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Meditations by Marcus Aurelius

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is of all kind of pride and presumption, the most intolerable.

XXI. To them that ask thee, Where hast thou seen the Gods,
or how knowest thou certainly that there be Gods, that thou
art so devout in their worship? I answer first of all,
that even to the very eye, they are in some manner visible
and apparent. Secondly, neither have I ever seen mine own soul,
and yet I respect and honour it. So then for the Gods,
by the daily experience that I have of their power and providence
towards myself and others, I know certainly that they are,
and therefore worship them.

XXII. Herein doth consist happiness of life, for a man to know
thoroughly the true nature of everything; what is the matter,
and what is the form of it: with all his heart and soul,
ever to do that which is just, and to speak the truth.
What then remaineth but to enjoy thy life in a course and coherence
of good actions, one upon another immediately succeeding,
and never interrupted, though for never so little a while?

XXIII. There is but one light of the sun, though it be
intercepted by walls and mountains, and other thousand objects.
There is but one common substance of the whole world, though it
be concluded and restrained into several different bodies,
in number infinite. There is but one common soul, though divided
into innumerable particular essences and natures. So is there
but one common intellectual soul, though it seem to be divided.
And as for all other parts of those generals which we have mentioned,
as either sensitive souls or subjects, these of themselves
(as naturally irrational) have no common mutual reference one
unto another, though many of them contain a mind, or reasonable
faculty in them, whereby they are ruled and governed.
But of every reasonable mind, this the particular nature,
that it hath reference to whatsoever is of her own kind,
and desireth to be united: neither can this common affection,
or mutual unity and correspondency, be here intercepted or divided,
or confined to particulars as those other common things are.

XXIV. What doest thou desire? To live long. What? To enjoy
the operations of a sensitive soul; or of the appetitive
faculty? or wouldst thou grow, and then decrease again?
Wouldst thou long be able to talk, to think and reason with thyself?
Which of all these seems unto thee a worthy object of thy desire?
Now if of all these thou doest find that they be but little
worth in themselves, proceed on unto the last, which is,
in all things to follow God and reason. But for a man to grieve
that by death he shall be deprived of any of these things,
is both against God and reason.

XXV. What a small portion of vast and infinite eternity it is, that is
allowed unto every one of us, and how soon it vanisheth into the general
age of the world: of the common substance, and of the common soul
also what a small portion is allotted unto us: and in what a little
clod of the whole earth (as it were) it is that thou doest crawl.
After thou shalt rightly have considered these things with thyself;
fancy not anything else in the world any more to be of any weight and
moment but this, to do that only which thine own nature doth require;
and to conform thyself to that which the common nature doth afford.

XXVI. What is the present estate of my understanding?
For herein lieth all indeed. As for all other things,
they are without the compass of mine own will: and if without
the compass of my will, then are they as dead things unto me,
and as it were mere smoke.

XXVII. To stir up a man to the contempt of death this among
other things, is of good power and efficacy, that even they
who esteemed pleasure to be happiness, and pain misery,
did nevertheless many of them contemn death as much as any.
And can death be terrible to him, to whom that only seems good,
which in the ordinary course of nature is seasonable? to him,
to whom, whether his actions be many or few, so they be all good,
is all one; and who whether he behold the things of the world
being always the same either for many years, or for few
years only, is altogether indifferent? O man! as a citizen
thou hast lived, and conversed in this great city the world.
Whether just for so many years, or no, what is it unto thee?
Thou hast lived (thou mayest be sure) as long as the laws and orders
of the city required; which may be the common comfort of all.
Why then should it be grievous unto thee, if (not a tyrant,
nor an unjust judge, but) the same nature that brought thee in,
doth now send thee out of the world? As if the praetor
should fairly dismiss him from the stage, whom he had taken
in to act a while. Oh, but the play is not yet at an end,
there are but three acts yet acted of it? Thou hast well said:
for in matter of life, three acts is the whole play.
Now to set a certain time to every man's acting, belongs unto
him only, who as first he was of thy composition, so is now
the cause of thy dissolution. As for thyself; thou hast to do
with neither. Go thy ways then well pleased and contented:
for so is He that dismisseth thee.



M. CORNELIUS FRONTO(1) was a Roman by descent, but of provincial birth,
being native to Cirta, in Numidia. Thence he migrated to Rome in the
reign of Hadrian, and became the most famous rhetorician of his day.
As a pleader and orator he was counted by his contemporaries hardly
inferior to Tully himself, and as a teacher his aid was sought for
the noblest youths of Rome. To him was entrusted the education of M.

Aurelius and of his colleague L. Verus in their boyhood; and he was
rewarded for his efforts by a seat in the Senate and the consular rank
(A.D. 143). By the exercise of his profession he became wealthy;
and if he speaks of his means as not great,(2) he must be comparing
his wealth with the grandees of Rome, not with the ordinary citizen.

Before the present century nothing was known of the works of Fronto,
except a grammatical treatise; but in 1815 Cardinal Mai published
a number of letters and

some short essays of Fronto, which he had discovered in a palimpsest
at Milan. Other parts of the same MS. he found later in the Vatican,
the whole being collected (1) References are made to the edition
of Naber, Leipzig (Trübner), 1867.

(2) Ad Verum imp. Aur. Caes., ii, 7.

and edited in the year 1823. We now possess parts of his
correspondence with Antoninus Pius, with M. Aurelius,
with L. Verus, and with certain of his friends,
and also several rhetorical and historical fragments.
Though none of the more ambitious works of Fronto
have survived, there are enough to give proof of his powers.
Never was a great literary reputation less deserved.
It would be bard to conceive of anything more vapid than
the style and conception of these letters; clearly the man was
a pedant without imagination or taste. Such indeed was the age
he lived in, and it is no marvel that he was like to his age.
But there must have been more in him than mere pedantry;
there was indeed a heart in the man, which Marcus found,
arid he found also a tongue which could speak the truth.
Fronto's letters are by no means free from exaggeration
and laudation, but they do not show that loathsome flattery
which filled the Roman court. He really admires what he praises,
and his way of saying so is not unlike what often passes for
criticism at the present day. He is not afraid to reprove what
he thinks amiss; and the astonishment of Marcus at this will prove,
if proof were needed, that he was not used to plain dealing.
"How happy I am," he writes, "that my friend Marcus Cornelius,
so distinguished as an orator and so noble as a man,
thinks me worth praising and blaming."(1) In another place
he deems himself blest because Pronto had taught him to speak
the truth(2) although the context shows him to be speaking
of expression, it is still a point in favour of Pronto.
A sincere heart is better than literary taste; and if Fronto
had not done his duty by the young prince, it is not easy
to understand the friendship which remained between them up
to the last.

