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History of Rome, Vol III by Titus Livius

Part 7 out of 11

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20. Next day the council was convened again; and when the magistrates,
according to the custom of the Greeks, gave leave, by their herald,
to any person who chose to offer advice, not one stood forth; but they
sat a long time, looking on each other in silence. It was no wonder
that men, revolving in their minds matters of such contradictory
natures, and who found themselves puzzled and confounded, should be
involved in additional perplexity by the speeches continued through
the whole preceding day; in which the difficulties, on all sides,
were brought into view, and stated in their full force. At length
Aristaenus, the praetor of the Achaeans, not to dismiss the council
without any business being introduced, said:--"Achaeans, where are
now those violent disputes, in which, at your feasts and meetings,
whenever mention was made of Philip and the Romans, you scarcely
refrained from blows? Now, in a general assembly, summoned on that
single business, when you have heard the arguments of the ambassadors
on both sides, when the magistrates demand your opinions, when the
herald calls you to declare your sentiments, you are struck dumb.
Although your concern for the common safety be insufficient for
determining the matter, cannot the party zeal which has attached you
to one side or the other extort a word from any one of you? especially
when none is so obtuse as not to perceive, that the time for declaring
and recommending what each either wishes or thinks most advisable,
must be at the present moment; that is, before we make any decree.
When a decree shall have been once passed, every man even such as
previously may have disapproved the measure, must then support it
as good and salutary." These persuasions of the praetor, so far from
prevailing on any one person to declare his opinion, did not excite,
in all that numerous assembly, collected out of so many states, so
much as a murmur or a whisper.

21. Then the praetor, Aristaenus, again spoke as follows:--"Chiefs of
Achaea, you are not more at a loss for advice, than you are for words;
but every one is unwilling to promote the interest of the public at
a risk of danger to himself. Were I in a private character, perhaps I
too should be silent; but, as praetor, it is my duty to declare, that
I see evidently, either that an audience of the council ought not to
have been accorded to the ambassadors, or that they ought not to
be dismissed from it without an answer. Yet how can I give them an
answer, unless by a decree of yours? And, since not one of you who
have been called to this assembly either chooses or dares to make
known his sentiments, let us examine (as if they were opinions
proposed to our consideration) the speeches of the ambassadors
delivered yesterday; supposing the speakers not to have required what
was useful to themselves, but to have recommended what they thought
most conducive to our advantage. The Romans, the Rhodians and Attalus,
request an alliance and friendship with us; and they demand to be
assisted by us in the war in which they are now engaged against
Philip. Philip reminds us of our league with him, and of the
obligation of our oath; he requires only, that we declare ourselves on
his side; and says, he will be satisfied if we do not intermeddle in
the operations of the war. Does not the reason occur to the mind of
any one of you why those, who are not yet our allies, require more
than he who is? This arises not from modesty in Philip, nor from
the want of it in the Romans. It is fortune, which, while it bestows
confidence to requisitions on one side, precludes it on the other. We
see nothing belonging to Philip but his ambassador: the Roman fleet
lies at Cenchreae, exhibiting to our view the spoils of the cities
of Euboea. We behold the consul and his legions, at the distance of a
small tract of sea, overrunning Phocis and Locris. You were surprised
at Philip's ambassador, Cleomedon, showing such diffidence yesterday
in his application to us to take arms on the side of the king against
the Romans. But if we, in pursuance of the same treaty and oath, the
sacredness of which he inculcated on us, were to ask of him, that
Philip should protect us, both from Nabis and his Lacedaemonians, and
also from the Romans, he would be utterly unable to find, not only a
force with which to protect us, but even an answer to return. As much
so in truth as was Philip himself, who endeavoured, by promises of
waging war against Nabis, to draw away our youth into Euboea; but
finding that we would neither decree such assistance to him, nor
choose to be embroiled in a war with Rome, forgot that alliance
on which he now lays such stress, and left us to Nabis and the
Lacedaemonians to be spoiled and plundered. Besides, to me the
arguments of Cleomedon appeared utterly inconsistent. He made light of
the war with the Romans; and asserted, that the issue of it would be
similar to that of the former, which they waged against Philip. If
such the case, why does he, at a distance, solicit our assistance;
rather than come hither in person, and defend us, his old allies, both
from Nabis and from the Romans? Us, do I say? Why, on this showing,
has he suffered Eretria and Carystus to be taken? Why so many cities
of Thessaly? Why Locris and Phocis? Why does he at present suffer
Elatia to be besieged? Did he, either through compulsion, or fear, or
choice, quit the straits of Epirus, and those impregnable fastnesses
on the river Aous; and why, abandoning the pass which he was
occupying, did he retire altogether into his own kingdom? If of his
own will he gave up so many allies to the ravages of the enemy, what
objection can he make to these allies consulting for their own safety?
If through fear, he ought to pardon the like fear in us. If he retired
defeated by force of arms, let me ask you, Cleomedon, shall we,
Achaeans, be able to withstand the Roman arms, which you, Macedonians,
have not withstood? Are we to give credit to your assertion, that the
Romans do not employ, in the present war, greater forces or greater
strength than they did in the former, rather than regard the facts
themselves? In the first instance, they aided the Aetolians with a
fleet; they sent not to the war either a consul as commander, or a
consular army. The maritime cities of Philip's allies were in terror
and confusion; but the inland places were so secure against the Roman
arms, that Philip ravaged the country of the Aetolians, while they in
vain implored succour from those arms. Whereas, in the present case,
the Romans, after bringing to a final conclusion the Punic war, which
they had supported for sixteen years in the bowels, as it were, of
Italy, sent not auxiliaries to the Aetolians in their quarrels, but,
being themselves principals, made a hostile invasion on Macedonia with
land and sea forces at once. Their third consul is now pushing forward
the war with the utmost vigour. Sulpicius, engaging the king within
the territory of Macedonia itself, has overthrown and put him to
flight; and afterwards despoiled the most opulent part of his kingdom.
Then, again, when he was in possession of the strait of Epirus, where,
from the nature of the ground, his fortifications, and the strength
of his army, he thought himself secure, Quinctius drove him out of his
camp; pursued him, as he fled into Thessaly; and, almost in the view
of Philip himself, stormed the royal garrisons and the cities of
his allies. Supposing that there were no truth in what the Athenian
ambassadors mentioned yesterday, respecting the cruelty, avarice, and
lust of the king; supposing the crimes committed, in the country of
Attica, against the gods, celestial and infernal, concerned us not
all; that we had less to complain of than what the people of Cius and
Abydos, who are far distant from us, have endured: let us then, if
you please, forget even our own wounds; let the murders and ravages
committed at Messana, and in the heart of Peloponnesus, the killing of
his host Garitenes at Cyparissia, almost in the very midst of a feast,
in contempt of laws divine and human; the murder of the two Aratuses
of Sicyon, father and son, though he was wont to call the unfortunate
old man his parent; his carrying away the son's wife into Macedonia
for the gratification of his vicious appetites, and all his violations
of virgins and matrons;--let all these, I say, be consigned to
oblivion. Let us suppose our business were not with Philip, through
dread of whose cruelty you are all thus struck dumb; for what other
cause could keep you silent, when you have been summoned to a council?
Let us imagine that we are treating with Antigonus, a prince of the
greatest mildness and equity, to whose kindness we have all been
highly indebted; would he require us to perform what at the time was
impossible? Peloponnesus is a peninsula, united to the continent by
the narrow passage of an isthmus particularly exposed and open to the
attacks of naval armaments. Now, if a hundred decked ships, and fifty
lighter open ones, and thirty Issean barks, shall begin to lay waste
our coasts, and attack the cities which stand exposed, almost on the
very shore, shall we then retreat into the inland towns, as if we were
not afflicted with an intestine war, though in truth it is rankling
in our very bowels? When Nabis and the Lacedaemonians by land, and the
Roman fleet by sea, shall press us, whence must I implore the support
due from the king's alliance, whence the succours of the Macedonians?
Shall we ourselves, with our own arms, defend, against the Roman
forces, the cities that will be attacked? Truly, in the former war,
we defended Dymae excellently well! The calamities of others afford
us abundant examples; let us not seek how we may render ourselves an
example to others. Do not, because the Romans voluntarily desire your
friendship, contemn that which you ought to have prayed for, nay,
laboured with all your might to obtain. But, it is insinuated, that
they are impelled by fear, in a country to which they are strangers;
and that, wishing to shelter themselves under your assistance, they
have recourse to your alliance in the hope of being admitted into your
harbours, and of there finding supplies of provisions. Now, at sea
they are absolute masters; and instantly reduce to subjection every
place at which they land. What they request, they have power to
enforce. Because they wish to treat you with tenderness they do not
allow you to take steps that must lead you to ruin. Cleomedon lately
pointed out, as the middle and safest way, to remain inactive, and
abstain from taking up arms But that is not a middle way; it is no way
at all. For, besides the necessity of either embracing or rejecting
the Roman alliance, what other consequence can ensue from such
conduct, than that, while we show no steady attachment to either
side, as if we waited the event with design to adapt our counsels to
fortune, we shall become the prey of the conqueror? Contemn not then,
when it is spontaneously offered to your acceptance, what you ought to
have solicited with your warmest prayers. The free option between
the two, which you have this day, you will not always have. The same
opportunity will not last long, nor will it frequently recur. You have
long wished to deliver yourselves out of the hands of Philip, although
you have not dared to make the attempt. Those have now crossed the
sea, with large fleets and armies, who are able to rescue you to a
state of freedom, without any trouble or danger to yourselves. If you
reject such persons as allies, you can scarcely be of sane mind; but
you must unavoidably have to deal with them, either as allies or as

22. This speech of the praetor was followed by a general murmur; some
declaring their approbation, and others vehemently rebuking those who
did so. And now, not only individuals, but whole states were engaged
in altercation among themselves; and at length among the magistrates,
called Demiurgi, who are ten in number, the dispute was taken up with
as much warmth as among the multitude. Five of them declared, that
they would propose the question concerning an alliance with Rome,
and would take the votes on it; while five insisted, that it had been
provided by law that neither the magistrates should have power to
propose nor the council to pass any decree injurious to the alliance
with Philip. This day, also, was spent in contention, and there
remained now but one day more of the regular time of sitting; for,
according to the rule, the decree must be passed on the third day: and
as that approached, the zeal of the parties was kindled into such a
flame, that scarcely did parents refrain from offering violence to
their own sons. There was present a man of Pallene, named Rhisiasus,
whose son, Memnon, was a demiurgus, and was of that party which
opposed the reading of the decree and taking the votes. This man, for
a long time, entreated his son to allow the Achaeans to take proper
measures for their common safety, and not, by his obstinacy, to bring
ruin on the whole nation; but, finding that his entreaties had no
effect, he swore that he would treat him, not as a son, but as an
enemy, and would put him to death with his own hand. By these threats
he forced him, next day, to join the party that voted for the question
being proposed. These, having now become the majority, proposed the
question accordingly, while almost every one of the states, openly
approving the measure, showed plainly on which side they would vote.
Whereupon the Dymaeans, Megalopolitans, with several of the Argives,
rose up, and withdrew from the council; which step excited neither
wonder nor disapprobation. For when, in the memory of their
grandfathers, the Megalopolitans had been expelled their country by
the Lacedaemonians, Antigonus had reinstated them in their native
residence; and, at a later period, when Dymae was taken and sacked by
the Roman troops, Philip ordered that the inhabitants, wherever they
were in servitude, should be ransomed, and not only restored them to
their liberty, but their country. As to the Argives, besides believing
that the royal family of Macedonia derived its origin from them, the
greater part were attached to Philip by personal acts of kindness
and familiar friendship. For these reasons, when the council appeared
disposed to order an alliance to be concluded with Rome, they
withdrew; and their secession was readily excused, in consideration of
the many and recent obligations by which they were bound to the king
of Macedon.

23. The rest of the Achaean states, on their opinions being demanded,
ratified, by an immediate decree, the alliance with Attalus and the
Rhodians. That with the Romans, as it could not be perfected without
an order from the people, they deferred until such time as ambassadors
could be sent to Rome. For the present, it was resolved, that three
ambassadors should be sent to Lucius Quinctius; and that the whole
force of the Achaeans should be brought up to Corinth, which city
Quinctius, after taking Cenchreae, was then besieging. The Achaeans
accordingly pitched their camp opposite to the gate that leads to
Sicyon. The Romans made their approaches on the side of the city which
faces Cenchreae; Attalus having drawn his army across the isthmus,
towards Lechaeum, the port on the opposite sea. At first, they did not
push forward their operations with any great degree of vigour, because
they had hopes of a dissension breaking out between the townsmen and
the king's troops. But afterwards, learning that they all were of
one mind; that the Macedonians exerted themselves as if in defence of
their common country; and that the Corinthians submitted to the
orders of Androsthenes, commander of the garrison, as if he were their
countryman, and elected by their own suffrages; the assailants had
no other hopes but in force, arms, and their works. They therefore
brought up their mounds to the walls, though by very difficult
approaches. On that side where the Romans attacked, their ram had
demolished a considerable part of the wall; and the Macedonians having
run together to defend the place thus stripped of its works, a furious
conflict ensued between themselves and the Romans. At first, by
reason of the enemy's superiority in number, the Romans were quickly
repulsed; but being joined by the auxiliary troops of Attalus and the
Achaeans, they restored the fight to an equality; so that there was
no doubt that they would easily drive the Macedonians and Greeks from
their ground. But there were in the town a great multitude of Italian
deserters; some of whom, having been in Hannibal's army, had, through
fear of being punished by the Romans, followed Philip; others, having
been sailors, had lately quitted the fleets, and gone over, in hopes
of more honourable employment: despair of safety, therefore, in case
of the Romans getting the better, inflamed these to a degree which
might rather be called madness than courage. Opposite to Sicyon is the
promontory of Juno Acraea, as she is called, stretching out into the
main, the passage to Corinth being about seven miles. To this place
Philocles, one of the king's generals, led, through Boeotia, fifteen
hundred soldiers; and there were barks from Corinth ready to take
these troops on board, and carry them over to Lechaeum. Attalus, on
this, advised to burn the works, and raise the siege immediately;
Quinctius was for persisting more obstinately in the attempt. However,
when he saw the king's troops posted at the gates, and that the
sallies of the besieged could not easily be withstood, he came over
to the opinion of Attalus. Thus, their design proving fruitless, they
dismissed the Achaeans, and returned to their ships. Attalus steered
to Piraeus, the Romans to Corcyra.

