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History of Rome, Vol III by Titus Livius

Part 11 out of 11

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some of the ships he sunk, and took many others. Those who were in the
rear turned their course to Asia. Atilius, with the captured vessels
in his train, sailed back to Piraeus, from whence he had set out, and
distributed a vast quantity of corn among the Athenians and the other
allies in that quarter.

21. Antiochus, quitting Chalcis before the arrival of the consul,
sailed first to Tenus, and thence passed over to Ephesus. When the
consul came to Chalcis, the gates were open to receive him: for
Aristoteles, who commanded for the king, on hearing of his approach,
had withdrawn from the city. The rest of the cities of Euboea also
submitted without opposition; and peace being restored all over the
island within the space of a few days, without inflicting punishment
on any city, the army, which had acquired much higher praise for
moderation after victory, than even for the victory itself, was led
back to Thermopylae. From this place, the consul despatched Marcus
Cato to Rome, that through him the senate and people might learn what
had been achieved from unquestionable authority. He set sail from
Creusa, a sea-port belonging to the Thespians, seated at the bottom of
the Corinthian Gulf, and steered to Patrae, in Achaia. From Patrae, he
coasted along the shores of Aetolia and Acarnania, as far as Corcyra,
and thence he passed over to Hydruntum, in Italy. Proceeding hence,
with rapid expedition, by land, he arrived on the fifth day at Rome.
Having come into the city before day, he went on directly from the
gate to Marcus Junius, the praetor, who, at the first dawn, assembled
the senate. Here, Lucius Cornelius Scipio, who had been despatched by
the consul several days before Cato, and on his arrival had heard that
the latter had outstripped him, and was then in the senate, came
in, just as he was giving a recital of the transactions. The two
lieutenant-generals were then, by order of the senate, conducted to
the assembly of the people, where they gave the same account, as
in the senate, of the services performed in Aetolia. Hereupon a
supplication of three days' continuance was decreed, and that the
praetor should offer sacrifice to such of the gods as his judgment
should direct, with forty victims of the larger kinds. About the same
time, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, who, two years before, had gone into
Farther Spain, in the office of praetor, entered the city in ovation.
He carried in the procession a hundred and thirty thousand silver
denarii,[1] and besides the coin, twelve thousand pounds' weight of
silver, and a hundred and twenty-seven pounds' weight of gold.

[Footnote 1: 4097l. 16s. 4d.]

22. The consul Manius Acilius sent on, from Thermopylae, a message to
the Aetolians in Heraclea, admonishing them, "then at least, after the
experience which they had of the emptiness of the king's professions,
to return to their senses; and, by surrendering Heraclea, to endeavour
to procure from the senate a pardon for their past madness, or error:
that other Grecian states also had, during the present war, revolted
from the Romans, to whom they were under the highest obligations; but
that, inasmuch as, after the flight of the king, in reliance upon whom
they had departed from their duty, they had not added obstinacy to
their misbehaviour, they were re-admitted into friendship. In like
manner, although the Aetolians had not followed in the steps of the
king, but had invited him, and had been principals in the war,
not auxiliaries; nevertheless, if they could bring themselves to
repentance they might still insure their safety." As their answer to
these suggestions showed nothing like a pacific disposition, and it
was evident that the business must be determined by force of arms, and
that, notwithstanding the defeat of the king, the war of Aetolia
was as far from a conclusion as ever, Acilius removed his camp
from Thermopylae to Heraclea; and on the same day rode on horseback
entirely round the walls, in order to acquaint himself with the
localities of the city. Heraclea is situated at the foot of Mount
Oeta; the town itself is in the plain, but has a citadel overlooking
it, which stands on an eminence of considerable height, terminated on
all sides by precipices. Having examined every part which he wished to
see, the consul determined to make the attack in four places at once.
On the side next the river Asopus, where is also the Gymnasium, he
gave the direction of the works and the assault to Lucius Valerius.
He assigned to Tiberius Sempronius Longus the attack of a part of
the suburbs, which was as thickly inhabited as the city itself. He
appointed Marcus Baebius to act on the side opposite the Malian bay,
a part where the access was far from easy; and Appius Claudius on the
side next to another rivulet, called Melas; opposite to the temple of
Diana. By the vigorous emulation of these the towers, rams, and other
machines used in the besieging of towns, were all completed within a
few days. The lands round Heraclea, naturally marshy, and abounding
with tall trees, furnished timber in abundance for every kind of
work; and then, as the Aetolians had fled into the city, the deserted
suburbs supplied not only beams and boards, but also bricks and
mortar, and stones of every size for all their various occasions.

23. The Romans carried on the assault upon this city by means of works
more than by their arms; the Aetolians, on the contrary, maintained
their defence by dint of arms. For when the walls were shaken by the
ram they did not, as is usual, intercept and turn aside the strokes
by the help of nooses formed on ropes, but sallied out in large armed
bodies, with parties carrying fire, which they threw into the works.
They had likewise arched passages through the parapet, for the purpose
of making sallies; and when they built up the wall anew, in the room
of any part that was demolished, they left a great number of these,
that they might rush out upon the enemy from many places at once. In
several days at the beginning, while their strength was unimpaired,
they carried on this practice in numerous parties, and with much
spirit, but afterwards in smaller numbers and more languidly. For
though they had a multiplicity of difficulties to struggle with, what
above all things utterly consumed their vigour was the want of sleep,
as the Romans, having plenty of men, relieved each other regularly in
their posts; while among the Aetolians, their numbers being small, the
same persons had their strength consumed by unremitting labour night
and day. During a space of twenty-four days, without any time being
unemployed in the conflict, their toil was kept up against the attacks
carried on by the enemy in four different quarters at once. When the
consul, from computing the time, and from the reports of deserters,
judged that the Aetolians were thoroughly fatigued, he adopted the
following plan:--At midnight he gave the signal of retreat, and
drawing off all his men at once from the assault, kept them quiet in
the camp until the third hour of the next day. The attacks were then
renewed, and continued until midnight, when they ceased, until the
third hour of the day following. The Aetolians imagined that the
Romans suspended the attack from the same cause by which they felt
themselves distressed,--excessive fatigue. As soon, therefore, as
the signal of retreat was given to the Romans, as if themselves were
thereby recalled from duty, every one gladly retired from his post,
nor did they again appear in arms on the walls before the third hour
of the day.