An example of the frankness which was between them is given
by a difference they had over the case of Herodes Atticus.
Herodes was a Greek rhetorician who had a school at Rome,
and Marcus Aurelius was among his pupils. Both Marcus
and the Emperor (1) Ad M. Caes iii. 17 (2) Ad M. Caes iii.
12 Antoninus had a high opinion of Herodes; and all we know goes
to prove he was a man of high character and princely generosity.
When quite young he was made administrator of the free cities
in Asia, nor is it surprising to find that he made bitter
enemies there; indeed, a just ruler was sure to make enemies.
The end of it was that an Athenian deputation, headed by the orators
Theodotus and Demostratus, made serious accusations against his honour.
There is no need to discuss the merits of the case here;
suffice it to say, Herodes succeeded in defending himself to
the satisfaction of the emperor. Pronto appears to have taken
the delegates' part, and to have accepted a brief for the prosecution,
urged to some extent by personal considerations; and in this cause
Marcus Aurelius writes to Fronto as follows 'AURELIUS CAESAR to his
friend FRONTO, greeting.(1) 'I know you have often told me you
were anxious to find how you might best please me. Now is the time;
now you can increase my love towards you, if it can be increased.
A trial is at hand, in which people seem likely not only to hear your
speech with pleasure, but to see your indignation with impatience.
I see no one who dares give you a hint in the matter; for those who
are less friendly, prefer to see you act with some inconsistency;
and those who are more frIendly, fear to seem too friendly to
your opponent if they should dissuade you from your accusation;
then again, in case you have prepared something neat for the occasion,
they cannot endure to rob you of your harangue by silencing you.
Therefore, whether you think me a rash counsellor, or a bold boy,
or too kind to your opponent, not because I think it better,
I will offer my counsel with some caution. But why have I said,
offer my counsel? No, I demand it from you; I demand it boldly,
and if I succeed, I promise to remain under your obligation.
What? you will say if I am attackt, shall I not pay tit for tat ?
Ah, but you will get greater glory, if even when attackt
you answer nothing. Indeed, if he begins it, answer as you
will and you will have fair excuse; but I have demanded of him
that he shall not begin, and I think I have succeeded.
I love each of you according to your merits and I know that lie was
educated in the house of P. Calvisius, my gran(l-father, and that I
was educated by you; therefore I am full of anxiety that this most
disagreeable business shall be managed as honourably as possible.
I trust you may approve my advice, for my intention you will approve.
At least I prefer to write unwisely rather than to be silent unkindly.'

(1) Ad M. Caes ii., 2.

Fronto replied, thanking the prince for his advice, and promising
that he will confine himself to the facts of the case.
But he points out that the charges brought against Herodes
were such, that they can hardly be made agreeable; amongst them
being spoliation, violence, and murder. However, he is willing
even to let some of these drop if it be the prince's pleasure.
To this Marcus returned the following answer:-(1) 'This one thing,
my dearest Fronto, is enough to make me truly grateful to you,
that so far from rejecting my counsel, you have even approved it.
As to the question you raise in your kind letter, my opinion is this:
all that concerns the case which you are supporting must
be clearly brought forward ; what concerns your own feelings,
though you may have had just provocation, should be left unsaid.'
The story does credit to both. Fronto shows no loss of temper at
the interference, nor shrinks from stating his case with frankness;
and Marcus, with forbearance remarkable in a prince, does not
command that his friend be left unmolested, but merely stipulates
for a fair trial on the merits of the case.

Another example may he given from a letter of Fronto's (2) Here is
something else quarrelsome and querulous. I have sometimes found
fault with you in your absence somewhat seriously in the company
of a few of my most intimate friends : at times, for example,
when you mixt in society with a more solemn look than was fitting,
or would read books in the theatre or in a banquet ;
nor did I absent myself from theatre or banquet when you
did(3). Then I used to call you a hard man, no good company,
even disagreeable, sometimes, when anger got the better of me.
But did any one else in the same banquet speak against you, I could
not endure to hear it with equanimity. Thus it was easier for me to say
something to your disadvantage myself, than to hear others do it;
just as I could more easily bear to chastise my daughter Gratia,
than to see her chastised by another.'

1. Ad. M. Caes., iii. 5. 2. iv. 12.

3 The text is obscure

The affection between them is clear from every page
of the correspondence. A few instances are now given,
which were written at different periods To MY MASTER.(1)
'This is how I have past the last few days. My sister was
suddenly seized with an internal pain, so violent that I
was horrified at her looks; my mother in her trepidation
on that account accidentally bruised her side on a corner
of the wall; she and we were greatly troubled about that blow.
For myself; on going to rest I found a scorpion in my bed;
but I did not lie down upon him, I killed him first.
If you are getting on better, that is a consolation.
My mother is easier now, thanks be to God. Good-bye, best and
sweetest master. My lady sends you greeting.'

(2)'What words can I find to fit my had luck, or how shall I
upbraid as it deserves the hard constraint which is laid upon me?
It ties me fast here, troubled my heart is, and beset by such anxiety;
nor does it allow me to make haste to my Fronto, my life and delight,
to be near him at such a moment of ill-health in particular,
to hold his hands, to chafe gently that identical foot, so far
as may be done without discomfort, to attend him in the bath,
to support his steps with my arm.'

(3)'This morning I did not write to you, because I heard you
were better, and because I was myself engaged in other business,
and I cannot ever endure to write anything to you unless with mind
at ease and untroubled and free. So if we are all right, let me know:
what I desire, you know, and how properly I desire it, I know.
Farewell, my master, always in every chance first in my mind,
as you deserve to be. My master, see I am not asleep, and I
compel myself to sleep, that you may not be angry with me.
You gather I am writing this late at night.'

(1) Ad M. Caes., v. 8. (2) i. 2. (3) iii. 21.

(1)'What spirit do you suppose is in me, when I remember how long
it is since I have seen you, and why I have not seen you 1
and it may be I shall not see you for a few days yet, while you
are strengthening yourself; as you must. So while you lie on
the sick-bed, my spirit also will lie low anti, whenas,(2) by God's
mercy you shall stand upright, my spirit too will stand firm,
which is now burning- with the strongest desire for you.
Farewell, soul of your prince, your (3)0 my dear Fronto,
most distinguished Consul! I yield, you have conquered:
all who have ever loved before, you have conquered out and out
in love's contest. Receive the victor's wreath ; and the herald
shall proclaim your victory aloud before your own tribunal:
"M. Cornelius Fronto, Consul, wins, and is crowned victor
in the Open International Love-race."(4) But beaten though
I may be, I shall neither slacken nor relax my own zeal.
Well, you shall love me more than any man loves any other man;
but I, who possess a faculty of loving less strong, shall love
you more than any one else loves you; more indeed than you
love yourself. Gratia and I will have to fight for it;
I doubt I shall not get the better of her. For, as Plautus says,
her love is like rain, whose big drops not only penetrate
the dress, but drench to the very marrow.'

