some necessary affairs, whereupon Menedemus grew angry,
and replied that nothing was more necessary than the safety of
Lucullus, and forced him away with both hands. Upon which, out of
fear, he straightaway left the camp, took horse, and without effect
returned to Mithridates. Thus in action as in physic, it is the
critical moment that gives both the fortunate and the fatal effect.

After this, Sornatius being sent out with ten companies for forage,
and pursued by Menander, one of Mithridates's captains, stood his
ground, and after a sharp engagement, routed and slew a
considerable number of the enemy. Adrianus being sent afterward,
with some forces, to procure food enough and to spare for the camp,
Mithridates did not let the opportunity slip, but dispatched
Menemachus and Myro, with a great force, both horse and foot,
against him, all which except two men, it is stated, were cut off
by the Romans. Mithridates concealed the loss, giving it out that
it was a small defeat, nothing near so great as reported, and
occasioned by the unskillfulness of the leaders. But Adrianus in
great pomp passed by his camp, having many wagons full of corn and
other booty, filling Mithridates with distress, and the army with
confusion and consternation. It was resolved, therefore, to stay
no longer. But when the king's servants sent away their own goods
quietly, and hindered others from doing so too, the soldiers in
great fury thronged and crowded to the gates, seized on the king's
servants and killed them, and plundered the baggage. Dorylaus, the
general, in this confusion, having nothing else besides his purple
cloak, lost his life for that, and Hermaeus, the priest, was trod
underfoot in the gate.

Mithridates, having not one of his guards, nor even a groom
remaining with him, got out of the camp in the throng, but had none
of his horses with him; until Ptolemy, the eunuch, some little time
after, seeing him in the press making his way among the others,
dismounted and gave his horse to the king. The Romans were already
close upon him in their pursuit, nor was it through want of speed
that they failed to catch him, but they were as near as possible
doing so. But greediness and a petty military avarice hindered
them from acquiring that booty, which in so many fights and hazards
they had sought after, and lost Lucullus the prize of his victory.
For the horse which carried the king was within reach, but one of
the mules that carried the treasure either by accident stepping in,
or by order of the king so appointed to go between him and the
pursuers, they seized and pilfered the gold, and falling out among
themselves about the prey, let slip the great prize. Neither was
their greediness prejudicial to Lucullus in this only, but also
they slew Callistratus, the king's confidential attendant, under
suspicion of having five hundred pieces of gold in his girdle;
whereas Lucullus had specially ordered that he should be conveyed
safe into the camp. Notwithstanding all which, he gave them leave
to plunder the camp.

After this, in Cabira, and other strong-holds which he took, he
found great treasures, and private prisons, in which many Greeks
and many of the king's relations had been confined, who, having
long since counted themselves no other than dead men, by the favor
of Lucullus, met not with relief so truly as with a new life and
second birth. Nyssa, also, sister of Mithridates, enjoyed the like
fortunate captivity; while those who seemed to be most out of
danger, his wives and sisters at Phernacia, placed in safety, as
they thought, miserably perished, Mithridates in his flight sending
Bacchides the eunuch to them. Among others there were two sisters
of the king, Roxana and Statira, unmarried women forty years old,
and two Ionian wives, Berenice of Chios, and Monime of Miletus.
This latter was the most celebrated among the Greeks, because she
so long withstood the king in his courtship to her, though he
presented her with fifteen thousand pieces of gold, until a
covenant of marriage was made, and a crown was sent her, and she
was saluted queen. She had been a sorrowful woman before, and
often bewailed her beauty, that had procured her a keeper, instead
of a husband, and a watch of barbarians, instead of the home and
attendance of a wife; and, removed far from Greece, she enjoyed the
pleasure which she proposed to herself, only in a dream, being in
the meantime robbed of that which is real. And when Bacchides
came and bade them prepare for death, as everyone thought most
easy and painless, she took the diadem from her head, and fastening
the string to her neck, suspended herself with it; which soon
breaking, "O wretched headband!" said she, "not able to help me
even in this small thing!" And throwing it away she spat on it,
and offered her throat to Bacchides. Berenice had prepared a
potion for herself, but at her mother's entreaty, who stood by, she
gave her part of it. Both drank of the potion, which prevailed
over the weaker body. But Berenice, having drunk too little, was
not released by it, but lingering on unable to die, was strangled
by Bacchides for haste. It is said that one of the unmarried
sisters drank the poison, with bitter execrations and curses; but
Statira uttered nothing ungentle or reproachful, but, on the
contrary, commended her brother, who in his own danger neglected
not theirs, but carefully provided that they might go out of the
world without shame or disgrace.

Lucullus, being a good and humane man, was concerned at these
things. However, going on he came to Talaura, from whence four
days before his arrival Mithridates had fled, and was got to
Tigranes in Armenia. He turned off, therefore, and subdued the
Chaldeans and Tibarenians, with the lesser Armenia, and having
reduced all their forts and cities, he sent Appius to Tigranes to
demand Mithridates. He himself went to Amisus, which still held
out under the command of Callimachus, who, by his great engineering
skill, and his dexterity at all the shifts and subtleties of a
siege, had greatly incommoded the Romans. For which afterward he
paid dear enough, and was now out-maneuvered by Lucullus, who,
unexpectedly coming upon him at the time of the day when the
soldiers used to withdraw and rest themselves, gained part of the
wall, and forced him to leave the city, in doing which he fired it;
either envying the Romans the booty, or to secure his own escape
the better. No man looked after those who went off in the ships,
but as soon as the fire had seized on most part of the wall, the
soldiers prepared themselves for plunder; while Lucullus, pitying
the ruin of the city, brought assistance from without, and
encouraged his men to extinguish the flames. But all, being intent
upon the prey, and giving no heed to him, with loud outcries beat
and clashed their arms together, until he was compelled to let them
plunder, that by that means he might at least save the city from
fire. But they did quite the contrary, for in searching the houses
with lights and torches everywhere, they were themselves the cause
of the destruction of most of the buildings, insomuch that when
Lucullus the next day went in, he shed tears, and said to his
friends, that he had often before blessed the fortune of Sylla but
never so much admired it as then, because when he was willing, he
was also able to save Athens, "but my infelicity is such, that
while I endeavor to imitate him, I become like Mummius."
Nevertheless, he endeavored to save as much of the city as he
could, and at the same time, also, by a happy providence, a fall of
rain concurred to extinguish the fire. He himself while present
repaired the ruins as much as he could, receiving back the
inhabitants who had fled, and settling as many other Greeks as were
willing to live there, adding a hundred and twenty furlongs of
ground to the place.

This city was a colony of Athens, built at that time when she
flourished and was powerful at sea, upon which account many who
fled from Aristion's tyranny settled here, and were admitted as
citizens, but had the ill-luck to fly from evils at home, into
greater abroad. As many of these as survived, Lucullus furnished
every one with clothes, and two hundred drachmas, and sent them
away into their own country. On this occasion, Tyrannion the
grammarian was taken. Murena begged him of Lucullus, and took him
and made him a freedman; but in this he abused Lucullus's favor,
who by no means liked that a man of high repute for learning should
be first made a slave, and then freed; for freedom thus speciously
granted again, was a real deprivation of what he had before. But
not in this case alone Murena showed himself far inferior in
generosity to the general. Lucullus was now busy in looking after
the cities of Asia, and having no war to divert his time, spent it
in the administration of law and justice, the want of which had for
a long time left the province a prey to unspeakable and incredible
miseries; so plundered and enslaved by tax-farmers and usurers,
that private people were compelled to sell their sons in the flower
of their youth, and their daughters in their virginity, and the
States publicly to sell their consecrated gifts, pictures, and
statues. In the end their lot was to yield themselves up slaves to
their creditors, but before this, worse troubles befell them,
tortures, inflicted with ropes and by horses, standing abroad to be
scorched when the sun was hot, and being driven into ice and clay
in the cold; insomuch that slavery was no less than a redemption
and joy to them. Lucullus in a short time freed the cities from
all these evils and oppressions; for, first of all, he ordered
there should be no more taken than one percent. Secondly, where
the interest exceeded the principal, he struck it off. The third,
and most considerable order was, that the creditor should receive
the fourth part of the debtor's income; but if any lender had added
the interest to the principal, it was utterly disallowed.
Insomuch, that in the space of four years all debts were paid, and
lands returned to their right owners. The public debt was
contracted when Asia was fined twenty thousand talents by Sylla,
but twice as much was paid to the collectors, who by their usury
had by this time advanced it to a hundred and twenty thousand
talents. And accordingly they inveighed against Lucullus at Rome,
as grossly injured by him, and by their money's help, (as, indeed,
they were very powerful, and had many of the statesmen in their
debt,) they stirred up several leading men against
him. But Lucullus was not only beloved by the cities which he
obliged, but was also wished for by other provinces, who blessed
the good-luck of those who had such a governor over them.