24. While the naval forces were thus employed, the consul, having
encamped before Elatia, in Phocis, first endeavoured, by conferring
with the principal inhabitants, to bring them over, and by their means
to effect his purpose; but on their answering that they had nothing in
their power, because the king's troops were more numerous and stronger
than the townsmen, he assaulted the city on all sides at once with
arms and engines. A battering-ram having been brought up, shattered
a part of the wall that reached from one tower to another, and this
falling with a prodigious noise and crash, left much of the town
exposed. On this a Roman cohort made an assault through the breach,
while at the same time the townsmen, quitting their several posts,
ran together from all parts to the place, which was endangered by the
attack of the enemy. At the same time others of the Romans climbed
over the ruins of the wall, and brought up scaling-ladders to the
parts that were standing. As the conflict attracted the eyes and
attention of the enemy to one particular spot, the walls were scaled
in several places, by which means the soldiers easily entered the
town. The noise and tumult which ensued so terrified the enemy, that
quitting the place, which they had crowded together to defend,
they all fled in panic to the citadel, accompanied by the unarmed
multitude. The consul having thus become master of the town, gave
it up to be plundered, and then sent messengers into the citadel,
offering the king's troops their lives, on condition of their laying
down their arms, and departing. To the Elatians he offered their
liberty; which terms being agreed to, in a few days after he got
possession of the citadel.

25. In consequence of Philocles, the king's general, coming into
Achaia, not only Corinth was delivered from the siege, but the city
of Argos was betrayed into his hands by some of the principal
inhabitants, after they had first sounded the minds of the populace.
They had a custom, that, on the first day of assembly, their praetors,
for the omen's sake, should pronounce the names, Jupiter, Apollo, and
Hercules; in addition to which, a rule had been made, that, along with
these they should join the name of king Philip. After the conclusion
of the alliance with the Romans, the herald did not make that
addition; on which a murmur spread through the multitude, who would
add the name of Philip, and insisting that the respect, due by law,
should be paid as before; until at length the name was given out
amidst universal approbation. On the encouragement afforded by this
favourable disposition, Philocles was invited, who seized in the night
a strong post called Larissa, seated on a hill which overhangs the
city, and in which he placed a garrison. At the dawn of day, however,
and as he was proceeding in order of battle to the forum, at the foot
of the hill he was met by a line of troops, drawn up to oppose him.
This was a body of Achaeans, lately posted there, consisting of
about five hundred young men, selected out of all the states. Their
commander was Aenesidemus, of Dymae. The king's general sent a person
to recommend to them to evacuate the city, because they were not a
match for the townsmen alone, who held the same sentiments as the
Macedonians; much less when these were joined by the Macedonians, whom
even the Romans had not withstood at Corinth. This at first had no
effect, either on the commander, or his men: and when they, soon
after, perceived the Argives also in arms, coming, in a great
body, from the opposite side, perceiving that their destruction was
inevitable, they yet seemed determined to run every hazard, if their
leader would persevere. But Aenesidemus, unwilling that the flower of
the Achaean youth should be lost, together with the city, made terms
with Philocles, that they should have liberty to retire, while himself
remained armed with a few of his dependents, in the position which he
had occupied. To a person sent by Philocles to inquire what he meant,
he only answered, standing with his shield held out before him,
that he meant to die in arms in defence of the city intrusted to his
charge. Philocles then ordered some Thracians to throw their javelins
at him and his attendants; and they were all put to death. Thus,
notwithstanding the alliance concluded by the Achaeans with the
Romans, two of their cities, and those of the greatest consequence,
Argos and Corinth, were still in the hands of Philip. Such were the
services performed during that summer by the land and sea forces of
Rome employed in Greece.

26. In Gaul, the consul Sextus Aelius did nothing worth mention,
though he had two armies in the province: one, which he had retained
under their standards, although it ought to have been disbanded; and
of this, which had served under Lucius Cornelius, proconsul, he had
given the command to Caius Helvius, the praetor: the other he had
brought with him into the province. He spent nearly the whole summer
in compelling the people of Cremona and Placentia to return to their
colonies, from whence they had been driven to various places by the
calamities of war. While Gaul, beyond expectation, remained quiet
through the whole year, an insurrection of the slaves was very near
taking place in the neighbourhood of the city. The hostages, given
by the Carthaginians, were kept in custody at Setia: as they were
the children of the principal families, they were attended by a great
multitude of slaves; to this number many were added, in consequence
of the late African war, and by the Setians themselves having bought,
from among the spoil, several of those which had been captured. Having
conspired together, they sent some of their number to engage in the
cause the slaves of the country round Setia, and then those at Norba
and Circeii. When every thing was fully prepared, they determined,
during the games which were soon to be solemnized at the
first-mentioned place, to attack the people while intent on the
show, and when Setia had been taken in the midst of the slaughter and
unexpected turmoil, then to seize on Norba and Circeii. Information of
this atrocious plot was brought to Rome, to Lucius Cornelius Merula,
the city praetor. Two slaves came to him before daylight, and
disclosed to him in order the whole proceedings and intentions of
the conspirators. The praetor, ordering them to be guarded in his own
house, summoned a meeting of the senate; and having laid before them
the information of the discoverers, he was ordered to go himself to
the spot, and examine into and crush the conspiracy. Setting out,
accordingly, with five lieutenant-generals, he compelled such as he
found in the country to take the military oath, to arm, and follow
him. Having by this tumultuary kind of levy armed about two thousand
men, while all were ignorant of his destination, he came to Setia.
There the leaders of the conspiracy were instantly apprehended; on
which, the remainder fled from the city; but parties were sent through
the country to search them out. The services of the two who made the
discovery, and of one free person employed, were highly meritorious.
The senate ordered a present to the latter of a hundred thousand
_asses_;[1] to the slaves, twenty-five thousand _asses_[2] each, and
their freedom. The price was paid to their owners out of the treasury.
Not long after, intelligence was received, that other slaves,
belonging to the remains of the conspiracy, had formed a design of
seizing Praeneste. The praetor, Lucius Cornelius, went thither, and
inflicted punishment on near five hundred persons concerned in
that wicked scheme. The public were under apprehensions that the
Carthaginian hostages and prisoners fomented these plots: watches
were, therefore, kept at Rome in all the streets, which the inferior
magistrates were ordered to go round and inspect; while the triumvirs
of the prison, called the Quarry, were to keep a stricter guard than
usual. Circular letters were also sent by the praetor to all the Latin
states, directing that the hostages should be confined within doors,
and not at any time allowed the liberty of going into public; and that
the prisoners should be kept bound with fetters, of not less than
ten pounds weight, and confined in no other place of custody than the
common jail.

[Footnote 1: 322l. 18s. 4d.]

[Footnote 2: 80l. 14s. 7d.]

27. In this year, ambassadors from king Attalus made an offering, in
the Capitol, of a golden crown of two hundred and fifty-six pounds'
weight, and returned thanks to the senate, because Antiochus,
influenced by the authority of the Romans, had withdrawn his troops
out of the territories of Attalus. During the same summer, two hundred
horsemen, ten elephants, and two hundred thousand pecks of wheat,
arrived from king Masinissa for the army in Greece. From Sicily also,
and Sardinia, large supplies of provisions were sent, with clothing
for the troops. Sicily was then governed by Marcus Marcellus, Sardinia
by Marcus Porcius Cato, a man of acknowledged integrity and purity
of conduct, but deemed too severe in punishing usury. He drove the
usurers entirely out of the island; and restricted or abolished the
contributions, usually paid by the allies, for maintaining the dignity
of the praetors. The consul, Sextus Aelius, coming home from Gaul to
Rome to hold the elections, elected consuls, Caius Cornelius Cethegus
and Quintus Minucius Rufus. Two days after was held the election
of praetors; and this year, for the first time, six praetors were
appointed, in consequence of the increase of the provinces, and the
extension of the bounds of the empire. The persons elected were,
Lucius Manlius Vulso, Caius Sempronius Tuditanus, Marcus Sergius
Silus, Marcus Helvius, Marcus Minucius Rufus, and Lucius Atilius. Of
these Sempronius and Helvius were, at the time, plebeian aediles. The
curule aediles were Quintus Minucius Thermus and Tiberius Sempronius
Longus. The Roman games were four times repeated during this year.

28. On Caius Cornelius and Quintus Minucius becoming consuls, the
first business of all was the arrangement of the provinces of the
consuls and praetors. Those of the praetors were the first settled,
because that could be transacted by the lots. The city jurisdiction
fell to Sergius; the foreign to Minucius; Atilius obtained Sardinia;
Manlius, Sicily; Sempronius, the Hither Spain; and Helvius, the
Farther. When the consuls were preparing to cast lots for Italy and
Macedonia, Lucius Oppius and Quintus Fulvius, plebeian tribunes, stood
in their way, alleging, that "Macedonia was a very distant province,
and that the principal cause which had hitherto retarded the progress
of the war, was, that when it was scarcely entered upon, and just at
the commencement of operations, the former consul was always recalled.
This was the fourth year since the declaration of war against
Macedonia. The greater part of one year Sulpicius spent in seeking the
king and his army; Villius, on the point of engaging the enemy, was
recalled without any thing having been done. Quinctius was detained
at Rome, for the greater part of his year, by business respecting
religion; nevertheless, he had so conducted affairs, that had he come
earlier into the province, or had the cold season been at a greater
distance, he might have put an end to hostilities. He was then just
going into winter quarters; but, it was stated that he had brought the
war into such a state, that if he were not prevented by a intercessor,
he seemed likely to complete it in the course of the ensuing summer."
By such arguments the tribunes so far prevailed, that the consuls
declared that they would abide by the directions of the senate, if the
tribunes would agree to do the same. Both parties having, accordingly,
left the consultation perfectly free, a decree was passed, appointing
the two consuls to the government of the province of Italy. Titus
Quinctius was continued in command, until a successor should accede
by a decree of the senate. To each, two legions were decreed; and
they were ordered, with these, to carry on the war with the Cisalpine
Gauls, who had revolted from the Romans. A reinforcement of five
thousand foot and three hundred horse was ordered to be sent into
Macedonia to Quinctius, together with three thousand seamen. Lucius
Quinctius Flamininus was continued in the command of the fleet. To
each of the praetors for the two Spains were granted eight thousand
foot, of the allies and Latins, and four hundred horse; so that they
might discharge the veteran troops in their provinces. They were
further directed to fix the bounds which should divide the hither from
the farther province. Two additional lieutenant-generals were sent to
the army in Macedonia, Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who had
been consuls in that province.

29. It was thought necessary, that before the consuls and praetors
went abroad, some prodigies should be expiated. For the temples of
Vulcan and Summanus,[1] at Rome, and a wall and a gate at Fregellae,
had been struck by lightning. At Frusino, light had shone forth during
the night. At Asculum, a lamb had been born with two heads and five
feet. At Formiae, two wolves entering the town had torn several
persons who fell in their way; and, at Rome, a wolf had made its way,
not only into the city, but into the Capitol. Caius Acilius, plebeian
tribune, caused an order to be passed, that five colonies should be
led out to the sea-coast; two to the mouths of the rivers Vulturnus
and Liternus; one to Puteoli and one to the fort of Salernum. To these
was added Buxentum. To each colony three hundred families were ordered
to be sent. The commissioners appointed to conduct them thither, and
who were to hold the office for three years, were Marcus Servilius
Geminus, Quintus Minucius Thermus, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus. As
soon as the levies, and such other business, religious and civil, as
required their personal attendance, was finished, both the consuls set
out for Gaul. Cornelius took the direct road towards the Insubrians,
who were then in arms, and had been joined by the Caenomanians.
Quintus Minucius turned his route to the left side of Italy, and
leading away his army to the lower sea, to Genoa, opened the campaign
with an invasion of Liguria. Two towns, Clastidium and Litubium, both
belonging to the Ligurians, and two states of the same nation, Celela
and Cerdicium, surrendered to him. And now, all the states on this
side of the Po, except the Boians among the Gauls and the Ilvatians
among the Ligurians, were reduced to submission: no less, it is said,
than fifteen towns and twenty thousand men surrendered themselves. He
then led his legions into the territory of the Boians.