Marcus Aurelius seems to have been about eighteen years of age when
the correspondence begins, Fronto being some thirty years older.(5)
The systematic education of the young prince seems to have been finisht,
and Pronto now acts more as his adviser than his tutor.
He recommends the prince to use simplicity in his public speeches,
and to avoid affectation.(6) Marcus devotes his attention to the old
authors who then had a great vogue at Rome: Ennius, Plautus, Nawius,
and such orators as Cato and Gracchus.(7) Pronto urges on him
the study of Cicero, whose letters, he says, are all worth reading.
1 Ad M. Caes., iii. 19.

2 The writer sometimes uses archaisms such as quom, which I

render 'whenas.

3 Ad M. Caes., ii. 2.

4 The writer parodies the proclamation at the Greek games; the

words also are Greek.

5 From internal evidence: the letters are not arranged in order

of time. See Naher's Prolegomena, p. xx. foil.

6 Ad M. Caes., iii. x.

7 Ad M. Caes ii. 10,; iii. 18,; ii. 4.

When he wishes to compliment Marcus he declares one
or other of his letters has the true Tullian ring.
Marcus gives his nights to reading when he ought to be sleeping.
He exercises himself in verse composition and on rhetorical themes.

'It is very nice of you,' he writes to Fronto,(1) 'to ask for my
hexameters ; I would have sent them at once if I had them by me.
The fact is my secretary, Anicetus-you know who I mean-did not
pack up any of my compositions for me to take away with me.
He knows my weakness; he was afraid that if I got hold of them I might,
as usual, make smoke of them. However, there was no fear for
the hexameters. I must confess the truth to my master: I love them.
I study at night, since the day is taken up with the theatre. I am weary
of an evening, and sleepy in the daylight, and so I don't do much.
Yet I have made extracts from sixty books, five volumes of them,
in these latter days. But when you read remember that the "sixty"
includes plays of Novius, and farces, and some little speeches of Scipio;
don't be too much startled at the number. You remember your Polemon;
but I pray you do not remember Horace, who has died with Pollio as far
as I am concerned.(2) Farewell, my dearest and most affectionate friend,
most distinguished consul and my beloved master, whom I have not
seen these two years. Those who say two months, count the days.
Shall I ever see you again?'

Sometimes Fronto sends him a theme to work up, as thus:
'M. Lucilius tribune of the people violently throws into prison
a free Roman citizen, against the opinion of his colleagues who
demand his release. For this act he is branded by the censor.
Analyse the case, and then take both sides in turn,
attacking and defending.'(3) Or again: 'A Roman consul,
doffing his state robe, dons the gauntlet and kills a lion amongst
the young men at the Quinquatrus in full view of the people of Rome.
Denunciation before the censors.'(4) The prince has a fair
knowledge of Greek, and quotes from 1 Ad M. Caes., ii. 10.

2 He implies, as in i. 6, that he has ceased to study Horace.

3 Pollio was a grammarian, who taught Marcus.

4 Ad M. Caes., v. 27,; V. 22.

Homer, Plato, Euripides, but for some reason Fronto dissuaded
him from this study.(5) His Meditations are written in Greek.
He continued his literary studies throughout his life,
and after he became emperor we still find him asking his
adviser for copies of Cicero's Letters, by which he hopes
to improve his vocabulary.(6) Pronto Helps him with a supply
of similes, which, it seems, he did not think of readily.
It is to be feared that the fount of Marcus's eloquence was
pumped up by artificial means.

1 Ad M. Caes., ii. 10.

2 He implies, as in i. 6, that he has ceased to study Horace.

3 Pollio was a grammarian, who taught Marcus.

4 Ad M. Caes., v. 27,; V. 22.

5 Ep. Gracae, 6.

6 Ad Anton. Imp., 1I. 4.

Some idea of his literary style may he gathered from the letter
which follows:(1) 'I heard Polemo declaim the other day,
to say something of things sublunary. If you ask what I
thought of him, listen. He seems to me an industrious farmer,
endowed with the greatest skill, who has cultivated a large
estate for corn and vines only, and indeed with a rich
return of fine crops. But yet in that land of his there
is no Pompeian fig or Arician vegetable, no Tarentine rose,
or pleasing coppice, or thick grove, or shady plane tree;
all is for use rather than for pleasure, such as one ought
rather to commend, but cares not to love.

A pretty bold idea, is it not, and rash judgment, to pass censure on a man
of such reputation? But whenas I remember that I am writing to you,
I think I am less bold than you would have me.

'In that point I am wholly undecided.

'There's an unpremeditated hendecasyllable for you. So before I begin
to poetize, i'll take an easy with you. Farewell, my heart's desire,
your Verus's best beloved, most distinguisht consul, master most sweet.
Farewell I ever pray, sweetest soul.

What a letter do you think you have written me I could make bold to say,
that never did she who bore me and nurst me, write anything SO delightful,
so honey-sweet. And this does not come of your fine style and eloquence:
otherwise not my mother only, but all who breathe.' 1 Ad M. Caes, ii. 5.

To the pupil, never was anything on earth so fine as his master's
eloquence ; on this theme Marcus fairly bubbles over with enthusiasm.

(1)'Well, if the ancient Greeks ever wrote anything like this,
let those who know decide it: for me, if I dare say so,
I never read any invective of Cato's so fine as your encomtum.
O if my Lord(2) could be sufficiently praised, sufficiently praised
he would have been undoubtedly by you! This kind of thing is not
done nowadays.(3) It were easier to match Pheidias, easier to
match Apelles, easier in a word to match Demosthenes himself,
or Cato himself; than to match this finisht and perfect work.
Never have I read anything more refined, anything more after
the ancient type, anything more delicious, anything more Latin.
0 happy you, to be endowed with eloquence so great! 0 happy I,
to be tinder the charge of such a master! 0 arguments,(4)
O arrangement, 0 elegance, 0 wit, 0 beauty, 0 words,
0 brilliancy, 0 subtilty, 0 grace, 0 treatment, 0 everything!
Mischief take me, if you ought not to have a rod put in your
hand one day, a diadem on your brow, a tribunal raised for you;
then the herald would summon us all-why do I say "us"?
Would summnon all, those scholars and orators: one by one you
would beckon them forward with your rod and admonish them.
Hitherto I have had no fear of this admonition;
many things help me to enter within your school. I write this
in the utmost haste; for whenas I am sending you so kindly
a letter from my Lord, what needs a longer letter of mine?
Farewell then, glory of Roman eloquence, boast of your friends,
magnifico, most delightful man, most distinguished consul,
master most sweet.