Appius Clodius, who was sent to Tigranes, (the same Clodius was
brother to Lucullus's wife,) being led by the king's guides, a
roundabout way, unnecessarily long and tedious, through the upper
country, being informed by his freedman, a Syrian by nation, of the
direct road, left that lengthy and fallacious one; and bidding the
barbarians, his guides, adieu, in a few days passed over Euphrates,
and came to Antioch upon Daphne. There being commanded to wait for
Tigranes, who at that time was reducing some towns in Phoenicia, he
won over many chiefs to his side, who unwillingly submitted to the
king of Armenia, among whom was Zarbienus, king of the Gordyenians;
also many of the conquered cities corresponded privately with him,
whom he assured of relief from Lucullus, but ordered them to lie
still at present. The Armenian government was an oppressive one,
and intolerable to the Greeks, especially that of the present king,
who, growing insolent and overbearing with his success, imagined
all things valuable and esteemed among men not only were his in
fact, but had been purposely created for him alone. From a small
and inconsiderable beginning, he had gone on to be the conqueror of
many nations, had humbled the Parthian power more than any before
him, and filled Mesopotamia with Greeks, whom he carried in numbers
out of Cilicia and Cappadocia. He transplanted also the Arabs, who
lived in tents, from their country and home, and settled them near
him, that by their means he might carry on the trade.

He had many kings waiting on him, but four he always carried with
him as servants and guards, who, when he rode, ran by his horse's
side in ordinary under-frocks, and attended him, when sitting on
his throne, and publishing his decrees to the people, with their
hands folded together; which posture of all others was that which
most expressed slavery, it being that of men who had bidden adieu
to liberty, and had prepared their bodies more for chastisement,
than the service of their masters. Appius, nothing dismayed or
surprised at this theatrical display, as soon as audience was
granted him, said he came to demand Mithridates for Lucullus's
triumph, otherwise to denounce war against Tigranes, insomuch that
though Tigranes endeavored to receive him with a smooth countenance
and a forced smile, he could not dissemble his discomposure to
those who stood about him, at the bold language of the young man;
for it was the first time, perhaps, in twenty-five years, the
length of his reign, or, more truly, of his tyranny, that any free
speech had been uttered to him. However, he made answer to Appius,
that he would not desert Mithridates, and would defend himself, if
the Romans attacked him. He was angry, also, with Lucullus for
calling him only king in his letter, and not king of kings, and, in
his answer, would not give him his title of imperator. Great gifts
were sent to Appius, which he refused; but on their being sent
again and augmented, that he might not seem to refuse in anger, he
took one goblet and sent the rest back, and without delay went off
to the general.

Tigranes before this neither vouchsafed to see nor speak with
Mithridates, though a near kinsman, and forced out of so
considerable a kingdom, but proudly and scornfully kept him at a
distance, as a sort of prisoner, in a marshy and unhealthy
district; but now, with much profession of respect and kindness, he
sent for him, and at a private conference between them in the
palace, they healed up all private jealousies between them,
punishing their favorites, who bore all the blame; among whom
Metrodorus of Scepsis was one, an eloquent and learned man, and so
close an intimate as commonly to be called the king's father. This
man, as it happened, being employed in an embassy by Mithridates to
solicit help against the Romans, Tigranes asked him, "what would
you, Metrodorus, advise me to in this affair?" In return to which,
either out of good-will to Tigranes, or a want of solicitude for
Mithridates, he made answer, that as ambassador he counseled him to
it, but as a friend dissuaded him from it. This Tigranes reported,
and affirmed to Mithridates, thinking that no irreparable harm
would come of it to Metrodorus. But upon this he was presently
taken off, and Tigranes was sorry for what he had done, though he
had not, indeed, been absolutely the cause of his death; yet he had
given the fatal turn to the anger of Mithridates, who had privately
hated him before, as appeared from his cabinet papers when taken,
among which there was an order that Metrodorus should die.
Tigranes buried him splendidly, sparing no cost to his dead body,
whom he betrayed when alive. In Tigranes's court died, also,
Amphicrates the orator, (if, for the sake of Athens, we may also
mention him,) of whom it is told that he left his country and fled
to Seleucia, upon the river Tigris, and, being desired to teach
logic among them, arrogantly replied, that the dish was too little
to hold a dolphin. He, therefore, came to Cleopatra, daughter of
Mithridates, and queen to Tigranes, but being accused of
misdemeanors, and prohibited all commerce with his countrymen,
ended his days by starving himself. He, in like manner, received
from Cleopatra an honorable burial, near Sapha, a place so called
in that country.

Lucullus, when he had reestablished law and a lasting peace in
Asia, did not altogether forget pleasure and mirth, but, during his
residence at Ephesus, gratified the cities with sports, festival
triumphs, wrestling games and single combats of gladiators. And
they, in requital, instituted others, called Lucullean games, in
honor to him, thus manifesting their love to him, which was of more
value to him than all the honor. But when Appius came to him, and
told him he must prepare for war with Tigranes, he went again into
Pontus, and, gathering together his army, besieged Sinope, or
rather the Cilicians of the king's side who held it; who thereupon
killed a number of the Sinopians, and set the city on fire, and by
night endeavored to escape. Which when Lucullus perceived, he
entered the city, and killed eight thousand of them who were still
left behind; but restored to the inhabitants what was their own,
and took special care for the welfare of the city. To which he was
chiefly prompted by this vision. One seemed to come to him in his
sleep, and say, "Go on a little further, Lucullus, for Autolycus is
coming to see thee." When he arose, he could not imagine what the
vision meant. The same day he took the city, and as he was
pursuing the Cilicians, who were flying by sea, he saw a statue
lying on the shore, which the Cilicians carried so far, but had not
time to carry aboard. It was one of the masterpieces of Sthenis.
And one told him, that it was the statue of Autolycus, the founder
of the city. This Autolycus is reported to have been son to
Deimachus, and one of those who, under Hercules, went on the
expedition out of Thessaly against the Amazons; from whence in his
return with Demoleon and Phlogius, he lost his vessel on a point of
the Chersonesus, called Pedalium. He himself, with his companions
and their weapons, being saved, came to Sinope, and dispossessed
the Syrians there. The Syrians held it, descended from Syrus, as
is the story, the son of Apollo, and Sinope the daughter of Asopus.
Which as soon as Lucullus heard, he remembered the admonition of
Sylla, whose advice it is in his Memoirs, to treat nothing as so
certain and so worthy of reliance as an intimation given in dreams.

