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Dio's Rome by Cassius Dio

Part 3 out of 6

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select in turn the very opposite things as likely to cause them benefit
or injury. His helpers among the praetors and tribunes were Titus Annius
Milo and the rest, who brought the proposition before the populace.
Spinther the consul was zealous[48] for Cicero partly as a favor to
Pompey and partly to damage Clodius, by reason of a private enmity which
had led him as judge to condemn the man for incest: Clodius was
supported by various men in public office, by Appius Claudius, his
brother, who was praetor, and by Nepos the consul who hated Cicero for
some reason of his own. [-7-] These parties, accordingly, with the
consuls as leaders made more noise than before, and so did the rest in
the city, championing one side or the other. Many disorderly proceedings
were the result, chiefest of which was that during the very casting of
the vote on the subject Clodius, knowing that the masses would be for
Cicero, took the gladiators that his brother held in readiness for the
funeral games in honor of Marcus his relative, leaped into the
assemblage, wounded many and killed many more. Consequently no decision
was reached and the perpetrator, as the companion of armed champions,
was dreaded in general by all: he then stood for the aedileship, with a
view to escaping the penalty for his violence by being elected. Milo had
indicted him but did not succeed in bringing him to court, for the
quaestors, by whom the allotment of jurors had to be made, had not been
elected, and Nepos forbade the praetor to allow any case before their
allotment. Now it was proper for the aediles to be chosen before the
quaestors, and this proved the principal cause of delay. [-8-] Much
disturbance was created by the contest over this very point, and at last
Milo himself collected some gladiators and others who desired the same
objects as he did and kept continually coming to blows with Clodius, so
that fatal conflicts took place throughout practically the entire city.
Nepos now, inspired with fear by his colleague and by Pompey and by the
other prominent men, changed his attitude, and as the senate decreed, on
motion of Spinther, that Cicero should be restored, and the populace on
the motion of both consuls voted it, Clodius, to be sure, spoke against
it to them, but he had Milo as an opponent so that he could commit no
violence, and Pompey, among others, spoke in favor of the enactment, so
that that party proved much the stronger.

[-9-] Cicero accordingly came home from exile and expressed his
gratitude to both senate and people,--the consuls affording him an
opportunity,--in their respective assemblies. He laid aside his hatred
of Pompey for his banishment, became reconciled with him, and
immediately repaid his kindness. A sore famine had arisen in the city
and the entire populace rushed into the theatre (the kind of theatre
that they were then still using for public gatherings) and from there to
the Capitol where the senators were in session, threatening first to
slay them with their own hands and later to burn them alive, temple and
all. It was then that Cicero persuaded them to elect Pompey as
commissioner of the grain supply and to give him consequently the office
of proconsul for five years both within Italy and without. So he now, as
previously in the case of the pirates, was to hold sway over the entire
world at that time under Roman power.

[-10-] Caesar and Crassus really disliked Cicero, but paid some attention
to him when they perceived that he would return in any case, Caesar even
while absent displaying some good-will toward him; they received,
however, no thanks for their pains. Cicero knew that they had not acted
according to their real inclination and regarded them as having been
most to blame for his banishment. And though he was not quite bold
enough to oppose them openly, since he had recently tasted the fruits of
unrestrained free speech, nevertheless he composed secretly a little
book and inscribed upon it that it contained a kind of defence of his
policy. In it he heaped together masses of denunciation against them and
others, which led him to such fear of these statements getting out in
his lifetime that he sealed up the volume and delivered it to his son
with the injunction not to read nor to publish what was written, until
his father should have departed from life.

[-11-] Cicero, accordingly, took root anew and got back his property and
likewise the foundation of his home, although the latter had been given
up to Liberty and Clodius both called the gods to witness and interposed
religious scruples against its desecration. But Cicero found a flaw in
the enactment of the lex curiata by the provisions of which his rival
had been taken from the nobles into the rank of the people, on the
ground that it had not been proposed within the limit of days set by
ancestral custom. Thus he tried to make null and void the entire
tribuneship of Clodius (in which also the decree regarding his house had
been passed), saying that inasmuch as the transference of the latter to
the common people had taken place unlawfully, it was not possible for
any one of his acts while in office to be considered binding. By this
means he persuaded the pontifices to give back to him the foundation as
properly his and unconsecrated. So he obtained that and money for the
construction of his house, and whatever else of his property had been

