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History of Rome, Vol III by Titus Livius

Part 10 out of 11

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his lieutenant-generals, and return to Rome; and that, when on the
road, he should send on before him an edict appointing the assemblies
for the election of consuls. The consul complied with the letter; and
having sent forward the edict, arrived at Rome. There was, this
year also, a warm competition, three patricians suing for one
place: Publius Cornelius Scipio, son to Cneius, who had suffered a
disappointment the year before, Lucius Cornelius Scipio, and Cneius
Manlius Vulso. The consulship was conferred on Publius Scipio, that it
might appear that the honour had only been delayed, and not refused to
a person of such character. The plebeian colleague, joined with him,
was Manius Acilius Glabrio. Next day were created praetors, Lucius
Aemilius Paulus, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Marcus Junius Brutus, Aulus
Cornelius Mammula, Caius Livius, and Lucius Oppius; the two last,
both of them, surnamed Salinator. This was the same Oppius who
had conducted the fleet of thirty ships to Sicily. While the new
magistrates were settling the distribution of their provinces, orders
were despatched to Marcus Baebius to pass over, with all his forces,
from Brundusium to Epirus, and to keep the army stationed near
Apollonia; and Marcus Fulvius, city praetor, was commissioned to build
fifty new quinqueremes.

25. Such were the precautions taken by the Roman people to guard
against every attempt of Antiochus. At this time, Nabis did not
procrastinate hostilities, but, with his utmost force, carried on the
siege of Gythium; and, being incensed against the Achaeans, for having
sent succours to the besieged, he ravaged their lands. The Achaeans
would not venture to engage in war, until their ambassadors should
come back from Rome, and acquaint them with the sentiments of the
senate: but as soon as these returned, they summoned a council at
Sicyon, and also sent deputies to Titus Quinctius to ask his advice.
In the council, all the members were inclined to vote for an immediate
declaration of war; but a letter from Titus Quinctius, in which he
recommended waiting for the Roman praetor and fleet, caused some
hesitation. While some of the principal members persisted in their
first opinion, and others argued that they ought to follow the counsel
of the person to whom they of themselves had applied for advice,
the generality waited to hear the sentiments of Philopoemen. He was
praetor of Achaia at the time, and surpassed all his contemporaries
both in wisdom and influence. He first observed, that "it was a wise
rule, established among the Achaeans, that their praetor, when he
proposed a question concerning war, should not himself declare an
opinion:" and then he desired them to "fix their determination among
themselves as soon as possible;" assuring them, that "their praetor
would faithfully and carefully carry their decrees into execution;
and would use his best endeavours, that, as far as depended on human
prudence, they should not repent either of peace or war." These words
had more influence in inciting them to war, than if, by openly arguing
in favour of it, he had betrayed an eager desire for the management
of it. War was therefore unanimously resolved on: the time and mode
of conducting it were left to the praetor without restriction.
Philopoemen's own judgment, indeed, besides it being the opinion of
Quinctius, pointed it out as best to wait for the Roman fleet, which
might succour Gythium by sea; but fearing that the business would not
endure delay, and that not only Gythium, but the party which had been
sent to protect the city, would fall into the hands of the enemy, he
drew out the ships of the Achaeans.

26. The tyrant also, with the view of cutting off any supplies that
might be brought to the besieged by sea, had fitted out a small
squadron, consisting of only three ships of war, with some barks
and cutters, as his former fleet had been given up to the Romans,
according to the treaty. In order to try the activity of these
vessels, as they were then new, and, at the same time, to have every
thing in fit condition for a battle, he put out to sea every day, and
exercised both the rowers and marines in mock-fights; for he thought
that all his hopes of succeeding in the siege depended on the
circumstance of his cutting off all supplies by sea. The praetor of
the Achaeans, in respect of skill for conducting operations on land,
was equal to any of the most celebrated commanders both in capacity
and experience, yet with naval affairs he was quite unacquainted.
Being an inhabitant of Arcadia, an inland country, he was ignorant
even of all foreign affairs, excepting that he had once served in
Crete as commander of a body of auxiliaries. There was an old ship of
four banks of oars, which had been taken eighty years before, as it
was conveying Nicaea, the wife of Craterus, from Naupactum to Corinth.
Led by the reputation of this ship, for it had formerly been reckoned
a very famous vessel when in the king's fleet, he ordered it, though
now quite rotten, and falling asunder through age, to be brought out
from Aegium. The fleet sailed with this ship at its head, Tiso of
Patrae, the commander, being on board it, when the ships of the
Lacedaemonians from Gythium came within view. At the first shock,
against a new and firm vessel, that old one, which before admitted the
water through every joint, was shattered to pieces, and the whole crew
were made prisoners. On the loss of the commander's ship, the rest of
the fleet fled as fast as each could by means of its oars. Philopoemen
himself made his escape in a light advice-boat, nor did he stop his
flight until he arrived at Patrae. This untoward event did not in the
least damp the spirit of a man so well versed in military affairs, and
who had experienced so many vicissitudes of fortune. On the contrary,
as he had failed of success in the naval line, in which he had no
experience, he even conceived, thence, the greater hopes of succeeding
in another, wherein he had acquired knowledge; and he affirmed, that
he would quickly put an end to the tyrant's rejoicing.

27. Nabis, being both elated by this adventure, and entertaining a
confident hope that he had not now any danger to apprehend from the
sea, resolved to shut up the passages on the land also, by parties
stationed in proper posts. With this view, he drew off a third part of
his forces from the siege of Gythium, and encamped them at Pleiae, a
place which commands both Leucae and Acriae, on the road by which the
enemy's army seemed likely to advance. While his quarters were here,
and very few of his men had tents, (the generality of them having
formed huts of reeds interwoven, and which they covered with leaves
of trees, to serve merely as a shelter,) Philopoemen, before he came
within sight, resolved to surprise him by an attack of such a kind
as he did not expect. He drew together some small ships in a remote
creek, on the coast of the territory of Argos, and embarked on board
them a body of light-armed soldiers, mostly targeteers, furnished with
slings, javelins, and other light kinds of weapons. He then coasted
along the shore, until he came to a promontory near Nabis's post. Here
he landed; and made his way, by night, through paths with which he was
well acquainted, to Pleiae, and while the sentinels were fast asleep,
as being in no immediate apprehension, he set fire to the huts in
every part of the camp. Great numbers perished in the flames before
they could discover the enemy's arrival, and those who did discover
it could give no assistance; so that nearly the whole was destroyed by
fire and sword. From both these means of destruction, however, a very
small number made their escape, and fled to the principal camp before
Gythium. The enemy having been thus smitten with disaster, Philopoemen
forthwith led on his forces to ravage the district of Tripolis, a part
of the Lacedaemonian territory, lying next to the frontiers of the
Megalopolitans, and carrying off thence a vast number of men and
cattle, withdrew before the tyrant could send a force from Gythium to
protect the country. He then collected his whole force at Tegea, to
which place he summoned a council of the Achaeans and their allies;
at which were present, also deputies from the Epirots and Acarnanians.
Here it was resolved, that as the minds of his men were now
sufficiently recovered from the shame of the disgrace suffered at
sea, and those of the enemy dispirited, he should march directly to
Lacedaemon; for he considered that by this measure alone could the
enemy be drawn off from the siege of Gythium. On entering the enemy's
country, he encamped the first day at Caryae; and, on that very day,
Gythium was taken. Ignorant of that event, Philopoemen advanced to the
Barbosthenes, a mountain ten miles from Lacedaemon. On the other side,
Nabis, after taking possession of Gythium, set out, at the head of a
body of light troops, marched hastily by Lacedaemon, and seized on a
place called the Camp of Pyrrhus, which post he did not doubt that
the Achaeans intended to occupy. From thence he proceeded to meet the
enemy. From the length of their train in consequence of the narrowness
of the road, they spread over a space of almost five miles. The line
was closed by the cavalry and the greatest part of the auxiliaries,
because Philopoemen expected that the tyrant would attack him in
the rear with his mercenary troops, in whom he placed his principal
confidence. Two unforeseen circumstances at once filled him with
uneasiness: one, the post at which he aimed being pre-occupied; the
other, the enemy having met him in front, where, as the road lay
through very uneven ground, he did not see how the battalions could
advance without the support of the light troops.

28. Philopoemen was possessed of an admirable degree of skill and
experience, in conducting a march, and choosing his station; having
made these points his principal study, not only in times of war, but
likewise during peace. Whenever he was making a journey to any place
and came to a defile where the passage was difficult, it was his
practice, first, to examine the nature of the ground on every side.
When journeying alone, he meditated within himself; if he had company,
he asked them, "If an enemy should appear in that place, what course
ought he to adopt, if they should attack him in front; what, if on
this flank, or on that; what, if on the rear; for he might happen to
meet them while his men were formed with a regular front, or when they
were in the loose order of march, fit only for the road." He would
proceed to examine, either in his own mind, or by asking questions,
"What ground he himself would choose; what number of soldiers, or what
kind of arms (which was a very material point) he ought to employ;
where he should deposit the baggage, where the soldiers' necessaries,
where the unarmed multitude; with what number and what kind of troops
he should guard them, and whether it would be better to prosecute his
march as intended, or to return back by the way he came; what spot,
also, he should choose for his camp; how large a space he should
enclose within the lines; where he could be conveniently supplied
with water; where a sufficiency of forage and wood could be had; which
would be his safest road on decamping next day, and in what form the
army should march?" In such studies and inquiries he had, from his
early years, so frequently exercised his thoughts, that, on any thing
of the kind occurring, no expedient that could be devised was new to
him. On this occasion, he first ordered the army to halt; then sent
forward to the van the auxiliary Cretans, and the horsemen called
Tarentines, each leading two spare horses; and, ordering the rest of
the cavalry to follow, he seized on a rock which stood over a rivulet,
from which he might be supplied with water. Here he collected together
all the baggage with all the suttlers and followers of the army,
placing a guard of soldiers round them; and then he fortified his
camp, as the nature of the place required. The pitching of tents in
such rugged and uneven ground was a difficult task. The enemy were
distant not more than five hundred paces. Both drew water from the
same rivulet, under escorts of light troops; but, before any skirmish
took place, as usual between men encamped so near to each other, night
came on. It was evident, however, that they must, unavoidably,
fight next day at the rivulet, in support of the watering parties.
Wherefore, during the night, Philopoemen concealed, in a valley remote
from the view of the enemy, as great a number of targeteers as the
place was capable of hiding.

29. At break of day, the Cretan light infantry and the Tarentine horse
began an engagement on the bank of the rivulet. Telemnastus, a Cretan,
commanded his countrymen; Lycortas of Megalopolis, the cavalry. The
enemies' watering party also was guarded by Cretan auxiliaries and
Tarentine horsemen. The fight was, for a considerable time, doubtful,
as the troops on both sides were of the same kind and armed alike; but
as the contest advanced, the tyrant's auxiliaries gained an advantage,
both by their superiority of numbers, and because Philopoemen had
given directions to his officers, that, after maintaining the contest
for a short time they should betake themselves to flight, and draw
the enemy on to the place of the ambuscade. The latter, pursuing the
runaways, in disorderly haste, through the valley, were most of them
wounded and slain, before they discovered their concealed foe. The
targeteers had posted themselves in such order, as far as the breadth
of the valley allowed, that they easily gave a passage to their flying
friends, through openings in their ranks; then starting up themselves,
hale, fresh, and in regular order, they briskly attacked the enemy,
whose ranks were broken, who were scattered in confusion, and were,
besides, exhausted with fatigue and wounds. The victory was no longer
doubtful; the tyrant's troops instantly turned their backs, and flying
with much more precipitation than they had pursued, were driven into
their camp. Great numbers were killed and taken in the pursuit; and
the consternation would have spread through the camp also, had not
Philopoemen ordered a retreat to be sounded; for he dreaded the ground
(which was rough and dangerous to advance on without caution) more
than he did the enemy. Judging, both from the issue of the battle and
from the disposition of the enemy's leader, in what apprehension
he then was, he sent to him one of the auxiliary soldiers in the
character of a deserter, to assure him positively, that the Achaeans
had resolved to advance, next day, to the river Eurotas, which runs
almost close to the walls, in order to intercept his way, so that the
tyrant could have no retreat to the city when he required it, and to
prevent any provisions being brought thence to the camp; and that they
intended, at the same time, to try whether any could be prevailed on
to desert his cause. Although the deserter did not gain entire credit,
yet he afforded to one, who was full of apprehensions, a plausible
pretext for leaving his camp. On the day following, he ordered
Pythagoras, with the auxiliaries and cavalry, to mount guard before
the rampart; and then, marching out himself with the main body of the
army, as if intending to offer battle, he ordered them to return with
all haste to the city.