'After this you will take care not to tell so many fibs of me,
especially in the Senate. A monstrous fine speech this is! 0 if 1
could kiss your head at every heading of it! You have looked
down on all with a vengeance. This oration once read, in vain
shall we study, in vain shall we toil, in vain strain every nerve.
Farewell always, most sweet master.'

1 Ad M. Caes., ii. 3.

2 The Emperor Antoninus Pius is spoken of as dominus vieus.

3 This sentence is written in Greek.

4 Several of these words are Greek, and the meaning is not quite


Sometimes Fronto descends from the heights of eloquence
to offer practical advice; as when he suggests how Marcus
should deal with his suite. It is more difficult, he admits,
to keep courtiers in harmony than to tame lions with a lute;
but if it is to be done, it must be by eradicating jealousy.
' Do not let your friends,' says Fronto,'(1) 'envy each other,
or think that what you give to another is filched from them.

Keep away envy from your suite, and you will find your friends
kindly and harmonious.'

Here and there we meet with allusions to his daily life, which we could
wish to be more frequent. He goes to the theatre or the law-courts,(2)
or takes part in court ceremony, but his heart is always with his books.
The vintage season, with its religious rites, was always spent by
Antoninus Pius in the country. The following letters give sonic notion
of a day's occupation at that time:(3) 'MY DEAREST MASTER, -I am well.
To-day I studied from the ninth hour of the night to the second
hour of day, after taking food. I then put on my slippers,
and from time second to the third hour had a most enjoyable walk
up and down before my chamber. Then booted and cloaked-for so we
were commanded to appear-I went to wait upon my lord the emperor.
We went a-hunting, did doughty deeds, heard a rumour that boars
had been caught, but there was nothing to see. However, we climbed
a pretty steep hill, and in the afternoon returned home.
I went straight to my books. Off with the boots, down with the cloak;
I spent a couple of hours in bed. I read Cato's speech on the Property
of Pulchra, and another in which he impeaches a tribune. Ho, ho!
I hear you cry to your man, Off with you as fast as you can,
and bring me these speeches from the library of Apollo.
No use to send: I have those books with me too. You must get round
the Tiberian librarian; you will have to spend something on the matter;
and when I return to town, I shall expect to go shares with him.
Well, after reading these speeches I wrote a wretched trifle,
destined for drowning or burning. No, indeed my attempt at writing did
not come off at all to-day; the composition of a hunter or a vintager,
whose shouts are echoing through my chamber, hateful and wearisome
as the law-courts. What have I said? Yes, it was rightly said,
for my master is an orator. I think I have caught cold,
whether from walking in slippers or from writing badly, I do not know.
I am always annoyed with phlegm, but to-day I seem to snivel more
than usual. Well, I will pour oil on my head and go off to sleep.
I don't mean to put one drop in my lamp to-day, so weary am I from
riding and sneezing. Farewell, dearest and most beloved master,
whom I miss, I may say, more than Rome it~dL'

1 Ad M Caes., iv. 1.

2 ii. 14

3 iv. 5,6.

'MY BELOVED MASTER,-I am well. I slept a little more than
usual for my slight cold, which seems to be well again.
So I spent the time from the eleventh hour of the night to
the third of the day partly in reading in Cato's Agriculture,
partly in writing, not quite so badly as yesterday indeed.
Then, after waiting upon my father, I soothed my throat
with honey-water, ejecting it without swallowing: I might
say gargle, but I won't, though I think the word is found in Novius
and elsewhere. After attending to my throat I went to my father,
and stood by his side as he sacrificed. Then to luncheon.
What do you think I had to eat? A bit of bread so big, while I
watched others gobbling boiled beans, onions, and fish full of roe.
Then we set to work at gathering the grapes, with plenty
of sweat and shouting, and, as the quotation runs, "A few
high-hanging clusters did we leave survivors of the vintage."
After the sixth hour we returned home. I did a little work,
and poor work at that. Then I had a long gossip with my
dear mother sitting on the bed. My conversation was:
What do you think my friend Fronto is doing just now? She said:
And what do you think of my friend Gratia?'(1) My turn now:
And what of our little Gratia,(2) the sparrowkin? After this kind
of talk, and an argument as to which of you loved the other most,
the gong sounded, the signal that my father had gone to the bath.
We supped, after ablutions in the oil-cellar-I mean we supped
after ablutions, not after ablutions in the oil-cellar;
and listened with enjoyment to the rustics gibing.
After returning, before turning on my side to snore, I do my
task and give an account of the day to my delightful master,
whom if I could long for a little more, I should not mind
growing a trifle thinner. Farewell, Fronto, wherever you are,
honey-sweet, my darling, my delight. Why do I want you?
I can love you while far away.'

One anecdote puts Marcus before us in a new light:(3)
1 Fronto's wife.

2 Fronto's daughter

3 Ad M. Caes ii. 12.

'When my father returned home from the vineyards, I mounted
my horse as usual, and rode on ahead some little way.
Well, there on the road was a herd of sheep, standing all
crowded together as though the place were a desert,
with four dogs and two shepherds, but nothing else.
Then one shepherd said to another shepherd, on seeing a number
of horsemen: 'I say,' says he, 'look you at those horsemen;
they do a deal of robbery.' When I heard this, I clap
spurs to my horse, and ride straight for the sheep.
In consternation the sheep scatter; hither and thither they
are fleeting and bleating. A shepherd throws his fork,
and the fork falls on the horseman who came next to me.
We make our escape.' We like Marcus none the worse for this
spice of mischief.

Another letter(1) describes a visit to a country town,
and shows the antiquarian spirit of the writer 'M. CAESAR
to his MASTER M. FRONTO, greeting.