24. The consul having put a stop to the assault at midnight, renewed
it on three of the sides, at the fourth watch, with the utmost vigour;
ordering Tiberius Sempronius, on the fourth, to keep his party alert,
and ready to obey his signal; for he concluded assuredly, that in the
tumult by night the enemy would all run to those quarters whence the
shouting was heard. Of the Aetolians, such as had gone to rest, with
difficulty roused their bodies from sleep, exhausted as they were with
fatigue and watching; and such as were still awake, ran in the dark
to the places where they heard the noise of fighting. Meanwhile the
Romans endeavoured some to climb over the ruins of the walls, through
the breaches; others, to scale the walls with ladders; while the
Aetolians hastened in all directions to defend the parts attacked.
In one quarter, where the buildings stood outside the city, there
was neither attack nor defence. A party stood ready, waiting for the
signal to make an attack, but there was none within to oppose them.
The day now began to dawn, and the consul gave the signal; on which
the party, without any opposition, made their way into the town; some
through parts that had been battered, others scaling the walls where
they were entire. As soon as the Aetolians heard them raise the shout,
which denoted the place being taken, they every where forsook their
posts, and fled into the citadel. The victors sacked the city;
the consul having given permission, not for the sake of gratifying
resentment or animosity, but that the soldiers, after having been
restrained from plunder in so many cities captured from the enemy,
might at last, in some one place, enjoy the fruits of victory. About
mid-day he recalled the troops, and dividing them into two parts,
ordered one to be led round by the foot of the mountain to a rock,
which was of equal height with the citadel, and seemed as if it had
been broken off from it, leaving a hollow between; but the summits of
these eminences are so nearly contiguous that weapons may be thrown
into the citadel from the top of the other. With the other half of the
troops the consul intended to march, up from the city to the citadel,
and waited to receive a signal from those who were to mount the rock
on the farther side. The Aetolians in the citadel could not support
the shout of the party which had seized the rock, and the consequent
attack of the Romans from the city; for their courage was now broken,
and the place was by no means in a condition to hold out a siege
of any continuance; the women, children, and great numbers of other
helpless people, being crowded together in a fort, which was scarce
capable of containing, much less of affording protection to such a
multitude. On the first assault, therefore, they laid down their
arms and submitted. Among the rest was delivered up Damocritus, chief
magistrate of the Aetolians, who at the beginning of the war, when
Titus Quinctius asked for a copy of the decree passed by the Aetolians
for inviting Antiochus, told him, that, "in Italy, when the Aetolians
were encamped there, it should be delivered to him." On account of
this presumptuous insolence of his, his surrender was a matter of
greater satisfaction to the victors.

25. At the same time, while the Romans were employed in the reduction
of Heraclea, Philip, by concert, besieged Lamia. He had an interview
with the consul, as he was returning from Boeotia, at Thermopylae,
whither he came to congratulate him and the Roman people on their
successes, and to apologize for his not having taken an active part in
the war, being prevented by sickness; and then they went from thence,
by different routes, to lay siege to the two cities at once. The
distance between these places is about seven miles; and as Lamia
stands on high ground, and has an open prospect, particularly towards
the region of Mount Oeta, the distance seems very short, and every
thing that passes can be seen from thence. The Romans and Macedonians,
with all the emulation of competitors for a prize, employed the utmost
exertions, both night and day, either in the works or in fighting; but
the Macedonians encountered greater difficulty on this account, that
the Romans made their approaches by mounds, covered galleries, and
other works, which were all above ground; whereas the Macedonians
worked under ground by mines, and, in that stony soil, often met a
flinty rock, which iron could not penetrate. The king, seeing that his
undertaking succeeded but ill, endeavoured, by conversations with the
principal inhabitants, to prevail on the townspeople to surrender the
place; for he was fully persuaded, that if Heraclea should be taken
first, the Lamians would then choose to surrender to the Romans rather
than to him; and that the consul would take to himself the merit of
relieving them from a siege. Nor was he mistaken in that opinion; for
no sooner was Heraclea reduced, than a message came to him to desist
from the assault; because "it was more reasonable that the Roman
soldiers, who had fought the Aetolians in the field, should reap the
fruits of the victory." Thus was Lamia relieved, and the misfortune of
a neighbouring city proved the means of its escaping a like disaster.

26. A few days before the capture of Heraclea, the Aetolians, having
assembled a council at Hypata, sent ambassadors to Antiochus, among
whom was Thoas, the same who had been sent on the former occasion.
Their instructions were in the first place, to request the king again
to assemble his land and marine forces and cross over into Greece;
and, in the next place, if any circumstance should detain him, then to
send them supplies of men and money. They were to remind him, that "it
concerned his dignity and his honour, not to abandon his allies; and
it likewise concerned the safety of his kingdom, not to leave the
Romans at full leisure, after ruining the nation of the Aetolians,
to carry their whole force into Asia." What they said was true, and
therefore made the deeper impression on the king; in consequence
of which, he immediately supplied the ambassadors with the money
requisite for the exigencies of the war, and assured them, that
he would send them succours both of troops and ships. One of the
ambassadors, namely, Thoas, he kept with him, by no means against his
will, as he hoped that, being present, he might induce the performance
of the king's promises.