30. When Philopoemen saw their army marching precipitately through
a narrow and steep road, he sent all his cavalry, together with the
Cretan auxiliaries, against the guard of the enemy, stationed in the
front of their camp. These, seeing their adversaries approach, and
perceiving that their friends had abandoned them, at first attempted
to retreat within their works; but afterwards, when the whole force of
the Achaeans advanced in order of battle, they were seized with
fear, lest, together with the camp itself, they might be taken; they
resolved, therefore, to follow the body of their army, which, by
this time, had proceeded to a considerable distance in advance.
Immediately, the targeteers of the Achaeans assailed and plundered the
camp, and the rest set out in pursuit of the enemy. The road was such,
that a body of men, even when undisturbed by any fear of a foe, could
not, without difficulty, make its way through it. But when an attack
was made on their rear, and the shouts of terror, raised by the
affrighted troops behind, reached to the van, they threw down their
arms, and fled, each for himself, in different directions, into the
woods which lay on each side of the road. In an instant of time, the
way was stopped up with heaps of weapons, particularly spears, which,
falling mostly with their points towards the pursuers, formed a kind
of palisade across the road. Philopoemen ordered the auxiliaries to
push forward, whenever they could, in pursuit of the enemy, who would
find it a difficult matter, the horsemen particularly, to continue
their flight; while he himself led away the heavy troops through more
open ground to the river Eurotas. There he pitched his camp a little
before sun-set, and waited for the light troops which he had sent
in chase of the enemy. These arrived at the first watch, and brought
intelligence, that Nabis, with a few attendants, had made his way into
the city, and that the rest of his army, unarmed and dispersed, were
straggling through all parts of the woods; whereupon, he ordered them
to refresh themselves, while he himself chose out a party of men, who,
having come earlier into camp, were by this time, both recruited by
food and a little rest; and, ordering them to carry nothing with them
but their swords, he marched them out directly, and posted them in the
roads which led from two of the gates, one towards Pherae, the other
towards the Barbosthenes: for he supposed, that through these the
flying enemy would make their retreat. Nor was he mistaken in that
opinion; for the Lacedaemonians, as long as any light remained,
retreated through the centre of the woods in the most retired paths.
As soon as it grew dusk, and they saw lights in the enemy's camp, they
kept themselves in paths concealed from view; but having passed it
by, they then thought that all was safe, and came down into the open
roads, where they were intercepted by the parties lying in wait; and
there such numbers of them were killed and taken, that of the whole
army scarcely a fourth part effected their escape. As the tyrant was
now pent up within the city, Philopoemen employed the greatest part
of thirty succeeding days in ravaging the lands of the Lacedaemonians;
and then, after greatly reducing, and almost annihilating the strength
of the tyrant, he returned home, while the Achaeans extolled him as
equal in the glory of his services to the Roman general, and indeed,
so far as regarded the war with Lacedaemon, even deemed him superior.

31. While the Achaeans and the tyrant were carrying on the war in this
manner, the Roman ambassadors made a circuit through the cities of the
allies; being anxious lest the Aetolians might seduce some of them
to join the party of Antiochus. They took but little pains, in their
applications to the Achaeans; because, knowing their animosity against
Nabis, they thought that they might be safely relied on with regard to
other matters. They went first to Athens, thence to Chalcis, thence to
Thessaly; and, after addressing the Thessalians, in a full assembly,
they directed their route to Demetrias, to which place a council of
the Magnetians was summoned. There a more studied address required to
be delivered; for a great many of the leading men were disaffected to
the Romans, and entirely devoted to the interests of Antiochus and
the Aetolians; because, at the time when accounts were received that
Philip's son, who was a hostage, would be restored to him, and the
tribute imposed on him remitted, among other groundless reports it had
been given out, that the Romans also intended to restore Demetrias to
him. Rather than that should take place, Eurylochus, a deputy of the
Magnetians, and others of that faction, wished for a total change of
measures to be effected by the coming of Antiochus and the Aetolians.
In opposition to those, it was necessary to reason in such a manner,
that, in dispelling their mistaken fear, the ambassadors should not,
by cutting off his hopes at once, give any disgust to Philip, to whom
more importance attached, in all respects, than to the Magnetians.
They only observed to the assembly, that, "as Greece in general was
under an obligation to the Romans for their kindness in restoring its
liberty, so was their state in particular. For there had not only
been a garrison of Macedonians in their capital, but a palace had been
built in it, that they might have a master continually before their
eyes. But all that had been done would be of no effect, if the
Aetolians should bring thither Antiochus, and settle him in the abode
of Philip, so that a new and unknown king should be set over them,
in the place of an old one, with whom they had been long acquainted."
Their chief magistrate is styled Magnetarch. This office was then held
by Eurylochus, who assuming confidence from this powerful station,
openly declared that he and the Magnetians saw no reason to dissemble
their having heard the common report about the restoration of
Demetrias to Philip; to prevent which, the Magnetians were bound to
attempt and to hazard every thing; and, in the eagerness of discourse,
he was carried to such an inconsiderate length, as to throw out, that,
"at that very time Demetrias was only free in appearance; and that, in
reality, all things were at the nod of the Romans." Immediately after
this expression there was a general murmur of dissent in the assembly;
some of whom showed their approbation, others expressed indignation at
his presumption, in uttering it. As to Quinctius, he was so inflamed
with anger, that, raising his hands towards heaven, he invoked the
gods to witness the ungrateful and perfidious disposition of the
Magnetians. This struck terror into the whole assembly; and one of the
deputies, named Zeno, who had acquired a great degree of influence, by
his judicious course of conduct in life, and by having been always an
avowed supporter of the interests of the Romans, with tears besought
Quinctius, and the other ambassadors, "not to impute to the state the
madness of an individual. Every man," he said, "was answerable for
his own absurdities. As to the Magnetians, they were indebted to Titus
Quinctius and the Roman people, not only for liberty, but for every
thing that mankind hold valuable or sacred. By their kindness, they
were in the enjoyment of every blessing, for which they could ever
petition the immortal gods; and, if struck with phrensy they would
sooner vent their fury on their own persons, than violate the
friendship with Rome."

32. His entreaties were seconded by the prayers of the whole assembly;
on which Eurylochus retired hastily from the council, and passing to
the gate through private streets fled away into Aetolia. As to the
Aetolians, they now gave plainer indications of their intention to
revolt every day; and it happened, that at this very time Thoas, one
of their leading men, whom they had sent to Antiochus, returned, and
brought back with him an ambassador from the king, named Menippus.
These two, before the council met to give them audience, filled every
one's ears with pompous accounts of the naval and land forces that
were coming; "a vast army," they said, "of horse and foot was on
its march from India; and, besides, that they were bringing such a
quantity of gold and silver, as was sufficient to purchase the Romans
themselves;" which latter circumstance they knew would influence
the multitude more than any thing else. It was easy to foresee what
effects these reports would produce in the council; for the Roman
ambassadors received information of the arrival of those men, and of
all their proceedings. And although the matter had almost come to a
rupture, yet Quinctius thought it advisable, that some ambassadors
of the allies should be present in that council, who might remind the
Aetolians of their alliance with Rome, and who might have the courage
to speak with freedom in opposition to the king's ambassador. The
Athenians seemed to be the best qualified for this purpose, by
reason of the high reputation of their state, and also from their
long-standing alliance with the Aetolians. Quinctius, therefore,
requested of them to send ambassadors to the Panaetolic council. At
the first meeting, Thoas made a report of the business of his embassy.
After him, Menippus was introduced, who said, that "it would have
been best for all the Greeks, residing both in Greece and Asia, if
Antiochus could have taken a part in their affairs, while the power
of Philip was yet unbroken; for then every one would have had what
of right belonged to him, and the whole would not have come under
the dominion and absolute disposal of the Romans. But even as matters
stand at present," said he, "provided you have constancy enough to
carry into effect the measures which you have adopted, Antiochus
will be able, with the assistance of the gods and the alliance of the
Aetolians, to reinstate the affairs of Greece in their former rank
of dignity, notwithstanding the low condition to which they have been
reduced. But this dignity consists in a state of freedom which stands
by its own resources, and is not dependent on the will of another."
The Athenians, who were permitted to deliver their sentiments next
after the king's ambassadors, omitting all mention of Antiochus,
reminded the Aetolians of their alliance with Rome, and the benefits
conferred by Titus Quinctius on the whole body of Greece; and
admonished them, "not inconsiderately to break off that connexion
by the undue precipitation of their counsels; that passionate and
adventurous schemes, however flattering at first view, prove difficult
in the execution, and disastrous in the issue; that as the Roman
ambassadors, and among them Titus Quinctius, were within a small
distance, it would be better, while all hostilities were as yet
uncommenced, to discuss, in conference, any matters in dispute, than
to rouse Europe and Asia to a dreadful war."

33. The multitude, ever fond of novelty, warmly espoused the cause of
Antiochus, and gave their opinion, that the Romans should not even be
admitted into the council; but, by the influence chiefly of the elder
members, a vote was passed, that the council should give audience
to the Romans. On being acquainted, by the Athenians, with this
determination, Quinctius thought it desirable to go into Aetolia; for
he thought that, "either he should be able to effect some change in
their designs; or that it would be manifest to all mankind, that the
blame of the war would lie on the Aetolians, and that the Romans
would be warranted in taking arms by justice, and, in a manner, by
necessity." On arriving there, Quinctius, in his discourse to the
council, began with the first formation of the alliance between the
Romans and the Aetolians, and enumerated how many times the faith of
the treaty had been violated by them. He then enlarged a little on
the rights of the states concerned in the dispute, and added, that,
"notwithstanding, if they thought that they had any reasonable demand
to make, it would surely be infinitely better to send ambassadors to
Rome, whether they chose to argue the case or to make a request to
the senate, than that the Roman people should enter the lists with
Antiochus, while the Aetolians acted as marshals of the field; not
without great disturbance to the affairs of the world, and to
the utter ruin of Greece." That "no people would feel the fatal
consequences of such a war sooner than the first promoters of it."
This prediction of the Roman was disregarded. Thoas, and others of
the same faction, were then heard with general approbation; and they
prevailed so far, that, without adjourning the meeting, or waiting for
the absence of the Romans, a decree was passed that Antiochus should
be invited to vindicate the liberty of Greece, and decide the dispute
between the Aetolians and the Romans. To the insolence of this decree,
their praetor, Damocritus, added a personal affront: for on Quinctius
asking him for a copy of the decree, without any respect to the
dignity of the person to whom he spoke, he told him, that "he had, at
present, more pressing business to despatch; but he would shortly give
him the decree, and an answer, in Italy, from his camp on the banks
of the Tiber." Such was the degree of madness which possessed, at that
time, both the nation of the Aetolians and their magistrates.

34. Quinctius and the ambassadors returned to Corinth. The Aetolians,
that they might appear to intend taking every step through Antiochus,
and none directly of themselves, and, sitting inactive, to be waiting
for the arrival of the king, though they did not, after the departure
of the Romans, hold a council of the whole nation, yet endeavoured,
by their Apocleti, (a more confidential council, composed of persons
selected from the rest,) to devise schemes for setting Greece in
commotion. It was well known to them all, that in the several states
the principal people, particularly those of the best characters, were
disposed to maintain the Roman alliance, and well pleased with the
present state of affairs; but that the populace, and especially
such as were not content with their position, wished for a general
revolution. The Aetolians, at one day's sitting, formed a scheme,
the very conception of which argued not only boldness, but
impudence,--that of making themselves masters of Demetrias, Chalcis,
and Lacedaemon. One of their principal men was sent to each of
these places; Thoas to Chalcis, Alexamenus to Lacedaemon, Diodes
to Demetrias. This last was assisted by the exile Eurylochus, whose
flight, and the cause of it, have been mentioned above, because there
was no other prospect of his restoration to his country. Eurylochus,
by letter, instructed his friends and relations, and those of his own
faction, to order his wife and children to assume a mourning dress:
and, holding the badges of supplicants, to go into a full assembly,
and to beseech each individual, and the whole body, not to suffer
a man, who was innocent and uncondemned, to grow old in exile.
The simple-minded were moved by compassion; the ill-disposed and
seditious, by the hope of seeing all things thrown into confusion, in
consequence of the tumults which the Aetolians would excite; and every
one voted for his being recalled. These preparatory measures being
effected, Diocles, at that time general of the horse, with all the
cavalry, set out under pretext of escorting to his home the exile,
who was his guest. Having, during that day and the following night,
marched an extraordinary length of way, and arrived within six miles
of the city at the first dawn, he chose out three troops, at the head
of which he went on before the rest of the cavalry, whom he ordered to
follow. When he came near the gate he made all his men dismount, and
lead their horses by the reins, without keeping their ranks, but like
travellers on a journey, in order that they might appear to be the
retinue of the general, rather than a military force. Here he left one
troop at the gate, lest the cavalry, who were coming up, might be shut
out; and then, holding Eurylochus by the hand, conducted him to his
house through the middle of the city and the forum, and through crowds
who met and congratulated him. In a little time the city was filled
with horsemen, and convenient posts were seized; and then parties were
sent to the houses of persons of the opposite faction, to put them to
death. In this manner Demetrias fell into the hands of the Aetolians.