'After I entered the carriage, after I took leave of you,
we made a journey comfortable enough, but we had a few drops
of rain to wet us. But before coming to the country-house,
we broke our journey at Anagnia, a mile or so from the highroad.
Then we inspected that ancient town, a miniature it is, but has in it
many antiquities, temples, and religious ceremonies quite out of the way.
There is not a corner without its shrine, or fane, or temple;
besides, many books written on linen, which belongs to things sacred.
Then on the gate as we came out was written twice, as follows : "Priest
don the fell.'(2) I asked one of the inhabitants what that word was.
He said it was the word in the Hernican dialect for the victim's skin,
which the priest puts over his conical cap when he enters the city.
I found out many other things which I desired to know, but the only
thing I do not desire is that you should he absent from me;
that is my chief anxiety. Now for yourself, when you left that place,
did you go to Aurelia or to Campania? Be sure to write to me,
and say whether you have opened the vintage, or carried a host
of books to the country-house; this also, whether you miss me;
I am foolish to ask it, whenas you tell it me of yourself.
Now if you miss me and if you love me, send me your letters often,
which is a comfort and consolation to me. Indeed I should prefer
ten times to read your letters than all the vines of Gaurus or
the Marsians; for these Signian vines have grapes too rank and fruit
too sharp in the taste, but I prefer wine to must for drinking.
Besides, those grapes are nicer to eat dried than fresh-ripe;
I vow I would rather tread them under foot than put my teeth in them.
But I pray they may be gracious and forgiving, and grant me free
pardon for these jests of mine. Farewell, best friend, dearest,
most l~rned, sweetest master. When you see the must ferment
in the vat, remember that just so in my heart the longing for you
is gushing and flowing and bubbling. Good-bye.' 1 Ad Verum.
Imp ii. 1, s. fin.

2 Santentum

Making all allowances for conventional exaggerations, it is clear
from the correspondence that there was deep love between Marcus and
his preceptor. The letters cover several years in succession, but soon
after the birth of Marcus's daughter, Faustina, there is a large gap.
It does not follow that the letters ceased entirely, because we know
part of the collection is lost; but there was probably less intercourse
between Marcus and Fronto after Marcus took to the study of philosophy
under the guidance of Rusticus.

When Marcus succeeded to the throne in 161, the letters
begin again, with slightly increased formality on Fronto's part,
and they go on for some four years, when Fronto, who has been
continually complaining of ill-health, appears to have died.
One letter of the later period gives some interesting particulars
of the emperor's public life, which are worth quoting.
Fronto speaks of Marcus's victories and eloquence in the usual
strain of high praise, and then continues.(1) 'The army
when you took it in hand was sunk in luxury and revelry,
and corrupted with long inactivity. At Antiochia the soldiers
had been Wont to applaud at the stage plays, knew more of
the gardens at the nearest restaurant than of the battlefield.
Horses were hairy from lack of grooming, horsemen smooth
because their hairs had been pulled out by the roots(2)
a rare thing it was to see a soldier with hair on arm or leg.
Moreover, they were better drest than armed; so much so,
that Laelianus Pontius. a strict man of the old discipline,
broke the cuirasses of some of them with his finger-tips,
and observed cushions on the horses' backs. At his direction
the tufts were cut through, and out of the horsemnen's
saddles came what appeared to be feathers pluckt from geese.
Few of the men could vault on horseback, the rest clambered up
with difficulty by aid of heel and knee and leg not many could
throw a lance hurtling, most did it without force or power,
as though they were things of wool. dicing was common in the camp,
sleep lasted all night, or if they kept watch it was over the winecup.
By what regulations to restrain such soldiers as these,
and to turn them to honesty and industry, did you not learn
from Hannibal's sternness, the discipline of Africanus,
the acts of Metellus recorded in history 1 Ad Verum.
imp., ii. I, s.fin.

2 A common mark of the effeminate at Rome.

After the preceptorial letters cease the others are concerned
with domestic events, health and sickness, visits or introductions,
birth or death. Thus the emp-peror writes to his old friend,
who had shown some diffidence in seeking an interview :(1)

'I have a serious grievance against you, my dear master, yet indeed
my grief is more than my grievance, because after so long a time I
neither embraced you nor spoke to you, though you visited the palace,
and the moment after I had left the prince my brother. I reproached
my brother severc]y for not recalling me; nor durst he deny the fault.'
Fronto again writes on one occasion: 'I have seen your daughter.
It was like seeing you and Faustina in infancy, so much that is charming
her face has taken from each of yours.' Or again, at a later date:(2)
I have seen your chicks, most delightful sight that ever I saw in my life,
so like you that nothing is more like than the likeness. . . . By
the mercy of Heaven they have a healthy colour and strong lungs.
One held a piece of white bread, like a little prince, the other
a common piece, like a true philosophers son.'

1 Ad Verum. Imp. Aur. Caes., i. 3.

2 Ad Ant. Imp i., 3.

Marcus, we know, was devoted to his children. They were delicate
in health, in spite of Fronto's assurance, and only one son
survived the father. We find echoes of this affection now
and again in the letters. 'We have summer heat here still,'
writes Marcus, 'but since my little girls are pretty well, if I
may say so, it is like the bracing climate of spring to us.'(1)
When little Faustina came back from the valley of the shadow of death,
her father at once writes to inform Fronto.(2) The sympathy he asks
he also gives, and as old age brings more and more infirmity,
Marcus becomes even more solicitous for his beloved teacher.
The poor old man suffered a heavy blow in the death of his grandson,
on which Marcus writes:(3) 'I have just heard of your misfortune.
Feeling grieved as I do when one of your joints gives you pain,
what do you think I feel, dear master, when you have pain of mind?'
The old man's reply, in spite of a certain self-consciousness,
is full of pathos. He recounts with pride the events of a long
and upright life, in which he has wronged no man, and lived
in harmony with his friends and family. His affectations fall
away from him, as the cry of pain is forced from his heart:-
(4)'Many such sorrows has fortune visited me with all my life long.
To pass by my other afflictions, I have lost five children under
the most pitiful conditions possible: for the five I lost one by one
when each was my only child, suffering these blows of bereavement
in such a manner that each child was born to one already bereaved.
Thus I ever lost my children without solace, and got them
amidst fresh grief.....'

The letter continues with reflections on the nature of death,
'more to be rejoiced at than bewailed, the younger one dies,'
and an arraignment of Providence not without dignity,
wrung from him as it were by this last culminating misfortune.
It concludes with a summing-up of his life in protest against
the blow which has fallen on his grey head.