[Footnote 1: Pluto, Summus Mamum.]

30. The Boian army had, not very long before, crossed the Po and
joined the Insubrians and Caenomanians; for, having heard that the
consuls intended to act with their forces united, they wished to
increase their own strength by this junction. But when information
reached them that one of the consuls was ravaging the country of the
Boians, a dispute instantly arose. The Boians demanded, that all, in
conjunction, should carry succour to those who were attacked; while
the Insubrians positively refused to leave their country defenceless.
In consequence of this dissension, the armies separated; the Boians
went to defend their own territory, and the Insubrians, with the
Caenomanians, encamped on the banks of the river Mincius. About five
miles below this spot, the consul Cornelius pitched his camp close
to the same river. Sending emissaries hence into the villages of the
Caenomanians, and to Brixia, the capital of their tribe, he learned
with certainty that their young men had taken arms without the
approbation of the elders; and that the Caenomanians had not joined
in the revolt of the Insubrians by any public authority. On which
he invited to him the principal of the natives, and endeavoured to
contrive and concert with them that the Caenomanians should separate
from the Insubrians; and either march away and return home, or come
over to the side of the Romans. This he was not able to effect; but
so far, he received solemn assurances that, in case of a battle, they
would either stand inactive, or, should any occasion offer, would even
assist the Romans. The Insubrians knew not that such an agreement
had been concluded, but they harboured in their minds some kind of
suspicion, that the fidelity of their confederates was wavering.
Wherefore, in forming their troops for battle, not daring to intrust
either wing to them, lest, if they should treacherously give ground,
they might cause a total defeat, they placed them in reserve behind
the line. At the beginning of the fight, the consul vowed a temple to
Juno Sospita, provided the enemy should, on that day, be routed
and driven from the field; on which the soldiers raised a shout,
declaring, that they would insure to their commander the completion
of his vow, and at the same time an attack was made on the enemy. The
Insubrians did not stand even the first onset. Some writers affirm,
that the Caenomanians, falling on their rear during the heat of the
engagement, caused as much disorder there as prevailed in their front:
and that, thus assailed on both sides, thirty-five thousand of them
were slain, five thousand seven hundred taken prisoners, among whom
was Hamilcar, a Carthaginian general, who had been the cause of the
war; and that a hundred and thirty military standards and above two
hundred waggons were taken. On this, the towns of the Gauls, which had
joined in the revolt of the Insubrians, surrendered to the Romans.

31. The other consul, Minucius, had at first traversed the territories
of the Boians, with wide-spread ravaging parties; but afterwards, when
that people left the Insubrians, and came home to defend their own
property, he kept his men within their camp, expecting to come to a
regular engagement with the enemy. Nor would the Boians have declined
a battle, if their spirits had not been depressed by hearing of the
defeat of the Insubrians. Upon this, deserting their commander and
their camp, they dispersed themselves through the several towns, each
wishing to take care of his own effects. Thus they changed the enemy's
method of carrying on the war: for, no longer hoping to decide the
matter by a single battle, he began again to lay waste the lands,
burn the houses, and storm the villages. At this time, Clastidium
was burned, and the legions were led thence against the Ilvatian
Ligurians, who alone refused to submit. That state, also, on learning
that the Insubrians had been defeated in battle, and the Boians so
terrified that they had not dared to try the fortune of an engagement,
made a submission. Letters from the consuls, containing accounts
of their successes, came from Gaul to Rome at the same time. Marcus
Sergius, city praetor, read them in the senate, and afterwards, by
direction of the fathers, in an assembly of the people; on which a
supplication, of four days' continuance, was decreed.

32. It was by this time winter; and while Titus Quinctius, after the
reduction of Elatia, had his winter quarters distributed in Phocis and
Locris, a violent dissension broke out at Opus. One faction invited
to their assistance the Aetolians who were nearest at hand; the other,
the Romans. The Aetolians arrived first; but the other party, which
was the more powerful, refused them admittance, and, despatching a
courier to the Roman general, held the city until his arrival. The
citadel was possessed by a garrison belonging to the king, and they
could not be prevailed on to retire from thence, either by the threats
of the people of Opus, or by the authority of the Roman consul's
commands. What prevented their being immediately attacked was, the
arrival of an envoy from the king, to solicit the appointing of a time
and place for a conference. This was granted to the king with great
reluctance; not that Quinctius did not wish to see war concluded under
his own auspices, partly by arms, and partly by negotiation: for he
knew not, yet, whether one of the new consuls would be sent out as his
successor, or whether he should be continued in the command; a point
which he had charged his friends and relations to labour for with
all their might. But he thought that a conference would answer this
purpose; that it would put it in his power to give matters a turn
towards war, in case he remained in the province, or towards peace,
if he were to be removed. They chose for the meeting a part of the
sea-shore, in the Malian gulf, near Nicaea. Thither Philip came from
Demetrias, with five barks and one ship of war: he was accompanied by
some principal Macedonians, and an Achaean exile, name Cycliades, a
man of considerable note. With the Roman general, were king Amynander,
Dionysidorus, ambassador from king Attalus, Agesimbrotus, commander
of the Rhodian fleet, Phaeneas, praetor of the Aetolians, and two
Achaeans, Aristaenus and Xenophon. Attended by these, the Roman
general advanced to the brink of the shore, when the king had come
forward to the prow of his vessel, as it lay at anchor; and said, "If
you will come on the shore, we shall mutually speak and hear with
more convenience." This the king refused; and on Quinctius asking him,
"Whom do you fear?" With the haughty spirit of royalty, he replied,
"Fear I have none, but of the immortal gods; but I have no confidence
in the faith of those whom I see about you, and least of all in the
Aetolians." "That danger," said the Roman, "is equal to all in common
who confer with an enemy, if no confidence subsists." "But, Titus
Quinctius," replied the king, "if treachery be intended, the prizes of
perfidy are not equal, namely, Philip and Phaeneas. For it will not
be so difficult for the Aetolians to find another praetor, as for the
Macedonians to find another king in my place."--Silence then ensued.

33. The Roman expected that he who solicited the conference should
open it; and the king thought that he who was to prescribe, not he who
received, terms of peace, ought to begin the conference. At length the
Roman said, that "his discourse should be very simple; for he
would only mention those articles, without which there could be no
conditions of peace. These were, that the king should withdraw his
garrisons from all the cities of Greece. That he should deliver up
to the allies of the Roman people the prisoners and deserters; should
restore to the Romans those places in Illyricum of which he had
possessed himself by force, since the peace concluded in Epirus; and
to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, the cities which he had seized since the
death of Ptolemy Philopater." These were the terms which he required,
on behalf of himself and the Roman people: but it was proper that the
demands of the allies, also, should be heard. The ambassador of king
Attalus demanded "restitution of the ships and prisoners taken in
the sea-fight at Cius; and that Nicephorium, and the temple of Venus,
which Philip had pillaged and defaced, should be restored as though
they had not been injured." The Rhodians laid claim to Peraea, a tract
on the continent, lying opposite to their island, which from early
times had been under their jurisdiction; and they required that "the
garrisons should be withdrawn from Tassus, Bargylii, and Euroma, and
from Sestus and Abydos on the Hellespont; that Perinthus should be
restored to the Byzantians, in right of their ancient title, and
that all the sea-port towns and harbours of Asia should be free."
The Achaeans demanded the restoration of Corinth and Argos. Phaeneas
nearly repeated the demands made by the Romans, that the troops should
withdraw out of Greece, and the Aetolians be put in possession of the
cities which had formerly been under their dominion. He was followed
by Alexander, a man of eminence among the Aetolians, and, considering
his country, not uneloquent. He said, that "he had long kept silence,
not because he expected that any business would be effected in that
conference, but because he was unwilling to interrupt any of the
allies in their discourse." He asserted, that "Philip was neither
treating for peace with sincerity; and that he had never waged war
with true courage, at any time: that in negotiating, he was insidious
and fradulent; while in war he never fought on equal ground, nor
engaged in regular battles; but, skulking about, burned and pillaged
towns, and, when worsted, destroyed the prizes of victory. But not in
that manner did the ancient kings of Macedon behave; they decided the
fate of the war in the field, and spared the towns as far as they were
able, in order to possess the more opulent empire. For what sort of
conduct was it, to destroy the objects for the possession of which the
contest was waged, and thereby leave nothing to himself but fighting?
Philip had, in the last year, desolated more cities of his allies
in Thessaly, than all the enemies that Thessaly ever had. On the
Aetolians themselves he had made greater depredations, when he was in
alliance with them, than since he became their enemy. He had seized
on Lysimachia, after dislodging the praetor and garrison of the
Aetolians. Cius also, a city belonging to their government, he razed
from the foundation. With the same injustice he held possession of
Thebes in Phthiotis, of Echinus, Larissa, and Pharsalus."

34. Philip, provoked by this discourse of Alexander, pushed his ship
nearer to the land, that he might be the better heard, and began to
speak with much violence, particularly against the Aetolians. But
Phaeneas, interrupting him, said that "the business depended not upon
words; he must either conquer in war, or submit to his superiors."
"That, indeed, is evident," said Philip, "even to the blind,"
reflecting on Phaeneas, who had a disorder in his eyes: for he was
naturally fonder of such pleasantries than became a king; and even in
the midst of serious business, did not sufficiently restrain himself
from ridicule. He then began to express great indignation at the
"Aetolians assuming as much importance as the Romans, and insisting
on his evacuating Greece; people who could not even tell what were its
boundaries. For, of Aetolia itself, a large proportion, consisting of
the Agraeans, Apodeotians, and Amphilochians, was no part of Greece.
Have they just ground of complaint against me for not refraining from
war with their allies, when themselves, from the earliest period,
follow, as an established rule, the practice of suffering their young
men to carry arms against those allies, withholding only the public
authority of the state; while very frequently contending armies have
Aetolian auxiliaries on both sides? I did not seize on Cius by force,
but assisted my friend and ally, Prusias, who was besieging it, and
Lysimachia I rescued from the Thracians. But since necessity diverted
my attention from the guarding of it to this present war, the
Thracians have possession of it. So much for the Aetolians. To Attalus
and the Rhodians I in justice owe nothing; for not to me, but to
themselves, is the commencement of hostilities to be attributed.
However, out of respect to the Romans, I will restore Peraea to the
Rhodians, and to Attalus his ships, and such prisoners as can be
found. As to what concerns Nicephorium, and the temple of Venus, what
other answer can I make to those who require their restoration, than
that I will take on myself the trouble and expense of replanting
them--the only way in which woods and groves which have been cut down
can be restored,--since it is thought fit that, between kings, such
kinds of demands should be made and answered." The last part of his
speech was directed to the Achaeans, wherein he enumerated, first, the
kindnesses of Antigonus; then, his own towards their nation, desiring
them to consider the decrees themselves had passed concerning him,
which comprehended every kind of honour, divine and human; and to
these he added their late decree, by which they had confirmed the
resolution of deserting him. He inveighed bitterly against their
perfidy, but told them, that nevertheless he would give them back
Argos. "With regard to Corinth, he would consult with the Roman
general; and would, at the same time, inquire from him, whether he
thought it right, that he (Philip) should evacuate only those cities
which, being captured by himself, were held by the right of war; or
those, also, which he had received from his ancestors."

35. The Achaeans and Aetolians were preparing to answer, but, as the
sun was near setting, the conference was adjourned to the next day;
and Philip returned to his station whence he came, the Romans and
allies to their camp. On the following day, Quinctius repaired to
Nicaea, which was the place agreed on, at the appointed time; but
neither Philip, nor any messenger from him, came for several hours. At
length, when they began to despair of his coming, his ships suddenly
appeared. He said, that "the terms enjoined were so severe and
humiliating, that, not knowing what to determine, he had spent the day
in deliberation." But the general opinion was, that he had purposely
delayed the business until late, that the Achaeans and Aetolians might
not have time to answer him: and this opinion he himself confirmed, by
desiring that time might not be consumed in altercation, and, to bring
the affair to some conclusion, that the others should retire, and
leave him to converse with the Roman general. For some time this was
not admitted, lest the allies should appear to be excluded from the
conference. Afterwards, on his persisting in his desire, the Roman
general, with the consent of all, taking with him Appius Claudius,
a military tribune, advanced to the brink of the coast, and the rest
retired. The king, with the two persons whom he had brought the day
before, came on shore, where they conversed a considerable time in
private. What account of their proceedings Philip gave to his people
is not well known: what Quinctius told the allies was, that "Philip
was willing to cede to the Romans the whole coast of Illyricum, and
to give up the deserters and prisoners, if there were any. That he
consented to restore to Attalus his ships, and the seamen taken with
them; and to the Rhodians the tract which they call Peraea. That he
refused to evacuate Iassus and Bargylii. To the Aetolians he was ready
to restore Pharsalus and Larissa; Thebes he would not restore: and
that he would give back to the Achaeans the possession, not only of
Argos, but of Corinth also." This arrangement pleased none of the
parties; neither those to whom the concessions were to be made, nor
those to whom they were refused; "for on that plan," they said, "more
would be lost than gained; nor could the grounds of contention ever be
removed, but by his withdrawing his forces from every part of Greece."