35. At Lacedaemon, the city was not to be attempted by force, but the
tyrant to be entrapped by stratagem. For though he had been stripped
of the maritime towns by the Romans, and afterwards shut up within the
walls of his city by the Achaeans, they supposed that whoever took the
first opportunity of killing him would engross the whole thanks of the
Lacedaemonians. The pretence which they had for sending to him, was,
that he had long solicited assistance from them, since, by their
advice, he had renewed the war. A thousand foot were put under the
command of Alexamenus, with thirty horsemen, chosen from among the
youth. These received a charge from Damocritus, the praetor, in the
select council of the nation, mentioned above, "not to suppose that
they were sent to a war with the Achaeans; or even on other business,
which any one might ascertain to himself from his own conjectures.
Whatever sudden enterprise circumstances might direct Alexamenus to
undertake, that (however unexpected, rash, or daring) they were to
hold themselves in readiness to execute with implicit obedience;
and should understand that to be the matter, for the sole purpose
of effecting which they had been sent abroad." With these men, thus
pre-instructed, Alexamenus came to the tyrant, and, immediately on
approaching him, filled him with hopes; telling him, that "Antiochus
had already come over into Europe; that he would shortly be in Greece,
and would cover the lands and seas with men and arms; that the Romans
would find that they had not Philip to deal with: that the numbers of
the horsemen, footmen, and ships, could not be reckoned; and that the
train of elephants, by their mere appearance, would effectually daunt
the enemy: that the Aetolians were prepared to come to Lacedaemon with
their entire force, whenever occasion required; but that they wished
to show the king, on his arrival, a numerous body of troops: that
Nabis himself, likewise, ought to take care not to suffer his soldiers
to be enervated by inaction, and dwelling in houses; but to lead them
out, and make them perform their evolutions under arms, which, while
it exercised their bodies, would also rouse their courage; that the
labour would become lighter by practice, and might even be rendered
not unpleasing by the affability and kindness of their commander."
Thenceforward, the troops used frequently to be drawn out under the
walls of the city, in a plain near the river Eurotas. The tyrant's
life-guards were generally posted in the centre. He himself, attended
by three horsemen at the most, of whom Alexamenus was commonly one,
rode about in front, and went to view both wings to their extremities.
On the right wing were the Aetolians; both those who had been before
in his army as auxiliaries, and the thousand who came with Alexamenus.
Alexamenus made it his custom to ride about with Nabis through a few
of the ranks, offering such advice as seemed most suitable; then to
join his own troops in the right wing; and presently after, as if
having given the orders which the occasion might require, to return to
the tyrant. But, on the day which he had fixed for the perpetration of
the deed of death, after accompanying the tyrant for a little time,
he withdrew to his own soldiers, and addressed the horsemen, sent
from home with him, in these words: "Young men, that deed is now to
be dared and done which you were ordered to execute valiantly under my
guidance. Have your courage and your hands ready, that none may
fail to second me in whatever he sees me attempt. If any one shall
hesitate, and prefer any scheme of his own to mine, let him rest
assured that there is no return to his home for him." Horror seized
them all, and they well remembered the charge which they had received
at setting out. The tyrant was now coming from the left wing.
Alexamenus ordered his horsemen to rest their lances, and keep their
eyes fixed on him; and in the mean time he himself recollected his
spirits, which had been discomposed by the meditation of such a
desperate attempt. As soon as the tyrant came near, he charged him;
and driving his spear through his horse, brought the rider to the
ground. The horsemen aimed their lances at him as he lay, and after
many ineffectual strokes against his coat of mail, their points at
length penetrated his body, so that, before relief could be sent from
the centre, he expired.

36. Alexamenus, with all the Aetolians, hastened away, to seize on the
palace. Nabis's life-guards were at first struck with horror, the
act being perpetrated before their eyes; then, when they observed the
Aetolian troops leaving the place, they gathered round the tyrant's
body, where it was left, forming, instead of guardians of his life or
avengers of his death, a mere group of spectators. Nor would any one
have stirred, if Alexamenus had immediately called the people to an
assembly, and, with his arms laid aside, there made a speech suitable
to the occasion, and afterwards kept a good number of Aetolians in
arms, without violence being offered to any one. Instead of which,
by a fatality which ought to attend all designs founded in treachery,
every step was taken that could tend to hasten the destruction of
those who had committed it. The commander, shut up in the palace,
wasted a day and a night in searching out the tyrant's treasures; and
the Aetolians, as if they had stormed the city, of which they wished
to be thought the deliverers, betook themselves to plunder. The
insolence of their behaviour, and at the same time contempt of their
numbers, gave the Lacedaemonians courage to assemble in a body, when
some said, that they ought to drive out the Aetolians, and resume
their liberty, which had been ravished from them at the very time when
it seemed to be restored; others, that, for the sake of appearance,
they ought to associate with them some one of the royal family, as the
director of their efforts. There was a very young boy of that family,
named Laconicus, who had been educated with the tyrant's children; him
they mounted on a horse, and taking arms, slew all the Aetolians whom
they met straggling through the city. They then assaulted the palace,
where they killed Alexamenus, who, with a small party, attempted
resistance. Others of the Aetolians, who had collected together round
the Chalciaecon, that is, the brazen temple of Minerva, were cut to
pieces. A few, throwing away their arms, fled, some to Tegea, others
to Megalopolis, where they were seized by the magistrates, and sold as
slaves. Philopoemen, as soon as he heard of the murder of the tyrant,
went to Lacedaemon, where, finding all in confusion and consternation,
he called together the principal inhabitants, to whom he addressed a
discourse, (such as ought to have been made by Alexamenus,) and united
the Lacedaemonians to the confederacy of the Achaeans. To this they
were the more easily persuaded, because, at that very juncture, Aulus
Atilius happened to arrive at Gythium with twenty-four quinqueremes.

37. Meanwhile, Thoas, in his attempt on Chalcis, had by no means
the same good fortune as Eurylochus had in getting possession of
Demetrias; although, (by the intervention of Euthymidas, a man of
considerable consequence, who, after the arrival of Titus Quinctius
and the ambassadors, had been banished by those who adhered to the
Roman alliance; and also of Herodorus, who was a merchant of Cios,
and who, by means of his wealth, possessed a powerful influence at
Chalcis,) he had engaged a party, composed of Euthymidas's faction, to
betray the city into his hands. Euthymidas went from Athens, where
he had fixed his residence, first to Thebes, and thence to Salganea;
Herodorus to Thronium. At a small distance, on the Malian bay, Thoas
had two thousand foot and two hundred horse, with as many as thirty
light transport ships. With these vessels, carrying six hundred
footmen, Herodorus was ordered to sail to the island of Atalanta,
that, as soon as he should perceive the land forces approaching Aulus
and the Euripus, he might pass over from thence to Chalcis; to which
place Thoas himself led the rest of his forces, marching mostly by
night, and with all possible expedition.

38. Mictio and Xenoclides, who were now, since the banishment of
Euthymidas, in possession of the supreme power, either of themselves
suspected the matter, or received some information of it, and were at
first so greatly terrified, that they saw no prospect of safety but
in flight; but afterwards, when their fright subsided, and they
considered that, by such a step, they would betray and desert not only
their country, but the Roman alliance, they applied their minds to
the following plan. It happened that, at that very time, there was a
solemn anniversary festival, celebrated at Eretria, in honour of Diana
Amarynthis, which was always attended by great numbers, not only of
the natives, but also of the Carystians: thither they sent envoys to
beseech the Eretrians and Carystians, "as having been born in the same
isle, to compassionate their situation; and, at the same time, to
show their regard to the friendship of Rome: not to suffer Chalcis
to become the property of the Aetolians; that if they should possess
Chalcis they would obtain possession of all Euboea: and to remind
them, that they had found the Macedonians grievous masters, but that
the Aetolians would be much more intolerable." The consideration
of the Romans chiefly influenced those states, as they had lately
experienced both their bravery in war, and their justice and
liberality in success. Both states, therefore, armed, and sent the
main strength of their young men. To these the people of Chalcis
intrusted the defence of the walls, and they themselves, with their
whole force, crossed the Euripus, and encamped at Salganea. From that
place they despatched, first a herald, and afterwards ambassadors, to
ask the Aetolians, for what word or act of theirs, friends and allies
came thus to invade them. Thoas, commander of the Aetolians, answered,
that "he came not to attack them, but to deliver them from the Romans;
that they were fettered at present with a brighter chain indeed, but
a much heavier one, than when they had a Macedonian garrison in their
citadel." The men of Chalcis replied that "they were neither under
bondage to any one, nor in need of the protection of any." The
ambassadors then withdrew from the meeting, and returned to their
countrymen. Thoas and the Aetolians (who had no other hopes than in
a sudden surprise, and were by no means in a capacity to undertake
a regular war, and the siege of a city so well secured against any
attack from the land or the sea) returned home. Euthymidas, on hearing
that his countrymen were encamped at Salganea, and that the Aetolians
had retired, went back from Thebes to Athens. Herodorus, after waiting
several days at Atalanta, attentively watching for the concerted
signal in vain, sent an advice-boat to learn the cause of the
delay; and, understanding that the enterprise was abandoned by his
associates, returned to Thronium from whence he had come.

39. Quinctius, having been informed of these proceedings, came with
the fleet from Corinth, and met Eumenes in the Euripus of Chalcis.
It was agreed between them, that king Eumenes should leave there five
hundred of his soldiers, for the purpose of a garrison, and should
go himself to Athens. Quinctius proceeded to Demetrias, as he had
purposed from the first, hoping that the relief of Chalcis would prove
a strong inducement to the Magnetians to renew the alliance with Rome.
And, in order that such of them as favoured his views might have some
support at hand, he wrote to Eunomus, praetor of the Thessalians,
to arm the youth; sending Villius forward to Demetrias, to sound the
inclinations of the people: but not with a view to take any step in
the business, unless a considerable number of them were disposed to
revive the former treaty of amity. Villius, in a ship of five banks of
oars, came to the mouth of the harbour, and the whole multitude of
the Magnetians hastened out thither. Villius then asked, whether they
chose that he should consider himself as having come to friends, or
to enemies? Eurylochus, the Magnetarch, answered, that "he had come to
friends; but desired him not to enter the harbour, but to suffer the
Magnetians to live in freedom and harmony; and not to attempt, under
the show of friendly converse, to seduce the minds of the populace."
Then followed an altercation, not a conference, the Roman upbraiding
the Magnetians with ingratitude, and forewarning them of the
calamities impending over them; the multitude, on the other side,
clamorously reproaching him, and reviling, sometimes the senate,
sometimes Quinctius. Villius, therefore, unable to effect any part
of his business, went back to Quinctius, who despatched orders to the
Thessalian praetor, to lead his troops home, while himself returned
with his ships to Corinth.

40. The affairs of Greece, blended with those of Rome, have carried me
away, as it were, out of my course: not that they were in themselves
deserving of a recital, but because they constituted the causes of
the war with Antiochus. After the consular election, for thence I
digressed, the consuls, Lucius Quinctius and Cneius Domitius, repaired
to their provinces; Quinctius to Liguria, Domitius against the Boians.
The Boians kept themselves quiet; nay, the senators, with their
children, and the commanding officers of the cavalry, with their
troops, amounting in all to one thousand five hundred, surrendered to
the consul. The other consul laid waste the country of the Ligurians
to a wide extent, and took some forts: in which expeditions he not
only acquired booty of all sorts, together with many prisoners, but he
also recovered several of his countrymen, and of the allies, who had
been in the hands of the enemy. In this year a colony was settled
at Vibo, in pursuance of a decree of the senate and an order of
the people; three thousand seven hundred footmen, and three hundred
horsemen, went out thither, conducted by the commissioners Quintus
Naevius, Marcus Minucius, and Marcus Furius Crassipes. Fifteen acres
of ground were assigned to each footman, double that quantity to a
horseman. This land had been last in possession of the Bruttians, who
had taken it from the Greeks. About this time two dreadful causes
of alarm happened at Rome, one of which continued long, but was less
active than the other. An earthquake lasted through thirty-eight days;
during all which time there was a total cessation of business, amidst
anxiety and fears. On account of this event, a supplication was
performed of three days' continuance. The other was not a mere fright,
but attended with the actual loss of many lives. In consequence of a
fire breaking out in the cattle-market, the conflagration, among
the houses near to the Tiber, continued through all that day and the
following night, and all the shops, with wares of very great value,
were reduced to ashes.

41. The year was now almost at an end, while the rumours of impending
hostility, and, consequently, the anxiety of the senate, daily
increased. They therefore set about adjusting the provinces of the
magistrates elect, in order that they might be all the more intent
on duty. They decreed, that those of the consuls should be Italy, and
whatever other place the senate should vote, for every one knew that
a war against Antiochus was now a settled point. That he, to whose
lot the latter province fell, should have under his command,--of Roman
citizens, four thousand foot and three hundred horse; and of the Latin
confederates, six thousand foot and four hundred horse. The consul,
Lucius Quinctius, was ordered to levy these troops, that no delay
might be occasioned, but that the new consul might be able to proceed
immediately to any place which the senate should appoint. Concerning
the provinces of the praetors, also, it was decreed, that the first
lot should comprehend the two jurisdictions, both that between
natives, and that between them and foreigners; the second should be
Bruttium; the third, the fleet, to sail wherever the senate should
direct; the fourth, Sicily; the fifth, Sardinia; the sixth, Farther
Spain. An order was also given to the consul Lucius Quinctius, to levy
two new legions of Roman citizens, and of the allies and Latins twenty
thousand foot and eight hundred horse. This army they assigned to the
praetor to whom should fall the province of Bruttium. Two temples were
dedicated this year to Jupiter in the Capitol; one of which had been
vowed by Lucius Furius Purpureo, when praetor during the Gallic war;
the other by the same, when consul. Quintus Marcius Ralla, duumvir,
dedicated both. Many severe sentences were passed this year on
usurers, who were prosecuted, as private persons, by the curule
aediles, Marcus Tuccius and Publius Junius Brutus. Out of the fines
imposed on those who were convicted, gilded chariots, with four
horses, were placed in the recess of Jupiter's temple in the Capitol,
over the canopy of the shrine, and also twelve gilded bucklers. The
same aediles built a portico on the outside of the Triple Gate, in the
Carpenters' Square.