1 Ad M. Caes., v. 19

2 iv. 11

3 De Nepote Amissa

4 De Nepote Amissa 2

'Through my long life I have committed nothing which might
bring dishonour, or disgrace, or shame: no deed of avarice or
treachery have I done in all my day's: nay, but much generosity,
much kindness, much truth and faithfulness have I shown,
often at the risk of my own life. I have lived in amity
with my good brother, whom I rejoice to see in possession
of the highest office by your father's goodness, and by your
friendship at peace and perfect rest. Th~ offices which I
have myself obtained I never strove for by any underhand means.
I have cultivated my mind rather than my body; the pursuit
of learning I have preferred to increasing my wealth.
I preferred to he poor rather than bound by any'
man's obligation, even to want rather than to beg.
I have never been extravagant in spending money, I have earned
it sometimes because I must. I have scrupulously spoken
the truth, and have been glad to hear it spoken to me.
I have thought it better to be neglected than to fawn,
to be dumb than to feign, to be seldom a friend than to be often
a flatterer. 1 have sought little, deserved not little.
So far as I could, I have assisted each according to my means.
I have given help readily to the deserving, fearlessly to
the undeserving. No one by proving to be ungrateful
has made me more slow to bestow promptly all benefits I
could give, nor have I ever been harsh to ingratitude.
(A fragmentary passage follows, in which he appears to speak of
his desire for a peaceful end, and the desolation of his house.)
I have suffered long and painful sickness, my beloved Marcus.
Then I was visited by pitiful misfortunes: my wife I
have lost, my grandson I have lost in Germany:(1) woe is me!
I have lost my Decimanus. If I were made of iron, at this
tine I could write no more.' It is noteworthy that in his
meditations Marcus Aurelius mentions Fronto only once.(2)
All his literary studies, his oratory and criticism
(such as it was) is forgotten; and, says he, 'Fronto taught
me not to expect natural affection from the highly-born.'
Fronto really said more than this: that 'affection'
is not a Roman quality, nor has it a Latin name.(3)
Roman or not Roman, Marcus found affection in Fronto;
and if he outgrew his master's intellectual training,
he never lost touch with the true heart of the man it
is that which Fronto's name brings up to his remembrance,
not dissertations on compound verbs or fatuous criticisms of style.
1 In the war against the Catti.

2 Book I., 8.

3 Ad Verum, ii. 7


THIS being neither a critical edition of the text nor an emended
edition of Casaubon's translation, it has not been thought
necessary to add full notes. Casaubon's own notes have
been omitted, because for the most part they are discursive,
and not necessary to an understanding of what is written.
In those which here follow, certain emendations of his are mentioned,
which he proposes in his notes, and follows in the translation.
In addition, one or two corrections are made where he has
mistaken the Greek, and the translation might be misleading.
Those which do not come under these two heads will explain themselves.

The text itself has been prepared by a comparison of the editions
of 1634 and 1635. It should he borne in mind that Casaubon's is often
rather a paraphrase than a close translation; and it did not seem worth
while to notice every variation or amplification of the original.
In the original editions all that Casauhon conceives as understood,
but not expressed, is enclosed in square brackets. These brackets are
here omitted, as they interfere with the comfort of the reader; and so
have some of the alternative renderings suggested by the translator.
In a few cases, Latin words in the text have been replaced by English.

Numbers in brackets refer to the Teubner text of Stich,
but the divisions of the text are left unaltered.
For some of the references identified I am indebted to
Mr. G. H. Rendall's Marcus Aurelius.

BOOK I I "Both to frequent" (4). Gr. to mh, C. conjectures to me.
The text is probably right: "I did not frequent public lectures,
and I was taught at home."

VI Idiots. . . . philosophers (9). The reading is doubtful,
but the meaning seems to be: "simple and unlearned men"

XII "Claudius Maximus" (15). The reading of the Palatine MS.
(now lost) was paraklhsiz Maximon, which C. supposes to conceal
the letters kl as an abbreviation of Claudius.

XIII "Patient hearing. . . He would not"
(16). C. translates his conjectural reading epimonon ollan.
on proapsth Stich suggests a reading with much the same sense:
.....epimonon all antoi "Strict and rigid dealing"
(16). C. translates tonvn (Pal. MS.) as though from tonoz,
in the sense of "strain." "rigour." The reading of other MSS.
tonvn is preferable.

XIII "Congiaries" (13). dianomais, "doles."

XIV "Cajeta" (17). The passage is certainly corrupt.
C. spies a reference to Chryses praying by the sea-shore
in the Illiad, and supposes M. Aurelius to have done the like.
None of the emendations suggested is satisfactory. At § XV.
Book II. is usually reckoned to begin. BOOK II III. Do, soul"
(6). If the received reading be right, it must be sarcastic;
but there are several variants which show how unsatisfactory
it is. C. translates "en gar o bioz ekasty so par eanty "
which I do not understand. The sense required is:
"Do not violence to thyself, for thou hast not long to use
self-respect. Life is not (v. 1. so) for each,
and this life for thee is all but done."

X. "honour and credit do proceed" (12). The verb has dropt out
of the text, but C. has supplied one of the required meaning.

XI. "Consider," etc. (52). This verb is not in the Greek, which means:
"(And reason also shows) how man, etc."

BOOK IV XV. "Agathos" (18): This is probably not a proper name,
but the text seems to be unsound. The meaning may be "the
good man ought"

XVI. oikonomian (16) is a "practical benefit,"
a secondary end. XXXIX. "For herein lieth all...."
(~3). C. translates his conjecture olan for ola.

BOOK V XIV. katorqwseiz (15): Acts of "rightness"
or "straightness." XXIII. "Roarer" (28): Gr. "tragedian." Ed.
1 has whoremonger,' ed. 2 corrects to "harlot," but omits to alter'
the word at its second occurrence.

XXV. "Thou hast . . . them" (33): A quotation from
Homer, Odyssey, iv. 690.

XXVII. " One of the poets" (33) : Hesiod, Op. et Dies, 197.
XXIX and XXX. (36). The Greek appears to contain quotations
from sources not known, and the translation is a paraphrase.
(One or two alterations are here made on the authority of
the second edition.) BOOK VI XIII. "Affected and qualified"
(i4): exis, the power of cohesion shown in things inanimate;
fusiz, power of growth seen in plants and the like.

XVII. "Wonder at them" (18) : i.e. mankind.

XXXVII. "Chrysippus" (42): C. refers to a passage of
Plutarch De Communibus Notitiis (c. xiv.), where Chrysippus
is represented as saying that a coarse phrase may be vile
in itself, yet have due place in a comedy as contributing
to a certain effect.

XL. "Man or men . . ." There is no hiatus in the Greek, which means:
"Whatever (is beneficial) for a man is so for other men also."

XLII. There is no hiatus in the Greek.

BOOK VII IX. C. translates his conjecture mh for h.
The Greek means " straight, or rectified," with a play on
the literal and metaphorical meaning of ortoz.

XIV. endaimonia. contains the word daimwn in composition.
XXII.The text is corrupt, but the words "or if it be but few "
should be "that is little enough."