When it was now told him that Mithridates and Tigranes were just
ready to transport their forces into Lycaonia and Cilicia, with the
object of entering Asia before him, he wondered much why the
Armenian, supposing him to entertain any real intention to fight
with the Romans, did not assist Mithridates in his flourishing
condition, and join forces when he was fit for service, instead of
suffering him to be vanquished and broken in pieces, and now at
last beginning the war, when his hopes were grown cold, and
throwing himself down headlong with them, who were irrecoverably
fallen already. But when Machares, the son of Mithridates, and
governor of Bosporus, sent him a crown valued at a thousand pieces
of gold, and desired to be enrolled as a friend and confederate of
the Romans, he fairly reputed that war at an end, and left
Sornatius, his deputy, with six thousand soldiers, to take care of
Pontus. He himself with twelve thousand foot, and a little less
than three thousand horse, went forth to the second war, advancing,
it seemed very plain, with too great and ill-advised speed, into
the midst of warlike nations, and many thousands upon thousands of
horse, into an unknown extent of country, every way enclosed with
deep rivers and mountains, never free from snow; which made the
soldiers, already far from orderly, follow him with great
unwillingness and opposition. For the same reason, also, the
popular leaders at home publicly inveighed and declaimed against
him, as one that raised up war after war, not so much for the
interest of the republic, as that he himself, being still in
commission, might not lay down arms, but go on enriching himself by
the public dangers. These men, in the end, effected their purpose.
But Lucullus by long journeys came to the Euphrates, where, finding
the waters high and rough from the winter, he was much troubled for
fear of delay and difficulty while he should procure boats and make
a bridge of them. But in the evening the flood beginning to
retire, and decreasing all through the night, the next day they saw
the river far down within his banks, so much so that the
inhabitants, discovering the little islands in the river, and the
water stagnating among them, a thing which had rarely happened
before, made obeisance to Lucullus, before whom the very river was
humble and submissive, and yielded an easy and swift passage.
Making use of the opportunity, he carried over his army, and met
with a lucky sign at landing. Holy heifers are pastured on purpose
for Diana Persia, whom, of all the gods, the barbarians beyond
Euphrates chiefly adore. They use these heifers only for her
sacrifices. At other times they wander up and down undisturbed,
with the mark of the goddess, a torch, branded on them; and it is
no such light or easy thing, when occasion requires, to seize one
of them. But one of these, when the army had passed the Euphrates,
coming to a rock consecrated to the goddess, stood upon it, and
then laying down her neck, like others that are forced down with a
rope, offered herself to Lucullus for sacrifice. Besides which, he
offered also a bull to Euphrates, for his safe passage. That day
he tarried there, but on the next, and those that followed, he
traveled through Sophene, using no manner of violence to the people
who came to him and willingly received his army. And when the
soldiers were desirous to plunder a castle that seemed to be well
stored within, "That is the castle," said he, "that we must storm,"
showing them Taurus, at a distance; "the rest is reserved for those
who conquer there." Wherefore hastening his march, and passing the
Tigris, he came over into Armenia

The first messenger that gave notice of Lucullus's coming was so
far from pleasing Tigranes, that he had his head cut off for his
pains; and no man daring to bring further information, without any
intelligence at all, Tigranes sat while war was already blazing
around him, giving ear only to those who flattered him, by saying
that Lucullus would show himself a great commander, if he ventured
to wait for Tigranes at Ephesus, and did not at once fly out of
Asia, at the mere sight of the many thousands that were come
against him. He is a man of a strong body that can carry off a
great quantity of wine, and of a powerful constitution of mind that
can sustain felicity. Mithrobarzanes, one of his chief favorites,
first dared to tell him the truth, but had no more thanks for his
freedom of speech, than to be immediately sent out against Lucullus
with three thousand horse, and a great number of foot, with
peremptory commands to bring him alive, and trample down his army.
Some of Lucullus's men were then pitching their camp, and the rest
were coming up to them, when the scouts gave notice that the enemy
was approaching, whereupon he was in fear lest they should fall
upon him, while his men were divided and unarranged; which made him
stay to pitch the camp himself, and send out Sextilius, the legate,
with sixteen hundred horse, and about as many heavy and light arms,
with orders to advance towards the enemy, and wait until
intelligence came to him that the camp was finished. Sextilius
designed to have kept this order; but Mithrobarzanes coming
furiously upon him, he was forced to fight. In the engagement,
Mithrobarzanes himself was slain, fighting, and all his men, except
a few who ran away, were destroyed. After this Tigranes left
Tigranocerta, a great city built by himself, and retired to Taurus,
and called all his forces about him.

But Lucullus, giving him no time to rendezvous, sent out Murena to
harass and cut off those who marched to Tigranes, and Sextilius,
also, to disperse a great company of Arabians then on the way to
the king. Sextilius fell upon the Arabians in their camp, and
destroyed most of them, and also Murena, in his pursuit after
Tigranes through a craggy and narrow pass, opportunely fell upon
him. Upon which Tigranes, abandoning all his baggage, fled; many
of the Armenians were killed, and more taken. After this success,
Lucullus went to Tigranocerta, and sitting down before the city,
besieged it. In it were many Greeks carried away out of Cilicia,
and many barbarians in like circumstances with the Greeks,
Adiabenians, Assyrians, Gordyenians, and Cappadocians, whose native
cities he had destroyed, and forced away the inhabitants to settle
here. It was a rich and beautiful city; every common man, and
every man of rank, in imitation of the king, studied to enlarge and
adorn it. This made Lucullus more vigorously press the siege, in
the belief that Tigranes would not patiently endure it, but even
against his own judgment would come down in anger to force him
away; in which he was not mistaken. Mithridates earnestly
dissuaded him from it, sending messengers and letters to him not to
engage, but rather with his horse to try and cut off the supplies.
Taxiles, also, who came from Mithridates, and who stayed with his
army, very much entreated the king to forbear, and to avoid the
Roman arms, things it was not safe to meddle with. To this he
hearkened at first, but when the Armenians and Gordyenians in a
full body, and the whole forces of Medes and Adiabenians, under
their respective kings, joined him; when many Arabians came up from
the sea beyond Babylon; and from the Caspian sea, the Albanians and
the Iberians their neighbors, and not a few of the free people,
without kings, living about the Araxes, by entreaty and hire also
came together to him; and all the king's feasts and councils rang
of nothing but expectations, boastings, and barbaric threatenings,
Taxiles went in danger of his life, for giving counsel against
fighting, and it was imputed to envy in Mithridates thus to
discourage him from so glorious an enterprise. Therefore Tigranes
would by no means tarry for him, for fear he should share in the
glory, but marched on with all his army, lamenting to his friends,
as it is said, that he should fight with Lucullus alone, and not
with all the Roman generals together. Neither was his boldness to
be accounted wholly frantic or unreasonable, when he had so many
nations and kings attending him, and so many tens of thousands of
well-armed foot and horse about him. He had twenty thousand
archers and slingers, fifty-five thousand horse, of which seventeen
thousand were in complete armor, as Lucullus wrote to the senate, a
hundred and fifty thousand heavy-armed men, drawn up partly into
cohorts, partly into phalanxes, besides various divisions of men
appointed to make roads and lay bridges, to drain off waters and
cut wood, and to perform other necessary services, to the number of
thirty-five thousand, who, being quartered behind the army, added
to its strength, and made it the more formidable to behold.

As soon as he had passed Taurus, and appeared with his forces, and
saw the Romans beleaguering Tigranocerta, the barbarous people
within with shoutings and acclamations received the sight, and
threatening the Romans from the wall, pointed to the Armenians. In
a council of war, some advised Lucullus to leave the siege, and
march up to Tigranes, others that it would not be safe to leave the
siege, and so many enemies behind. He answered that neither side
by itself was right, but together both gave sound advice; and
accordingly he divided his army, and left Murena with six thousand
foot in charge of the siege, and himself went out with twenty-four
cohorts, in which were no more than ten thousand men at arms, and
with all the horse, and about a thousand slingers and archers; and
sitting down by the river in a large plain, he appeared, indeed,
very inconsiderable to Tigranes, and a fit subject for the
flattering wits about him. Some of whom jeered, others cast lots
for the spoil, and every one of the kings and commanders came and
desired to undertake the engagement alone, and that he would be
pleased to sit still and behold. Tigranes himself, wishing to be
witty and pleasant upon the occasion, made use of the well-known
saying, that they were too many for ambassadors, and too few for
soldiers. Thus they continued sneering and scoffing. As soon as
day came, Lucullus brought out his forces under arms. The
barbarian army stood on the eastern side of the river, and there
being a bend of the river westward in that part of it, where it was
easiest forded, Lucullus, while he led his army on in haste, seemed
to Tigranes to be flying; who thereupon called Taxiles, and in
derision said, "Do you not see these invincible Romans flying?"
But Taxiles replied, "Would, indeed, O king, that some such
unlikely piece of fortune might be destined you; but the Romans do
not, when going on a march, put on their best clothes, nor use
bright shields, and naked headpieces, as now you see them, with the
leathern coverings all taken off, but this is a preparation for war
of men just ready to engage with their enemies." While Taxiles was
thus speaking, as Lucullus wheeled about, the first eagle appeared,
and the cohorts, according to their divisions and companies, formed
in order to pass over, when with much ado, and like a man that is
just recovering from a drunken fit, Tigranes cried out twice or
thrice, "What, are they upon us?" In great confusion, therefore,
the army got in array, the king keeping the main body to himself,
while the left wing was given in charge to the Adiabenian, and the
right to the Mede, in the front of which latter were posted most of
the heavy-armed cavalry. Some officers advised Lucullus, just as
he was going to cross the river, to lie still, that day being one
of the unfortunate ones which they call black days, for on it the
army under Caepio, engaging with the Cimbrians, was destroyed. But
he returned the famous answer, "I will make it a happy day to the
Romans." It was the day before the nones of October.