[-12-] After this there was further trouble on account of King Ptolemy.
He had spent much money upon some of the Romans, some of his own income
and some borrowed, in order to strengthen his kingdom and receive the
name of friend and ally. He was collecting this sum forcibly from the
Egyptians and was irritated at the difficulty he encountered as well as
at their bidding him demand back Cyprus from the Romans or else renounce
his friendship for the foreigners,--neither of which demands suited his
wishes. Since he could neither persuade them to be quiet nor yet force
them, as he had no foreign troops, he made his escape from Egypt, went
to Rome, and accused them of having expelled him from his kingdom: he
obtained the right to be restored by Spinther, to whom Cilicia had been

[-13-] While this was going on, the people of Alexandria, who for a
while did not know that he had departed for Italy or supposed he was
dead, placed Berenice his daughter on the throne in his place. Then,
learning the truth, they sent a hundred men to Rome to defend themselves
against his complaints and to bring counter charges of all the wrongs
they had suffered. He heard of it in advance (he was still in Rome) and
lay in wait for the envoys, by sending various men in different
directions, before their arrival. The majority of them perished on the
road, and of the survivors he slew some in the city itself and others he
either terrified by what had happened or by administering bribes
persuaded them neither to touch upon the matters regarding which they
had been sent, nor to make any mention at all of those who had been
killed. [-14-] The affair, however, became so noised abroad that even
the senate was mightily displeased, being urged on to action chiefly by
Marcus Favonius, who assigned two causes for his indignation,--first,
that many envoys sent by allies had perished by violence, and second,
that numerous Romans also on this occasion had taken bribes. So they
summoned Dio, the presiding officer of the envoys (for he had survived)
in order to learn the truth from him. But this time, too, Ptolemy gained
such a victory by money that neither did Dio enter the assemblage, nor
was any mention made of the murder of the dead men, so long as Ptolemy
was on the ground.[49] Furthermore, when Dio was subsequently
treacherously slain, he paid no penalty for that deed, either. This was
chiefly due to the fact that Pompey had entertained him in his house and
continued to render him powerful assistance. Of the other abuses that
sprang from this source many were accused at a later time, but few
convicted. For bribery was rampant and each cooeperated with the other
because of his own fear.

[-15-] While mortals were being influenced by money to behave themselves
so, Heaven at the very beginning of the next year by striking with a
thunderbolt the statue of Jupiter erected on the Alban hill, delayed the
return of Ptolemy some little time. For when they had recourse to the
Sibylline verses they found written in them this very passage: "If the
king of Egypt come requesting some aid, refuse him not friendship
altogether, nor yet succor him with any great force: otherwise, you will
have both toils and dangers." Thereupon, amazed at the coincidence
between the verses and the events of the time, they were persuaded by
Gaius Cato the tribune to rescind all their decisions in the case. This
was the way the oracle was given, and it was made public by Cato (for it
was forbidden to announce to the populace any of the Sibylline
statements unless the senate voted it). Yet as soon as the sense of the
verses, as usually happens, began to be talked about, he was afraid that
it might be concealed, led the priests before the populace and there
compelled them to utter the oracle before the senate had given them any
instructions. The more scruples they had against doing so, the more
insistent[50] was the multitude. [-16-] Cato's wish prevailed; it was
written in the Latin tongue and proclaimed. After this they gave their
opinions: some were for assigning the restoration of Ptolemy to Spinther
without an army and others urged that Pompey with two lictors should
escort him home (Ptolemy, on learning of the oracle, had preferred this
latter request and his letter was read in public by Aulus Plautius, the
tribune). The senators then, fearing that Pompey would by this means
obtain still greater power, opposed it, using the matter of the grain as
an excuse.

All this happened in the consulship of Lucius Philippus and Gnaeus
Marcellinus. Ptolemy, when he heard of it, refused the favor of
restoration, went to Ephesus, and passed his time in the temple of the

[-17-] The year before a peculiar incident, which still has some bearing
upon history, had taken place. It was this. The law expressly forbids
any two persons of the same clan to hold the same priesthood at the same
time. Now Spinther the consul was anxious to place his son Cornelius
Spinther among the augurs, and when Faustus, the son of Sulla, of the
Cornelian gens had been enrolled before him, took his son out of the
clan and put him in that of Manlius Torquatus, and thus though the
letter of the law was preserved, its spirit was broken.