36. These expressions, delivered with eagerness and vehemence by every
one in the assembly, reached the ears of Philip, though he stood at a
distance. He therefore requested of Quinctius, that the whole business
might be deferred until the next day; and then he would, positively,
either prevail on the allies, or suffer himself to be prevailed on by
them. The shore at Thronium was appointed for their meeting, and there
they assembled early. Philip began with entreating Quinctius, and all
who were present, not to harbour such sentiments as must embarrass
a negotiation of peace; and then desired time, while he could send
ambassadors to Rome, to the senate, declaring, that "he would either
obtain a peace on the terms mentioned, or would accept whatever terms
the senate should prescribe." None by any means approved of this; they
said, he only sought a delay, and leisure to collect his strength.
But Quinctius observed, "that such an objection would have been
well founded, if it were then summer and a season fit for action; as
matters stood, and the winter being just at hand, nothing would
be lost by allowing him time to send ambassadors. For, without the
authority of the senate, no agreement which they might conclude with
the king would be valid; and besides, they would by this means have
an opportunity, while the winter itself would necessarily cause
a suspension of arms, to learn the authoritative decision of the
senate." The other chiefs of the allies came over to this opinion: and
a cessation of hostilities for two months being granted, they resolved
that each of their states should send an ambassador with the necessary
information to the senate, and in order that it should not be deceived
by the misrepresentations of Philip. To the above agreement for a
truce, was added an article, that all the king's troops should be
immediately withdrawn from Phocis and Locris. With the ambassadors of
the allies, Quinctius sent Amynander, king of Athamania; and, to add
a degree of splendour to the embassy, a deputation from himself,
composed of Quintus Fabius, the son of his wife's sister, Quintus
Fulvius, and Appius Claudius.

37. On their arrival at Rome, the ambassadors of the allies were
admitted to audience before those of the king. Their discourse, in
general, was filled up with invectives against Philip. What produced
the greatest effect on the minds of the senate was, that, by pointing
out the relative situations of the lands and seas in that part of
the world, they made it manifest to every one, that if the king held
Demetrias in Thessaly, Chalcis in Euboea, and Corinth in Achaia,
Greece could not be free; and they added, that Philip himself, with
not more insolence than truth, used to call these the fetters of
Greece. The king's ambassadors were then introduced, and when they
were beginning a long harangue, a short question cut short
their discourse:--Whether he was willing to yield up the three
above-mentioned cities? They answered, that they had received no
specific instructions on that head: on which they were dismissed,
the negotiation being left unsettled. Full authority was given to
Quinctius to determine every thing relative to war and peace. As this
demonstrated clearly that the senate were not weary of the war, so
he, who was more earnestly desirous of conquest than of peace, never
afterwards consented to a conference with Philip; and even gave him
notice that he would not admit any embassy from him, unless it came
with information that he was retiring from the whole of Greece.

38. Philip now perceived that he must decide the matter in the
field, and collect his strength about him from all quarters. Being
particularly uneasy in respect to the cities of Achaia, a country
so distant from him, and also of Argos, even more, indeed, than of
Corinth, he resolved, as the most advisable method, to put the former
into the hands of Nabis, tyrant of Lacedaemon, in trust, as it were,
on the terms, that if he should prove successful in the war, Nabis
should re-deliver it to him; if any misfortune should happen, he
should keep it himself. Accordingly, he wrote to Philocles, who had
the command in Corinth and Argos, to have a meeting with the tyrant.
Philocles, besides coming with a valuable present, added to that
pledge of future friendship between the king and the tyrant, that it
was Philip's wish to unite his daughters in marriage to the sons of
Nabis. The tyrant, at first, refused to receive the city on any other
conditions than that of being invited to its protection by a decree
of the Argives themselves: but afterwards, hearing that in a full
assembly they had treated the name of the tyrant not only with scorn,
but even with abhorrence, he thought he had now a sufficient excuse
for plundering them, and he accordingly desired Philocles to give him
possession of the place as soon as he pleased. Nabis was admitted into
the city in the night, without the privity of any of the inhabitants,
and, at the first light, seized on the higher parts of it, and shut
the gates. A few of the principal people having made their escape,
during the first confusion, the properties of all who were absent were
seized as booty: those who were present were stripped of their gold
and silver, and loaded with exorbitant contributions. Such as paid
these readily were discharged, without personal insult and laceration
of their bodies; but such as were suspected of hiding or reserving
any of their effects, were mangled and tortured like slaves. He then
summoned an assembly, in which he promulgated two measures; one for
an abolition of debts, the other for a distribution of the land, in
shares, to each man--two fire-brands in the hands of those who were
desirous of revolution, for inflaming the populace against the higher

39. The tyrant, when he had the city of Argos in his power, never
considering from whom or on what conditions he had received it, sent
ambassadors to Elatia, to Quinctius, and to Attalus, in his winter
quarters at Aegina, to tell them, that "he was in possession of Argos;
and that if Quinctius would come hither, and consult with him, he
had no doubt but that every thing might be adjusted between them."
Quinctius, in order that he might deprive Philip of that stronghold,
along with the rest, consented to come; accordingly, sending a message
to Attalus, to leave Aegina, and meet him at Sicyon, he set sail from
Anticyra with ten quinqueremes, which his brother, Lucius Quinctius,
happened to have brought a little before from his winter station at
Corcyra, and passed over to Sicyon. Attalus was there before him, who,
representing that the tyrant ought to come to the Roman general, not
the general to the tyrant, brought Quinctius over to his opinion,
which was, that he should not enter the city of Argos. Not far from
it, however, was a place called Mycenica; and there the parties agreed
to meet. Quinctius came, with his brother and a few military tribunes;
Attalus, with his royal retinue; and Nicostratus the praetor of the
Achaeans, with a few of the auxiliary officers: and they there found
Nabis waiting with his whole army. He advanced, armed, and attended
by his armed guards, almost to the middle of the interjacent plain;
Quinctius unarmed, with his brother and two military tribunes; the
king was accompanied by one of his nobles, and the praetor of the
Achaeans, unarmed likewise. The tyrant, when he saw the king and the
Roman general unarmed, opened the conference, with apologizing for
having come to the meeting armed himself, and surrounded with armed
men. "He had no apprehensions," he said, "from them; but only from
the Argive exiles." When they then began to treat of the conditions of
their friendship, the Roman made two demands: one, that the war with
the Achaeans should be put an end to; the other, that he should send
him aid against Philip. He promised the aid required; but, instead of
a peace with the Achaeans, a cessation of hostilities was obtained, to
last until the war with Philip should be concluded.

40. A debate concerning the Argives, also, was set on foot by king
Attalus, who charged Nabis with holding their city by force, which
was put into his hands by the treachery of Philocles; while Nabis
insisted, that he had been invited by the Argives themselves to afford
them protection. The king required a general assembly of the Argives
to be convened, that the truth of that matter might be known. To
this the tyrant did not object; but the king alleged, that the
Lacedaemonian troops ought to be withdrawn from the city, in order
to render the assembly free; and that the people should be left
at liberty to declare their real sentiments. The tyrant refused
to withdraw them, and the debate produced no effect. To the Roman
general, six hundred Cretans were given by Nabis, who agreed with the
praetor of the Achaeans to a cessation of arms for four months,
and thus they departed from the conference. Quinctius proceeded to
Corinth, advancing to the gates with the cohort of Cretans, in order
that it might be evident to Philocles, the governor of the city, that
the tyrant had deserted the cause of Philip. Philocles himself came
out to confer with the Roman general; and, on the latter exhorting
him to change sides immediately, and surrender the city he answered in
such a manner as showed an inclination rather to defer than to refuse
the matter. From Corinth, Quinctius sailed over to Anticyra, and
sent his brother thence, to sound the disposition of the people of
Acarnania. Attalus went from Argos to Sicyon. Here, on one side, the
state added new honours to those formerly paid to the king; and, on
the other, the king, besides having on a former occasion, redeemed for
them, at a vast expense, a piece of land sacred to Apollo, unwilling
to pass by the city of his friends and allies without a token of
munificence, made them a present of ten talents of silver,[1] and ten
thousand bushels of corn, and then returned to Cenchreae to his fleet.
Nabis, leaving a strong garrison at Argos, returned to Lacedaemon;
and, as he himself had pillaged the men, he sent his wife to Argos
to pillage the women. She invited the females to her house, sometimes
singly, and sometimes several together, who were united by family
connexion; and partly by fair speeches, partly by threats, stripped
them, not only of their gold, but, at last, even of their garments,
and every article of female attire.

[Footnote 1: 1937l. 10s.]


_Titus Quinctius Flamininus, proconsul, gains a decisive
victory over Philip at Cynoscephalae. Caius Sempronius
Tuditanus, praetor, cut off by the Celtiberians. Death of
Attalus, at Pergamus. Peace granted to Philip, and liberty to
Greece. Lucius Furius Purpureo and Marcus Claudius Marcellus,
consuls, subdue the Boian and Insubrian Gauls. Triumph
of Marcellus. Hannibal, alarmed at an embassy from Rome
concerning him, flies to Antiochus, king of Syria, who was
preparing to make war on the Romans_.

1. Such were the occurrences of the winter. In the beginning of
spring, Quinctius, having summoned Attalus to Elatia, and being
anxious to bring under his authority the nation of the Boeotians, who
had until then been wavering in their dispositions, marched through
Phocis, and pitched his camp at the distance of five miles from
Thebes, the capital of Boeotia. Next day, attended by one company of
soldiers, and by Attalus, together with the ambassadors, who had come
to him in great numbers from all quarters, he proceeded towards the
city, having ordered the spearmen of two legions, being two
thousand men, to follow him at the distance of a mile. About midway,
Antiphilus, praetor of the Boeotians, met him: the rest of the people
stood on the walls, watching the arrival of the king and the Roman
general. Few arms and few soldiers appeared around them--the hollow
roads, and the valleys concealing from view the spearmen, who followed
at a distance. When Quinctius drew near the city, he slackened his
pace, as if with intention to salute the multitude, who came out to
meet him; but the real motive of his delaying was, that the spearmen
might come up. The townsmen pushed forward, in a crowd, before the
lictors, not perceiving the band of soldiers who were following them
close, until they arrived at the general's quarters. Then, supposing
the city betrayed and taken, through the treachery of Antiphilus,
their praetor, they were all struck with astonishment and dismay.
It was now evident that no room was left to the Boeotians for a free
discussion of measures in the assembly, which was summoned for the
following day. However, they concealed their grief, which it would
have been both vain and unsafe to have discovered.

2. When the assembly met, Attalus first rose to speak, and he began
his discourse with a recital of the kindnesses conferred by his
ancestors and himself on the Greeks in general, and on the Boeotians
in particular. But, being now too old and infirm to bear the exertion
of speaking in public, he lost his voice and fell; and for some time,
while they were carrying him to his apartments, (for he was deprived
of the use of one half of his limbs,) the proceedings of the assembly
were for a short time suspended. Then Aristaenus spoke on the part of
the Achaeans, and was listened to with the greater attention, because
he recommended to the Boeotians no other measures than those which he
had recommended to the Achaeans. A few words were added by Quinctius,
extolling the good faith rather than the arms and power of the Romans.
A resolution was then proposed, by Dicaearchus of Plataea, for forming
a treaty of friendship with the Roman people, which was read; and no
one daring to offer any opposition, it was received and passed by the
suffrages of all the states of Boeotia. When the assembly broke up,
Quinctius made no longer stay at Thebes than the sudden accident
to Attalus made necessary. When it appeared that the force of the
disorder had not brought the king's life into any immediate danger,
but had only occasioned a weakness in his limbs, he left him there,
to use the necessary means for recovery, and returned to Elatia, from
whence he had come. Having now brought the Boeotians, as formerly
the Achaeans, to join in the confederacy, while all places were left
behind him in a state of tranquillity and safety, he bent his whole
attention towards Philip, and the remaining business of the war.

3. Philip, on his part, as his ambassadors had brought no hopes of
peace from Rome, resolved, as soon as spring began, to levy soldiers
through every town in his dominions: but he found a great scarcity of
young men; for successive wars, through several generations, had very
much exhausted the Macedonians, and, even in the course of his own
reign great numbers had fallen, in the naval engagements with the
Rhodians and Attalus, and in those on land with the Romans. Mere
youths, therefore, from the age of sixteen, were enlisted; and even
those who had served out their time, provided they had any remains of
strength, were recalled to their standards. Having, by these means,
filled up the numbers of his army about the vernal equinox, he drew
together all his forces to Dius: he encamped them there in a fixed
post; and, exercising the soldiers every day, waited for the enemy.
About the same time Quinctius left Elatia, and came by Thronium and
Scarphea to Thermopylae. There he held an assembly of the Aetolians,
which had been summoned to meet at Heraclea, to determine with what
number of auxiliaries they should follow the Roman general to the war.
On the third day, having learned the determination of the allies,
he proceeded from Heraclea to Xyniae; and, pitching his camp on the
confines between the Aenians and Thessalians, waited for the Aetolian
auxiliaries. The Aetolians occasioned no delay. Six hundred foot and
four hundred horse, under the command of Phaeneas, speedily joined
him; and then Quinctius, to show plainly what he had waited for,
immediately decamped. On passing into the country of Phthiotis, he
was joined by five hundred Cretans of Gortynium, whose commander was
Cydantes, with three hundred Apollonians, armed nearly in the same
manner; and not long after, by Amynander, with one thousand two
hundred Athamanian foot.