Having so said, he bade them take courage, passed over the river,
and himself first of all led them against the enemy, clad in a coat
of mail, with shining steel scales and a fringed mantle; and his
sword might already be seen out of the scabbard, as if to signify
that they must without delay come to a hand-to-hand combat with an
enemy whose skill was in distant fighting, and by the speed of
their advance curtail the space that exposed them to the archery.
But when he saw the heavy-armed horse, the flower of the army,
drawn up under a hill, on the top of which was a broad and open
plain about four furlongs distant, and of no very difficult or
troublesome access, he commanded his Thracian and Galatian horse to
fall upon their flank, and beat down their lances with their
swords. The only defense of these horsemen-at-arms are their
lances; they have nothing else that they can use to protect
themselves, or annoy their enemy, on account of the weight and
stiffness of their armor, with which they are, as it were, built
up. He himself, with two cohorts, made to the mountain, the
soldiers briskly following, when they saw him in arms afoot first
toiling and climbing up. Being on the top and standing in an open
place, with a loud voice he cried out, "We have overcome, we have
overcome, fellow-soldiers!" And having so said, he marched against
the armed horsemen, commanding his men not to throw their javelins,
but coming up hand to hand with the enemy, to hack their shins and
thighs, which parts alone were unguarded in these heavy-armed
horsemen. But there was no need of this way of fighting, for they
stood not to receive the Romans, but with great clamor and worse
flight they and their heavy horses threw themselves upon the ranks
of the foot, before ever these could so much as begin the fight,
insomuch that without a wound or bloodshed, so many thousands were
overthrown. The greatest slaughter was made in the flight, or
rather in the endeavoring to fly away, which they could not well do
by reason of the depth and closeness of their own ranks, which
hindered them. Tigranes at first fled with a few, but seeing his
son in the same misfortune, he took the diadem from his head, and
with tears gave it him, bidding him save himself by some other road
if he could. But the young man, not daring to put it on, gave it
to one of his trustiest servants to keep for him. This man, as it
happened, being taken, was brought to Lucullus, and so, among the
captives, the crown, also, of Tigranes was taken. It is stated
that above a hundred thousand foot were lost, and that of the horse
but very few escaped at all. Of the Romans, a hundred were
wounded, and five killed. Antiochus the philosopher, making
mention of this fight in his book about the gods, says that the sun
never saw the like. Strabo, a second philosopher, in his
historical collection says, that the Romans could not but blush and
deride themselves, for putting on armor against such pitiful
slaves. Livy also says, that the Romans never fought an enemy with
such unequal forces, for the conquerors were not so much as one
twentieth part of the number of the conquered. The most sagacious
and experienced Roman commanders made it a chief commendation of
Lucullus, that he had conquered two great and potent kings by two
most opposite ways, haste and delay. For he wore out the
flourishing power of Mithridates by delay and time, and crushed
that of Tigranes by haste; being one of the rare examples of
generals who made use of delay for active achievement, and speed
for security.

On this account it was that Mithridates had made no haste to come
up to fight, imagining Lucullus would, as he had done before, use
caution and delay, which made him march at his leisure to join
Tigranes. And first, as he began to meet some straggling Armenians
in the way, making off in great fear and consternation, he
suspected the worst, and when greater numbers of stripped and
wounded men met him and assured him of the defeat, he set out to
seek for Tigranes. And finding him destitute and humiliated, he by
no means requited him with insolence, but alighting from his horse,
and condoling with him on their common loss, he gave him his own
royal guard to attend him, and animated him for the future. And
they together gathered fresh forces about them. In the city
Tigranocerta, the Greeks meantime, dividing from the barbarians,
sought to deliver it up to Lucullus, and he attacked and took it.
He seized on the treasure himself, but gave the city to be
plundered by the soldiers, in which were found, amongst other
property, eight thousand talents of coined money. Besides this,
also, he distributed eight hundred drachmas to each man, out of the
spoils. When he understood that many players were taken in the
city, whom Tigranes had invited from all parts for opening the
theater which he had built, he made use of them for celebrating his
triumphal games and spectacles. The Greeks he sent home, allowing
them money for their journey, and the barbarians also, as many as
had been forced away from their own dwellings. So that by this one
city being dissolved, many, by the restitution of their former
inhabitants, were restored. By all of which Lucullus was beloved
as a benefactor and founder. Other successes, also, attended him,
such as he well deserved, desirous as he was far more of praise for
acts of justice and clemency, than for feats in war, these being
due partly to the soldiers, and very greatly to fortune, while
those are the sure proofs of a gentle and liberal soul; and by such
aids Lucullus, at that time, even without the help of arms,
succeeded in reducing the barbarians. For the kings of the
Arabians came to him, tendering what they had, and with them the
Sophenians also submitted. And he so dealt with the Gordyenians,
that they were willing to leave their own habitations, and to
follow him with their wives and children. Which was for this
cause. Zarbienus, king of the Gordyenians, as has been told, being
impatient under the tyranny of Tigranes, had by Appius secretly
made overtures of confederacy with Lucullus, but, being discovered,
was executed, and his wife and children with him, before the Romans
entered Armenia. Lucullus forgot not this, but coming to the
Gordyenians made a solemn interment in honor of Zarbienus, and
adorning the funeral pile with royal robes, and gold, and the
spoils of Tigranes, he himself in person kindled the fire, and
poured in perfumes with the friends and relations of the deceased,
calling him his companion and the confederate of the Romans. He
ordered, also, a costly monument to be built for him. There was a
large treasure of gold and silver found in Zarbienus's palace, and
no less than three million measures of corn, so that the soldiers
were provided for, and Lucullus had the high commendation of
maintaining the war at its own charge, without receiving one
drachma from the public treasury.

After this came an embassy from the king of Parthia to him,
desiring amity and confederacy; which being readily embraced by
Lucullus, another was sent by him in return to the Parthian, the
members of which discovered him to be a double-minded man, and to
be dealing privately at the same time with Tigranes, offering to
take part with him, upon condition Mesopotamia were delivered up to
him. Which as soon as Lucullus understood, he resolved to pass by
Tigranes and Mithridates as antagonists already overcome, and to
try the power of Parthia, by leading his army against them,
thinking it would be a glorious result, thus in one current of war,
like an athlete in the games, to throw down three kings one after
another, and successively to deal as a conqueror with three of the
greatest powers under heaven. He sent, therefore, into Pontus to
Sornatius and his colleagues, bidding them bring the army thence,
and join with him in his expedition out of Gordyene. The soldiers
there, however, who had been restive and unruly before, now openly
displayed their mutinous temper. No manner of entreaty or force
availed with them, but they protested and cried out that they would
stay no longer even there, but would go away and desert Pontus.
The news of which, when reported to Lucullus, did no small harm to
the soldiers about him, who were already corrupted with wealth and
plenty, and desirous of ease. And on hearing the boldness of the
others, they called them men, and declared they themselves ought to
follow their example, for the actions which they had done did now
well deserve release from service, and repose.