42. While the Romans were busily employed in preparing for a new war,
Antiochus, on his part, was not idle. Three cities detained him some
time, Smyrna, Alexandria in Troas, and Lampsacus, which hitherto he
had not been able either to reduce by force, or to persuade into a
treaty of amity; and he was unwilling, on going into Europe, to leave
these behind (as enemies). A deliberation also respecting Hannibal
occasioned him further delay. First, the open ships, which the
king was to have sent with him to Africa, were slowly prepared, and
afterwards a consultation was set on foot whether he ought to be sent
at all, chiefly by Thoas the Aetolian; who, after setting all Greece
in commotion, came with the account of Demetrias being in the hands of
his countrymen; and as he had, by false representations concerning the
king, and multiplying, in his assertions, the numbers of his forces,
exalted the expectations of many in Greece; so now, by the same
artifices, he puffed up the hopes of the king; telling him, that
"every one was inviting him with their prayers, and that there would
be a general rush to the shore, from which the people could catch a
view of the royal fleet." He even had the audacity to attempt altering
the king's judgment respecting Hannibal when it was nearly settled.
For he alleged, that "the fleet ought not to be weakened by sending
away any part of it, but that if ships must be sent no person was
less fit for the command than Hannibal, for he was an exile and a
Carthaginian, to whom his own circumstances or his disposition might
daily suggest a thousand new schemes. Then as to his military fame,
by which, as by a dowry, he was recommended to notice, it was too
splendid for an officer acting under a king. The king ought to be the
grand object of view; the king ought to appear the sole leader, the
sole commander. If Hannibal should lose a fleet or an army the amount
of the damage would be the same as if the loss were incurred by any
other general; but should success be obtained, all the honour would be
ascribed to Hannibal, and not to Antiochus. Besides, if the war
should prove so fortunate as to terminate finally in the defeat of the
Romans, could it be expected that Hannibal would live under a king;
subject, in short, to an individual; he who could scarcely bear
subjection to his own country? That he had not so conducted himself
from early youth, having embraced the empire of the globe in his hopes
and aspirations, that in his old age he would be likely to endure a
master. The king wanted not Hannibal as a general: as an attendant and
a counsellor in the business of the war, he might properly employ him.
A moderate use of such abilities would be neither unprofitable nor
dangerous; but if advantages of the highest nature were sought through
him, they, probably, would be the destruction both of the giver and
the receiver."

43. There are no dispositions more prone to envy than those of persons
whose mental qualifications are inferior to their birth and rank in
life; because they are indignant both at the merit and the possessions
of another. The design of the expedition, to be commanded by Hannibal,
the only one thought of that could be of use, in the beginning of the
war, was immediately laid aside. The king, highly flattered by the
defection of Demetrias from the Romans to the Aetolians, resolved to
delay no longer his departure into Greece. Before the fleet weighed
anchor he went up from the shore to Ilium, to offer sacrifice to
Minerva. Immediately on his return he set sail with forty decked ships
and sixty open ones, followed by two hundred transports, laden with
provisions and warlike stores. He first touched at the island of
Imbrus; thence he passed over to Sciathus; whence, after collecting
the ships which had been separated during the voyage, he proceeded
to Pteleum, toe nearest part of the continent. Here, Eurylochus the
Magnetarch, and other principal Magnetians from Demetrias, met him.
Being greatly gratified by their numerous appearance, he carried his
fleet the next day into the harbour of their city. At a small distance
from the town he landed his forces, which consisted of ten thousand
foot, five hundred horse, and six elephants; a force scarcely
sufficient to take possession of Greece alone, much less to sustain
a war with Rome. The Aetolians, as soon as they were informed of
Antiochus's arrival at Demetrias, convened a general council, and
passed a decree, inviting him into their country. The king had already
left Demetrias, (for he knew that such a decree was to be passed,) and
had advanced as far as Phalara on the Malian bay. Here the decree
was presented to him, and then he proceeded to Lamia, where he was
received by the populace with marks of the warmest attachment,
with clapping of hands and shouting, and other signs by which the
extravagant joy of the vulgar is testified.

44. When he came into the council he was introduced by Phaeneas, the
praetor, and other persons of eminence, who, with difficulty, made
way for him through the crowd. Then, silence being ordered, the king
addressed himself to the assembly. He began with accounting for his
having come with a force so much smaller than every one had hoped and
expected. "That," he said, "ought to be deemed the strongest proof of
the warmth of his good-will towards them; because, though he was not
sufficiently prepared in any particular, and though the season was yet
too early for sailing, he had, without hesitation, complied with the
call of their ambassadors, and had believed that when the Aetolians
should see him among them they would be satisfied that in him, even if
he were unattended, they might be sure of every kind of support. But
he would also abundantly fulfil the hopes of those, whose expectations
seemed at present to be disappointed. For as soon as the season of the
year rendered navigation safe, he would cover all Greece with arms,
men, and horses, and all its coasts with fleets. He would spare
neither expense, nor labour, nor danger, until he should remove the
Roman yoke from their necks, and render Greece really free, and the
Aetolians the first among its states. That, together with the armies,
stores of all kinds were to come from Asia. For the present the
Aetolians ought to take care that his men might be properly supplied
with corn, and other accommodations, at reasonable rates."

45. Having addressed them to this purport, and with universal
approbation, the king withdrew. After his departure a warm debate
ensued between two of the Aetolian chiefs, Phaeneas and Thoas.
Phaeneas declared his opinion, that it would be better to employ
Antiochus, as a mediator of peace, and an umpire respecting the
matters in dispute with the Roman people, than as leader in a war.
That "his presence and his dignified station would impress the Romans
with awe, more powerfully than his arms. That in many cases men, for
the sake of avoiding war, voluntarily remit pretensions, which force
and arms would never compel them to forego." Thoas, on the other hand,
insisted, that "Phaeneas's motive was not a love of peace, but a wish
to embarrass their preparations for war, with the view that, through
the tediousness of the proceedings, the king's vigour might be relaxed
and the Romans gain time to put themselves in readiness. That they had
abundant proof from experience, after so many embassies sent to
Rome, and so many conferences with Quinctius in person, that nothing
reasonable could ever be obtained from the Romans in the way of
negotiation; and that they would not, until every hope of that sort
was out of sight, have implored the aid of Antiochus. That as he had
appeared among them sooner than any had expected, they ought not to
sink into indolence, but rather to petition the king, that since he
had come in person, which was the great point of all, to support the
rights of Greece, he would also send for his fleets and armies. For
the king, at the head of an army, might obtain something, but without
that could have very little influence with the Romans, either in the
cause of the Aetolians, or even in his own." This opinion was adopted,
and the council voted, that the title of general should be conferred
on the king. They also nominated thirty distinguished men with whom
he might deliberate on any business which he might think proper.--The
council was then broken up, and all went home to their respective

46. Next day the king held a consultation with their select council,
respecting the place from whence his operations should commence. They
judged it best to make the first trial on Chalcis, which had lately
been attempted in vain by the Aetolians; and they thought that
the business required rather expedition than any great exertion or
preparation. Accordingly the king, with a thousand foot, who had
followed him from Demetrias, took his route through Phocis; and the
Aetolian chiefs, going by another road, met at Cheronaea a small
number of their young men whom they had called to arms, and thence, in
ten decked ships, proceeded after him. Antiochus pitched his camp at
Salganea, while himself, with the Aetolian chiefs, crossed the Euripus
in the ships. When he had advanced a little way from the harbour, the
magistrates and other chief men of Chalcis came out before their gate.
A small number from each side met to confer together. The Aetolians
warmly recommended to the others, "without violating the friendship
subsisting between them and the Romans, to receive the king also as
a friend and ally; for that he had crossed into Europe not for the
purpose of making war, but of vindicating the liberty of Greece; and
of vindicating it in reality, not in words and pretence merely, as the
Romans had done. Nothing could be more advantageous to the states of
Greece than to embrace the alliance of both, as they would then be
always secure against ill-treatment from either, under the guarantee
and protection of the other. If they refuse to receive the king, they
ought to consider what they would have immediately to suffer; the aid
of the Romans being far distant, and Antiochus, whom with their own
strength they could not possibly resist, in character of an enemy at
their gates." To this Mictio, one of the Chalcian deputies, answered
that "he wondered who those people were, for the vindicating of whose
liberty Antiochus had left his own kingdom, and come over into Europe.
For his part he knew not any state in Greece which either contained
a garrison, or paid tribute to the Romans, or was bound by a
disadvantageous treaty, and obliged to submit to terms which it did
not like. The people of Chalcis, therefore, stood not in need, either
of any assertor of their liberty, which they already enjoyed, or of
any armed protector, since, through the kindness of the Roman people,
they were in possession of both liberty and peace. They did not slight
the friendship of the king, nor that of the Aetolians themselves. The
first instance of friendship, therefore, that they could give, would
be to quit the island and go home; for, as to themselves, they were
fully determined not only not to admit them within their walls, but
not even to agree to any alliance, but with the approbation of the

47. When an account of this conference was brought to the king, at
the ships where he had staid, he resolved for the present to return to
Demetrias; for he had not come to them with a sufficient number of
men to attempt any thing by force. At Demetrias he held another
consultation with the Aetolians, to determine what was next to be
done, as their first effort had proved fruitless. It was agreed that
they should make trial of the Botians, Achaeans, and Amynander, king
of the Athamanians. The Boeotianan nation they believed to have been
disaffected to the Romans, ever since the death of Brachyllas, and the
consequences which followed it. Philopoemen, chief of the Achaeans,
they supposed to hate, and be hated by, Quinctius, in consequence of a
rivalship for fame in the war of Laconia. Amynander had married Apama,
daughter of a Megalopolitan, called Alexander, who, pretending to be
descended from Alexander the Great, had given the names of Philip and
Alexander to his two sons, and that of Apama to his daughter; and when
she was raised to distinction, by her marriage to the king, Philip,
the elder of her brothers had followed her into Athamania. This
man, who happened to be naturally vain, then Aetolians and Antiochus
persuaded to hope (as he was really of the royal family) for the
sovereignty of Macedonia, on condition of his prevailing on Amynander
and the Athamanians to join Antiochus; and these empty promises
produced the intended effect, not only on Philip but likewise on

48. In Achaia, the ambassadors of Antiochus and the Aetolians were
admitted to an audience of the council at Aegium, in the presence of
Titus Quinctius. The ambassador of Antiochus was heard prior to the
Aetolians. He, with all that pomp and parade which is common among
those who are maintained by the wealth of kings, covered, as far as
the empty sound of words could go, both lands and seas (with forces).
He said, that "an innumerable body of cavalry was coming over the
Hellespont into Europe; some of them cased in coats of mail, whom they
call Cataphracti; others discharging arrows on horseback; and, what
rendered it impossible to guard against them, shooting with the
surest aim even when their backs were turned, and their horses in full
retreat. To this army of cavalry, sufficient to crush the forces of
all Europe, collected into one body," he added another of infantry
of many times its number; and to terrify them, repeated the names
of nations scarcely ever heard of before: talking of Dahans, Medes,
Elymaeans, and Cadusians. "As to the naval forces, no harbours
in Greece were capable of containing them; the right squadron was
composed of Sidonians and Tyrians; the left of Aradians and Sidetians,
from Pamphylia.--nations which none others had ever equalled, either
in courage, or skill in sea affairs. Then, as to money, and other
requisites for the support of war, it was needless for him to speak.
They themselves knew, that the kingdoms of Asia had always abounded in
gold. The Romans, therefore, had not now to deal with Philip, or with
Hannibal; the one a principal member of a commonwealth, the other
confined merely to the limits of the kingdom of Macedonia; but with
the great monarch of all Asia, and part of Europe. Nevertheless,
though he had come from the remotest bounds of the East to give
freedom to Greece, he did not demand any thing from the Achaeans, that
could injure the fidelity of their engagements with the Romans, their
former friends and allies. For he did not require them to take arms on
his side against them; but only, that they should not join themselves
to either party. That, as became common friends, they should wish for
peace to both parties, and not intermeddle in the war." Archidamus,
ambassador of the Aetolians, made nearly the same request: that, as
was their easiest and safest way, they should stand neuter; and, as
mere spectators of the war, wait for the decision of the fortunes of
others, without any hazard to their own interests. He afterwards was
betrayed, by the intemperance of language, into invectives, sometimes
against the Romans in general, sometimes against Quinctius himself in
particular; charging them with ingratitude, and upbraiding them,
as being indebted to the valour of the Aetolians, not only for the
victory over Philip, but even for their preservation; for, "by their
exertions, both Quinctius himself and his army had been saved. What
duty of a commander had he ever discharged? He used to see him,
indeed, in the field, taking auspices; sacrificing, and offering vows,
like an insignificant soothsaying priest; while he himself was, in his
defence, exposing his person to the weapons of the enemy."