[B.C. 56 (_a.u._ 698)]

[-18-] Clodius had now come to the office of aedile, in the year of
Philippus and Marcellinus; being anxious to avoid the lawsuit he had got
himself elected by a political combination. He immediately instituted
proceedings against Milo for procuring gladiators: what he was doing
himself and was likely to be brought to trial for he brought as a charge
against his rival. He did this not really in the expectation of
convicting Milo,--for the latter had many strong champions, among them
Cicero and Pompey,--but in order that under this pretext he might carry
on a campaign against Milo and harass his helpers. The following was one
of his numerous devices. [-19-] He had instructed his clique that
whenever he should ask them in the assemblies: "Who was it that did or
said so-and-so?" they should all cry out: "Pompey!" Then on several
occasions he would suddenly ask about everything that could be taken
amiss in Pompey, either in physical peculiarities or any other respect,
taking up various small topics, one at a time, as if he were not
speaking of him particularly. Thereupon, as usually happens in such
cases, some would start off and others join in the refrain, saying
"Pompey!" and there was considerable jeering. The man attacked could not
control himself and keep quiet nor would he stoop to a trick like
Clodius's, so that he grew exceedingly angry, yet could not stir: thus
nominally Milo was condemned, but in reality Pompey was convicted
without even making a defence. For Clodius went one step farther and
would not allow the lex curiata to be brought up for discussion; and
until that was enacted no other serious business could be transacted in
the commonwealth or any suit introduced.

[-20-] For a season Milo served as a shield for their abuses and
assassinations, but about this time some portents occurred. In Albanum a
small temple of Juno, set on a kind of table facing the east, was turned
around to the west; a flash of light starting from the south shot across
to the north; a wolf entered the city; an earthquake occurred; some of
the citizens were killed by a thunderbolt; in Latin territory a
subterranean tumult was distinctly heard: and the soothsayers, being
anxious to produce a remedy, said that some spirit was angry with them
because of some temples or sites not inhabited for holy purposes. Then
Clodius substituted Cicero for Milo and attacked him vigorously in
speeches because he had built upon the foundation of the house dedicated
to Liberty; and once he went to it, with the apparent intention of
razing it anew to the ground, though he did not do so, being prevented
by Milo. [-21-] Cicero was angry at such treatment and kept making
complaints, and finally with Milo and some tribunes as attendants he
ascended the Capitol and took down the tablets set up by Clodius to
commemorate his exile. This time Clodius came up with his brother Gaius,
a praetor, and took them away from him, but later he watched for a time
when Clodius was out of town, ascended the Capitol again, took them and
carried them home. After this occurrence no quarter was shown on either
side, but they abused and slandered each other as much as they could,
without refraining from the basest means. One declared that the
tribuneship of Clodius had been contrary to law and that therefore his
deeds in office had no authority, and the other that Cicero's exile had
been justly decreed and his restoration unlawfully voted.

[-22-]While they were contending, and Clodius was getting much the worst
of it, Marcus Cato came upon the scene and made them equal. He had a
grudge against Cicero and was likewise afraid that all his acts in
Cyprus would be annulled, because he had been sent out under Clodius as
tribune: hence he readily took sides with the latter. He was very proud
of his deeds and anxious above all things that they should be confirmed.
For Ptolemy, who at that time was master of the island, when he learned
of the vote that had been passed, and neither dared to rise against the
Romans nor could endure to live, deprived of that province, had taken
his life by drinking poison.[51] Then the Cypriots, without reluctance,
accepted Cato, expecting to be friends and allies of the Romans instead
of slaves. It was not, however, of this that Cato made his chief boast;
but because he had administered everything in the best possible manner,
had collected slaves and large amounts of money from the royal treasury,
yet had met with no reproach but had given account of everything
unchallenged,--it was for this that he laid claim to valor no less than
if he had conquered in some war. So many persons accepted bribes that he
thought it more unusual for a man to despise money than to conquer the

[-23-] So at that time Cato for the reasons specified had some hope of a
proper triumph, and the consuls in the senate proposed that a praetorship
be given him, although by law it could not yet be his. He was not
appointed (for he spoke against the measure himself), but obtained even
greater renown from it. Clodius undertook to name the servants brought
from Cyprus Clodians, because he himself had sent Cato there, but failed
because the latter opposed it. So they received the title of Cyprians,
although some of them wanted to be called Porcians; but Cato prevented
this, too. Clodius took his opposition extremely ill and tried to pick
flaws in his administration: he demanded accounts for the transactions,
not because he could prove him guilty of any wrongdoing, but because
nearly all of the documents had been destroyed by shipwreck and he might
gain some prestige by following this line. Caesar, also, although not
present, was aiding Clodius at this time, and according to some sent him
in letters the accusations brought against Cato. One of their attacks
upon Cato consisted in the charge that he himself had persuaded the
consuls (so they affirmed) to propose a praetorship for him, and that he
had then voluntarily put it by, in order not to appear to have missed it
when he wanted it.