27. But the loss of Heraclea entirely broke the spirits of the
Aetolians; insomuch that, within a few days after they had sent
ambassadors into Asia for the purpose of renewing the war, and
inviting the king, they threw aside all warlike designs, and
despatched deputies to the consul to sue for peace. When these began
to speak, the consul, interrupting them, said, that he had other
business to attend to at present; and, ordering them to return to
Hypata, granted them a truce for ten days, sending with them Lucius
Valerius Flaccus, to whom, he desired, whatever business they intended
to have proposed to himself might be communicated, with any other that
they thought proper. On their arrival at Hypata, the chiefs of the
Aetolians held a consultation, at which Flaccus was present, on
the method to be used in treating with the consul. They showed an
inclination to begin with addressing themselves wholly to the ancient
treaties, and the services which they had performed to the Roman
people; on which Flaccus desired them to "speak no more of treaties,
which they themselves had violated and annulled." He told them, that
"they might expect more advantage from an acknowledgment of their
fault, and entreaty. For their hopes of safety rested not on the
merits of their cause, but on the clemency of the Roman people. That,
if they acted in a suppliant manner, he would himself be a solicitor
in their favour, both with the consul and with the senate at Rome;
for thither also they must send ambassadors." This appeared to all the
only way to safety: "to submit themselves entirely to the faith of the
Romans. For, in that case, the latter would be ashamed to do injury to
suppliants; while themselves would, nevertheless, retain the power
of consulting their own interest, should fortune offer any thing more

28. When they came into the consul's presence, Phaeneas, who was at
the head of the embassy, made a long speech, designed to mitigate the
wrath of the conqueror by various considerations; and he concluded
with saying, that "the Aetolians surrendered themselves, and all
belonging to them, to the faith of the Roman people." The consul, on
hearing this, said, "Aetolians, consider well whether you will yield
on these terms:" and then Phaeneas produced the decree, in which the
conditions were expressly mentioned. "Since then," said the consul,
"you submit in this manner, I demand that, without delay, you deliver
up to me Dicaearchus your countryman, Menetas the Epirot," who had,
with an armed force, entered Naupactum, and compelled the inhabitants
to defection; "and also Amynander, with the Athamanian chiefs, by
whose advice you revolted from us." Phaeneas, almost interrupting the
Roman while he was speaking, answered,--"We surrendered ourselves, not
into slavery, but to your faith; and I take it for granted, that, from
not being sufficiently acquainted with us, you fall into the mistake
of commanding what is inconsistent with the practice of the Greeks."
"Nor in truth," replied the consul, "do I much concern myself, at
present, what the Aetolians may think conformable to the practice
of the Greeks; while I, conformably to the practice of the Romans,
exercise authority over men, who just now surrendered themselves by
a decree of their own, and were, before that, conquered by my arms.
Wherefore, unless my commands are quickly complied with, I order
that you be put in chains." At the same time he ordered chains to
be brought forth, and the lictors to surround the ambassadors. This
effectually subdued the arrogance of Phaeneas and the other Aetolians;
and, at length, they became sensible of their situation. Phaeneas then
said, that "as to himself and his countrymen there present, they knew
that his commands must be obeyed: but it was necessary that a council
of the Aetolians should meet, to pass decrees accordingly; and that,
for that purpose, he requested a suspension of arms for ten days."
At the intercession of Flaccus on behalf of the Aetolians, this was
granted, and they returned to Hypata. When Phaeneas related here,
in the select council, called Apocleti, the orders which they had
received, and the treatment which they had narrowly escaped; although
the chiefs bemoaned their condition, nevertheless they were of
opinion, that the conqueror must be obeyed, and that the Aetolians
should be summoned, from all their towns, to a general assembly.

29. But when the assembled multitude heard the same account, their
minds were so highly exasperated, both by the harshness of the order
and the indignity offered, that, even if they had been in a pacific
temper before, the violent impulse of anger which they then felt would
have been sufficient to rouse them to war. Their rage was increased
also by the difficulty of executing what was enjoined on them; for,
"how was it possible for them, for instance, to deliver up king
Amynander?" It happened, also, that a favourable prospect seemed to
open to them; for Nicander, returning from king Antiochus at that
juncture, filled the minds of the people with unfounded assurances,
that immense preparations for war were going on both by land and sea.
This man, after finishing the business of his embassy, set out on his
return to Aetolia; and on the twelfth day after he embarked, reached
Phalara, on the Malian bay. Having conveyed thence to Lamia the money
that he had brought, he, with a few light troops, directed, in the
evening, his course toward Hypata, by known paths, through the country
which lay between the Roman and Macedonian camps. Here he fell in with
an advanced guard of the Macedonians, and was conducted to the king,
whose dinner guests had not yet separated. Philip, being told of his
coming, received him as a guest, not an enemy; desired him to take a
seat, and join the entertainment; and afterwards, when he dismissed
the rest, detained him alone, and told him, that he had nothing to
fear for himself. He censured severely the conduct of the Aetolians,
in bringing, first the Romans, and afterwards Antiochus, into Greece;
designs which originated in a want of judgment, and always recoiled
on their own heads. But "he would forget," he said, "all past
transactions, which it was easier to blame than to amend; nor would he
act in such a manner as to appear to insult their misfortunes. On the
other hand, it would become the Aetolians to lay aside, at length,
their animosity towards him; and it would become Nicander himself,
in his private capacity, to remember that day, on which he had been
preserved by him." Having then appointed persons to escort him to a
place of safety, Nicander arrived at Hypata, while his countrymen were
consulting about the peace with Rome.

30. Manius Acilius having sold, or given to the soldiers, the booty
found near Heraclea, and having learned that the counsels adopted
at Hypata were not of a pacific nature, but that the Aetolians had
hastily assembled at Naupactum, with intention to make a stand there
against the whole brunt of the war, sent forward Appius Claudius, with
four thousand men, to seize the heights of the mountains, where the
passes were difficult; and he himself, ascending Mount Oeta, offered
sacrifices to Hercules, in the spot called Pyra,[1] because there the
mortal part of the demi-god was burned. He then set out with the main
body of the army, and marched all the rest of the way with tolerable
ease and expedition. But when they came to Corax, a very high mountain
between Callipolis and Naupactum, great numbers of the beasts of
burden, together with their loads, tumbled down the precipices, and
many of the men were hurt. This clearly showed with how negligent an
enemy they had to do, who had not secured so difficult a pass by a
guard, and so blocked up the passage; for, even as the case was, the
army suffered considerably. Hence he marched down to Naupactum; and
having erected a fort against the citadel, he invested the other parts
of the city, dividing his forces according to the situation of the
walls. Nor was the siege likely to prove less difficult and laborious
than that of Heraclea.