49. To this Quinctius replied, that "Archidamus had calculated his
discourse for the numerous auditors, rather than for the persons to
whom it was particularly addressed. For the Achaeans very well knew,
that the bold spirit of the Aetolians consisted entirely in words, not
in deeds; and was more displayed in their councils and assemblies
than in the field. He had therefore been indifferent concerning
the sentiments of the Achaeans, to whom he and his countrymen were
conscious that they were thoroughly known; and studied to recommend
himself to the king's ambassadors, and, through them, to their absent
master. But, if any person had been hitherto ignorant of the cause
which had united Antiochus and the Aetolians, it was easy to
discover it from the language of their ambassadors. By the false
representations made by both parties, and boasts of strength which
neither possessed, they mutually puffed up each other; and were
themselves puffed up with vain expectations: one party talking of
Philip being vanquished by them, the Romans being protected by their
valour, and the rest of what you have just heard; and that you, and
the other states and nations, would follow their party. The king,
on the other side, boasting of clouds of horsemen and footmen,
and covering the seas with his fleets. The king," he added, "was
exceedingly like a supper that I remember at the house of my host at
Chalcis, who is both a man of worth, and an excellent conductor of
a feast. Having been kindly entertained by him at midsummer, when we
wondered how he could, at that time of the year, procure such plenty
and variety of game, he, not being so vain-glorious as these men, told
us, with a pleasant smile, that the variety was owing to the dressing,
and that what appeared to be the flesh of many different wild animals,
was entirely of tame swine. This may be aptly applied to the forces
of the king, which were so ostentatiously displayed a while ago; that
those various kinds of armour, and multitudinous names of nations,
never heard of before, Dahans, and Medes, and Caducians, and
Elymaeans, are nothing more than Syrians, a race possessed of such
grovelling souls, as to be much fitter for slaves than for soldiers. I
wish, Achaeans, that I could exhibit to your view the rapid excursions
of this mighty monarch from Demetrias; first, to Lamia, to the council
of the Aetolians; then to Chalcis. You should behold, in the royal
camp, about the number of two small legions, and these incomplete. You
should see the king, now, in a manner begging corn from the Aetolians,
to be measured out to his soldiers; then, striving to borrow money
at interest to pay them; again, standing at the gates of Chalcis, and
presently, on being refused admittance, returning thence into Aetolia,
without having effected any thing, except indeed the taking a peep at
Aulis and the Euripus. Both Antiochus had done wrong in trusting
to the Aetolians, and the Aetolians in trusting to the king's vain
boastings. For which reason, you ought the less to be deceived by
them, and rather to confide in the tried and approved fidelity of the
Romans. For, with respect to your not interfering in the war, which
they recommend as your best course, nothing, in fact, can be more
contrary to your interest: for then, without gaining thanks or esteem,
you will become the prize of the conqueror."

50. He was thought to have replied to both by no means unsuitably; and
there was no difficulty in bringing an audience, prepossessed in his
favour, to give their approbation to his discourse. In fact, there
was no debate or doubt started, but all concurred in voting, that the
nation of the Achaeans would regard, as their friends or foes, those
who were judged to be such by the Roman people, and in ordering war
to be declared against both Antiochus and the Aetolians. They also,
by the direction of Quinctius, sent immediate succours of five hundred
men to Chalcis, and five hundred to the Piraeus; for affairs at
Athens were in a state not far from a civil war, in consequence of the
endeavours, used by some, to seduce the venal populace, by hopes of
largesses, to take part with Antiochus. But at length Quinctius was
called thither by those who were of the Roman party; and Apollodorus,
the principal adviser of a revolt, being publicly charged therewith by
one Leon, was condemned and driven into exile. Thus, from the Achaeans
also, the embassy returned to the king with a discouraging answer.
The Boeotians made no definitive reply; they only said, that "when
Antiochus should come into Boeotia, they would then deliberate on the
measures proper to be pursued." When Antiochus heard, that both the
Achaeans and king Eumenes had sent reinforcements to Chalcis, he
resolved to act with the utmost expedition, that his troops might
get the start of them, and, if possible, intercept the others as they
came; and he sent thither Menippus with about three thousand soldiers,
and Polyxenidas with the whole fleet. In a few days after, he marched
himself, at the head of six thousand of his own soldiers, and a
smaller number of Aetolians, as many as could be collected in haste,
out of those who were at Lamia. The five hundred Achaeans, and a small
party sent by king Eumenes, being guided by Xenoclides, of Chalcis,
(the roads being yet open,) crossed the Euripus, and arrived at
Chalcis in safety. The Roman soldiers, who were likewise about five
hundred, came, after Menippus had fixed his camp under Salganea, at
Hermaeus, the place of passage from Boeotia to the island of
Euboea. They had with them Mictio, who had been sent from Chalcis to
Quinctius, deputed to solicit that very reinforcement; and when he
perceived that the passes were blocked up by the enemy, he quitted
the road to Aulis, and turned away to Delium, with intent to pass over
thence to Euboea.

51. Delium is a temple of Apollo, standing over the sea five miles
distant from Tanagra; and the passage thence, to the nearest part of
Euboea, is less than four miles. As they were in this sacred building
and grove, sanctified with all that religious awe and those privileges
which belong to temples, called by the Greeks asylums, (war not being
yet either proclaimed, or so far commenced as that they had heard of
swords being drawn, or blood shed any where,) the soldiers in perfect
tranquillity, amused themselves, some with viewing the temple and
groves; others with walking about unarmed, on the strand; and a great
part had gone different ways in quest of wood and forage; when, on a
sudden, Menippus attacked them in that scattered condition, slew many,
and took fifty of them prisoners. Very few made their escape, among
whom was Mictio, who was received on board a small trading vessel.
Though this event caused much grief to Quinctius and the Romans, on
account of the loss of their men, yet it seemed to add much to the
justification of their cause in making war on Antiochus. Antiochus,
when arrived with his army so near as Aulis, sent again to Chalcis
a deputation, composed partly of his own people, and partly of
Aetolians, to treat on the same grounds as before, but with heavier
denunciations of vengeance: and, notwithstanding all the efforts of
Mictio and Xenoclides to the contrary, he easily gained his object,
that the gates should be opened to him. Those who adhered to the Roman
interest, on the approach of the king, withdrew from the city. The
soldiers of the Achaeans, and Eumenes, held Salganea; and the few
Romans, who had escaped, raised, for the security of the place, a
little fort on the Euripus. Menippus laid siege to Salganea, and the
king himself to the fort. The Achaeans and Eumenes' soldiers first
surrendered, on the terms of being allowed to retire in safety. The
Romans defended the Euripus with more obstinacy. But even these,
when they were completely invested both by land and sea, and saw the
machines and engines prepared for an assault, sustained the siege no
longer. The king, having thus got possession of the capital of
Euboea, the other cities of the island did not even refuse to obey
his authority; and he seemed to himself to have signalized the
commencement of the war by an important acquisition, in having brought
under his power so great an island, and so many cities conveniently


_Manius Acilius Glabrio, the consul, aided by king Philip,
defeats Antiochus at Thermopylae, and drives him out of
Greece; reduces the Aetolians to sue for peace. Publius
Cornelius Scipio Nasica reduces the Boian Gauls to submission.
Sea-fight between the Roman fleet and that of Antiochus, in
which the Romans are victorious_.

1. Publius Cornelius Scipio, son of Cneius, and Manius Acilius
Glabrio, the consuls, on their assuming the administration, were
ordered by the senate, before they settled any thing respecting their
provinces, to perform sacrifices, with victims of the greater kinds,
at all the shrines, where the Lectisternium was usually celebrated for
the greater part of the year; and to offer prayers, that the business
which the state had in contemplation, concerning a new war, might
terminate prosperously and happily for the senate and people of Rome.
At every one of those sacrifices, appearances were favourable, and
the propitious omens were found in the first victims. Accordingly, the
auspices gave this answer:--That, by this war, the boundaries of the
Roman empire would be enlarged; and that victory and triumph were
portended. When this answer was reported, the senate, having their
minds now freed from superstitious fears, ordered this question to be
proposed to the people; "Was it their will, and did they order, that
war should be undertaken against king Antiochus, and all who should
join his party?" And that if that order passed, then the consuls were,
if they thought proper, to lay the business entire before the senate.
Publius Cornelius got the order passed; and then the senate decreed,
that the consuls should cast lots for the provinces of Italy and
Greece; that he to whose lot Greece fell, should, in addition to the
number of soldiers enlisted and raised from the allies by Quinctius
for that province, pursuant to a decree of the senate, take under
his command that army, which, in the preceding year, Marcus Baebius,
praetor, had, by order of the senate, carried over to Macedonia.
Permission was also granted him, to receive succours from the allies,
out of Italy, if circumstances should so require, provided their
number did not exceed five thousand. It was resolved, that Lucius
Quinctius, consul of the former year, should be commissioned as a
lieutenant-general in that war. The other consul, to whom Italy fell,
was ordered to carry on the war with the Boians, with whichever he
should choose of the two armies commanded by the consuls of the last
year; and to send the other to Rome; and these were ordered to be the
city legions, and ready to march to whatever place the senate should

2. Things being thus adjusted in the senate, excepting the assignment
of his particular province to each of the magistrates, the consuls
were ordered to cast lots. Greece fell to Acilius, Italy to Cornelius.
The lot of each being now determined, the senate passed a decree, that
"inasmuch as the Roman people had, at that time, ordered war to
be declared against king Antiochus, and those who were under his
government, the consuls should command a supplication to be performed,
on account of that business; and that Manius Acilius, the consul,
should vow the great games to Jupiter, and offerings at all the
shrines." This vow was made by the consul in these words, which were
dictated by Publius Licinius, chief pontiff: "If the war, which the
people has ordered to be undertaken against king Antiochus, shall be
concluded agreeably to the wishes of the senate and people of Rome,
then, O Jupiter, the Roman people will, through ten successive days,
exhibit the great games in honour of thee, and offerings shall be
presented at all the shrines, of such value as the senate shall
direct. Whatever magistrate shall celebrate those games, and at
whatever time and place, let the celebration be deemed proper, and the
offerings rightly and duly made." The two consuls then proclaimed
a supplication for two days. When the consuls had determined their
provinces by lot, the praetors, likewise, immediately cast lots for
theirs. The two civil jurisdictions fell to Marcus Junius Brutus;
Bruttium, to Aulus Cornelius Mammula; Sicily, to Marcus Aemilius
Lepidus; Sardinia, to Lucius Oppius Salinator; the fleet, to Caius
Livius Salinator; and Farther Spain, to Lucius Aemilius Paullus. The
troops for these were settled thus:--to Aulus Cornelius were assigned
the new soldiers, raised last year by Lucius Quinctius, the consul,
pursuant to the senate's decree; and he was ordered to defend the
whole coast near Tarentum and Brundusium. Lucius Aemilius Paullus was
directed to take with him into Farther Spain, (to fill up the numbers
of the army, which he was to receive from Marcus Fulvius, propraetor,)
three thousand new-raised foot and three hundred horse, of whom
two-thirds should be Latin allies, and the other third Roman citizens.
An equal reinforcement was sent to Hither Spain to Caius Flaminius,
who was continued in command. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus was ordered to
receive both the province and army from Lucius Valerius, whom he was
to succeed; and, if he thought proper, to retain Lucius Valerius, as
propraetor, in the province, which he was to divide with him in such
a manner, that one division should reach from Agrigentum to Pachynum,
and the other from Pachynum to Tyndarium, and the sea-coasts whereof
Lucius Valerius was to protect with a fleet of twenty ships of war.
The same praetor received a charge to levy two-tenths of corn, and to
take care that it should be carried to the coast, and thence conveyed
into Greece. Lucius Oppius was likewise commanded to levy a second
tenth in Sardinia; but it was resolved that it should be transported,
not into Greece, but to Rome. Caius Livius, the praetor, whose lot was
the command of the fleet, was ordered to sail, at the earliest time
possible, to Greece with thirty ships, which were ready, and to
receive the other fleet from Atilius. The praetor, Marcus Junius,
was commissioned to refit and arm the old ships which were in the
dock-yards; and, for this fleet, to enlist the sons of freemen as

3. Commissaries were sent into Africa, three to Carthage, and a like
number to Numidia, to procure corn to be carried into Greece; for
which the Roman people were to pay the value. And so attentive was the
state to the making of every preparation and provision necessary
for the carrying on of this war, that the consul, Publius Cornelius,
published an edict, that "no senator, nor any who had the privilege of
giving an opinion in the senate, nor any of the inferior magistrates,
should go so far from the city of Rome as that they could not return
the same day; and that five senators should not be absent from the
city at the same time." A dispute which arose with the maritime
colonies, for some time retarded Caius Livius, the praetor, when
actively engaged in fitting out the fleet. For, when they were
impressed for manning the ships, they appealed to the tribunes of
the people, by whom the cause was referred to the senate. The senate,
without one dissenting voice, resolved, that those colonies were
not entitled to exemption from the sea-service. The colonies which
disputed with the praetor on the subject of exemption were, Ostia,
Fregenae, Castrumnovum, Pyrgi, Antium, Tarracina, Minturnae, and
Sinuessa. The consul, Manius Acilius, then, by direction of the
senate, consulted the college of heralds, "whether a declaration of
war should be made to Antiochus in person, or whether it would be
sufficient to declare it at some garrison town; whether they directed
a separate declaration against the Aetolians, and whether their
alliance and friendship ought not to be renounced before war was
declared." The heralds answered, that "they had given their judgment
before, when they were consulted respecting Philip, that it was of no
consequence whether the declaration were made to himself in person, or
at one of his garrisons. That, in their opinion, friendship had been
already renounced; because, after their ambassadors had so often
demanded restitution, the Aetolians had not thought proper to make
either restitution or apology. That these, by their own act, had made
a declaration of war against themselves, when they seized, by force,
Demetrias, a city in alliance with Rome; when they laid siege to
Chalcis by land and sea; and brought king Antiochus into Europe,
to make war on the Romans." Every preparatory measure being now
completed, the consul, Manius Acilius, issued an edict, that
the "soldiers enlisted, or raised from among the allies by Titus
Quinctius, and who were under orders to go with him to his province;
as, likewise, the military tribunes of the first and third legions,
should assemble at Brundusium, on the ides of May.[1]" He himself,
on the fifth before the nones of May,[2] set out from the city in his
military robe of command. At the same time the praetors, likewise,
departed for their respective provinces.