Upon these and worse words, Lucullus gave up the thoughts of
invading Parthia, and in the height of summertime, went against
Tigranes. Passing over Taurus, he was filled with apprehension at
the greenness of the fields before him, so long is the season
deferred in this region by the coldness of the air. But,
nevertheless, he went down, and twice or thrice putting to flight
the Armenians who dared to come out against him, he plundered and
burnt their villages, and seizing on the provision designed for
Tigranes, reduced his enemies to the necessity which he had feared
for himself. But when, after doing all he could to provoke the
enemy to fight, by drawing entrenchments round their camp and by
burning the country before them, he could by no means bring them to
venture out, after their frequent defeats before, he rose up and
marched to Artaxata, the royal city of Tigranes, where his wives
and young children were kept, judging that Tigranes would never
suffer that to go without the hazard of a battle. It is related
that Hannibal, the Carthaginian, after the defeat of Antiochus by
the Romans, coming to Artaxas, king of Armenia, pointed out to him
many other matters to his advantage, and observing the great
natural capacities and the pleasantness of the site, then lying
unoccupied and neglected, drew a model of a city for it, and
bringing Artaxas thither, showed it to him and encouraged him to
build. At which the king being pleased, and desiring him to
oversee the work, erected a large and stately city, which was
called after his own name, and made metropolis of Armenia.

And in fact, when Lucullus proceeded against it, Tigranes no longer
suffered it, but came with his army, and on the fourth day sat down
by the Romans, the river Arsanias lying between them, which of
necessity Lucullus must pass in his march to Artaxata. Lucullus,
after sacrifice to the gods, as if victory were already obtained,
carried over his army, having twelve cohorts in the first division
in front, the rest being disposed in the rear to prevent the
enemy's enclosing them. For there were many choice horse drawn up
against him; in the front stood the Mardian horse-archers, and
Iberians with long spears, in whom, being the most warlike,
Tigranes more confided than in any other of his foreign troops.
But nothing of moment was done by them, for though they skirmished
with the Roman horse at a distance, they were not able to stand
when the foot came up to them; but being broken, and flying on both
sides, drew the horse in pursuit after them. Though these were
routed, yet Lucullus was not without alarm when he saw the cavalry
about Tigranes with great bravery and in large numbers coming upon
him; he recalled his horse from pursuing, and he himself, first of
all, with the best of his men, engaged the Satrapenians who were
opposite him, and before ever they came to close fight, routed them
with the mere terror. Of three kings in battle against him,
Mithridates of Pontus fled away the most shamefully, being not so
much as able to endure the shout of the Romans. The pursuit
reached a long way, and all through the night the Romans slew and
took prisoners, and carried off spoils and treasure, till they were
weary. Livy says there were more taken and destroyed in the first
battle, but in the second, men of greater distinction.

Lucullus, flushed and animated by this victory, determined to march
on into the interior and there complete his conquests over the
barbarians; but winter weather came on, contrary to expectation, as
early as the autumnal equinox, with storms and frequent snows and,
even in the most clear days, hoar frost and ice, which made the
waters scarcely drinkable for the horses by their exceeding
coldness, and scarcely passable through the ice breaking and
cutting the horses' sinews. The country for the most part being
quite uncleared, with difficult passes, and much wood, kept them
continually wet, the snow falling thickly on them as they marched
in the day, and the ground that they lay upon at night being damp
and watery. After the battle they followed Lucullus not many days
before they began to be refractory, first of all entreating and
sending the tribunes to him, but presently they tumultuously
gathered together, and made a shouting all night long in their
tents, a plain sign of a mutinous army. But Lucullus as earnestly
entreated them, desiring them to have patience but till they took
the Armenian Carthage, and overturned the work of their great
enemy, meaning Hannibal. But when he could not prevail, he led
them back, and crossing Taurus by another road, came into the
fruitful and sunny country of Mygdonia, where was a great and
populous city, by the barbarians called Nisibis, by the Greeks
Antioch of Mygdonia. This was defended by Guras, brother of
Tigranes, with the dignity of governor, and by the engineering
skill and dexterity of Callimachus, the same who so much annoyed
the Romans at Amisus. Lucullus, however, brought his army up to
it, and laying close siege in a short time took it by storm. He
used Guras, who surrendered himself, kindly, but gave no attention
to Callimachus, though he offered to make discovery of hidden
treasures, commanding him to be kept in chains, to be punished for
firing the city of Amisus, which had disappointed his ambition of
showing favor and kindness to the Greeks.

Hitherto, one would imagine fortune had attended and fought with
Lucullus, but afterward, as if the wind had failed of a sudden, he
did all things by force, and, as it were, against the grain; and
showed certainly the conduct and patience of a wise captain, but in
the result met with no fresh honor or reputation; and, indeed, by
bad success and vain embarrassments with his soldiers, he came
within a little of losing even what he had before. He himself was
not the least cause of all this, being far from inclined to seek
popularity with the mass of the soldiers, and more ready to think
any indulgence shown to them an invasion of his own authority. But
what was worst of all, he was naturally unsociable to his great
officers in commission with him, despising others and thinking them
worthy of nothing in comparison with himself. These faults, we are
told, he had with all his many excellences; he was of a large and
noble person, an eloquent speaker and a wise counselor, both in the
forum and the camp. Sallust says, the soldiers were ill affected
to him from the beginning of the war, because they were forced to
keep the field two winters at Cyzicus, and afterwards at Amisus.
Their other winters, also, vexed them, for they either spent them
in an enemy's country, or else were confined to their tents in the
open field among their confederates; for Lucullus not so much as
once went into a Greek confederate town with his army. To this ill
affection abroad, the tribunes yet more contributed at home,
invidiously accusing Lucullus, as one who for empire and riches
prolonged the war, holding, it might almost be said, under his sole
power Cilicia, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Pontus, Armenia, all as
far as the river Phasis; and now of late had plundered the royal
city of Tigranes, as if he had been commissioned not so much to
subdue, as to strip kings. This is what we are told was said by
Lucius Quintius, one of the praetors, at whose instance, in
particular, the people determined to send one who should succeed
Lucullus in his province, and voted, also, to relieve many of the
soldiers under him from further service.

Besides these evils, that which most of all prejudiced Lucullus,
was Publius Clodius, an insolent man, very vicious and bold,
brother to Lucullus's wife, a woman of bad conduct, with whom
Clodius was himself suspected of criminal intercourse. Being then
in the army under Lucullus, but not in as great authority as he
expected, (for he would fain have been the chief of all, but on
account of his character was postponed to many,) he ingratiated
himself secretly with the Fimbrian troops, and stirred them up
against Lucullus, using fair speeches to them, who of old had been
used to be flattered in such manner. These were those whom Fimbria
before had persuaded to kill the consul Flaccus, and choose him
their leader. And so they listened not unwillingly to Clodius, and
called him the soldiers' friend, for the concern he professed for
them, and the indignation he expressed at the prospect that "there
must be no end of war and toils, but in fighting with all nations,
and wandering throughout all the world they must wear out their
lives, receiving no other reward for their service than to guard
the carriages and camels of Lucullus, laden with gold and precious
goblets; while as for Pompey's soldiers, they were all citizens,
living safe at home with their wives and children, on fertile
lands, or in towns, and that, not after driving Mithridates and
Tigranes into wild deserts, and overturning the royal cities of
Asia, but after having merely reduced exiles in Spain, or fugitive
slaves in Italy. Nay, if indeed we must never have an end of
fighting, should we not rather reserve the remainder of our bodies
and souls for a general who will reckon his chiefest glory to be
the wealth of his soldiers."