[Footnote 1: The funeral pile.]

31. At the same time, the Achaeans laid siege to Messene, in
Peloponnesus, because it refused to become a member of their body: for
the two states of Messene and Elis were unconnected with the Achaean
confederacy, and sympathized with the Aetolians. However, the Eleans,
after Antiochus had been driven out of Greece, answered the deputies,
sent by the Achaeans, with more moderation: that "when the king's
troops were removed, they would consider what part they should take."
But the Messenians had dismissed the deputies without an answer, and
prepared for war. Alarmed, afterwards, at their own situation,
when they saw the enemy ravaging their country without control,
and pitching their camp close to their city, they sent deputies to
Chalcis, to Titus Quinctius, the author of their liberty, to acquaint
him, that "the Messenians were willing, both to open their gates,
and surrender their city, to the Romans, but not to the Achaeans."
On hearing this Quinctius immediately set out, and despatched from
Megalopolis a messenger to Diophanes, praetor of the Achaeans,
requiring him to draw off his army instantly from Messene, and to come
to him. Diophanes obeyed the order; raising the siege, he hastened
forward himself before the army, and met Quinctius near Andania, a
small town between Megalopolis and Messene. When he began to explain
the reasons for commencing the siege, Quinctius, gently reproving him
for undertaking a business of that importance without consulting him,
ordered him to disband his forces, and not to disturb a peace
which had been established advantageously to all. He commanded the
Messenians to recall the exiles, and to unite themselves to the
confederacy of the Achaeans; and if there were any particulars to
which they chose to object, or any precautions which they judged
requisite for the future, they might apply to him at Corinth. He then
gave directions to Diophanes, to convene immediately a general council
of the Achaeans, that he might settle some business with them.

32. In this assembly he complained of their having acquired possession
of the island of Zacynthus by unfair means, and demanded that it
should be restored to the Romans. Zacynthus had formerly belonged to
Philip, king of Macedonia, and he had made it over to Amynander, on
condition of his giving him leave to march an army through Athamania,
into the upper part of Aetolia, on that expedition wherein he
compelled the Aetolians with dejected spirits to sue for peace.
Amynander gave the government of the island to Philip, the
Megalopolitan; and afterwards, during the war in which he united
himself with Antiochus against the Romans, having called out Philip to
the duties of the campaign, he sent, as his successor, Hierocles, of
Agrigentum. This man, after the flight of Antiochus from Thermopylae,
and the expulsion of Amynander from Athamania by Philip, sent
emissaries of his own accord to Diophanes, praetor of the Achaeans;
and having bargained for a sum of money, delivered over the island
to the Achaeans. This acquisition, made during the war, the Romans
claimed as their own; for they said, that "it was not for Diophanes
and the Achaeans that the consul Manius Acilius, and the Roman
legions, fought at Thermopylae." Diophanes, in answer, sometimes
apologized for himself and his nation; sometimes insisted on the
justice of the proceeding. But several of the Achaeans testified that
they had, from the beginning, disapproved of that business, and they
now blamed the obstinacy of the praetor. Pursuant to their advice,
a decree was made, that the affair should be left entirely to the
disposal of Titus Quinctius. As Quinctius was severe to such as made
opposition, so, when complied with, he was easily appeased. Laying
aside, therefore, every thing stern in his voice and looks, he
said,--"If, Achaeans, I thought the possession of that island
advantageous to you, I would be the first to advise the senate and
people of Rome to permit you to hold it. But as I see that a tortoise,
when collected within its natural covering, is safe against blows
of any kind, and whenever it thrusts out any of its limbs, it feels
whatever it has thus uncovered, weak and liable to every injury: so
you, in like manner, Achaeans, being enclosed on all sides by the sea,
can easily unite among yourselves, and maintain by that union all
that is comprehended within the limits of Peloponnesus; but whenever,
through ambition of enlarging your possessions, you overstep these
limits, then all that you hold beyond them is naked, and exposed
to every attack." The whole assembly declaring their assent, and
Diophanes not daring to give further opposition, Zacynthus was ceded
to the Romans.

33. When the consul was on his march to Naupactum, king Philip
proposed, that, if it was agreeable to him, he would, in the mean
time, retake those cities that had revolted from their alliance
with Rome. Having obtained permission so to do, he, about this time,
marched his army to Demetrias, being well aware that great distraction
prevailed there; for the garrison, being destitute of all hope of
succour since they were abandoned by Antiochus, and having no reliance
on the Aetolians, daily and nightly expected the arrival of Philip
or the Romans, whom they had most reason to dread, as these were most
justly incensed against them. There was, in the place, an irregular
multitude of the king's soldiers, a few of whom had been at first left
there as a garrison, but the greater part had fled thither after the
defeat of his army, most of them without arms, and without either
strength or courage sufficient to sustain a siege. Wherefore on
Philip's sending on messengers, to offer them hopes of pardon being
obtainable, they answered, that their gates were open for the king.
On his first entrance, several of the chiefs left the city; Eurylochus
killed himself. The soldiers of Antiochus, in conformity to a
stipulation, were escorted, through Macedonia and Thrace, by a body
of Macedonians, and conducted to Lysimachia. There were, also, a few
ships at Demetrias, under the command of Isidorus, which, together
with their commander, were dismissed. Philip then reduced Dolopia,
Aperantia, and several cities of Perrhaebia.