[B.C. 56 (_a.u._ 698)]

[-24-] So they kept up the conflict, and Pompey, too, encountered some
trouble in the distribution of the grain. Many slaves had been freed in
anticipation of the event, of whom he wished to take a census in order
that the grain delivery might take place with some decency and order.
This, to be sure, he managed fairly easily through his own wisdom and
because of the large supply of grain: but in seeking the consulship he
found annoyances which likewise entailed a measure of censure for him.
Clodius's behavior irritated him, but even more the fact that he was
treated slightingly by the rest, whose superior he was: and he felt
injured both on account of his reputation and on account of the hopes by
reason of which while still a private citizen he had thought to be
honored beyond them all. Sometimes he could bring himself to despise all
this. At first when people began to speak ill of him he was annoyed, but
after a time, when he came to consider carefully his own excellence and
their baseness, he paid no further attention to them. [-25-] The fact,
however, that Caesar's influence had grown and the populace admired his
achievements so much as to despatch ten men from the senate in
recognition of the apparently absolute subjugation of the Gauls[52] and
that the people were so slated by consequent hopes as to vote him large
sums of money was a thorn in Pompey's side. He attempted to persuade the
consuls not to read Caesar's letters but conceal the facts for a very
long time until the glory of his deeds should of its own motion spread
itself abroad, and further to send some one to relieve him even before
the specified date. So jealous was he that he proceeded to disparage and
abrogate all that he himself had effected with Caesar's aid: he was
displeased at the great and general praise bestowed upon the latter
(whereby his own exploits were being over-shadowed) and reproached the
populace for paying little heed to himself and going frantic over Caesar.
Especially was he vexed to see that they remembered former achievements
just so long as nothing occurred to divert them, that they turned with
greatest readiness to each new event, even if it were inferior to
something previous because they became tired of the usual and liked the
novel, and that they overthrew all established glory by reason of envy,
but helped to build up any new power by reason of their hopes. [-26-]
This was what caused his displeasure; and as he could not effect
anything through the consuls and saw that Caesar had passed beyond the
need of keeping faith with him, he regarded the situation as grave. He
held that there were two things that destroy friendship,--fear and
envy,--and that these can only arise from rival glory and strength. As
long as persons possess these last in equal shares, their friendship is
firm, but when one or the other excels in the least degree, then the
inferior party is jealous and hates the superior while the stronger
despises and abuses the weaker: so, whichever way you take it, the one
is vexed by his inferiority, the other is elated by his advantage, and
they come to strife and war in place of their former friendship. On the
basis of some such calculations Pompey began to arm himself against
Caesar. And because he thought he could not easily alone overthrow him,
he cultivated Crassus even more than before, that he might act with him.