4. Philip, being informed of the departure of the Romans from Elatia,
and considering that, on the approaching contest, his kingdom was
at hazard, thought it advisable to make an encouraging speech to
his soldiers; in which, after he had expatiated on many topics often
alluded to before, respecting the virtues of their ancestors, and the
military fame of the Macedonians, he touched particularly on those
considerations which at the time threw the greatest damp on their
spirits, and on those by which they might be animated to some degree
of confidence. To the defeat thrice suffered at the narrow passes
near the river Aous, by the phalanx of the Macedonians, he opposed
the repulse given by main force to the Romans at Atrax: and even with
respect to the former case, when they had not maintained possession
of the pass leading into Epirus, he said, "the first fault was to be
imputed to those who had been negligent in keeping the guards; and
the second, to the light infantry and mercenaries in the time of the
engagement; but that, as to the phalanx of the Macedonians, it had
stood firm on that occasion; and would for ever remain invincible, on
equal ground, and in regular fight." This body consisted of sixteen
thousand men, the prime strength of the army, and of the kingdom.
Besides these, he had two thousand targeteers, called Peltastae;
of Thracians, and Illyrians of the tribe called Trallians, the like
number of two thousand; and of hired auxiliaries, collected out of
various nations, about one thousand; and two thousand horse. With this
force the king waited for the enemy. The Romans had nearly an equal
number; in cavalry alone they had a superiority, by the addition of
the Aetolians.

5. Quinctius, having decamped to Thebes in Phthiotis, and having
received encouragement to hope that the city would be betrayed to him
by Timon, a leading man in the state, came up close to the walls with
only a small number of cavalry and some light infantry. So entirely
were his expectations disappointed, that he was not only obliged to
maintain a fight with the enemy who sallied out against him, but would
have incurred a fearful conflict had not both infantry and cavalry
been called out hastily from the camp, and come up in time. Not
meeting with that success which he had too inconsiderately expected,
he desisted from any further attempt to take the city at present. He
had received certain information of the king being in Thessaly; but
as he had not yet discovered into what part of it he had come, he sent
his soldiers round the country, with orders to cut timber and prepare
palisades. Both Macedonians and Greeks had palisades; but the latter
had not adopted the most convenient mode of using them, either
with respect to carriage, or for the purpose of strengthening their
fortifications. They cut trees both too large and too full of branches
for a soldier to carry easily along with his arms: and after they
had fenced their camp with a line of these, the demolition of their
palisade was no difficult matter; for the trunks of large trees
appearing to view, with great intervals between them, and the numerous
and strong shoots affording the hand a good hold, two, or at most
three young men, uniting their efforts, used to pull out one tree,
which, being removed, a breach was opened as wide as a gate, and there
was nothing at hand with which it could be stopped up. But the Romans
cut light stakes, mostly of one fork, with three, or at the most four
branches; so that a soldier, with his arms slung at his back, can
conveniently carry several of them together; and then they stick them
down so closely, and interweave the branches in such a manner, that
it cannot be seen to what main stem any branch belongs; besides which,
the boughs are so sharp, and wrought so intimately with each other,
as to leave no room for a hand to be thrust between; consequently an
enemy cannot lay hold of any thing capable of being dragged out,
or, if that could be done, could he draw out the branches thus
intertwined, and which mutually bind each other. And even if, by
accident, one should be pulled out, it leaves but a small opening,
which is very easily filled up.

6. Next day Quinctius, causing his men to carry palisades with them,
that they might be ready to encamp on any spot, marched forward a
short way, and took post about six miles from Pherae; whence he sent
scouts to discover in what part of Thessaly the king was, and what
appeared to be his intention. Philip was then near Larissa, and as
soon as he learnt that the Roman general had removed from Thebes,
being equally impatient for a decisive engagement, he proceeded
towards the enemy, and pitched his camp about four miles from Pherae.
On the day following, some light troops went out from both camps, to
seize on certain hills, which over looked the city. When, nearly at
equal distance from summit which was intended to be seized, they came
within sight of each other, they halted; and sending messengers to
their respective camps for directions, how they were to proceed on
this unexpected meeting with the enemy, waited their return in quiet.
For that day, they were recalled to their camps, without having
commenced any engagement. On the following day, there was a battle
between the cavalry, near the same hills, in which the Aetolians
bore no small part; and in which the king's troops were defeated,
and driven into their camp. Both parties were greatly impeded in
the action, by the ground being thickly planted with trees; by the
gardens, of which there were many in a place so near the city; and by
the roads being enclosed between walls, and in some places shut up.
The commanders, therefore, were equally desirous of removing out of
that quarter; and, as if by a preconcerted scheme, they both directed
their route to Scotussa: Philip with the hope of getting a supply of
corn there; the Roman intending to get before the enemy and destroy
the crops. The armies marched the whole day without having sight of
each other in any place, the view being intercepted by a continued
range of hills between them. The Romans encamped at Eretria, in
Phthiotis; Philip, on the river Onchestus. But though Philip lay at
Melambius, in the territory of Scotussa, and Quinctius near Thetidium,
in Pharsalia, neither party knew with any certainty where his
antagonist was. On the third day, there first fell a violent rain,
which was succeeded by darkness equal to that of night, and this
confined the Romans to their camp, through fear of an ambuscade.

7. Philip, intent on hastening his march, and in no degree deterred by
the clouds, which after the rain lowered over the face of the country,
ordered his troops to march: and yet so thick a fog had obscured the
day, that neither the standard-bearers could see the road, nor the
soldiers the standards; so that all, led blindly by the shouts of
uncertain guides, fell into disorder, like men wandering by night.
When they had passed over the hills called Cynoscephalae, where
they set a strong guard of foot and horse, they pitched their camp.
Although the Roman general staid at Thetidium, yet he detatched troops
of horse and one thousand foot, to find out where the enemy lay;
warning them, however, to beware of ambuscades, which the darkness of
the day would cover, even in an open country. When these arrived at
the hills, where the enemy's guard was posted, struck with mutual
fear, both parties stood, as if deprived of the power of motion. They
then sent back messengers to their respective commanders; and when the
first surprise subsided, they proceeded to action without more delay.
The fight was begun by small advanced parties; and afterwards the
numbers of the combatants were increased by reinforcements of men, who
supported those who gave way. In this contest the Romans, being far
inferior to their adversaries, sent message after message to the
general, that they were being overpowered; on which he hastily sent
five hundred horse and two thousand foot, mostly Aetolians, under the
command of two military tribunes, who relieved them, and restored the
fight. The Macedonians, distressed in turn by this change of fortune,
sent to beg succour from their king; but as, on account of the general
darkness from the fog, he had expected nothing less, on that day, than
a battle, and had therefore sent a great number of men, of every kind,
to forage, he was, for a considerable time, in great perplexity, and
unable to form a resolution. Subsequently, as the messengers still
continued to urge him, and the covering of clouds was now removed
from the tops of the mountains, and the Macedonian party was in view,
having been driven up to the highest summit, and trusting for safety
rather to the nature of the ground than to their arms, he thought it
necessary, at all events, to hazard the whole, in order to prevent
the loss of a part, for want of support; and, accordingly, he sent
up Athenagoras, general of the mercenary soldiers, with all the
auxiliaries, except the Thracians, joined by the Macedonian and
Thessalian cavalry. On their arrival, the Romans were forced from the
top of the hill, and did not face about until they came to the level
plain. The principal support which saved them from being driven down
in disorderly flight, was the Aetolian horsemen. The Aetolians
were then by far the best cavalry in Greece; in infantry, they were
surpassed by some of their neighbours.

8. This affair was represented as more successful than the advantage
gained in the battle could warrant; for people came, one after
another, and calling out that the Romans were flying in a panic; so
that, though reluctant and hesitating declaring it a rash proceeding,
and that he liked not either place or the time, yet he was prevailed
upon to draw out his whole force to battle. The Roman general did the
same, induced by necessity, rather than by the favourableness of the
occasion. Leaving the right wing as a reserve, having the elephants
posted in front, he, with the left, and all the right infantry,
advanced against the enemy; at the same time reminding his men, that
"they were going to fight the same Macedonians whom they had fought in
the passes of Epirus, fenced, as they were, with mountains and rivers,
and whom, after conquering the natural difficulties of the ground,
they had dislodged and vanquished; the same, whom they had before
defeated under the command of Publius Sulpicius, when they opposed
their passage to Eordaea. That the kingdom of Macedonia had been
hitherto supported by its reputation, not by real strength; and that
even that reputation had, at length, vanished." Quinctius soon reached
his troops, who stood in the bottom of the valley; and they, on the
arrival of their general and the army, renewed the fight, and, making
a vigorous onset, compelled the enemy again to turn their backs.
Philip, with the targeteers, and the right wing of infantry, (the main
strength of the Macedonian army, called by them the phalanx,) advanced
at a quick pace, having ordered Nicanor, one of his courtiers, to
bring up the rest of his forces with all speed. At first, on reaching
the top of the hill, from a few arms and bodies lying there, he
perceived that there had been an engagement on the spot, and that the
Romans had been repulsed from it. When he likewise saw the fight now
going on close to the enemy's works, he was elated with excessive
delight; but presently, observing his men flying back, and that the
panic was on the other side, he was much embarrassed, and hesitated
for some time, whether he should cause his troops to retire into the
camp. Then, as the enemy approached, he was sensible that his party,
besides the losses which they suffered as they fled, must be entirely
lost, if not speedily succoured; and as, by this time, even a retreat
would be unsafe, he found himself compelled to put all to hazard,
before he was joined by the other division of his forces. He placed
the cavalry and light infantry that had been engaged, on the right
wing; and ordered the targeteers, and the phalanx of Macedonians,
to lay aside their spears, which their great length rendered
unserviceable, and to manage the business with their swords: at the
same time, that his line might not be easily broken, he lessened the
extent of the front one half, and doubled the files within so that it
might be deeper than it was broad. He ordered them also to close their
files, so that man might join with man and arms with arms.

9. Quinctius, having received among the standards and ranks those who
had been engaged with the enemy, gave the signal by sound of trumpet.
It is said, that such a shout was raised, as was seldom heard at the
beginning of any battle; for it happened, that both armies shouted
at once; not only the troops then engaged, but also the reserves, and
those who were just then coming into the field. The king, fighting
from the higher ground, had the better on the right wing, by means
chiefly of the advantage of situation. On the left, all was disorder
and confusion; particularly when that division of the phalanx, which
had marched in the rear, was coming up. The centre stood intent on the
fight as on a spectacle which in no way concerned them. The phalanx,
just arrived (a column rather than a line of battle, and fitter for
a march than for a fight,) had scarcely mounted the top of the hill:
before these could form, Quinctius, though he saw his men in the left
wing giving way, charged the enemy furiously, first driving on the
elephants against them, for he judged that one part being routed
would draw the rest after. The affair was no longer doubtful. The
Macedonians, repelled by the first shock of the elephants, instantly
turned their backs; and the rest, as had been foreseen, followed them
in their retreat. Then, one of the military tribunes, forming his
design in the instant, took with him twenty companies of men; left
that part of the army which was evidently victorious; and making a
small circuit, fell on the rear of the enemy's right wing. Any army
whatever, thus charged from the rear, must have been thrown into
confusion. But to that confusion which under such circumstances would
be common to all armies, there was in this case an additional cause.
The phalanx of the Macedonians, being heavy, could not readily face
about; nor would they have been suffered to do it by their adversaries
in front, who, although they gave way to them a little before, on this
new occasion pressed them vigorously. Besides, they lay under
another inconvenience in respect of the ground; for, by pursuing the
retreating enemy down the face of the hill, they had left the top to
the party who came round on their rear. Thus attacked on both sides,
they were exposed for some time to great slaughter, and then betook
themselves to flight, most of them throwing away their arms.

10. Philip, with a small party of horse and foot, ascended a hill
somewhat higher than the rest, to take a view of the situation of his
troops on the left. Then, when he saw them flying in confusion, and
all the hills around glittering with Roman standards and arms,
he withdrew from the field. Ouinctius, as he was pressing on the
retreating enemy, observed the Macedonians suddenly raising up their
spears, and not knowing what they meant thereby, he ordered the
troops to halt. Then, on being told that this was the practice of the
Macedonians when surrendering themselves prisoners, he was disposed
to spare the vanquished; but the troops, not being apprized, either of
the enemy having ceased fighting, or of the general's intention, made
a charge on them, and the foremost having been cut down, the rest
dispersed themselves and fled. Philip hastened in disorderly flight
to Tempe, and there halted one day at Gonni, to pick up any who
might have survived the battle. The victorious Romans rushed into the
Macedonian camp with hopes of spoil, but found it, for the most part,
plundered already by the Aetolians. Eight thousand of the enemy were
killed on that day, five thousand taken. Of the victors, about seven
hundred fell. If any credit is to be attached to Valerius Antias, who
on every occasion exaggerates numbers enormously, the killed of the
enemy on that day amounted to forty thousand; the prisoners taken, (in
which article the deviation from truth is less extravagant,) to five
thousand seven hundred, with two hundred and forty-nine military
standards. Claudius also asserts that thirty-two thousand of the enemy
were slain, and four thousand three hundred taken. We have not
given entire credit, even to the smallest of those numbers, but have
followed Polybius, a safe authority with respect to all the Roman
affairs, but especially those which were transacted in Greece.