XXIII. "Plato": Republic, vi. p. 486 A.

XXV. "It will," etc. Euripides, Belerophon, frag. 287 (Nauck).

"Lives," etc. Euripides, Hypsipyle, frag. 757 (Nauck). "As long," etc.
Aristophanes, Acharne, 66 i.

"Plato" Apology, p. 28 B.

"For thus" Apology, p. 28 F.

XXVI. "But, 0 noble sir," etc. Plato, Gorgias, 512 D. XXVII.
"And as for those parts," etc. A quotation from
Euripides, Chryssipus, frag. 839 (Nauck).

"With meats," etc. From Euripides, Supplices, 1110. XXXIII.
"They both," i.e. life and wrestling.

"Says he" (63): Plato, quoted by Epictetus, Arr. i. 28, 2 and 22.

XXXVII. "How know we," etc. The Greek means:
"how know we whether Telauges were not nobler in character
than Sophocles?" The allusion is unknown.

XXVII. "Frost" The word is written by Casaubon as a proper name, " Pagus.'

"The hardihood of Socrates was famous"; see Plato, Siymposium, p. 220.

BOOK X XXII. The Greek means, "paltry breath bearing up corpses,
so that the tale of Dead Man's Land is clearer."

XXII. "The poet" (21) : Euripides, frag. 898 (Nauck);
compare Aeschylus, Danaides, frag. 44.

XXIV. "Plato" (23): Theaetetus, p. 174 D.

XXXIV. "The poet" (34): Homer, Iliad, vi. 147.

XXXIV. "Wood": A translation of ulh, "matter."

XXXVIII. "Rhetoric" (38): Rather "the gift of speech";
or perhaps the "decree" of the reasoning faculty.

BOOK XI V. "Cithaeron" (6) : Oedipus utters this cry after discovering
that he has fulfilled his awful doom, he was exposed on Cithaeron as an
infant to die, and the cry implies that he wishes he had died there.
Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus, 1391.

V. "New Comedy . . .," etc. C. has here strayed from
the Greek rather widely. Translate: "and understand
to what end the New Comedy was adopted, which by small
degrees degenerated into a mere show of skill in mimicry."
C. writes Comedia Vetus, Media, Nova. XII. "Phocion" (13): When
about to be put to death he charged his son to bear no malice
against the Athenians.

XXVIII. " My heart," etc. (31): From Homer, Odyssey ix. 413.
"They will" From Hesiod, Opera et Dies, 184.

"Epictetus" Arr. i. II, 37.

XXX. "Cut down grapes" (35): Correct "ears of corn."
"Epictetus"(36): Arr. 3, 22, 105.


This Glossary includes all proper names (excepting a few which are
insignificant or unknown) and all obsolete or obscure words.
ADRIANUS, or Hadrian (76-138 A. D.), i4th Roman Emperor.

Agrippa, M. Vipsanius (63-12 B.C.), a distinguished
soldier under Augustus.

Alexander the Great, King of Macedonia, and Conqueror of
the East, 356-323 B.C.

Antisthenes of Athens, founder of the sect of Cynic philosophers,
and an opponent of Plato, 5th century B.C Antoninus Pius,
15th Roman Emperor, 138-161 AD. one of the best princes that ever
mounted a throne.

Apathia: the Stoic ideal was calmness in all circumstance
an insensibility to pain, and absence of all exaltation at,
pleasure or good fortune.

Apelles, a famous painter of antiquity.

Apollonius of Alexandria, called Dyscolus, or the 'ill-tempered,'

a great grammarian.

Aposteme, tumour, excrescence.

Archimedes of Syracuse 287-212 B.C., the most famous
mathematician of antiquity.

Athos, a mountain promontory at the N. of the Aegean Sea.

Augustus, first Roman Emperor (ruled 31 B.C.-14 AD.).

Avoid, void.

BACCHIUS: there Were several persons of this name, and the one meant
is perhaps the musician.

Brutus (1) the liberator of the Roman people from their kings, and (2)
the murderer of Caesar.

Both names were household words.

Caesar, Caius, Julius, the Dictator and Conqueror.

Caieta, a town in Latium.

Camillus, a famous dictator in the early days of the Roman Republic.

Carnuntum, a town on the Danube in Upper Pannonia.

Cato, called of Utica, a Stoic who died by his own hand after the battle
of Thapsus, 46 B.C. His name was proverbial for virtue and courage.

Cautelous, cautious.

Cecrops, first legendary King of Athens.

Charax, perhaps the priestly historian of that name, whose date
is unknown, except that it must be later than Nero.

Chirurgeon, surgeon.

Chrysippus, 280-207 B.C., a Stoic philosopher, and the founder
of Stoicism as a systematic philosophy.

Circus, the Circus Maximus at Rome, where games were held.

There were four companies who contracted to provide horses, drivers, etc.
These were called Factiones, and each had its distinguishing colour:
russata (red), albata (white), veneta (blue), prasina (green). There
was high rivalry between them, and riots and bloodshed not infrequently.

Cithaeron, a mountain range N.

of Attica.

Comedy, ancient; a term applied to the Attic comedy
of Aristophanes and his time, which criticised persons
and politics, like a modern comic journal, such as Punck.
See New Comedy.

Compendious, short.

Conceit, opinion.

Contentation, contentment.

Crates, a Cynic philosopher of the 4th century B.C.

Croesus, King of Lydia, proverbial for wealth; he reigned 560-546 B.C.

Cynics, a school of philosophers, founded by Antisthenes.
Their texts were a kind of caricature of Socraticism.
Nothing was good but virtue, nothing bad but vice.
The Cynics repudiated all civil and social claims,
and attempted to return to what they called a state of nature.
Many of them were very disgusting in their manners.

DEMETRIUS of Phalerum, an Athenian orator, statesman, philosopher,
and poet. Born 345 B.C.

Democritus of Abdera (460-361 B.C.), celebrated as the 'laughing
philosopher,' whose constant thought was 'What fools these mortals be.'
He invented the Atomic Theory.

Dio of Syracuse, a disciple of Plato, and afterwards tyrant of Syracuse.
Murdered 353 B.C.

Diogenes, the Cynic, born about 412 B.C., renowned for his rude-

ness and hardihood.

Diognetus, a painter.

Dispense with, put up with.

Dogmata, pithy sayings, or philosophical rules of life.

EMPEDOCLES of Agrigentum, fl.

5th century B.C., a philosopher, who first laid down that there
were "four elements." He believed in the transmigration of souls,
and the indestructibility of matter.

Epictetus, a famous Stoic philosopher. He was of Phrygia,
at first a slave, then freedman, lame, poor, and contented.

The work called Encheiridion was compiled by a pupil from his discourses.