[-27-] When they had compared notes, they decided that it would be
really impossible for them to accomplish anything as private citizens,
but if they should get the consulship and divide the authority between
them for rivalry against him, they would both be a match for him and
quickly overcome him, being two against one. So they arranged an entire
plan of dissimulation, to wit, that if any of their companions should
urge them to the office, they should say they no longer cared to obtain
the consulship: after this they put forth their best efforts to get it,
in spite of the fact that they had formerly been friends with some of
the other candidates. When they began to canvass for the office outside
of the times directed by law and others made it plain that they would
not allow them to be appointed (among these were the consuls themselves,
for Marcellinus had some little influence), they brought it about that
the elections should not be held that year (and to this end they
employed Gaius Cato and some others), in order that an interrex might be
chosen and they seek and secure the place in accordance with the laws.
[-28-] Now this was done under some other pretext (as it was said, by
reason of engagements made at a different time), but in reality by their
own influence, for they openly showed dislike of those who opposed them.
The senate, however, was violently enraged, and once while they were
wrangling left the room. That was the end of the proceedings for the
time being, and again when the same disturbance happened the senators
voted to change their dress, as if for some calamity, and they paid no
attention to Cato, who, because he gained nothing by speaking against
the proposed step, rushed out of the gathering and called in any one he
met in the market-place,[53] in order that no decision might be reached;
for, if any person not a senator were within, they might not give their
vote. But other tribunes were quick and prevented those invited from
entering, and so this decree was passed, and it was also proposed that
the senators should not be spectators at the festival then going on.
When Cato opposed this measure, too, they rushed out in a body, and
after changing their dress returned, hoping thus to frighten him. When
even so he would not moderate his behavior, they all together proceeded
to the Forum and brought to a state of sincere sorrow the multitude, who
had come running to that place; Marcellinus was the speaker, and he
lamented the present occurrences, while the rest listening wept and
groaned, so that no one had a word to say against him. After doing this
the senators entered the senate-house immediately, intending to vent
their wrath upon those who were responsible.[-29-] But Clodius had
meantime jumped to the side of Pompey and espoused his cause again in
the hope that if he should help him in securing the prize now at stake,
he would make him entirely his friend. So he came before the populace in
his ordinary garb, without making any change as the decree required, and
addressed a speech to them against Marcellinus and the rest. As great
indignation at this act was shown by the senators, he abandoned the
people in the midst of his speech and hastened to the senate, where he
came near meeting his end. For the senate confronted him and prevented
his going in, while at that moment he was surrounded by the knights and
would have been torn limb from limb, had he not raised an outcry,
calling upon the people for aid; whereupon many ran to the scene
bringing fire and threatening to burn his oppressors along with the
senate-house, if they should do him any harm.

[-30-] He, then, came within an ace of being killed. But Pompey, not
alarmed at all by this, on one occasion rushed into the senatorial
assembly, thwarting them as they were just about to vote, and prevented
the measure from being carried. When Marcellinus after that publicly
asked him whether he really desired to become consul, he in hope that
the other might give ground admitted that he was a candidate, but said
that he did not want the office so far as the just men were concerned,
but that on account of the seditious he was exerting every influence to
that end. So Pompey came out openly as his rival, and Crassus on being
interrogated gave the same implication himself, not admitting the fact,
to be sure, but not denying it, either: instead, he took, as usual, a
middle course and said that he would do whatever was advantageous to the
republic. In view of this situation Marcellinus and many others were
terrified, as they observed their equipment and opposing array, and
would no longer frequent the senate-house.

As the number required by custom for passing any vote about the
elections did not assemble, it was impossible to have any business at
all about them brought forward, and the year thus passed away. However,
the senators did not change their attire nor attend the festivals nor
celebrate the feast of Jupiter on the Capitol nor go out to Albanum for
the Feriae Latinae, held there for the second time by reason of something
not rightly done. Instead, like persons in bondage and not possessing
authority to choose officials or conduct any other public business they
spent the rest of the year.

[B.C. 55 (_a.u._ 699)]

[-31-]And after this Crassus and Pompey were appointed consuls by the
interrex, as no one else of the earlier canvassers opposed them. Lucius
Domitius, who contested the office up to the very last day of the year,
started out from home for the assembly of the people just after dark,
but when the boy that carried the torch in front of him was stabbed, he
was frightened and went no farther. Hence, as no one else contested
their election, and furthermore because of the action of Publius
Crassus, who was a son of Marcus and then lieutenant under Caesar, in
bringing soldiers to Rome for this very purpose, they were easily

[-32-] When they had thus assumed the leadership of the State, they had
the other offices given to such as were well disposed toward them and
prevented Marcus Cato from being appointed praetor. They suspected that
he would not submit to their regime and were unwilling to add any legal
power to his outspoken opposition. The nomination of the praetors was
made in peace, for Cato did not see fit to offer any violence: in the
matter of the curule aediles, however, assassinations took place, so that
Pompey was implicated in much bloodshed. The other officials,
too,--those elected by the people,--they appointed to please themselves
(for they controlled the elections), and they made friends with the
other aediles and most of the tribunes. Two tribunes, Gaius Ateius Capito
and Publius Aquilius Gallus, would not come to terms with them.