By such practices the army of Lucullus being corrupted, neither
followed him against Tigranes, nor against Mithridates, when he now
at once returned into Pontus out of Armenia, and was recovering his
kingdom, but under presence of the winter, sat idle in Gordyene,
every minute expecting either Pompey, or some other general, to
succeed Lucullus. But when news came that Mithridates had defeated
Fabius, and was marching against Sornatius and Triarius, out of
shame they followed Lucullus. Triarius, ambitiously aiming at
victory, before ever Lucullus came to him, though he was then very
near, was defeated in a great battle, in which it is said that
above seven thousand Romans fell, among whom were a hundred and
fifty centurions, and four and twenty tribunes, and that the camp
itself was taken. Lucullus, coming up a few days after, concealed
Triarius from the search of the angry soldiers. But when
Mithridates declined battle, and waited for the coming of Tigranes,
who was then on his march with great forces, he resolved before
they joined their forces to turn once more and engage with
Tigranes. But in the way the mutinous Fimbrians deserted their
ranks, professing themselves released from service by a decree, and
that Lucullus, the provinces being allotted to others, had no
longer any right to command them. There was nothing beneath the
dignity of Lucullus which he did not now submit to bear, entreating
them one by one, from tent to tent, going up and down humbly and in
tears, and even taking some like a suppliant, by the hand. But
they turned away from his salutes, and threw down their empty
purses, bidding him engage alone with the enemy, as he alone made
advantage of it. At length, by the entreaty of the other soldiers,
the Fimbrians, being prevailed upon, consented to tarry that summer
under him, but if during that time no enemy came to fight them, to
be free. Lucullus of necessity was forced to comply with this, or
else to abandon the country to the barbarians. He kept them,
indeed, with him, but without urging his authority upon them; nor
did he lead them out to battle, being contented if they would but
stay with him, though he then saw Cappadocia wasted by Tigranes,
and Mithridates again triumphing, whom not long before he reported
to the senate to be wholly subdued; and commissioners were now
arrived to settle the affairs of Pontus, as if all had been quietly
in his possession. But when they came, they found him not so much
as master of himself, but contemned and derided by the common
soldiers, who arrived at that height of insolence against their
general, that at the end of summer they put on their armor and drew
their swords, and defied their enemies then absent and gone off a
long while before, and with great outcries and waving their swords
in the air, they quitted the camp, proclaiming that the time was
expired which they promised to stay with Lucullus. The rest were
summoned by letters from Pompey to come and join him; he, by the
favor of the people and by flattery of their leaders, having been
chosen general of the army against Mithridates and Tigranes, though
the senate and the nobility all thought that Lucullus was injured,
having those put over his head who succeeded rather to his triumph,
than to his commission, and that he was not so truly deprived of
his command, as of the glory he had deserved in his command, which
he was forced to yield to another.

It was yet more of just matter of pity and indignation to those who
were present; for Lucullus remained no longer master of rewards or
punishments for any actions done in the war; neither would Pompey
suffer any man to go to him, or pay any respect to the orders and
arrangements he made with advice of his ten commissioners, but
expressly issued edicts to the contrary, and could not but be
obeyed by reason of his greater power. Friends, however, on both
sides, thought it desirable to bring them together, and they met in
a village of Galatia and saluted each other in a friendly manner,
with congratulations on each other's successes. Lucullus was the
elder, but Pompey the more distinguished by his more numerous
commands and his two triumphs. Both had rods dressed with laurel
carried before them for their victories. And as Pompey's laurels
were withered with passing through hot and droughty countries,
Lucullus's lictors courteously gave Pompey's some of the fresh and
green ones which they had, which Pompey's friends counted a good
omen, as indeed of a truth, Lucullus's actions furnished the honors
of Pompey's command. The interview, however, did not bring them to
any amicable agreement; they parted even less friends than they
met. Pompey repealed all the acts of Lucullus, drew off his
soldiers, and left him no more than sixteen hundred for his
triumph, and even those unwilling to go with him. So wanting was
Lucullus, either through natural constitution or adverse
circumstances, in that one first and most important requisite of a
general, which had he but added to his other many and remarkable
virtues, his fortitude, vigilance, wisdom, justice, the Roman
empire had not had Euphrates for its boundary, but the utmost ends
of Asia and the Hyrcanian sea; as other nations were then disabled
by the late conquests of Tigranes, and the power of Parthia had not
in Lucullus's time shown itself so formidable as Crassus afterwards
found it, nor had as yet gained that consistency, being crippled by
wars at home, and on its frontiers, and unable even to make head
against the encroachments of the Armenians. And Lucullus, as it
was, seems to me through others' agency to have done Rome greater
harm, than he did her advantage by his own. For the trophies in
Armenia, near the Parthian frontier, and Tigranocerta, and Nisibis,
and the great wealth brought from thence to Rome, with the captive
crown of Tigranes carried in triumph, all helped to puff up
Crassus, as if the barbarians had been nothing else but spoil and
booty, and he, falling among the Parthian archers, soon
demonstrated that Lucullus's triumphs were not beholden to the
inadvertency and effeminacy of his enemies, but to his own courage
and conduct. But of this afterwards.

Lucullus, upon his return to Rome, found his brother Marcus accused
by Caius Memmius, for his acts as quaestor, done by Sylla's orders;
and on his acquittal, Memmius changed the scene, and animated the
people against Lucullus himself, urging them to deny him a triumph
for appropriating the spoils and prolonging the war. In this great
struggle, the nobility and chief men went down and mingling in
person among the tribes, with much entreaty and labor, scarce at
length prevailed upon them to consent to his triumph. The pomp of
which proved not so wonderful or so wearisome with the length of
the procession and the number of things carried in it, but
consisted chiefly in vast quantities of arms and machines of the
king's, with which he adorned the Flaminian circus, a spectacle by
no means despicable. In his progress there passed by a few
horsemen in heavy armor, ten chariots armed with scythes, sixty
friends and officers of the king's, and a hundred and ten
brazen-beaked ships of war, which were conveyed along with them, a
golden image of Mithridates six feet high, a shield set with
precious stones, twenty loads of silver vessels, and thirty-two of
golden cups, armor, and money, all carried by men. Besides which,
eight mules were laden with golden couches, fifty-six with bullion,
and a hundred and seven with coined silver, little less than two
millions seven hundred thousand pieces. There were tablets, also,
with inscriptions, stating what moneys he gave Pompey for
prosecuting the piratic war, what he delivered into the treasury,
and what he gave to every soldier, which was nine hundred and fifty
drachmas each. After all which he nobly feasted the city and
adjoining villages, or vici.

Being divorced from Clodia, a dissolute and wicked woman, he
married Servilia, sister to Cato. This also proved an unfortunate
match, for she only wanted one of all Clodia's vices, the
criminality she was accused of with her brothers. Out of reverence
to Cato, he for a while connived at her impurity and immodesty, but
at length dismissed her. When the senate expected great things
from him, hoping to find in him a check to the usurpations of
Pompey, and that with the greatness of his station and credit he
would come forward as the champion of the nobility, he retired from
business and abandoned public life; either because he saw the State
to be in a difficult and diseased condition, or, as others say,
because he was as great as he could well be, and inclined to a
quiet and easy life, after those many labors and toils which had
ended with him so far from fortunately. There are those who highly
commend his change of life, saying that he thus avoided that rock
on which Marius split. For he, after the great and glorious deeds
of his Cimbrian victories, was not contented to retire upon his
honors, but out of an insatiable desire of glory and power, even in
his old age, headed a political party against young men, and let
himself fall into miserable actions, and yet more miserable
sufferings. Better, in like manner, they say, had it been for
Cicero, after Catiline's conspiracy, to have retired and grown old,
and for Scipio, after his Numantine and Carthaginian conquests, to
have sat down contented. For the administration of public affairs
has, like other things, its proper term, and statesmen as well as
wrestlers will break down, when strength and youth fail. But
Crassus and Pompey, on the other hand, laughed to see Lucullus
abandoning himself to pleasure and expense, as if luxurious living
were not a thing that as little became his years, as government of
affairs at home, or of an army abroad.