[Footnote 1: 15th May.]

[Footnote 2: 3rd May.]

4. A little before this time, ambassadors came to Rome from the two
kings, Philip of Macedonia and Ptolemy of Egypt, offering aid of
men, money, and corn towards the support of the war. From Ptolemy was
brought a thousand pounds' weight of gold, and twenty thousand pounds'
weight of silver. None of this was accepted. Thanks were returned to
the kings. Both of them offered to come, with their whole force,
into Aetolia. Ptolemy was excused from that trouble; and Philip's
ambassadors were answered, that the senate and people of Rome would
consider it as a kindness if he should lend his assistance to
the consul, Manius Acilius. Ambassadors came, likewise from the
Carthaginians, and from king Masinissa. The Carthaginians made an
offer of sending a thousand pecks[1] of wheat, and five hundred
thousand of barley to the army, and half that quantity to Rome; which
they requested the Romans to accept from them as a present. They
also offered to fit out a fleet at their own expense, and to give in,
immediately, the whole amount of the annual tribute-money which they
were bound to pay for many years to come. The ambassadors of Masinissa
promised, that their king should send five hundred thousand pecks of
wheat, and three hundred thousand of barley, to the army in Greece,
and three hundred thousand of wheat, and two hundred and fifty
thousand of barley, to Rome; also five hundred horse, and twenty
elephants, to the consul Acilius. The answer given to both, with
regard to the corn, was, that the Roman people would make use of it,
provided they would receive payment for the same. With regard to the
fleet offered by the Carthaginians, no more was accepted than such
ships as they owed by treaty; and, as to the money, they were told,
that none would be taken before the regular days of payment.

[Footnote 1: Here is, doubtless, some word dropped in the original;
so small a quantity could never have been deemed an object for one
powerful state to offer to another. Commentators suppose it to have
been _one hundred_ thousand.]

5. While these things were occurring at Rome, Antiochus, during the
winter season at Chalcis, endeavoured to bring over several of the
states by ambassadors sent among them; while many of their own accord
sent deputies to him; as the Epirots, by the general voice of the
nation, and the Eleans from Peloponnesus. The Eleans requested aid
against the Achaeans; for they supposed, that, since the war had been
declared against Antiochus contrary to their judgment, the Achaeans
would first turn their arms against them. One thousand foot were sent
to them, under the command of Euphanes, a Cretan. The embassy of the
Epirots showed no mark whatever of a liberal or candid disposition.
They wished to ingratiate themselves with the king; but, at the
same time, to avoid giving cause of displeasure to the Romans. They
requested him, "not hastily to make them a party in the dispute,
exposed, as they were, opposite to Italy, and in the front of Greece,
where they must necessarily undergo the first assaults of the Romans.
If he himself, with his land and sea forces, could take charge of
Epirus, the inhabitants would eagerly receive him in all their ports
and cities. But if circumstances allowed him not to do that, then they
earnestly entreated him not to subject them, naked and defenceless, to
the arms of the Romans." Their intention in sending him this message
evidently was, that if he declined going into Epirus, which they
rather supposed would be the case, they were not implicated with
relation to the Roman armies, while they sufficiently recommended
themselves to the king by their willingness to receive him on his
coming; and that, on the other hand, if he should come, even then they
would have hopes of being pardoned by the Romans, for having yielded
to the strength of a prince who was present among them, without
waiting for succour from them, who were so far distant. To this so
evasive embassy, as he did not readily think of a proper answer, he
replied, that he would send ambassadors to them to confer upon such
matters as were of common concernment both to him and them.

6. Antiochus went himself into Boeotia, holding out ostensibly
those causes of resentment against the Romans which I have already
mentioned,--the death of Brachyllas, and the attack made by Quinctius
on Coronea, on account of the massacre of the Roman soldiers; while
the real ones were, that the former excellent policy of that nation,
with respect both to public and private concerns, had, for several
generations, been on the decline; and that great numbers were in such
circumstances, that they could not long subsist without some change
in affairs. Through multitudes of the principal Boeotians, who
every where flocked out to meet him, he arrived at Thebes. There,
notwithstanding that he had (both at Delium, by the attack made on the
Roman troops, and also at Chalcis) already commenced hostilities, by
enterprises of neither a trifling nor of a dubious nature, yet, in
a general council of the nation, he delivered a speech of the same
import with that which he delivered in the first conference at
Chalcis, and that used by his ambassadors in the council of the
Achaeans; that "what he required of them was, to form a league of
friendship with him, not to declare war against the Romans." But not
a man among them was ignorant of his meaning. However, a decree,
disguised under a slight covering of words, was passed in his favour
against the Romans. After securing this nation also on his side, he
returned to Chalcis; and, having despatched letters, summoning the
chief Aetolians to meet him at Demetrias, that he might deliberate
with them on the general plan of operations, he came thither with his
ships on the day appointed for the council. Amynander, likewise,
was called from Athamania to the consultation; and Hannibal the
Carthaginian, who, for a long time before, had not been asked
to attend, was present at this assembly. The subject of their
deliberation was in reference to the Thessalian nation; and every one
present was of opinion, that their concurrence ought to be sought.
The only points on which opinions differed were, that some thought the
attempt ought to be made immediately; while others judged it better to
defer it for the winter season, which was then about half spent,
until the beginning of spring. Some advised to send ambassadors only;
others, that the king should go at the head of all his forces, and if
they hesitated, terrify them into compliance.

7. Although the present debate turned chiefly on these points,
Hannibal, being called on by name to give his opinion, led the king,
and those who were present, into the consideration of the general
conduct of the war, by a speech to this effect:--"If I had been
employed in your councils since we came first into Greece, when you
were consulting about Euboea, the Achaeans, and Boeotians, I would
have offered the same advice which I shall offer you this day, when
your thoughts are employed about the Thessalians. My opinion is, that,
above all things, Philip and the Macedonians should by some means or
other be brought into a participation in this war. For, as to Euboea,
as well as the Boeotians and Thessalians, who can doubt that, having
no strength of their own, they will ever court the power that is
present; and will make use of the same fear, which governs their
councils, as an argument for obtaining pardon? That, as soon as
they shall see a Roman army in Greece, they will turn away to that
government to which they have been accustomed? Nor are they to blame,
if, when the Romans were at so great a distance, they did not choose
to try your force, and that of your army, who were on the spot. How
much more advisable, therefore, and more advantageous would it be, to
unite Philip to us, than these; as, if he once embarks in the cause,
he will have no room for retreat, and as he will bring with him such
a force, as will not only be an accession to a power at war with Rome,
but was able, lately, of itself, to withstand the Romans! With such an
ally, (I wish to speak without offence,) how could I harbour a doubt
about the issue; when I should see the very persons through whom the
Romans prevailed against Philip, now ready to act against them?
The Aetolians, who, as all agree, conquered Philip, will fight
in conjunction with Philip against the Romans. Amynander and the
Athamanian nation, who, next to the Aetolians, performed the greatest
services in that war, will stand on our side. Philip, at the time when
you remained inactive, sustained the whole burden of the war. Now, you
and he, two of the greatest kings, will, with the force of Asia and
Europe, wage war against one state; which, to say nothing of my own
fortune with them, either prosperous or adverse, was certainly, in
the memory of our fathers, unequal to a dispute with a single king of
Epirus; what then, I say, must it be in competition with you two? But
it may be asked. What circumstances induce me to believe that Philip
may be brought to a union with us? First, common utility, which is the
strongest cement of union; and next, you, Aetolians, are yourselves
my informants. For Thoas, your ambassador, among the other arguments
which he used to urge, for the purpose of drawing Antiochus into
Greece, always above all things insisted upon this,--that Philip
expressed extreme indignation that the conditions of servitude had
been imposed on him under the appearance of conditions of peace:
comparing the king's anger to that of a wild beast chained, or shut
up, and wishing to break the bars that confined it. Now, if his temper
of mind is such, let us loose his chains; let us break these bars,
that he may vent, upon the common foe, this anger so long pent up. But
should our embassy fail of producing any effect on him, let us then
take care, that if we cannot unite him to ourselves, he may not be
united to our enemies. Your son, Seleucus, is at Lysimachia; and if,
with the army which he has there, he shall pass through Thrace, and
once begin to make depredations on the nearest parts of Macedonia, he
will effectually divert Philip from carrying aid to the Romans, to
the protection, in the first place, of his own dominions. Such is my
opinion respecting Philip. With regard to the general plan of the war,
you have, from the beginning, been acquainted with my sentiments: and
if my advice had been listened to, the Romans would not now hear that
Chalcis in Euboea was taken, and a fort on the Euripus reduced, but
that Etruria, and the whole coast of Liguria and Cisalpine Gaul, were
in a blaze of war; and, what is to them the greatest cause of alarm,
that Hannibal was in Italy. Even as matters stand at present, I
recommend it to you, to call home all your land and sea forces; let
storeships with provisions follow the fleet; for, as we are here too
few for the exigencies of the war, so are we too many for the scanty
supplies of necessaries. When you shall have collected together the
whole of your force, you will divide the fleet, and keep one division
stationed at Corcyra, that the Romans may not have a clear and safe
passage; and the other you will send to that part of the coast of
Italy which is opposite Sardinia and Africa; while you yourselves,
with all the land forces, will proceed to the territory of Bullium. In
this position you will hold the command of all Greece; you will give
the Romans reason to think, that you intend to sail over to Italy;
and you will be in readiness so to do, if occasion require. This is
my advice; and though I may not be the most skilful in every kind of
warfare, yet surely I must have learned, in a long series of both good
and bad fortune, how to wage war against the Romans. For the execution
of the measures which I have advised, I promise you my most faithful
and zealous endeavours. Whatever plan you shall consider the best, may
the gods grant it their approbation."

8. Such, nearly, was the counsel given by Hannibal, which the hearers
rather commended at the time, than actually executed. For not one
article of it was carried into effect, except the sending Polyxenidas
to bring over the fleet and army from Asia. Ambassadors were sent to
Larissa, to the diet of the Thessalians. The Aetolians and Amynander
appointed a day for the assembling of their troops at Pherae, and the
king with his forces came thither immediately. While he waited there
for Amynander and the Aetolians, he sent Philip, the Megalopolitan,
with two thousand men, to collect the bones of the Macedonians round
Cynoscephalae, where the final battle had been fought with king
Philip; being advised to this, either in order to gain favour with the
Macedonians and draw their displeasure on the king for having left
his soldiers unburied, or having of himself, through the spirit of
vain-glory incident to kings, conceived such a design,--splendid
indeed in appearance, but really insignificant. There is a mount there
formed of the bones which had been scattered about, and were then
collected into one heap. Although this step procured him no thanks
from the Macedonians, yet it excited the heaviest displeasure of
Philip; in consequence of which, he who had hitherto intended to
regulate his counsels by the fortune of events, now sent instantly a
message to the propraetor, Marcus Baebius, that "Antiochus had made
an irruption into Thessaly; that, if he thought proper, he should move
out of his winter quarters, and that he himself would advance to meet
him, that they might consider together what was proper to be done."