Epicureans, a sect of philosophers founded by Epicurus,
who "combined the physics of Democritus," i.e. the atomic theory,
"with the ethics of Aristippus."

They proposed to live for happiness, but the word did not bear
that coarse and vulgar sense originally which it soon took.

Epicurus of Samos, 342-270 B.C.

Lived at Athens in his "gardens," an urbane and kindly,
if somewhat useless, life. His character was simple and temperate,
and had none of the vice or indulgence which was afterwards
associated with the name of Epicurean.

Eudoxus of Cnidus, a famous astronomer and physician of the 4th
century B. C.

FATAL, fated.

Fortuit, chance (adj.).

Fronto, M. Cornelius, a rhetorician and pleader, made consul in 143
A.D. A number of his letters to M, Aur. and others are extant.

GRANUA, a tributary of the Danube.

HELICE, ancient capital city of Achaia, swallowed up by
an earthquake, 373 B.C.

Helvidius Priscus, son-in-law of Thrasea Paetus, a noble man and a lover
of liberty. He was banished by Nero, and put to death by Vespasian.

Heraclitus of Ephesus, who lived in the 6th century B.C. He wrote
on philosophy and natural science.

Herculaneum, near Mount Vesuvius, buried by the eruption of 79 AD.

Hercules, p. 167, should be Apollo. See Muses.

Hiatus, gap.

Hipparchus of Bithynia, an astronomer of the 2nd century B.C.,
"The true father of astronomy."

Hippocrates of Cos, about 460-357 B.C. One of the most famous
physicians of antiquity.

IDIOT, means merely the non-proficient in anything, the "layman,"
he who was not technically trained in any art, craft, or calling.

LEONNATUS, a distinguished general under Alexander the Great.

Lucilla, daughter of M. Aurelius, and wife of Verus, whom she survived.

MAECENAS, a trusted adviser of Augustus, and a munificent patron
of wits and literary men.

Maximus, Claudius, a Stoic philosopher.

Menippus, a Cynic philosopher.

Meteores, ta metewrologika, "high philosophy," used specially of astronomy
and natural philosophy, which were bound up with other speculations.

Middle Comedy, something midway between the Old and New Comedy.
See Comedy, Ancient, and New Comedy.

Middle things, Book 7, XXV. The Stoics divided all things
into virtue, vice, and indifferent things; but as "indifferent"
they regarded most of those things which tbe world regards as good or bad,
such as wealth or poverty. Of these, some were "to be desired,"
some "to be rejected."

Muses, the nine deities who presided over various kinds of poesy,
music, etc. Their leader was Apollo, one of whose titles is Musegetes,
the Leader of the Muses.

NERVES, strings.

New Comedy, the Attic Comedy of Menander and his school,
which criticised not persons but manners, like a modern comic opera.
See Comedy, Ancient.

PALESTRA, wrestling school.

Pancratiast, competitor in the pancratium, a combined contest
which comprised boxing and wrestling.

Parmularii, gladiators armed with a small round shield (parma).

Pheidias, the most famous sculptor of antiquity.

Philippus, founder of the Macedonian supremacy, and father
of Alexander the Great.

Phocion, an Athenian general and statesman, a noble and high-minded man,
4th century B.C.

He was called by Demosthenes, "the pruner of my periods."

He was put to death by the State in 317, on a false suspicion, and left
a message for his son "to bear no grudge against the Athenians."

Pine, torment.

Plato of Athens, 429-347 B.C. He used the dialectic method invented
by his master Socrates.

He was, perhaps, as much poet as philosopher.
He is generally identified with the Theory of Ideas, that things
are what they are by participation with our eternal Idea.
His "Commonwealth" was a kind of Utopia.

Platonics, followers of Plato.

Pompeii, near Mount Vesuvius, buried in the eruption of 79 A. D.

Pompeius, C. Pompeius Magnus, a very successful general at the end
of the Roman Republic (106-48 B.C.).

Prestidigitator, juggler.

Pythagoras of Samos, a philosopher, scientist, and moralist
of the 6th century B.C.

QUADI, a tribe of S. Germany.

M. Aurelius carried on war against them, and part of this book
was written in the field.

RICTUS, gape, jaws.

Rusticus, Q. Junius, or Stoic philosopher, twice made consul
by M. Aurelius.

SACRARY, shrine.

Salaminius, Book 7, XXXVII. Leon of Sala-mis. Socrates was ordered
by the Thirty Tyrants to fetch him before them, and Socrates,
at his own peril, refused.

Sarmatae, a tribe dwelling in Poland.

Sceletum, skeleton.

Sceptics, a school of philosophy founded by Pyrrho
(4th contury B.C.). He advocated "suspension of judgment,"
and taught the relativity of knowledge and impossibility of proof.
The school is not unlike the Agnostic school.

Scipio, the name of two great soldiers, P. Corn. Scipio Africanus,
conqueror of Hannibal, and P.

Corn. Sc. Afr. Minor, who came into the family by adoption,
who destroyed Carthage.

Secutoriani (a word coined by C.), the Sececutores,
light-armed gladiators, who were pitted against others with
net and trident.

Sextus of Chaeronea, a Stoic philosopher, nephew of Plutarch.

Silly, simple, common.

Sinuessa, a town in Latium.

Socrates, an Athenian philosopher (469-399 B.C.), founder of
the dialectic method. Put to death on a trumped-up charge
by his countrymen.

Stint, limit (without implying niggardliness).

Stoics, a philosophic system founded,by Zeno (4th century B.C.),
and systematised by Chrysippus (3rd century B.C.). Their physical theory
was a pantheistic materialism, their summum bonum "to live according
to nature." Their wise man needs nothing, he is sufficient to himself;
virtue is good, vice bad, external things indifferent.

THEOPHRASTUS, a philosopher, pupil of Aristotle,
and his successor as president of the Lyceum. He wrote
a large number of works on philosophy and natural history.
Died 287 B.C.

Thrasea, P. Thrasea Pactus, a senator and Stoic philosopher,
a noble and courageous man.

He was condemned to death by Nero.

Tiberius, 2nd Roman Emperor (14-31 AD.). He spent the latter part
of his life at Capreae (Capri), off Naples, in luxury or debauchery,
neglecting his imperial duties.

To-torn, torn to pieces.

Trajan, 13th Roman Emperor, 52-117 A.D.

VERUS, Lucius Aurelius, colleague of M. Aurelius in the Empire.

He married Lucilla, daughter of M. A., and died 169 A.D.

Vespasian, 9th Roman Emperor XENOCRATES of Chalcedon, 396-314 B.C.,
a philosopher, and president of the Academy.

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