And, indeed, Lucullus's life, like the Old Comedy, presents us at
the commencement with acts of policy and of war, at the end
offering nothing but good eating and drinking, feastings and
revellings, and mere play. For I give no higher name to his
sumptuous buildings, porticoes and baths, still less to his
paintings and sculptures, and all his industry about these
curiosities, which he collected with vast expense, lavishly
bestowing all the wealth and treasure which he got in the war upon
them, insomuch that even now, with all the advance of luxury, the
Lucullean gardens are counted the noblest the emperor has. Tubero
the stoic, when he saw his buildings at Naples, where he suspended
the hills upon vast tunnels, brought in the sea for moats and
fish-ponds round his house, and built pleasure-houses in the
waters, called him Xerxes in a gown. He had also fine seats in
Tusculum, belvederes, and large open balconies for men's
apartments, and porticoes to walk in, where Pompey coming to see
him, blamed him for making a house which would be pleasant in
summer but uninhabitable in winter; whom he answered with a smile,
"You think me, then, less provident than cranes and storks, not to
change my home with the season." When a praetor, with great
expense and pains, was preparing a spectacle for the people, and
asked him to lend him some purple robes for the performers in a
chorus, he told him he would go home and see, and if he had got
any, would let him have them; and the next day asking how many he
wanted, and being told that a hundred would suffice, bade him to
take twice as many: on which the poet Horace observes, that a
house is but a poor one, where the valuables unseen and unthought
of do not exceed all those that meet the eye.

Lucullus's daily entertainments were ostentatiously extravagant,
not only with purple coverlets, and plate adorned with precious
stones, and dancings, and interludes, but with the greatest
diversity of dishes and the most elaborate cookery, for the vulgar
to admire and envy. It was a happy thought of Pompey in his
sickness, when his physician prescribed a thrush for his dinner,
and his servants told him that in summer time thrushes were not to
be found anywhere but in Lucullus's fattening coops, that he would
not suffer them to fetch one thence, but observing to his
physician, "So if Lucullus had not been an epicure, Pompey had not
lived," ordered something else that could easily be got to be
prepared for him. Cato was his friend and connection, but,
nevertheless, so hated his life and habits, that when a young man
in the senate made a long and tedious speech in praise of frugality
and temperance, Cato got up and said, "How long do you mean to go
on making money like Crassus, living like Lucullus, and talking
like Cato?" There are some, however, who say the words were said,
but not by Cato.

It is plain from the anecdotes on record of him, that Lucullus was
not only pleased with, but even gloried in his way of living. For
he is said to have feasted several Greeks upon their coming to Rome
day after day, who, out of a true Grecian principle, being ashamed,
and declining the invitation, where so great an expense was every
day incurred for them, he with a smile told them, "Some of this,
indeed, my Grecian friends, is for your sakes, but more for that of
Lucullus." Once when he supped alone, there being only one course,
and that but moderately furnished, he called his steward and
reproved him, who, professing to have supposed that there would be
no need of any great entertainment, when nobody was invited, was
answered, "What, did not you know, then, that to-day Lucullus dines
with Lucullus?" Which being much spoken of about the city, Cicero
and Pompey one day met him loitering in the forum, the former his
intimate friend and familiar, and, though there had been some
ill-will between Pompey and him about the command in the war, still
they used to see each other and converse on easy terms together.
Cicero accordingly saluted him, and asked him whether to-day were a
good time for asking a favor of him, and on his answering, "Very
much so," and begging to hear what it was, "Then," said Cicero, "we
should like to dine with you today, just on the dinner that is
prepared for yourself." Lucullus being surprised, and requesting a
day's time, they refused to grant it, neither suffered him to talk
with his servants, for fear he should give order for more than was
appointed before. But thus much they consented to, that before
their faces he might tell his servant, that to-day he would sup in
the Apollo, (for so one of his best dining-rooms was called,) and
by this evasion he outwitted his guests. For every room, as it
seems, had its own assessment of expenditure, dinner at such a
price, and all else in accordance; so that the servants, on knowing
where he would dine, knew also how much was to be expended, and in
what style and form dinner was to be served. The expense for the
Apollo was fifty thousand drachmas, and thus much being that day
laid out, the greatness of the cost did not so much amaze Pompey
and Cicero, as the rapidity of the outlay. One might believe
Lucullus thought his money really captive and barbarian, so
wantonly and contumeliously did he treat it.

His furnishing a library, however, deserves praise and record, for
he collected very many and choice manuscripts; and the use they
were put to was even more magnificent than the purchase, the
library being always open, and the walks and reading-rooms about it
free to all Greeks, whose delight it was to leave their other
occupations and hasten thither as to the habitation of the Muses,
there walking about, and diverting one another. He himself often
passed his hours there, disputing with the learned in the walks,
and giving his advice to statesmen who required it, insomuch
that his house was altogether a home, and in a manner a Greek
prytaneum for those that visited Rome. He was fond of all sorts of
philosophy, and was well-read and expert in them all. But he
always from the first specially favored and valued the Academy; not
the New one which at that time under Philo flourished with the
precepts of Carneades, but the Old one, then sustained and
represented by Antiochus of Ascalon, a learned and eloquent man.
Lucullus with great labor made him his friend and companion, and
set him up against Philo's auditors, among whom Cicero was one, who
wrote an admirable treatise in defense of his sect, in which he
puts the argument in favor of comprehension in the mouth of
Lucullus, and the opposite argument in his own. The book is called
Lucullus. For as has been said, they were great friends, and took
the same side in politics. For Lucullus did not wholly retire from
the republic, but only from ambition, and from the dangerous and
often lawless struggle for political preeminence, which he left to
Crassus and Cato, whom the senators, jealous of Pompey's greatness,
put forward as their champions, when Lucullus refused to head them.
For his friends' sake he came into the forum and into the senate,
when occasion offered to humble the ambition and pride of Pompey,
whose settlement, after his conquests over the kings, he got
canceled, and by the assistance of Cato, hindered a division of
lands to his soldiers, which he proposed. So Pompey went over to
Crassus and Caesar's alliance, or rather conspiracy, and filling
the city with armed men, procured the ratification of his decrees
by force, and drove Cato and Lucullus out of the forum. Which
being resented by the nobility, Pompey's party produced one
Vettius, pretending they apprehended him in a design against
Pompey's life. Who in the senate-house accused others, but before
the people named Lucullus, as if he had been suborned by him to
kill Pompey. Nobody gave heed to what he said, and it soon
appeared that they had put him forward to make false charges and
accusations. And after a few days the whole intrigue became yet
more obvious, when the dead body of Vettius was thrown out of the
prison, he being reported, indeed, to have died a natural death,
but carrying marks of a halter and blows about him, and seeming
rather to have been taken off by those who suborned him. These
things kept Lucullus at a greater distance from the republic.

But when Cicero was banished the city, and Cato sent to Cyprus, he
quitted public affairs altogether. It is said, too, that before
his death, his intellects failed him by degrees. But Cornelius
Nepos denies that either age or sickness impaired his mind, which
was rather affected by a potion, given him by Callisthenes his
freedman. The potion was meant by Callisthenes to strengthen his
affection for him, and was supposed to have that tendency but it
acted quite otherwise, and so disabled and unsettled his mind, that
while he was yet alive, his brother took charge of his affairs. At
his death, as though it had been the death of one taken off in the
very height of military and civil glory, the people were much
concerned, and flocked together, and would have forcibly taken his
corpse, as it was carried into the market-place by young men of the
highest rank, and have buried it in the field of Mars, where they
buried Sylla. Which being altogether unexpected, and necessaries
not easily to be procured on a sudden, his brother, after much
entreaty and solicitation, prevailed upon them to suffer him to be
buried on his Tusculan estate as had been appointed. He himself
survived him but a short time, coming not far behind in death, as
he did in age and renown, in all respects, a most loving brother.