34. While Philip was thus employed, Titus Quinctius, after receiving
from the Achaean council the cession of Zacynthus, crossed over to
Naupactum, which had stood a siege of near two months, but was now
reduced to a desperate condition; and it was supposed, that if it
should be taken by storm, the whole nation of the Aetolians would be
sunk thereby in utter destruction. But, although he was deservedly
incensed against the Aetolians, from the recollection that they alone
had attempted to depreciate his merits, when he was giving liberty to
Greece; and had been in no degree influenced by his advice, when
he endeavoured, by forewarning them of the events, which had since
occurred, to deter them from their mad undertaking: nevertheless,
thinking it particularly his business to take care that none of
the states of Greece which had been liberated by himself should be
entirely subverted, he first walked about near the walls, that he
might be easily known by the Aetolians. He was quickly distinguished
by the first advanced guards, and the news spread from rank to rank
that Quinctius was there. On this, the people from all sides ran to
the walls, and eagerly stretching out their hands, all in one joint
cry besought Quinctius by name, to assist and save them. Although he
was much affected by these entreaties, yet for that time he made
signs with his hands, that they were to expect no assistance from
him. However, when he met the consul he accosted him thus:--"Manius
Acilius, are you unapprized of what is passing; or do you know it,
and think it immaterial to the interest of the commonwealth?" This
inflamed the consul with curiosity, and he replied, "But explain what
is your meaning." Quinctius then said,--"Do you not see that, since
the defeat of Antiochus, you have been wasting time in besieging two
cities, though the year of your command is near expiring; but that
Philip, who never faced the enemy, or even saw their standards, has
annexed to his dominions such a number, not only of cities, but of
nations,--Athamania, Perrhaebia, Aperantia, Dolopia? But, surely, we
are not so deeply interested in diminishing the strength and resources
of the Aetolians, as in hindering those of Philip from being augmented
beyond measure; and in you, and your soldiers, not having yet gained,
to reward your victory, as many towns as Philip has gained Grecian

35. The consul assented to these remarks, but a feeling of shame
suggested itself to him--if he should abandon the siege with his
purpose unaccomplished. At length the matter was left entirely to the
management of Quinctius. He went again to that part of the wall
whence the Aetolians had called to him a little before; and on their
entreating him now, with still greater earnestness, to take compassion
on the nation of the Aetolians, he desired that some of them might
come out to him. Accordingly, Phaeneas himself, with some others of
the principal men, instantly came and threw themselves at his feet. He
then said,--"Your condition causes me to restrain my resentment and my
reproofs. The events which I foretold have come to pass, and you have
not even this reflection left you, that they have fallen upon you
undeservedly. Nevertheless, since fate has, in some manner, destined
me to the office of cherishing the interests of Greece, I will not
cease to show kindness even to the unthankful. Send intercessors to
the consul, and let them petition him for a suspension of hostilities,
for so long a time as will allow you to send ambassadors to Rome, to
surrender yourselves to the will of the senate. I will intercede, and
plead in your favour with the consul." They did as Quinctius directed;
nor did the consul reject their application. He granted them a truce
for a certain time, until the embassy might bring a reply from Rome;
and then, raising the siege, he sent his army into Phocis. The consul,
with Titus Quinctius, crossed over thence to Aegium, to confer with
the council of the Achaeans about the Eleans, and also the restoration
of the Lacedaemonian exiles. But neither was carried into execution,
because the Achaeans chose to reserve to themselves the merit of
effecting the latter; and the Eleans preferred being united to the
Achaean confederacy by a voluntary act of their own, rather than
through the mediation of the Romans. Ambassadors came hither to the
consul from the Epirots, who, it was well known, had not with honest
fidelity maintained the alliance. Although they had not furnished
Antiochus with any soldiers, yet they were charged with having
assisted him with money; and they themselves did not disavow having
sent ambassadors to him. They requested that they might be permitted
to continue on the former footing of friendship. To which the consul
answered, that "he did not yet know whether he was to consider them as
friends or foes. The senate must be the judge of that matter. He would
therefore take no step in the business, but leave it to be determined
at Rome; and for that purpose he granted them a truce of ninety days."
When the Epirots, who were sent to Rome, addressed the senate, they
rather enumerated hostile acts which they had not committed, than
cleared themselves of those laid to their charge; and they received
such an answer that they seemed rather to have obtained pardon than
proved their innocence. About the same time ambassadors from
king Philip were introduced to the senate, and presented his
congratulations on their late successes. They asked leave to sacrifice
in the Capitol, and to deposit an offering of gold in the temple of
Jupiter supremely good and great. This was granted by the senate, and
they presented a golden crown of a hundred pounds' weight. The
senate not only answered the ambassadors with kindness, but gave
them Demetrius, Philip's son, who was at Rome as an hostage, to be
conducted home to his father.--Such was the conclusion of the war
waged in Greece by the consul Manius Acilius against Antiochus.

36. The other consul, Publius Cornelius Scipio, who had obtained by
lot the province of Gaul, before he set out to the war which was to
be waged against the Boians, demanded of the senate, by a decree, to
order him money for the exhibition of games, which, when acting as
propraetor in Spain, he had vowed at a critical time of a battle. His
demand was deemed unprecedented and unreasonable, and they therefore
voted, that "whatever games he had vowed, on his own single judgment,
without consulting the senate, he should celebrate out of the
spoils, if he had reserved any for the purpose; otherwise, at his own
expense." Accordingly, Publius Cornelius exhibited those games through
the space of ten days. About this time the temple of the great Idaean
Mother was dedicated; which deity, on her being brought from Asia,
in the consulate of Publius Cornelius Scipio, afterwards surnamed
Africanus, and Publius Lucinius, the above-mentioned Publius Cornelius
had conducted from the sea-side to the Palatine. In pursuance of a
decree of the senate, Marcus Livius and Caius Claudius, censors,
in the consulate of Marcus Cornelius and Publius Sempronius, had
contracted for the erection of the goddess's temple; and thirteen
years after it had been so contracted for, it was dedicated by
Marcus Junius Brutus, and games were celebrated on occasion of its
dedication: in which, according to the account of Valerius Antias,
dramatic entertainments were, for the first time, introduced into the
Megalesian games. Likewise, Caius Licinius Lucullus, being appointed
duumvir, dedicated the temple of Youth in the great circus. This
temple had been vowed sixteen years before by Marcus Livius, consul,
on the day wherein he cut off Hasdrubal and his army; and the same
person, when censor, in the consulate of Marcus Cornelius and Publius
Sempronius, had contracted for the building of it. Games were also
exhibited on occasion of this consecration, and every thing was
performed with the greater degree of religious zeal, on account of the
impending war with Antiochus.