11. Philip having collected, after the flight, such as, having been
scattered by the various chances of the battle, had followed his
steps, and having sent people to Larissa to burn the records of the
kingdom, lest they should fall into the hands of the enemy, retired
into Macedonia. Quinctius set up to sale a part of the prisoners and
booty, and part he bestowed on the soldiers; and then proceeded to
Larissa, without having yet received any certain intelligence to what
quarter Philip had betaken himself, or what were his designs. To this
place came a herald from the king, apparently to obtain a truce, until
those who had fallen in battle should be removed and buried, but in
reality to request permission to send ambassadors. Both were obtained
from the Roman general; who, besides, added this message to the king,
"not to be too much dejected." This expression gave much offence,
particularly to the Aetolians, who were become very assuming, and who
complained, that "the general was quite altered by success. Before the
battle, he was accustomed to transact all business, whether great or
small, in concert with the allies; but they had, now, no share in
any of his counsels; he conducted all affairs entirely by his own
judgment; and was even seeking an occasion of ingratiating himself
personally with Philip, in order that, after the Aetolians had
laboured through all hardships and difficulties of the war, the Roman
might assume to himself all the merit and all the fruits of a peace."
Certain it is, that he had treated them with less respect than
formerly, but they did not know why they were thus slighted. They
imagined that he was actuated by an expectation of presents from the
king, though he was of a spirit incapable of yielding to any such
passion of the mind; but he was, with good reason, displeased at the
Aetolians, on account of their insatiable greediness for plunder,
and of their arrogance in assuming to themselves the honour of
the victory--a claim so ill founded, as to offend the ears of all.
Besides, he foresaw that, if Philip were removed out of the way,
and the strength of the kingdom of Macedonia entirely broken, the
Aetolians would necessarily be regarded as the masters of Greece.
For these reasons, he intentionally did many things to lessen their
importance and reputation in the judgment of the other states.

12. A truce for fifteen days was granted to the Macedonians, and a
conference with the king himself appointed. Before the day arrived on
which this was to be held, the Roman general called a council of the
allies, and desired their opinions respecting the terms of peace,
proper to be prescribed. Amynander, king of Athamania, delivered his
opinion in a few words; that "the conditions of peace ought to be
adjusted in such a manner, as that Greece might have sufficient power,
even without the interference of the Romans, to maintain the peace,
and also its own liberty." The address of the Aetolians was more
harsh; for after a few introductory observations on the justice and
propriety of the Roman general's conduct, in communicating his plans
of peace to those who had acted with him as allies in the war, they
insisted, "that he was utterly mistaken, if he supposed that he
could leave the peace with the Romans, or the liberty of Greece, on a
permanent footing, unless Philip was either put to death or banished
from his kingdom; both which he could easily accomplish, if he chose
to pursue his present success." Quinctius, in reply, said, that "the
Aetolians, in giving such advice, attended not either to the maxims of
the Roman policy, or to the consistency of their own conduct. For,
in all the former councils and conferences, wherein the conditions of
peace were discussed, they never once urged the pushing of the war to
the utter ruin of the Macedonian: and, as to the Romans, besides that
they had, from the earliest periods, observed the maxim of sparing the
vanquished, they had lately given a signal proof of their clemency
in the peace granted to Hannibal and the Carthaginians. But, not
to insist on the case of the Carthaginians, how often had the
confederates met Philip himself in conference, yet that it had never
been urged that he should resign his kingdom: and, because he had
been defeated in battle, was that a reason that their animosity should
become implacable? Against an armed foe, men ought to engage with
hostile resentment; towards the vanquished, the loftiest spirit was
ever the most merciful. The kings of Macedonia were thought to be
dangerous to the liberty of Greece. Suppose that kingdom and nation
extirpated, the Thracians, Illyrians, and in time the Gauls, (nations
unsubjugated and savage,) would pour themselves into Macedonia first,
and then into Greece. That they should not, by removing inconveniences
which lay nearest, open a passage to others greater and more
grievous." Here he was interrupted by Phaeneas, praetor of the
Aetolians, who solemnly declared, that "if Philip escaped now, he
would soon raise a new and more dangerous war." On which Quinctius
said,--"Cease wrangling, when you ought to deliberate. The king shall
be bound down by such conditions as will not leave it in his power to
raise a war."

13. The convention was then adjourned; and next day, the king came
to the pass at the entrance of Tempe, the place appointed for a
conference; and the third day following was fixed for introducing him
to a full assembly of the Romans and allies. On this occasion Philip,
with great prudence, intentionally avoided the mention of any of those
conditions, without which peace could not be obtained, rather than
suffer them to be extorted after discussion; and declared, that he was
ready to comply with all the articles which, in the former conference,
were either prescribed by the Romans or demanded by the allies; and to
leave all other matters to the determination of the senate. Although
he seemed to have hereby precluded every objection, even from the
most inveterate of his enemies, yet, all the rest remaining silent,
Phaeneas, the Aetolian, said to him,--"What! Philip, do you at last
restore to us Pharsalus and Larissa, with Cremaste, Echinus, and
Thebes in Phthiotis?" On Philip answering, that "he would give no
obstruction to their retaking the possession of them," a dispute
arose between the Roman general and the Aetolians about Thebes; for
Quinctius affirmed, that it became the property of the Roman people by
the laws of war; because when, before the commencement of hostilities,
he marched his army thither, and invited the inhabitants to
friendship, they, although at full liberty to renounce the king's
party, yet preferred an alliance with Philip to one with Rome.
Phaeneas alleged, that, in consideration of their being confederates
in the war, it was reasonable, that whatever the Aetolians possessed
before it began, should be restored; and that, besides, there was, in
the first treaty, a provisional clause of that purport, by which the
spoils of war, of every kind that could be carried or driven, were to
belong to the Romans; and that the lands and captured cities should
fall to the Aetolians. "Yourselves," replied Quinctius, "annulled the
conditions of that treaty, at the time when ye deserted us, and made
peace with Philip; but supposing it still remained in force, yet that
clause could affect only captured cities. Now, the states of Thessaly
submitted to us by a voluntary act of their own."--These words were
heard by their allies with universal approbation; but to the
Aetolians they were both highly displeasing at the present, and proved
afterwards the cause of a war, and of many great disasters attending
it. The terms settled with Philip were, that he should give his
son Demetrius, and some of his friends, as hostages; should pay two
hundred talents[1] and send ambassadors to Rome, respecting the other
articles: for which purpose there should be a cessation of arms for
four months. An engagement was entered into, that, in case the senate
should refuse to conclude a treaty, his money and hostages should
be returned to Philip. It is said, that one of the principal reasons
which made the Roman general wish to expedite the conclusion of a
peace, was, that he had received certain information of Antiochus
intending to commence hostilities, and to pass over into Europe.

[Footnote 1: 38,750l.]

14. About the same time, and, as some writers say, on the same day,
the Achaeans defeated Androsthenes, the king's commander, in a general
engagement near Corinth. Philip, intending to use this city as a
citadel, to awe the states of Greece, had invited the principal
inhabitants to a conference, under pretence of agreeing with them as
to the number of horsemen which the Corinthians could supply towards
the war, and these he detained as hostages. Besides the force already
there, consisting of five hundred Macedonians and eight hundred
auxiliaries of various kinds, he had sent thither one thousand
Macedonians, one thousand two hundred Illyrians, and of Thracians and
Cretans (for these served in both the opposite armies) eight hundred.
To these were added Botians, Thessalians, and Acarnanians, to the
amount of one thousand, all carrying bucklers; with as many of the
young Corinthians themselves, as filled up the number of six thousand
men under arms,--a force which inspired Androsthenes with a confident
wish to decide the matter in the field. Nicostratus, praetor of the
Achaeans, was at Sicyon, with two thousand foot and one hundred horse;
but seeing himself so inferior, both in the number and kind of
troops, he did not go outside the walls: the king's forces, in various
excursions, were ravaging the lands of Pellene, Phliasus, and Cleone.
At last, reproaching the enemy with cowardice, they passed over into
the territory of Sicyon, and, sailing round Achaia, laid waste the
whole coast. As the enemy, while thus employed, spread themselves
about too widely and too carelessly, (the usual consequence of too
much confidence,) Nicostratus conceived hopes of attacking them by
surprise. He therefore sent secret directions to all the neighbouring
states, as to what day, and what number from each state, should
assemble in arms at Apelaurus, a place in the territory of Stymphalia.
All being in readiness at the time appointed, he marched thence
immediately; and, without the knowledge of any one as to what he was
contemplating, came by night through the territory of the Phliasians
to Cleone. He had with him five thousand foot, of whom * * * * * * [1]
were light-armed, and three hundred horse; with this force he waited
there, having despatched scouts to watch on what quarter the enemy
should make their irregular inroads.

[Footnote 1: In the original, the number is omitted, or lost.]

15. Androsthenes, utterly ignorant of all these proceedings, set out
from Corinth, and encamped on the Nemea, a river running between
the confines of Corinth and Sicyon. Here, dismissing one half of his
troops, he divided the remainder into three parts, and ordered all the
cavalry of each part to march in separate divisions, and ravage,
at the same time, the territories of Pellene, Sicyon, and Phlius.
Accordingly, the three divisions set out by different roads. As soon
as Nicostratus received intelligence of this at Cleone, he instantly
sent forward a numerous detachment of mercenaries, to seize a pass
at the entrance into the territory of Corinth; and he himself quickly
followed, with his troops in two columns, the cavalry proceeding
before the head of each, as advanced guards. In one column marched
the mercenary soldiers and light infantry; in the other, the
shield-bearers of the Achaeans and other states, who composed the
principal strength of the army. Both infantry and cavalry were now
within a small distance of the camp, and some of the Thracians had
attacked parties of the enemy, who were straggling and scattered over
the country, when the sudden alarm reached their tents. The commander
was thrown into the utmost perplexity; for, having never had a sight
of the Achaeans, except occasionally on the hills before Sicyon,
when they did not venture to come down into the plains, he had
never imagined that they would come so far as Cleone. He ordered the
stragglers to be recalled by sound of trumpet; commanded the soldiers
to take arms with all haste; and, marching out of the gate at the head
of thin battalions, drew up his line on the bank of the river. His
other troops, having scarcely had time to be collected and formed, did
not withstand the enemy's first onset; the Macedonians had surrounded
their standards in by far the greatest numbers, and now kept the
prospect of victory a long time doubtful. At length, being left
exposed by the flight of the rest, and pressed by two bodies of the
enemy on different sides, by the light infantry on their flank, and by
the shield-bearers and targeteers in front, and seeing victory declare
against them, they at first gave ground; soon after, being vigorously
pushed, they turned their backs; and most of them, throwing away their
arms and having lost all hope of defending their camp, made the best
of their way to Corinth. Nicostratus sent the mercenaries in pursuit
of these; and the auxiliary Thracians against the party employed
in ravaging the lands of Sicyon: occasioned great carnage in both
instances, greater almost than occurred in the battle itself. Of those
who had been ravaging Pellene and Phlius, some, returning to their
camp, ignorant of all that had happened, and without any regular
order, fell in with the advanced guards of the enemy, where they
expected their own. Others, from the bustle which they perceived,
suspecting what was really the case, fled and dispersed themselves in
such a manner, that, as they wandered up and down, they were cut
off by the very peasants. There fell, on that day, one thousand
five hundred: three hundred were made prisoners. All Achaia was thus
relieved from their great alarm.

16. Before the battle at Cynoscephalae, Lucius Quinctius had invited
to Corcyra some chiefs of the Acarnanians, the only state in Greece
which had continued to maintain its alliance with the Macedonians; and
there made some kind of scheme for a change of measures. Two causes,
principally, had retained them in friendship with the king: one was a
principle of honour, natural to that nation; the other, their fear and
hatred of the Aetolians. A general assembly was summoned to meet at
Leucas; but neither did all the states of Acarnania come thither, nor
were those who did attend agreed in opinion. However, the magistrates
and leading men prevailed so far, as to get a decree passed, thus
privately, for joining in alliance with the Romans. This gave great
offence to those who had not been present; and, in this ferment of
the nation, Androcles and Echedemus, two men of distinction among the
Acarnanians, being commissioned by Philip, had influence enough in the
assembly, not only to obtain the repeal of the decree for an alliance
with Rome, but also the condemnation, on a charge of treason, of
Archesilaus and Bianor, both men of the first rank in Acarnania, who
had been the advisers of that measure; and to deprive Zeuxidas, the
praetor, of his office, for having put it to the vote. The persons
condemned took a course apparently desperate, but successful in the
issue: for, while their friends advised them to yield to the necessity
of the occasion, and withdraw to Corcyra, to the Romans, they resolved
to present themselves to the multitude; and either, by that act, to
mollify their resentment, or endure whatever might befall them. When
they had introduced themselves into a full assembly, at first, a
murmur arose, expressive of surprise; but presently silence took
place, partly from respect to their former dignity, partly from
commiseration of their present situation. Having been also permitted
the liberty of speaking, at first they addressed the assembly in a
suppliant manner; but, in the progress of their discourse, when they
came to refute the charges made against them, they spoke with that
degree of confidence which innocence inspires. At last, they even
ventured to utter some complaints, and to charge the proceedings
against them with injustice and cruelty; and this had such an effect
on the minds of all present, that, with one consent, they annulled
all the decrees passed against them. Nevertheless, they came to a
resolution, to renounce the friendship of the Romans, and return to
the alliance with Philip.