9. While Antiochus lay encamped near Pherae, where the Aetolians
and Amynander had joined him, ambassadors came to him from Larissa,
desiring to know on account of what acts or words of theirs he had
made war on the Thessalians; at the same time requesting him to
withdraw his army; and that if there seemed to him any necessity for
it he would discuss it with them by commissioners. In the mean time,
they sent five hundred soldiers, under the command of Hippolochus, to
Pherae, as a reinforcement; but these, being debarred of access by the
king's troops, who blocked up all the roads, retired to Scotussa. The
king answered the Larissan ambassadors in mild terms, that "he came
into their country, not with a design of making war, but of protecting
and establishing the liberty of the Thessalians." He sent a person
to make a similar declaration to the people of Pherae; who,
without giving him any answer, sent to the king, in the capacity of
ambassador, Pausanias, the first magistrate of their state. He offered
remonstrances of a similar kind with those which had been urged in
behalf of the people of Chalcis, at the first conference, on the
strait of the Euripus, as the cases were similar, and urged some with
a greater degree of boldness; on which the king desired that they
would consider seriously before they adopted a resolution, which,
while they were overcautious and provident of futurity, would give
them immediate cause of repentance, and then dismissed him. When the
Pheraeans were acquainted with the result of this embassy, without the
smallest hesitation they determined to endure whatever the fortune of
war might bring on them, rather than violate their engagements with
the Romans. They accordingly exerted their utmost efforts to provide
for the defence of their city; while the king, on his part, resolved
to assail the walls on every side at once; and considering, what was
evidently the case, that it depended on the fate of this city, the
first which he had besieged, whether he should for the future be
despised or dreaded by the whole nation of the Thessalians, he put in
practice every where all possible means of striking them with terror.
The first fury of the assault they supported with great firmness;
but in some time, great numbers of their men being either slain
or wounded, their resolution began to fail. Having soon been
so reanimated by the rebukes of their leaders, as to resolve on
persevering in their resistance, and having abandoned the exterior
circle of the wall, as their numbers now began to fail, they withdrew
to the interior part of the city, round which had been raised a
fortification of less extent. At last, being overcome by distress, and
fearing that if they were taken by storm they might meet no mercy from
the conqueror, they capitulated. The king then lost no time; but while
the alarm was fresh, sent four thousand men against Scotussa, which
surrendered without delay, observing the recent example of those in
Pherae; who, at length compelled by sufferings, had done that which
at first they had obstinately refused. Together with the town,
Hippolochus and the Larissan garrison were yielded to him, all of whom
were dismissed uninjured by the king; who hoped that such behaviour
would operate powerfully towards conciliating the esteem of the

10. Having accomplished all this within the space of ten days after
his arrival at Pherae, he marched with his whole force to Cranon,
which he took immediately on his arrival. He then took Cypaera and
Metropolis, and the forts which lay around them; and now every town
in all that tract was in his power, except Atrax and Gyrton. He next
resolved to lay siege to Larissa, for he thought that (either through
dread inspired by the storming of the other towns, or in consideration
of his kindness in dismissing the troops of their garrison, or being
led by the example of so many cities surrendering themselves) they
would not continue longer in their obstinacy. Having ordered the
elephants to advance in front of the battalions, for the purpose of
striking terror, he approached the city with his army in order of
battle, on which the minds of a great number of the Larissans became
irresolute and perplexed, between their fears of the enemy at
their gates, and their respect for their distant allies. Meantime,
Amynander, with the Athamanian troops, seized on Pellinaeus; while
Menippus, with three thousand Aetolian foot and two hundred horse,
marched into Perrhaebia, where he took Mallaea and Cyretiae by
assault, and ravaged the lands of Tripolis. After executing these
enterprises with despatch, they returned to the king at Larissa just
when he was holding a council on the method of proceeding with regard
to that place. On this occasion there were opposite opinions: for some
thought that force should be applied; that there was no time to be
lost, but that the walls should be immediately attacked with works
and machines on all sides at once; especially as the city stood in a
plain, the entrances open, and the approaches every where level.
While others represented at one time the strength of the city, greater
beyond comparison than that of Pherae; at another, the approach of
the winter season, unfit for any operation of war, much more so for
besieging and assaulting cities. While the king's judgment was in
suspense between hope and fear, his courage was raised by ambassadors
happening to arrive just at the time from Pharsalus, to make surrender
of their city. In the mean time Marcus Baebius had a meeting with
Philip in Dassaretia; and, in conformity to their joint opinion, sent
Appius Claudius to reinforce Larissa, who, making long marches through
Macedonia, arrived at that summit of the mountains which overhang
Gonni. The town of Gonni is twenty miles distant from Larissa,
standing at the opening of the valley called Tempe. Here, by laying
out his camp more widely than his numbers required, and kindling more
fires than were necessary, he imposed on the enemy the opinion which
he wished, that the whole Roman army was there, and king Philip along
with them. Antiochus, therefore, pretending the near approach of
winter as his motive, staid but one day longer, then withdrew from
Larissa, and returned to Demetrias. The Aetolians and Athamanians
retired to their respective countries. Appius, although he saw
that, by the siege being raised, the purpose of his commission was
fulfilled, yet resolved to go down to Larissa, to strengthen the
resolution of the allies against future contingencies. Thus the
Larissans enjoyed a twofold happiness, both because the enemy had
departed from their country, and because they saw a Roman garrison
within their city.

11. Antiochus went from Demetrias to Chalcis, where he became
captivated with a young woman, daughter of Cleoptolemus. When he
had plied her father, who was unwilling to connect himself with
a condition in life involving such serious consequences, first by
messages, and afterwards by personal importunities, and had at length
gained his consent; he celebrated his nuptials in the same manner
as if it were a time of profound peace. Forgetting the two important
undertakings in which he was at once engaged,--the war with Rome, and
the liberating of Greece,--he banished every thought of business
from his mind, and spent the remainder of winter in feasting and the
pleasures connected with wine; and then in sleep, produced rather
by fatigue than by satiety with these things. The same spirit of
dissipation seized all his officers who commanded in the several
winter quarters, particularly those stationed in Boeotia, and even the
common men abandoned themselves to the same indulgences; not one of
whom ever put on his armour, or kept watch or guard, or did any
part of the duty or business of a soldier. When, therefore, in the
beginning of spring, the king came through Phocis to Chaeronea, where
he had appointed the general assembly of all the troops, he perceived
at once that the soldiers had spent the winter under discipline no
more rigid than that of their commander. He ordered Alexander, an
Acarnanian and Menippus, a Macedonian, to lead his forces thence
to Stratum, in Aetolia; and he himself, after offering sacrifice to
Apollo at Delphi, proceeded to Naupactum. After holding a council of
the chiefs of Aetolia, he went by the road which leads by Chalcis and
Lysimachia to Stratum, to meet his army, which was coming along
the Malian bay. Here Mnasilochus, a man of distinction among the
Acarnanians, being bribed by many presents, not only laboured himself
to dispose that nation in favour of the king, but had brought to a
concurrence in the design their praetor, Clytus, who was at that time
invested with the highest authority. This latter, finding that the
people of Leucas, the capital of Acarnania, could not be easily
seduced to defection, because they were afraid of the Roman fleets,
one under Atilius, and another at Cephallenia, practised an artifice
against them. He observed in the council, that the inland parts of
Acarnania should be guarded from danger, and that all who were able
to bear arms ought to march out to Medio and Thurium, to prevent those
places from being seized by Antiochus, or the Aetolians; on which
there were some who said, that there were no necessity for all the
people to be called out in that hasty manner, for a body of five
hundred men would be sufficient for the purpose. Having got this
number of soldiers at his disposal, he placed three hundred in
garrison at Medio, and two hundred at Thurium, with the design that
they should fall into the hands of the king, and serve hereafter as

12. At this time, ambassadors from the king came to Medio, whose
proposal being heard, the assembly began to consider what answer
should be returned to the king; when some advised to adhere to the
alliance with Rome, and others, not to reject the friendship of the
king; but Clitus offered an opinion, which seemed to take a middle
course between the other two, and which was therefore adopted. It
was, that ambassadors should be sent to the king, to request of him
to allow the people of Medio to deliberate on a subject of such great
importance in a general assembly of the Acarnanians. Mnasilochus, and
some others of his faction, were studiously included in this embassy;
who, sending private messengers to desire the king to bring up his
army, wasted time on purpose; so that the ambassadors had scarcely set
out, when Antiochus appeared in the territory, and presently at the
gates of the city; and, while those who were not concerned in the plot
were all in hurry and confusion, and hastily called the young men to
arms, he was conducted into the place by Clitus and Mnasilochus. One
party of the citizens now joined him through inclination, and those
who were of different sentiments were compelled by fear to attend him.
He then calmed their apprehensions by a discourse full of mildness;
and in the hope of experiencing his clemency, which was reported
abroad, several of the states of Acarnania went over to his side. From
Medio he went to Thurium, whither he had sent on before him the same
Mnasilochus, and his colleagues in the embassy. But the detection of
the treachery practised at Medio rendered the Thurians more cautious,
but not more timid. They answered him explicitly, that they would form
no new alliance without the approbation of the Romans: they then shut
their gates, and posted soldiers on the walls. Most seasonably for
confirming the resolution of the Acarnanians, Cneius Octavius, being
sent by Quinctius, and having received a party of men and a few ships
from Aulus Postumius, whom Atilius had appointed his lieutenant to
command at Cephallenia, arrived at Leucas, and filled the allies
with hope; assuring them, that the consul Manius Acilius had already
crossed the sea with his legions, and that the Roman camp was in
Thessaly. As the season of the year, which was by this time favourable
for sailing, strengthened the credibility of this report, the king,
after placing a garrison in Medio and borne other towns of Acarnania,
retired from Thurium and returned through the cities of Aetolia and
Phocis to Chalcis.

13. About the same time, Marcus Baebius and king Philip, after the
meeting which they had in the winter in Dassaretia, when they sent
Appius Claudius into Thessaly to raise the siege of Larissa, had
returned to winter quarters, the season not being sufficiently
advanced for entering on action; but now in the beginning of spring,
they united their forces, and marched into Thessaly. Antiochus was
then in Acarnania. As soon as they entered that country, Philip laid
siege to Mallaea, in the territory of Perrhaebia, and Baebius, to
Phacium. This town of Phacium he took almost at the first attempt, and
then reduced Phaestus with the same rapidity. After this, he retired
to Atrax; and from thence having seized on Cyretiae and Eritium, and
placed garrisons in the places which he had reduced, he again joined
Philip, who was carrying on the siege of Mallaea. On the arrival of
the Roman army, the garrison, either awed by its strength, or hoping
for pardon, surrendered themselves, and the combined forces marched,
in one body, to recover the towns which had been seized by the
Athamanians. These were Aeginium, Ericinum, Gomphi, Silana, Tricca,
Meliboea, and Phaloria. Then they invested Pellinaeum, where Philip of
Megalopolis was in garrison, with five hundred foot and forty horse;
but before they made an assault, they sent messengers to warn Philip
not to expose himself to the last extremities; to which he answered,
with much confidence, that he could intrust himself either to the
Romans or the Thessalians, but never would put himself in the power of
the Macedonian. When it appeared that recourse must be had to force,
and that Limnaea might be attacked at the same time; it was agreed,
that the king should go against Limnaea, while Baebius staid to carry
on the siege of Pellinaeum.

14. It happened that, just at this time, the consul, Manius Acilius,
having crossed the sea with twenty thousand foot, two thousand horse,
and fifteen elephants, ordered some military tribunes, chosen for
the purpose, to lead the infantry to Larissa, and he himself with
the cavalry came to Limnaea, to Philip. Immediately on the consul's
arrival a surrender was made without hesitation, and the king's
garrison, together with the Athamanians, were delivered up.
From Limnaea the consul went to Pellinaeum. Here the Athamanians
surrendered first, and afterwards Philip of Megalopolis. King Philip,
happening to meet the latter as he was coming out from the town,
ordered his attendants, in derision, to salute him with the title
of king; and he himself, coming up to him, with a sneer, highly
unbecoming his own exalted station, addressed him as Brother.
Having been brought before the consul he was ordered to be kept in
confinement, and soon after was sent to Rome in chains. All the rest
of the Athamanians, together with the soldiers of king Antiochus, who
had been in garrison in the towns which surrendered about that time,
were delivered over to Philip. They amounted to three thousand men.
The consul went thence to Larissa, in order to hold a consultation on
the general plan of operations; and on his way was met by ambassadors
from Pieria and Metropolis, with the surrender of those cities.
Philip treated the captured, particularly the Athamanians, with
great kindness, in order that through them he might conciliate their
countrymen; and having hence conceived hopes of getting Athamania
into his possession, he first sent forward the prisoners to their
respective states, and then marched his army thither. These also,
making mention of the king's clemency and generosity towards them,
exerted a powerful influence on the minds of their fellow-countrymen;
and Amynander, who, by his presence, had retained many in obedience,
through the respect paid to his dignity, began now to dread that
he might be delivered up to Philip, who had been long his professed
enemy, or to the Romans, who were justly incensed against him for his
late defection. He, therefore, with his wife and children, quitted the
kingdom, and retired to Ambracia. Thus all Athamania came under the
authority and dominion of Philip. The consul delayed a few days at
Larissa, for the purpose chiefly of refreshing the horses, which, by
the voyage first, and marching afterwards, had been much harassed and
fatigued; and when he had renewed the vigour of his army by a moderate
share of rest, he marched to Cranon. On his way, Pharsalus, Scotussa,
and Pherae were surrendered to him, together with the garrisons placed
in them by Antiochus. He asked these men whether any of them chose to
remain with him; and one thousand having declared themselves willing,
he gave them to Philip; the rest he sent back, unarmed, to Demetrias.
After this he took Proerna, and the forts adjacent; and then began to
march forwards toward the Malian bay. When he drew near to the pass
on which Thaumaci is situated, all the young men of that place, having
taken arms and quitted the town, placed themselves in ambush in the
woods and roads, and thence, from the higher grounds, made attacks on
the Roman troops as they marched. The consul first sent people to
talk with them from a short distance, and deter them from such a mad
proceeding; but, finding that they persisted in their undertaking, he
sent round a tribune, with two companies of soldiers, to cut off the
retreat of the men in arms, and took possession of the defenceless
city. The shouting on the capture of the city having been heard from
behind, a great slaughter was made of those who had been in ambuscade,
and who fled homewards from all parts of the woods. From Thaumaci the
consul came, on the second day, to the river Spercheus; and, sending
out parties, laid waste the country of the Hypataeans.