37. At the beginning of the year in which those transactions passed,
after Manius Acilius had gone to open the campaign, and while the
other consul, Publius Cornelius, yet remained in Rome, two tame oxen,
it is said, climbed up by ladders on the tiles of a house in the
Carina. The aruspices ordered them to be burned alive, and their ashes
to be thrown into the Tiber. It was reported, that several showers of
stones had fallen at Tarracina and Amiternum; that, at Minturnae,
the temple of Jupiter, and the shops round the forum, were struck by
lightning; that, at Vulturnum, in the mouth of the river, two ships
were struck by lightning, and burnt to ashes. On occasion of these
prodigies, the decemvirs, being ordered by a decree of the senate
to consult the Sibylline books, declared, that "a fast ought to be
instituted in honour of Ceres, and the same observed every fifth year;
that the nine days' worship ought to be solemnized, and a supplication
for one day; and that they should observe the supplication, with
garlands on their heads; also that the consul Publius Cornelius should
sacrifice to such deities, and with such victims, as the decemvirs
should direct." When he had used every means to avert the wrath of the
gods, by duly fulfilling vows and expiating prodigies, the consul
went to his province; and, ordering the proconsul Cneius Domitius to
disband his army, and go home to Rome, he marched his own legions into
the territory of the Boians.

38. Nearly at the same time, the Ligurians, having collected an army
under the sanction of their devoting law, made an unexpected attack,
in the night, on the camp of the proconsul Quintus Minucius. Minucius
kept his troops, until daylight, drawn up within the rampart,
and watchful to prevent the enemy from scaling any part of the
fortifications At the first light, he made a sally by two gates at
once: but the Ligurians did not, as he had expected, give way to his
first onset; on the contrary, they maintained a dubious contest for
more than two hours. At last, as other and still other troops came out
from the camp, and fresh men took the place of those who were wearied
in the fight, the Ligurians, who besides other hardships, felt a great
loss of strength from the want of sleep, betook themselves to flight.
Above four thousand of the enemy were killed; the Romans and allies
lost not quite three hundred. About two months after this, the consul
Publius Cornelius fought a pitched battle with the army of the Boians
with extraordinary success. Valerius Antias affirms, that twenty-eight
thousand of the enemy were slain, and three thousand four hundred
taken, with a hundred and twenty-four military standards, one thousand
two hundred and thirty horses, and two hundred and forty-seven
waggons; and that of the conquerors there fell one thousand four
hundred and eighty-four. Though we may not entirely credit this writer
with respect to the numbers, as in such exaggeration no writer is more
extravagant, yet it is certain that the victory on this occasion was
very complete; because the enemy's camp was taken, while, immediately
after the battle, the Boians surrendered themselves; and because a
supplication was decreed by the senate on account of it, and victims
of the greater kinds were sacrificed. About the same time Marcus
Fulvius Nobilior entered the city in ovation, returning from Farther
Spain. He carried with him twelve thousand pounds of silver, one
hundred and thirty thousand silver denarii, and one hundred and
twenty-seven pounds of gold.[1]

[Footnote 1: This statement has been made before at the close of
chapter 21, and is probably repeated here through inadvertence.]

39. The consul, Publius Cornelius, having received hostages from the
Boians, punished them so far as to appropriate almost one-half of
their lands for the use of the Roman people, and into which they might
afterwards, if they chose, send colonies. Then returning home in full
confidence of a triumph, he dismissed his troops, and ordered them
to attend on the day of his triumph at Rome. The next day after his
arrival, he held a meeting of the senate, in the temple of Bellona,
when he detailed to them the services he had performed, and demanded
to ride through the city in triumph. Publius Sempronius Blaesus,
tribune of the people, advised, that "the honour of a triumph should
not be refused to Scipio, but postponed. Wars of the Ligurians," he
said, "were always united with wars of the Gauls; for these nations,
lying so near, sent mutual assistance to each other. If Publius
Scipio, after subduing the Boians in battle, had either gone himself,
with his victorious army, into the country of the Ligurians, or sent
a part of his forces to Quintus Minucius, who was detained there,
now the third year, by a war which was still undecided, that with the
Ligurians might have been brought to an end: instead of which, he had,
in order to procure a full attendance on his triumph, brought home the
troops, who might have performed most material services to the state;
and might do so still, if the senate thought proper, by deferring this
token of victory, to redeem that which had been omitted through eager
haste for a triumph. If they would order the consul to return with his
legions into his province, and to give his assistance towards subduing
the Ligurians, (for, unless these were reduced under the dominion and
jurisdiction of the Roman people, neither would the Boians ever
remain quiet,) there must be either peace or war with both. When
the Ligurians should be subdued, Publius Cornelius, in quality of
proconsul, might triumph, a few months later, after the precedent of
many, who did not attain that honour until the expiration of their