17. These decrees were passed at Leucas, the capital of Acarnania, the
place where all the states usually met in council. As soon, therefore,
as the news of this sudden change reached the lieutenant-general
Flamininus, in Corcyra, he instantly set sail with the fleet for
Leucas; and coming to an anchor at a place called Heraeus, advanced
thence towards the walls with every kind of machine used in the
attacking of cities; supposing that the first appearance of danger
might bend the minds of the inhabitants to submission. But seeing no
prospect of effecting any thing, except by force, he began to erect
towers and sheds, and to bring up the battering-rams to the walls. The
whole of Acarnania, being situated between Aetolia and Epirus, faces
towards the west and the Sicilian sea. Leucadia, now an island,
separated from Acarnania by a shallow strait which was dug by the
hand, was then a peninsula, united on its eastern side to Acarnania by
a narrow isthmus: this isthmus was about five hundred paces in length,
and in breadth not above one hundred and twenty. At the entrance of
this narrow neck stands Leucas, stretching up part of a hill which
faces the east and Acarnania: the lower part of the town is level,
lying along the sea, which divides Leucadia from Acarnania. Thus it
lies open to attacks, both from the sea and from the land; for the
channel is more like a marsh than a sea, and all the adjacent ground
is solid enough to render the construction of works easy. In many
places, therefore, at once the walls fell down, either undermined,
or demolished by the ram. But the spirit of the besieged was as
invincible as the town itself was favourably situated for the
besiegers: night and day they employed themselves busily in repairing
the shattered parts of the wall; and, stopping up the breaches that
were made, fought the enemy with great spirit, and showed a wish to
defend the walls by their arms rather than themselves by the walls.
And they would certainly have protracted the siege to a length
unexpected by the Romans, had not some exiles of Italian birth, who
resided in Leucas, admitted a band of soldiers into the citadel:
notwithstanding which, when those troops ran down from the higher
ground with great tumult and uproar, the Leucadians, drawing up in a
body in the forum, withstood them for a considerable time in regular
fight. Meanwhile the walls were scaled in many places; and the
besiegers, climbing over the rubbish, entered the town through the
breaches. And now the lieutenant-general himself surrounded the
combatants with a powerful force. Being thus hemmed in, many were
slain, the rest laid down their arms and surrendered to the conqueror.
In a few days after, on hearing of the battle at Cynoscephalae,
all the states of Acarnania made their submission to the

18. About this time, fortune, depressing the same party in every
quarter at once, the Rhodians, in order to recover from Phillip the
tract on the continent called Peraea, which had been in possession of
their ancestors, sent thither their praetor, Pausistratus, with eight
hundred Achaean foot, and about one thousand nine hundred men, made
up of auxiliaries of various nations. These were Gauls, Nisuetans,
Pisuetans, Tamians Areans from Africa, and Laodiceans from Asia. With
this force Pausistratus seized by surprise Tendeba, in the territory
of Stratonice, a place exceedingly convenient for his purpose, without
the knowledge of the king's troops who had held it. A reinforcement
of one thousand Achaean foot and one hundred horse, called out for the
same expedition, came up at the very time, under a commander called
Theoxenus. Dinocrates, the king's general, with design to recover
the fort, marched his army first to Tendeba, and then to another fort
called Astragon, which also stood in the territory of Stratonice.
Then, calling in all the garrisons, which were scattered in many
different places, and the Thessalian auxiliaries from Stratonice
itself, he led them on to Alabanda, where the enemy lay. The Rhodians
were no way averse from a battle, and the camps being pitched near
each other both parties immediately came into the field. Dinocrates
placed five hundred Macedonians on his right wing, and the Agrians
on his left; the centre he formed of the troops which he had drawn
together out of the garrisons of the forts; these were mostly Carians;
and he covered the flanks with the cavalry, and the Cretan and
Thracian auxiliaries. The Rhodians had on the right wing the Achaeans;
on the left mercenary soldiers; and in the centre a chosen band of
infantry, a body of auxiliaries composed of troops of various nations.
The cavalry and what light infantry they had, were posted on the
wings. During that day both armies remained on the banks of a rivulet,
which ran between them, and, after discharging a few javelins, they
retired into their camps. Next day, being drawn up in the same order,
they fought a more important battle than could have been expected,
considering the numbers engaged; for there were not more than three
thousand infantry on each side, and about one hundred horse: but they
were not only on an equality with respect to numbers, and the kind of
arms which they used, but they also fought with equal spirit and equal
hopes. First, the Achaeans crossing the rivulet, made an attack on the
Agrians; then the whole line passed the river, almost at full speed.
The fight continued doubtful a long time: the Achaeans, one thousand
in number, drove back the four hundred from their position. Then the
left wing giving way, all exerted themselves against the right. On
the Macedonians no impression could be made, so long as their phalanx
preserved its order, each man clinging as it were to another:
but when, in consequence of their flank being left exposed, they
endeavoured to turn their spears against the enemy, who were advancing
upon that side, they immediately broke their ranks. This first caused
disorder among themselves; they then turned their backs, and at last,
throwing away their arms, and flying with precipitation, made the best
of their way to Bargylii. To the same place Dinocrates also made his
escape. The Rhodians continued the pursuit as long as the day lasted,
and then retired to their camp. There is every reason to believe,
that, if the victors had proceeded with speed to Stratonice, that
city would have been gained without a contest; but the opportunity for
effecting this was neglected, and the time wasted in taking possession
of the forts and villages in Peraea. In the mean time, the courage
of the troops in garrison at Stratonice revived; and shortly after,
Dinocrates, with the troops which had escaped from the battle, came
into the town, which, after that, was besieged and assaulted without
effect; nor could it be reduced until a long time after that, when
Antiochus took it. Such were the events that took place in Thessaly,
in Achaia, and in Asia, all about the same time.

19. Philip was informed that the Dardanians, in contempt of the
power of his kingdom, shaken as at that time it was, had passed the
frontiers, and were spreading devastation through the upper parts
of Macedonia: on which, though he was hard pressed in almost every
quarter of the globe, fortune on all occasions defeating his measures
and those of his friends, yet, thinking it more intolerable than death
to be expelled from the possession of Macedonia, he made hasty levies
through the cities of his dominions; and, with six thousand foot and
five hundred horse, defeated the enemy by a surprise near Stobi in
Paeonia. Great numbers were killed in the fight, and greater numbers
of those who were scattered about in quest of plunder. As to such as
found a road open for flight, without having even tried the chance
of an engagement, they hastened back to their own country. After this
enterprise executed with a degree of success beyond what he met in
the rest of his attempts, and which raised the drooping courage of his
people, he retired to Thessalonica. Seasonable as was the termination
of the Punic war, in extricating the Romans from the danger of a
quarrel with Philip, the recent triumph over Philip happened still
more opportunely, when Antiochus, in Syria, was already making
preparations for hostilities. For besides that it was easier to wage
war against them separately than if both had combined their forces
together, Spain had a little before this time, risen in arms in great
commotion Antiochus, though he had in the preceding summer reduced
under his power all the states in Coele-Syria belonging to Ptolemy,
and retired into winter quarters at Antioch, yet allowed himself no
relaxation from the exertions of the summer. For resolving to exert
the whole strength of his kingdom, he collected a most powerful force,
both naval and military; and in the beginning of spring, sending
forward by land his two sons, Ardues and Mithridates, at the head of
the army, with orders to wait for him at Sardis, he himself set out
by sea with a fleet of one hundred decked ships, besides two hundred
lighter vessels, barks and fly-boats, designing to attempt the
reduction of all the cities under the dominion of Ptolemy along the
whole coast of Caria and Cilicia; and, at the same time, to aid Philip
with an army and ships, for as yet that war had not been brought to a

20. The Rhodians, out of a faithful attachment to the Roman people,
and an affection for the whole race of the Greeks have performed
many honourable exploits, both on land and sea: but never was their
gallantry more eminently conspicuous than on this occasion, when,
nowise dismayed at the formidable magnitude of the impending war,
they sent ambassadors to tell the king, that he should not double the
tribute of Cheledoniae, which is a promontory of Cilicia, rendered
famous by an ancient treaty between the Athenians and the king
of Persia; that if he did not confine his fleet and army to that
boundary, they would meet him there and oppose not out of any ill
will, but because they would not suffice to join Philip and obstruct
the Romans, who were resisting liberty to Greece. At this time
Antiochus was pushing the siege of Coracesium with his works; for,
after he had possession of Zephyrium, Solae, Aphrodisias, and Corycus;
and doubling Anemurium, another promontory of Cilicia, had taken
Selinus; when all these, and the other fortresses on that coast, had,
either through fear or inclination, submitted without resistance,
Coracesium shut its gates, and gave him a delay which he did not
expect. Here an audience was given to the ambassadors of the Rhodians,
and although the purport of their embassy was such as might kindle
passion in the breast of a king, yet he stifled his resentment, and
answered, that "he would send ambassadors to Rhodes, and would give
them instructions to renew the old treaties, made by him and his
predecessors, with that state; and to assure them, that they need not
be alarmed at his approach; that it would involve no injury or fraud
either to them or their allies; for that he was not about to violate
the friendship subsisting between himself and the Romans, both his own
late embassy to that people, and the senate's answers and decrees, so
honourable to him, were a sufficient evidence." Just at that time his
ambassadors happened to have returned from Rome, where they had been
heard and dismissed with courtesy, as the juncture required; the
event of the war with Philip being yet uncertain. While the king's
ambassadors were haranguing to the above purpose, in an assembly of
the people at Rhodes, a courier arrived with an account of the battle
at Cynoscephalae having finally decided the fate of the war.
Having received this intelligence, the Rhodians, now freed from all
apprehensions of danger from Philip, resolved to oppose Antiochus with
their fleet. Nor did they neglect another object that required their
attention; the protection of the freedom of the cities in alliance
with Ptolemy, which were threatened with war by Antiochus. For, some
they assisted with men, others by forewarning them of the enemy's
designs; by which means they enabled the Cauneans, Mindians,
Halicarnassians, and Samians to preserve their liberty. It were
needless to attempt enumerating all the transactions as they occurred
in that quarter, when I am scarcely equal to the task of recounting
those which immediately concern the war in which Rome was engaged.

21. At this time king Attalus, having fallen sick at Thebes, had been
carried thence to Pergamus, died at the age of seventy-one after he
had reigned forty-four years. To this man fortune had given nothing
which could inspire hopes of a throne except riches. By a prudent,
and, at the same time, a splendid use of these, he begat, in himself
first, and then in others, an opinion, that he was not undeserving of
a crown. Afterwards, having in one battle utterly defeated the Gauls,
which nation was then the more terrible to Asia, as having but lately
made its appearance there, he assumed the title of king, and ever
after exhibited a spirit equal to the dignity of that name. He
governed his subjects with the most perfect justice, and observed an
unvarying fidelity towards his allies; gentle and bountiful to his
friends; affectionate to his wife and four sons, who survived him; and
he left his government established on such solid and firm foundations,
that the possession of it descended to the third generation. While
this was the posture of affairs in Asia, Greece, and Macedonia, the
war with Philip being scarcely ended, and the peace certainly not yet
perfected, a desperate insurrection took place in the Farther Spain.
Marcus Helvius was governor of that province. He informed the senate
by letter, that "two chieftains, Colca and Luscinus, were in arms;
that Colca was joined by seventeen towns, and Luscinus by the powerful
cities of Carmo and Bardo; and that the people of the whole sea-coast,
who had not yet manifested their disposition, were ready to rise on
the first motion of their neighbours." On this letter being read by
Marcus Sergius, city praetor, the senate decreed, that, as soon as
the election of praetors should be finished, the one to whose lot the
government of Spain fell should, without delay, consult the senate
respecting the commotions in that province.