One might bless the end of Lucullus, which was so timed as to let
him die before the great revolution, which fate by intestine wars,
was already effecting against the established government, and to
close his life in a free though troubled commonwealth. And in
this, above all other things, Cimon and he are alike. For he died
also when Greece was as yet undisordered, in its highest felicity;
though in the field at the head of his army, not recalled, nor out
of his mind, nor sullying the glory of his wars, engagements, and
conquests, by making feastings and debauches seem the apparent end
and aim of them all; as Plato says scornfully of Orpheus, that he
makes an eternal debauch hereafter, the reward of those who lived
well here. Indeed, ease and quiet, and the study of pleasant and
speculative learning, to an old man retiring from command and
office, is a most suitable and becoming solace; but to misguide
virtuous actions to pleasure as their utmost end, and, as the
conclusion of campaigns and commands, to keep the feast of Venus,
did not become the noble Academy, and the follower of Xenocrates,
but rather one that inclined to Epicurus. And this its one
surprising point of contrast between them; Cimon's youth was ill-
reputed and intemperate Lucullus's well disciplined and sober.
Undoubtedly we must give the preference to the change for good,
for it argues the better nature, where vice declines and virtue
grows. Both had great wealth, but employed it in different ways;
and there is no comparison between the south wall of the acropolis
built by Cimon, and the chambers and galleries, with their sea-
views, built at Naples by Lucullus, out of the spoils of the
barbarians. Neither can we compare Cimon's popular and liberal
table with the sumptuous oriental one of Lucullus, the former
receiving a great many guests every day at small cost, the latter
expensively spread for a few men of pleasure, unless you will say
that different times made the alteration. For who can tell but
that Cimon, if he had retired in his old age from business and war
to quiet and solitude, might have lived a more luxurious and self-
indulgent life, as he was fond of wine and company, and accused,
as has been said, of laxity with women? The better pleasures
gained in successful action and effort leave the baser appetites
no time or place, and make active and heroic men forget them. Had
but Lucullus ended his days in the field, and in command, envy and
detraction itself could never have accused him. So much for their
manner of life.

In war, it is plain they were both soldiers of excellent conduct,
both at land and sea. But as in the games they honor those
champions who on the same day gain the garland, both in wrestling
and in the pancratium, with the name of "Victors and more," so
Cimon, honoring Greece with a sea and land victory on the same
day, may claim a certain preeminence among commanders. Lucullus
received command from his country, whereas Cimon brought it to
his. He annexed the territories of enemies to her, who ruled over
confederates before, but Cimon made his country, which when he
began was a mere follower of others, both rule over confederates,
and conquer enemies too, forcing the Persians to relinquish the
sea, and inducing the Lacedaemonians to surrender their command.
If it be the chiefest thing in a general to obtain the obedience of
his soldiers by good-will, Lucullus was despised by his own army,
but Cimon highly prized even by others. His soldiers deserted the
one, the confederates came over to the other. Lucullus came home
without the forces which he led out; Cimon, sent out at first to
serve as one confederate among others, returned home with
authority even over these also, having successfully effected for
his city three most difficult services, establishing peace with
the enemy, dominion over confederates, and concord with
Lacedaemon. Both aiming to destroy great kingdoms, and subdue all
Asia, failed in their enterprise, Cimon by a simple piece of ill-
fortune, for he died when general, in the height of success; but
Lucullus no man can wholly acquit of being in fault with his
soldiers, whether it were he did not know, or would not comply
with the distastes and complaints of his army, which brought him
at last into such extreme unpopularity among them. But did not
Cimon also suffer like him in this? For the citizens arraigned
him, and did not leave off till they had banished him, that, as
Plato says, they might not hear him for the space of ten years.
For high and noble minds seldom please the vulgar, or are
acceptable to them; for the force they use to straighten their
distorted actions gives the same pain as surgeons' bandages do in
bringing dislocated bones to their natural position. Both of
them, perhaps, come off pretty much with an equal acquittal on
this count.

Lucullus very much outwent him in war being the first Roman who
carried an army over Taurus, passed the Tigris, took and burnt the
royal palaces of Asia in the sight of the kings, Tigranocerta,
Cabira, Sinope, and Nisibis, seizing and overwhelming the northern
parts as far as the Phasis, the east as far as Media, and making
the South and Red Sea his own through the kings of the Arabians.
He shattered the power of the kings, and narrowly missed their
persons, while like wild beasts they fled away into deserts and
thick and impassable woods. In demonstration of this superiority,
we see that the Persians, as if no great harm had befallen them
under Cimon, soon after appeared in arms against the Greeks, and
overcame and destroyed their numerous forces in Egypt. But after
Lucullus, Tigranes and Mithridates were able to do nothing; the
latter, being disabled and broken in the former wars, never dared
to show his army to Pompey outside the camp, but fled away to
Bosporus, and there died. Tigranes threw himself, naked and
unarmed, down before Pompey, and taking his crown from his head,
laid it at his feet, complimenting Pompey with what was not his
own, but, in real truth, the conquest already effected by
Lucullus. And when he received the ensigns of majesty again, he
was well pleased, evidently because he had forfeited them before.
And the commander, as the wrestler, is to be accounted to have
done most who leaves an adversary almost conquered for his
successor. Cimon, moreover, when he took the command, found the
power of the king broken, and the spirits of the Persians humbled
by their great defeats and incessant routs under Themistocles,
Pausanias, and Leotychides, and thus easily overcame the bodies of
men whose souls were quelled and defeated beforehand. But
Tigranes had never yet in many combats been beaten, and was flushed
with success when he engaged with Lucullus. There is no comparison
between the numbers, which came against Lucullus, and those
subdued by Cimon. All which things being rightly considered, it
is a hard matter to give judgment. For supernatural favor also
appears to have attended both of them, directing the one what to
do, the other what to avoid, and thus they have, both of them, so
to say, the vote of the gods, to declare them noble and divine


Crassus, in my opinion, may most properly be set against Nicias,
and the Parthian disaster compared with that in Sicily. But here
it will be well for me to entreat the reader, in all courtesy, not
to think that I contend with Thucydides in matters so pathetically,
vividly, and eloquently, beyond all imitation, and even beyond
himself, expressed by him; nor to believe me guilty of the like
folly with Timaeus, who, hoping in his history to surpass
Thucydides in art, and to make Philistus appear a trifler and a
novice, pushes on in his descriptions, through all the battles,
sea-fights, and public speeches, in recording which they have been
most successful, without meriting so much as to be compared in
Pindar's phrase, to

One that on his feet
Would with the Lydian cars compete.

He simply shows himself all along a half-lettered, childish writer;
in the words of Diphilus,

-- of wit obese,
O'erlarded with Sicilian grease.

Often he sinks to the very level of Xenarchus, telling us that he
thinks it ominous to the Athenians that their
general, who had victory in his name, was unwilling to take
command in the expedition; and that the defacing of the Hermae was
a divine intimation that they should suffer much in the war by
Hermocrates, the son of Hermon; and, moreover, how it was likely
that Hercules should aid the Syracusans for the sake of Proserpine,
by whose means he took Cerberus, and should be angry with the
Athenians for protecting the Egesteans, descended from Trojan
ancestors, whose city he, for an injury of their king Laomedon, had
overthrown. However, all these may be merely other instances of
the same happy taste that makes him correct the diction of
Philistus, and abuse Plato and Aristotle. This sort of contention
and rivalry with others in matter of style, to my mind, in any
case, seems petty and pedantic, but when its objects are works of
inimitable excellence, it is absolutely senseless. Such actions in
Nicias's life as Thucydides and Philistus have related, since they
cannot be passed by, illustrating as they do most especially his
character and temper, under his many and great troubles, that I may
not seem altogether negligent, I shall briefly run over. And such
things as are not commonly known, and lie scattered here and there
in other men's writings, or are found amongst the old monuments and
archives, I shall endeavor to bring together; not collecting mere
useless pieces of learning, but adducing what may make his
disposition and habit of mind understood.

First of all, I would mention what Aristotle has said of Nicias,
that there had been three good citizens, eminent above the rest for
their hereditary affection and love to the people, Nicias the son
of Niceratus, Thucydides the son of Melesias, and Theramenes the
son of Hagnon, but the last less than the others; for he had his
dubious extraction cast in his teeth, as a foreigner from Ceos, and
his inconstancy, which made him side sometimes with one party,
sometimes with another in public life, and which obtained him the
nickname of the Buskin.

Thucydides came earlier, and, on the behalf of the nobility, was a
great opponent of the measures by which Pericles courted the favor
of the people.

Nicias was a younger man, yet was in some reputation even whilst
Pericles lived; so much so as to have been his colleague in the
office of general, and to have held command by himself more than
once. But on the death of Pericles, he presently rose to the
highest place, chiefly by the favor of the rich and eminent
citizens, who set him up for their bulwark against the presumption
and insolence of Cleon; nevertheless, he did not forfeit the

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