40. To this the consul answered, that "neither had the province of
Liguria fallen to his lot, nor had he waged war with the Ligurians,
nor did he demand a triumph over them. He confidently hoped, that in
a short time Quintus Minucius, after completing their reduction, would
demand and obtain a well-deserved triumph. For his part, he demanded a
triumph over the Boian Gauls, whom he had conquered in battle and had
driven out of their camp; of whose whole nation he had received an
absolute submission within two days after the fight; and from whom
he had brought home hostages to secure peace in future. But there
was another circumstance, of much greater magnitude: he had slain in
battle so great a number of Gauls, that no commander, before him, ever
met in the field so many thousands, at least of the Boians. Out of
fifty thousand men, more than one-half were killed, and many thousands
made prisoners; so that the Boians had now remaining only old men
and boys. Could it, then, be a matter of surprise to any one, that a
victorious army, which had not left one enemy in the province, should
come to Rome to attend the triumph of their consul? And if the senate
should choose to employ the services of these troops in another
province also, which of the two kinds of treatment could it be
supposed would make them enter on a new course of danger and another
laborious enterprise with the greater alacrity; the paying them the
reward of their former toils and dangers without defalcation; or, the
sending them away, with the prospect, instead of the reality, when
they had once been disappointed in their first expectation? As to
what concerned himself personally, he had acquired a stock of glory
sufficient for his whole life, on that day, when the senate adjudged
him to be the best man (in the state), and commissioned him to give a
reception to the Idaean Mother. With this inscription (though neither
consulship nor triumph were added) the statue of Publius Scipio Nasica
would be sufficiently honoured and dignified." The unanimous senate
not only gave their vote for the triumph, but by their influence
prevailed on the tribune to desist from his protest. Publius
Cornelius, the consul, triumphed over the Boians. In this procession
he carried, on Gallic waggons, arms, standards, and spoils of all
sorts; the brazen utensils of the Gauls; and, together with the
prisoners of distinction, he led a train of captured horses. He
deposited in the treasury a thousand four hundred and seventy golden
chains; and besides these, two hundred and forty-five pounds' weight
of gold; two thousand three hundred and forty pounds' weight of
silver, some unwrought, and some formed in vessels of the Gallic
fashion, not without beauty; and two hundred and thirty-four thousand
denarii.[1] To the soldiers who followed his chariot, he distributed
three hundred and twenty-five _asses_[2] each, double to a centurion,
triple to a horseman. Next day, he summoned an assembly, and after
expatiating on his own services, and the ill-treatment shown him by
the tribune who wanted to entangle him in a way which did not belong
to him, in order to defraud him of the fruits of his success, he
absolved the soldiers of their oath and discharged them.

[Footnote 1: 7,523l. 16s. 2d.]

[Footnote 2: 1l. 4s. 2-1/2d.]

41. While this passed in Italy, Antiochus was at Ephesus divested of
all concern respecting the war with Rome, as supposing that the Romans
had no intention of coming into Asia; which state of security was
occasioned by the erroneous opinions or the flattering representations
of the greater part of his friends. Hannibal alone, whose judgment
was, at that time, the most highly respected by the king, declared,
that "he rather wondered the Romans were not already in Asia than
entertained a doubt of their coming. The passage was easier from
Greece to Asia, than from Italy to Greece, and Antiochus constituted a
much more important object than the Aetolians. For the Roman arms were
not less powerful on sea than on land. Their fleet had long been
at Malea, and he had heard that a reinforcement of ships and a new
commander had lately come from Italy, with intent to enter on action.
He therefore advised Antiochus not to form to himself vain hopes of
peace. He must necessarily in a short time maintain a contest with the
Romans both by sea and land, in Asia, and for Asia itself; and must
either wrest the power from those who grasped at the empire of the
world, or lose his own dominions." He seemed to be the only person who
could foresee, and honestly foretell, what was to happen. The king,
therefore, with the ships which were equipped and in readiness, sailed
to the Chersonesus, in order to strengthen the places there with
garrisons, lest the Romans should happen to come by land. He left
orders with Polyxenidas to fit out the rest of the fleet, and put
to sea; and sent out advice-boats among the islands to procure
intelligence of every thing that was passing.

42. When Caius Livius, commander of the Roman fleet, sailed with fifty
decked ships from Rome, he went to Neapolis, where he had appointed
the rendezvous of the undecked ships, which were due by treaty from
the allies on that coast; and thence he proceeded to Sicily, where,
as he sailed through the strait beyond Messana, he was joined by six
Carthaginian ships, sent to his assistance; and then, having collected
the vessels due from the Rhegians, Locrians, and other allies, who
were bound by the same conditions, he purified the fleet at Lacinium,
and put forth into the open sea. On his arrival at Corcyra, which was
the first Grecian country where he touched, inquiring about the state
of the war, (for all matters in Greece were not yet entirely settled,)
and about the Roman fleet, he was told, that the consul and the king
were posted at the pass of Thermopylae, and that the fleet lay at
Piraeus: on which, judging expedition necessary on every account, he
sailed directly forward to Peloponnesus. Having on his passage ravaged
Samos and Zacynthus, because they favoured the party of the Aetolians,
he bent his course to Malea; and, meeting very favourable weather,
arrived in a few days at Piraeus, where he joined the old fleet. At
Scyllaeum he was met by king Eumenes, with three ships, who had
long hesitated at Aegina whether he should go home to defend his own
kingdom, on hearing that Antiochus was preparing both marine and land
forces at Ephesus; or whether he should unite himself inseparably to
the Romans, on whose destiny his own depended. Aulus Atilius, having
delivered to his successor twenty-five decked ships, sailed from
Piraeus for Rome. Livius, with eighty-one beaked ships, besides many
others of inferior rates, some of which were open and furnished with
beaks, others without beaks, fit for advice-boats, crossed over to