22. About the same time the consuls came home to Rome, and, on
their holding a meeting of the senate in the temple of Bellona, and
demanding a triumph, in consideration of their successes in the war,
Caius Atinius Labeo, and Caius Ursanius, plebeian tribunes, insisted
that "the consuls should propose their claims of a triumph separately,
for they would not suffer the question to be put on both jointly,
lest equal honours might be conferred where the merits were unequal."
Minucius urged, that they had both been appointed to the government
of one province, Italy; and that, through the course of their
administration, his colleague and himself had been united in
sentiments and in counsels; to which Cornelius added, that, when the
Boians were passing the Po, to assist the Insubrians and Caenomanians
against him, they were forced to return to defend their own country,
from his colleague ravaging their towns and lands. In reply the
tribunes acknowledged, that the services performed in the war by
Cornelius were so great, that "no more doubt could be entertained
respecting his triumph than respecting the ascribing of glory to the
immortal gods." Nevertheless they insisted, that "neither he nor any
other member of the community should possess such power and influence
as to be able, after obtaining the honour that was due to himself, to
bestow the same distinction on a colleague, who immodestly demanded
what he had not deserved. The exploits of Quintus Minucius in Liguria
were trifling skirmishes, scarcely deserving mention; and in Gaul
he had lost great numbers of soldiers." They mentioned even military
tribunes, Titus Juvencius and Cneius Labeo, of the fourth legion, the
plebeian tribune's brother, who had fallen in unsuccessful conflict,
together with many other brave men, both citizens and allies: and
they asserted, that "pretended surrenders of a few towns and villages,
fabricated for the occasion, had been made, without any pledge of
fidelity being taken." These altercations between the consuls and
tribunes lasted two days: at last the consuls, overcome by the
obstinacy of the tribunes, proposed their claims separately.

23. To Cneius Cornelius a triumph was unanimously decreed: and the
inhabitants of Placentia and Cremona added to the applause bestowed
on the consul, by returning him thanks, and mentioning, to his honour,
that they had been delivered by him from a siege; and that very
many of them, when in the hands of the enemy, had been rescued from
captivity. Quintus Minucius just tried how the proposal of his claim
would be received, and finding the whole senate averse from it,
declared, that by the authority of his office of consul, and pursuant
to the example of many illustrious men, he would triumph on the
Alban mount. Caius Cornelius, being yet in office, triumphed over
the Insubrian and Caenomanian Gauls. He produced a great number of
military standards, and earned in the procession abundance of Gallic
spoils in captured chariots. Many Gauls of distinction were led before
his chariot, and along with them, some writers say, Hamilcar, the
Carthaginian general. But what, more than all, attracted the eyes of
the public, was a crowd of Cremonian and Placentian colonists, with
caps of liberty on their heads, following his chariot. He carried
in his triumph two hundred and thirty-seven thousand five hundred
_asses_,[1] and of silver denarii, stamped with a chariot,
seventy-nine thousand.[2] He distributed to each of his soldiers
seventy _asses_,[3] to a horseman and a centurion double that sum.
Quintus Minucius, consul, triumphed on the Alban mount, over the
Ligurian and Boian Gauls. Although this triumph was less respectable,
in regard to the place and the fame of his exploits, and because all
knew the expense was not issued from the treasury; yet, in regard of
the number of standards, chariots, and spoils, it was nearly equal to
the other. The amount of the money also was nearly equal. Two hundred
and fifty-four thousand _asses_[4] were conveyed to the treasury, and
of silver denarii, stamped with a chariot, fifty-three thousand
two hundred.[5] He likewise gave to the soldiers, horsemen, and
centurions, severally, the same sums that his colleague had given.

[Footnote 1: 766l. 18s. 6-1/2d]

[Footnote 2: 2551l. 0s. 10d]

[Footnote 3: 4s. 6-1/2d]

[Footnote 4: 820l. 4s. 2d]

[Footnote 5: 1717l. 18s. 4d]

24. After the triumph, the election of consuls came on. The persons
chosen were Lucius Furius Purpureo and Marcus Claudius Marcellus.
Next day, the following were elected praetors; Quintus Fabius Buteo,
Tiberius Sempronius Longus, Quintus Minucius Thermus, Manius Acilius
Glabrio, Lucius Apustius Fullo, and Caius Laelius. Toward the close of
this year, a letter came from Titus Quinctius, with information that
he had fought a pitched battle with Philip in Thessaly, and that the
army of the enemy had been routed and put to flight. This letter was
read by Sergius, the praetor, first in the senate, and then, by the
direction of the fathers, in a general assembly; and supplications
of five days' continuance were decreed on account of those successes.
Soon after arrived the ambassadors, both from Titus Quinctius and from
the king. The Macedonians were conducted out of the city to the Villa
Publica, where lodgings and every other accommodation were provided
for them, and an audience of the senate was given them in the temple
of Bellona. Not many words passed; for the Macedonians declared, that
whatever terms the senate should prescribe, the king was ready
to comply with them. It was decreed, that, conformably to ancient
practice, ten ambassadors should be appointed, and that, in council
with them, the general, Titus Quinctius, should grant terms of peace
to Philip; and a clause was added, that, in the number of these
ambassadors, should be Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who in
their consulship had held the province of Macedonia. On the same day
the inhabitants of Oossa having presented a petition, praying that the
number of their colonists might be enlarged; an order was accordingly
passed, that one thousand should be added to the list, with a
provision, that no persons should be admitted into that number who,
at any time since the consulate of Publius Cornelius and Tiberius
Sempronius, had been partisans of the enemy.

25. This year the Roman games were exhibited in the circus, and on
the stage, by the curule aediles, Publius Cornelius Scipio and Cneius
Manlius Vulso, with an unusual degree of splendour, and were beheld
with the greater delight, in consequence of the late successes in war.
They were thrice repeated entire, and the plebeian games seven times.
These were exhibited by Manius Acilius Glabrio and Caius Laelius,
who also, out of the money arising from fines, erected three brazen
statues, to Ceres, Liber, and Libera. Lucius Furius and Marcus
Claudius Marcellus, having entered on the consulship, when the
distribution of the provinces came to be agitated, and the senate
appeared disposed to vote Italy the province of both, exerted
themselves to get that of Macedonia put to the lot along with Italy.
Marcellus, who of the two was the more eager for that province, by
assertions that the peace was merely a feigned and delusive one, and
that, if the army were withdrawn thence, the king would renew the war,
caused some perplexity in the minds of the senate. The consuls would
probably have carried the point, had not Quintus Marcius Rex and Caius
Antinius Labeo, plebeian tribunes, declared, that they would
enter their protest, unless they were allowed, before any further
proceeding, to take the sense of the people, whether it was their will
and order that peace be concluded with Philip. This question was put
to the people in the Capitol, and every one of the thirty-five tribes
voted on the affirmative side. The public found the greater reason to
rejoice at the ratification of the peace with Macedonia, as melancholy
news was brought from Spain; and a letter was made public, announcing
that "the proconsul, Caius Sempronius Tuditanus, had been defeated in
battle in the Hither Spain; that his army had been utterly routed and
dispersed, and several men of distinction slain in the fight. That
Tuditanus, having been grievously wounded, and carried out of the
field, expired soon after." Italy was decreed the province of both
consuls, in which they were to employ the same legions which the
preceding consuls had; and they were to raise four new legions, two
for the city, and two to be in readiness to be sent whithersoever
the senate should direct. Titus Quinctius Flamininus was ordered
to continue in the government of his province, with the army of two
legions, then on the spot. The former prolongation of his command was
deemed sufficient.

26. The praetors then cast lots for their provinces. Lucius Apustius
Fullo obtained the city jurisdiction; Manius Acilius Glabrio, that
between natives and foreigners; Quintus Fabius Buteo, Farther Spain;
Quintus Minucius Thermus, Hither Spain; Caius Laelius, Sicily;
Tiberius Sempronius Longus, Sardinia. To Quintus Fabius Buteo and
Quintus Minucius, to whom the government of the two Spains had fallen,
it was decreed, that the consuls, out of the four legions raised by
them, should give one each whichever they thought fit, together with
four thousand foot and three hundred horse of the allies and Latin
confederates; and those praetors were ordered to repair to their
provinces at the earliest possible time. This war in Spain broke out
in the fifth year after the former had been ended, together with the
Punic war. The Spaniards now, for the first time, had taken arms in
their own name, unconnected with any Carthaginian army or general.
Before the consuls stirred from the city, however, they were ordered,
as usual, to expiate the reported prodigies. Publius Villius, a Roman
knight, on the road to Sabinia, had been killed by lightning, together
with his horse. The temple of Feronia, in the Capenatian district, had
been struck by lightning. At the temple of Moneta, the shafts of
two spears had taken fire and burned. A wolf, coming in through the
Esquiline gate, and running through the most frequented part of
the city, down into the forum, passed thence through the Tuscan and
Maelian streets; and scarcely receiving a stroke, made its escape out
of the Capenian gate. These prodigies were expiated with victims of
the larger kinds.

27. About the same time Cneius Cornelius Lentulus, who had held the
government of Hither Spain before Sempronius Tuditanus, entered the
city in ovation, pursuant to a decree of the senate, and carried in
the procession one thousand five hundred and fifteen pounds' weight
of gold, twenty thousand of silver; and in coin, thirty-four thousand
five hundred and fifty denarii.[1] Lucius Stretinius, from the Farther
Spain, without making any pretensions to a triumph, carried into
the treasury fifty thousand pounds' weight of silver; and out of the
spoils taken, built two arches in the cattle-market, at the fronts of
the temple of Fortune and Mother Matuta, and one in the great Circus;
and on these arches placed gilded statues. These were the principal
occurrences during the winter. At this time Quinctius was in winter
quarters at Elatia. Among many requests, made to him by the allies,
was that of the Boeotians, namely, that their countrymen, who had
served in the army with Philip, might be restored to them. With
this Quinctius readily complied; not because he thought them very
deserving, but that, as king Antiochus was already suspected, he
judged it advisable to conciliate every state in favour of the Roman
interest. It quickly appeared how very little gratitude existed among
the Boeotians; for they not only sent persons to give thanks to Philip
for the restoration of their fellows, as if that favour had been
conferred on them by him, and not by Quinctius and the Romans; but,
at the next election, raised to the office of Boeotarch a man named
Brachyllas, for no other reason than because he had been commander
of the Boeotians serving in the army of Philip; passing by Zeuxippus,
Pisistratus, and the others, who had promoted the alliance with Rome.
These men were both offended at the present and alarmed about the
future consequences: for if such things were done when a Roman army
lay almost at their gates, what would become of them when the Romans
should have gone away to Italy, and Philip, from a situation so near,
should support his own associates, and vent his resentment on those
who had been of the opposite party?

[Footnote 1: 1115l. 13s. 3-1/2d.]

28. It was resolved, while they had the Roman army near at hand, to
take off Brachyllas, who was the principal leader of the faction which
favoured the king; and they chose an opportunity for the deed, when,
after having been at a public feast, he was returning to his house
inebriated, and accompanied by some of his debauched companions,
who, for the sake of merriment, had been admitted to the crowded
entertainment. He was surrounded and assassinated by six men, of whom
three were Italians and three Aetolians. His companions fled, crying
out for help; and a great uproar ensued among the people, who ran
up and down, through all parts of the city, with lights; but the
assassins made their escape through the nearest gate. At the first
dawn, a full assembly was called together in the theatre, by the
voice of a crier, as if in consequence of a previous appointment.
Many openly clamoured that Brachyllas was killed by those detestable
wretches who accompanied him; but their private conjectures pointed
to Zeuxippus, as author of the murder. It was resolved, however, that
those who had been in company with him should be seized and examined
in their presence. While they were under examination, Zeuxippus,
with his usual composure, came into the assembly, for the purpose of
averting the charge from himself; yet said, that people were mistaken
in supposing that so daring a murder was the act of such effeminate
wretches as those who were charged with it, urging many plausible
arguments to the same purpose. By which behaviour he led several to
believe, that, if he were conscious of guilt, he would never have
presented himself before the multitude, or, without being challenged
by any, have made any mention of the murder. Others were convinced
that he intended, by thus unblushingly exposing himself to the charge,
to throw off all suspicion from himself. Soon after, those men who
were innocent were put to the torture; and, taking the universal
opinion as having the effect of evidence, they named Zeuxippus and
Pisistratus; but they produced no proof to show that they knew any
thing of the matter. Zeuxippus, however, accompanied by a man named
Stratonidas, fled by night to Tanagra; alarmed by his own conscience
rather than by the assertion of men who were privy to no one
circumstance of the affair. Pisistratus, despising the informers,
remained at Thebes. A slave of Zeuxippus had carried messages
backwards and forwards, and had been intrusted with the management of
the whole business. From this man Pisistratus dreaded a discovery; and
by that very dread forced him, against his will, to make one. He sent
a letter to Zeuxippus, desiring him to "put out of the way the slave
who was privy to their crime; for he did not believe him as
well qualified for the concealment of the fact as he was for the
perpetration of it." He ordered the bearer of this letter to
deliver it to Zeuxippus as soon as possible; but he, not finding an
opportunity of meeting him, put it into the hands of the very slave
in question, whom he believed to be the most faithful to his master of
any; and added, that it came from Pisistratus respecting a matter of
the utmost consequence to Zeuxippus. Struck by consciousness of guilt,
the slave after promising to deliver the letter, immediately opened
it; and, on reading the contents, fled in a fright to Thebes and
laid the information before the magistrate. Zeuxippus, alarmed by the
flight of his slave, withdrew to Athens, where he thought he might
live in exile with greater safety. Pisistratus, after being examined
several times by torture, was put to death.

29. This murder exasperated the Thebans, and all the Boeotians, to the
most rancorous animosity against the Romans, for they considered that
Zeuxippus, one of the first men of the nation, had not been party
to such a crime without the instigation of the Roman general. To
recommence a war, they had neither strength nor a leader; but they had
recourse to private massacres, as being next to war, and cut off many

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