15. During these transactions, Antiochus was at Chalcis; and now,
perceiving that he had gained nothing from Greece agreeable, except
winter quarters and a disgraceful marriage at Chalcis, he warmly
blamed Thoas, and the fallacious promises of the Aetolians; while he
admired Hannibal, not only as a prudent man, but as the predicter of
all those events which were then transpiring. However, that he might
not still further defeat his inconsiderate enterprise by his own
inactivity, he sent requisitions to the Aetolians, to arm all
their young men, and assemble in a body at Lamia. He himself also
immediately led thither about ten thousand foot (the number having
been filled up out of the troops which had come after him from Asia)
and five hundred horse. Their assembly on this occasion was far less
numerous than ever before, none attending but the chiefs with a few
of their vassals. These affirmed that they had, with the utmost
diligence, tried every method to bring into the field as great a
number as possible out of their respective states, but that they had
not prevailed either by argument, persuasion, or authority, against
those who declined the service. Being disappointed thus on all sides,
both by his own people, who delayed in Asia, and by his allies, who
did not fulfil those engagements by which they had prevailed on him
to comply with their invitation, the king retired beyond the pass
of Thermopylae. A range of mountains here divides Greece in the same
manner as Italy is divided by the ridge of the Apennines. Outside
the strait of Thermopylae, towards the north, lie Epirus, Perrhaebia,
Magnesia, Thessaly, the Achaean Phthiotis, and the Malian bay; on the
inside, towards the south, the greater part of Aetolia, Acarnania,
Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, and the adjacent island of Euboea, the
territory of Attica, which stretches out like a promontory into the
sea, and, behind that, the Peloponnesus. This range of mountains,
which extends from Leucas and the sea on the west, through Aetolia to
the opposite sea on the east, is so closely covered with thickets
and craggy rocks, that, not to speak of an army, even persons lightly
equipped for travelling can with difficulty find paths through which
they can pass. The hills at the eastern extremity are called Oeta, and
the highest of them Callidromus; in a valley, at the foot of which,
reaching to the Malian bay, is a passage not broader than sixty paces.
This is the only military road by which an army can be led, even if it
should not be opposed. The place is therefore called Pylae, the gate;
and by some, on account of a warm spring, rising just at the entrance
of it, Thermopylae. It is rendered famous by the memorable battle
of the Lacedaemonians against the Persians, and by their still more
glorious death.

16. With a very inferior portion of spirit, Antiochus now pitched his
camp within the enclosures of this pass, the difficulties of which
he increased by raising fortifications; and when he had completely
strengthened every part with a double rampart and trench, and,
wherever it seemed requisite, with a wall formed of the stones which
lay scattered about in abundance, being very confident that the Roman
army would never attempt to force a passage there, he sent away one
half of the four thousand Aetolians, the number that had joined him,
to garrison Heraclea, which stood opposite the entrance of the defile,
and the other half to Hypata; for he concluded, that the consul would
undoubtedly attack Heraclea, and he received accounts from many hands,
that all the districts round Hypata were being laid waste. The consul,
after ravaging the lands of Hypata first, and then those of Heraclea,
in both which places the Aetolian detachments proved useless, encamped
opposite to the king, in the very entrance of the pass, near the
warm springs; both parties of the Aetolians shutting themselves up in
Heraclea. Antiochus, who, before he saw the enemy, thought every
spot perfectly well fortified, and secured by guards, now began to
apprehend, that the Romans might discover some paths among the hills
above, through which they could make their way; for he had heard that
the Lacedaemonians formerly had been surrounded in that manner by the
Persians, and Philip, lately, by the Romans themselves. He therefore
despatched a messenger to the Aetolians at Heraclea, desiring them to
afford him so much assistance, at least in the war, as to seize and
secure the tops of the hills, so that the Romans might not be able to
pass them at any part. When this message was received, a dissension
arose among the Aetolians: some insisted that they ought to obey
the king's orders, and go; others, that they ought to lie still at
Heraclea, and wait the issue, whatever it might be; for if the king
should be defeated by the consul, their forces would be fresh, and in
readiness to carry succour to their own states in the neighbourhood;
and if he were victorious, they could pursue the Romans, while
scattered in their flight. Each party not only adhered positively to
its own plan, but even carried it into execution; two thousand lay
still at Heraclea; and two thousand, divided into three parties, took
possession of the summits called Callidromus, Rhoduntia, and Tichiuns.

17. When the consul saw that the heights were possessed by the
Aetolians, he sent against those posts two men of consular rank, who
acted as lieutenant-generals, with two thousand chosen troops;--Lucius
Valerius Flaccus against Rhoduntia and Tichiuns, and Marcus Porcius
Cato against Callidromus. Then, before he led on his forces against
the enemy, he called them to an assembly, and thus briefly addressed
them: "Soldiers, I see that the greater part of you who were present,
of all ranks, are men who served in this same province, under the
conduct and auspices of Titus Quinctius. Now, in the Macedonian war,
the pass at the river Aous was much more difficult than this before
us. For this is only a gate, a single passage, formed as it were by
nature; every other in the whole tract, between the two seas, being
impassable. In the former case, there were stronger fortifications,
and placed in more advantageous situations. The enemy's army was
both more numerous, and composed of very superior men; for they were
Macedonians, Thracians, and Illyrians,--all nations of the fiercest
spirit; your present opponents are Syrians, and Asiatic Greeks, the
most unsteady of men, and born for slavery. The commander, there, was
a king of extraordinary warlike abilities, improved by practice from
his early youth, in wars against his neighbours, the Thracians and
Illyrians, and all the adjoining nations. But this man is one who
(to say nothing of his former life) after coming over from Asia into
Europe to make war on the Roman people, has, during the whole length
of the winter, accomplished no more memorable exploit, than the taking
a wife, for passion's sake, out of a private house, and a family
obscure even among its neighbours; and now as a newly married man,
surfeited as it were with nuptial feasts, comes out to fight. His
chief reliance and strength was in the Aetolians,--a nation of
all others the most faithless and ungrateful, as you have formerly
experienced, and as Antiochus now experiences; for they neither joined
him with numbers, nor could they be kept in the camp; and, besides,
they are now in a state of dissension among themselves. Although they
requested permission to defend Hypata and Heraclea, yet they defended
neither; but one half of them fled to the tops of the mountains, while
the others shut themselves up in Heraclea. The king himself, plainly
confessing that, so far from daring to meet us in battle on the level
plain, he durst not even encamp in open ground, has abandoned all that
tract in front, which he boasted of having taken from us and Philip,
and has hid himself behind the rocks; not even appearing in the
opening of the pass, as it is said the Lacedaemonians did formerly,
but drawing back his camp completely within it. What difference is
there, as a demonstration of fear, between this and his shutting
himself up within the walls of a city to stand a siege? But neither
shall the straits protect Antiochus, nor the hills which they have
seized, the Aetolians. Sufficient care and precaution have been used
on every quarter, that you shall have nothing to contend with in the
fight but the enemy himself. On your parts, you have to consider, that
you are not fighting merely for the liberty of Greece; although, were
that all, it would be an achievement highly meritorious to deliver
that country now from Antiochus and the Aetolians, which you formerly
delivered from Philip; and that the wealth in the king's camp will not
be the whole prize of your labour; but that the great collection of
stores, daily expected from Ephesus, will likewise become your prey;
and also, that you will open a way for the Roman power into Asia and
Syria, and all the most opulent realms to the extremity of the East.
What then must be the consequence, but that, from Gades to the Red
Sea, we shall have no limit but the ocean, which encircles in its
embrace the whole orb of the earth; and that all mankind shall regard
the Roman name with a degree of veneration next to that which they
pay to the divinities? For the attainment of prizes of such magnitude,
prepare a spirit adequate to the occasion, that, to-morrow, with the
aid of the gods, we may decide the matter in the field."

18. After this discourse he dismissed the soldiers, who, before they
went to their repast, got ready their armour and weapons. At the first
dawn, the signal of battle being displayed, the consul formed his
troops with a narrow front, adapted to the nature and the straitness
of the ground. When the king saw the enemy's standards in motion,
he likewise drew out his forces. He placed in the van, before the
rampart, a part of his light infantry; and behind them, as a support,
close to the fortifications, the main strength of his Macedonians,
whom they call Sarissophori. On the left wing of these, at the foot
of the mountain, he posted a body of javelin-bearers, archers, and
slingers; that from the higher ground they might annoy the naked flank
of the enemy: and on the right of the Macedonians, to the extremity of
the works, where the deep morasses and quicksands, stretching thence
to the sea, render the place impassable, the elephants with their
usual guard; in the rear of them, the cavalry; and then, with a
moderate interval between, the rest of his forces as a second line.
The Macedonians, posted before the rampart, for some time easily
withstood the efforts which the Romans made every where to force a
passage; for they received great assistance from those who poured down
from the higher ground a shower of leaden balls from their slings,
and of arrows, and javelins, all together. But afterwards, the enemy
pressing on with greater and now irresistible force, they were obliged
to give ground, and, filing off from the rear, retire within the
fortification. Here, by extending their spears before them, they
formed as it were a second rampart, for the rampart itself was of such
a moderate height that, while it afforded to its defenders a higher
situation, they at the same time, by the length of their spears, had
the enemy within reach underneath. Many, inconsiderately approaching
the work, were run through the body; and they must either have
abandoned the attempt and retreated, or have lost very great numbers,
had not Marcus Porcius come from the summit of Callidromus, whence he
had dislodged the Aetolians, after killing the greater part of them.
These he had surprised, quite unprepared, and mostly asleep, and now
he appeared on the hill which overlooked the camp.

19. Flaccus had not met the same good fortune at Tichiuns and
Rhoduntia; having failed in his attempts to approach those fastnesses.
The Macedonians, and others, in the king's camp, as long as, on
account of the distance, they could distinguish nothing more than a
body of men in motion, thought they were the Aetolians, who, on seeing
the fight, were coming to their aid. But when, on a nearer view, they
knew the standards and arms, and thence discovered their mistake,
they were all instantly seized with such a panic, that they threw down
their arms and fled. Both the fortifications retarded the pursuers,
and the narrowness of the valley through which the troops had to pass;
and, above all, the circumstance that the elephants were on the rear
of the enemy. These the infantry could with difficulty pass, and the
cavalry could by no means do so, their horses being so frightened,
that they threw one another into greater confusion than when in
battle. The plundering of the camp also caused a considerable delay.
But, notwithstanding all this, the Romans pursued the enemy that day
as far as Scarphea, killing and taking on the way great numbers both
of men and horses, and also killing such of the elephants as they
could not capture; and then they returned to their camp. This had been
attacked, during the time of the action, by the Aetolians who were
occupying Heraclea as a garrison, but the enterprise, which certainly
showed no want of boldness, was not attended with any success. The
consul, at the third watch of the following night, sent forward his
cavalry in pursuit of the enemy; and, as soon as day appeared, set out
at the head of the legions. The king had got far before him, as he
did not halt in his precipitate flight until he came to Elatia. There
having collected the survivors of the battle and the retreat, he, with
a very small body of half-armed men, betook himself to Chalcis. The
Roman cavalry did not overtake the king himself at Elatia; but they
cut off a great part of his soldiers, who either halted through
weariness, or wandered out of the way through mistake, as they fled
without guides through unknown roads; so that, out of the whole army,
not one escaped except five hundred, who kept close about the king;
and even of the ten thousand men, whom, on the authority of Polybius,
we have mentioned as brought over by the king from Asia, a very
trifling number got off. But what shall we say if we are to believe
Valerius Antias, who records that there were in the king's army sixty
thousand men, of whom forty thousand fell, and above five thousand
were taken, with two hundred and thirty military standards? Of the
Romans were slain in the action itself a hundred and fifty; and of the
party that defended themselves against the assault of the Aetolians,
not more than fifty.

20. As the consul was leading his army through Phocis and Boeotia, the
revolted states, conscious of their defection, and dreading lest they
should be exposed as enemies to the ravages of the soldiers,
presented themselves at the gates of their cities, with the badges of
suppliants; but the army proceeded, during the whole time, just as if
they were in the country of friends, without offering violence of any
sort, until they reached the territory of Coronea. Here a statue of
king Antiochus, standing in the temple of Minerva Itonia, kindled
their indignation, and permission was given to the soldiers to
plunder the lands adjacent to the edifice. But the reflection quickly
occurred, that, as the statue had been erected by a general vote
of all the Boeotian states, it was unreasonable to resent it on the
single district of Coronea. The soldiers were therefore immediately
recalled, and the depredations stopped. The Boeotians were only
reprimanded for their ungrateful behaviour to the Romans in return for
such great obligations, so recently conferred. At the very time of
the battle, ten ships belonging to the king, with their commander
Isidorus, lay at anchor near Thronium, in the Malian bay. To them
Alexander of Acarnania, being grievously wounded, made his escape, and
gave an account of the unfortunate issue of the battle; on which
the fleet, alarmed at the immediate danger, sailed away in haste to
Cenaeus in Euboea. There Alexander died, and was buried. Three other
ships, which came from Asia to the same port, on hearing the disaster
which had befallen the army, returned to Ephesus. Isidorus sailed over
from Cenaeus to Demetrias, supposing that the king might perhaps have
directed his flight thither. About this time Aulus Atilius, commander
of the Roman fleet, intercepted a large convoy of provisions going to
the king, just as they had passed the strait at the island of Andros:

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