43. At this time, the consul Acilius was engaged in the siege of
Naupactum. Livius was detained several days at Delos by contrary
winds, for that tract among the Cyclades, which are separated in some
places by larger straits, in others by smaller, is extremely subject
to storms. Polyxenidas, receiving intelligence from his scout-ships,
which were stationed in various places, that the Roman fleet lay at
Delos, sent off an express to the king, who, quitting the business
in which he was employed in Hellespontus, and taking with him all
the ships of war, returned to Ephesus with all possible speed, and
instantly called a council to determine whether he should risk an
engagement at sea. Polyxenidas affirmed, that no delay should be
incurred; "it was particularly requisite so to do, before the fleet of
Eumenes and the Rhodian ships should join the Romans; in which case,
even, they would scarcely be inferior in number, and in every other
particular would have a great superiority, by reason of the agility of
their vessels, and a variety of auxiliary circumstances. For the Roman
ships, being unskilfully constructed, were slow in their motions; and,
besides that, as they were coming to an enemy's coast, they would be
heavily laden with provisions; whereas their own, leaving none but
friends in all the countries round, would have nothing on board
but men and arms. Moreover that their knowledge of the sea, of the
adjacent lands, and of the winds, would be greatly in their favour;
of all which the Romans being ignorant, would find themselves much
distressed." In advising this plan he influenced all, especially
as the same person who gave the advice was also to carry it into
execution. Two days only were passed in making preparations; and on
the third, setting sail with a hundred ships, of which seventy had
decks, and the rest were open, but all of the smaller rates, they
steered their course to Phocaea. The king, as he did not intend to
be present in the naval combat, on hearing that the Roman fleet was
approaching, withdrew to Magnesia, near Sipylus, to collect his land
forces, while his ships proceeded to Cyssus, a port of Erythraea,
where it was supposed they might with more convenience wait for the
enemy. The Romans, as soon as the north wind, which had held for
several days, ceased, sailed from Delos to Phanae, a port in Chios,
opposite the Aegaean sea. They afterwards brought round the fleet to
the city of Chios, and having taken in provisions there, sailed over
to Phocaea. Eumenes, who had gone to join his fleet at Elaea, returned
a few days after, with twenty-four decked ships, and a greater number
of open ones, to Phocaea, where were the Romans, who were fitting and
preparing themselves for a sea-fight. Then setting sail with a hundred
and five decked ships, and about fifty open ones, they were for some
time driven forcibly towards the land, by a north wind blowing across
its course. The ships were thereby obliged to go, for the most part,
singly, one after another, in a thin line; afterwards, when the
violence of the wind abated, they endeavoured to stretch over to the
harbour of Corycus, beyond Cyssus.

44. When intelligence was brought to Polyxenidas that the enemy were
approaching, he rejoiced at an opportunity of engaging them, and drew
out the left squadron towards the open sea, at the same time ordering
the commanders of the ships to extend the right division towards the
land; and then advanced to the fight, with his fleet in a regular
line of battle. The Roman commander, on seeing this, furled his sails,
lowered his masts, and, at the same time adjusting his rigging, waited
for the ships which were coming up. There were now about thirty in the
line; and in order that his left squadron might form a front in like
direction, he hoisted his top-sails, and stretched out into the deep,
ordering the others to push forward, between him and the land, against
the right squadron of the enemy. Eumenes brought up the rear; who, as
soon as he saw the bustle of taking down the rigging begin, likewise
brought up his ships with all possible speed. All their ships were by
this time in sight; two Carthaginian vessels, however, which advanced
before the Romans, came across three belonging to the king. As the
numbers were unequal, two of the king's ships fell upon one, and, in
the first place, swept away the oars from both its sides; the armed
mariners then boarded, and killing some of its defenders and throwing
others into the sea, took the ship. The one which had engaged in an
equal contest, on seeing her companion taken, before she could be
surrounded by the three, fled back to the fleet. Livius, fired with
indignation, bore down with the praetorian ship against the enemy. The
two which had overpowered the Carthaginian ship, in hopes of the same
success against this one, advanced to the attack, on which he ordered
the rowers on both sides to plunge their oars in the water, in order
to hold the ship steady, and to throw grappling-irons into the enemy's
vessels as they came up. Having, by these means, rendered the business
something like a fight on land, he desired his men to bear in mind
the courage of Romans, and not to regard the slaves of a king as men.
Accordingly, this single ship now defeated and captured the two, with
more ease than the two had before taken one. By this time the entire
fleets were engaged and intermixed with each other. Eumenes, who had
come up last, and after the battle was begun, when he saw the left
squadron of the enemy thrown into disorder by Livius, directed his own
attack against their right, where the contest was yet equal.

45. In a short time a flight commenced, in the first instance, with
the left squadron: for Polyxenidas, perceiving that he was evidently
overmatched with respect to the bravery of the men, hoisted his
top-sails, and betook himself to flight; and, quickly after, those who
had engaged with Eumenes near the land did the same. The Romans and
Eumenes pursued with much perseverance, as long as the rowers were
able to hold out, and they had any prospect of annoying the rear of
the enemy; but finding that the latter, by reason of the lightness and
fleetness of their ships, baffled every effort that could be made by
theirs, loaded as they were with provisions, they at length desisted,
having taken thirteen ships together with the soldiers and rowers, and
sunk ten. Of the Roman fleet, only the one Carthaginian ship, which,
at the beginning of the action, had been attacked by two, was lost.
Polyxenidas continued his flight, until he got into the harbour of
Ephesus. The Romans staid, during the remainder of that day, in
the port from which the king's fleet had sailed out, and on the day
following proceeded in the pursuit. In the midst of their course they
were met by twenty-five Rhodian decked ships, under Pausistratus, the
commander of the fleet, and in conjunction with these followed the
runaways to Ephesus, where they stood for some time, in order of
battle, before the mouth of the harbour. Having thus extorted from the
enemy a full confession of their being defeated, and having sent home
the Rhodians and Eumenes, the Romans steered their course to Chios.
When they had passed Phaenicus, a port of Erythraea, they cast anchor
for the night; and proceeding next day to the island, came up to the
city itself. After halting here a few days for the purpose chiefly
of refreshing the rowers, they sailed over to Phocaea. Here they
left four quinque remes for the defence of the city, and proceeded to
Cannae, where, as the winter now approached, the ships were hauled on
shore, and surrounded with a trench and rampart. At the close of the
year, the elections were held at Rome, in which were chosen consuls,
Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Caius Laelius, from whom all men expected
the conclusion of the war with Antiochus. Next day were elected
praetors, Marcus Tuccius, Lucius Aurunculeius, Cneius Fulvius, Lucius
Aemilius, Publius Junius, and Caius Atinius Labeo.


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