[-33-] Accordingly, when the offices had been settled, they possessed
the object of their strivings. They themselves made no mention of these
matters before either the senate or the populace, but gravely pretended
that they wanted nothing further. Gaius Trebonius, however, a tribune,
presented a measure that to the one Syria and its environs be given to
rule over for five years, and to the other the Hispaniae, where there
had recently been an uprising, for a similar period; also that they
should employ as many soldiers as they might wish, both citizens and
allies, and should make peace and war with whomsoever they pleased.
Many, and especially the friends of Caesar, took offence at this, because
those men after obtaining provinces to govern were likely to keep Caesar
from holding his position for a much longer time; and therefore some
prepared to speak against the measure. Then the consuls fearing that
they might fail utterly of the projects they had in hand won over all
such supporters on the condition of extending his leadership also for
three [54] years more (to follow the actual facts). However, they
submitted no part of his case to the populace until their own business
had been ratified. And the adherents of Caesar anticipated in this way,
kept quiet, and the greater part of the rest, in bondage to fear and
satisfied if even so they should save their lives, remained still.
[-34-]On the other hand, Cato and Favonius resisted all their schemes,
having the two tribunes and others to help them, since in fighting few
against many their frankness was of no avail. Favonius, who obtained
from Trebonius only one hour for his speech in opposition, used it up in
crying out at random about the distressing condition of the times. Cato
received the right of employing two hours in his harangue and turned his
efforts to censuring the immediate proposition and the whole situation,
as he was wont, and so he exhausted his time before he had touched upon
any of the revolutionary aspects of the matter. This was done not
because he did not have the privilege of speaking also on that topic,
but in order that he might be silenced by Trebonius while still
appearing to have something more to say and thus obtain this additional
grievance to bring up against him. For he well understood that had he
employed the entire day, he was still sure to be unable to persuade them
to vote anything that he wished. Hence, when bidden to be silent he did
not stop immediately, but had to be pushed and dragged from the
assemblage, whereupon he came back, and at last though consigned to
prison he did not moderate his behavior.

[-35-] That day was so spent that the tribunes were unable to speak any
word at all. For in the meetings of the people where a measure was also
under discussion, the right to speak was given to all the private
citizens before those that held the offices, to the end, as it seemed,
that none of them captivated beforehand by the opinion of a superior
should dissimulate the thoughts that he had in mind, but should say what
he thought with entire frankness. Hence Gallus, being afraid that some
one might on the next day keep him from the Forum or do something worse
still, went into the place of assembly directly after nightfall and
passed the night there for the sake of the safety that the place
afforded, and for the purpose of leaving there at dawn to join the
populace outside. Trebonius, by shutting all the doors of the
senate-house, caused this man to have spent the night and most of the
day there in vain. Others occupied the site of the gathering by night
and barred out Ateius, Cato, Favonius and the remainder of their
followers. When Favonius and Ninnius got in somehow unobserved and Cato
and Ateius climbed upon the shoulders of some of those standing around
and being lifted up by them declared an omen directing the meeting to
break up, the attendants of the tribunes drove them both out, wounded
the rest who were with them and actually killed a few.

[-36-] After the law was in this way ratified and the people were
already departing from the assembly Ateius took Gallus covered with
blood (he had been struck in being forced out of the gathering), led him
into the presence of those still on the spot, exhibited him to them, and
by making all the comments that were natural, stirred them mightily. The
consuls were made aware of this and came quickly, having, indeed, been
waiting somewhere near to see what was going on. As they had a
considerable body-guard they intimidated the men, immediately called a
meeting and passed the additional measures relating to Caesar. The same
persons tried to resist these, too, but were unable to accomplish

[-37-] The consuls had this enactment passed, and next they laid heavier
penalties upon such as bribed any persons, as if they themselves were
any the less guilty because they had secured their office not by money
but by force. They had even undertaken to curtail personal expenditures,
which had gone to great lengths, although they themselves indulged in
every kind of luxury and delicacy; they were prevented, however, by this
very business of lawmaking. For Hortensius, one of the men fondest of
expensive living, by reviewing the great size of the city and adverting
with commendation to the costliness of their homes and their magnanimity
toward others, persuaded them to give up their intention, for he could
use their mode of life to champion his words. They respected his
contention, and furthermore, because they shrank from appearing to debar
others through any envy from rights that they themselves enjoyed, they
voluntarily withdrew their motion.

[-38-] These were the same days in which Pompey dedicated the theatre
wherein we take pride even at the present time. In it he provided an
entertainment consisting of music and gymnastic contests, and in the
hippodrome a horse-race and the slaughter of many beasts of all kinds.
Five hundred lions were used up in five days, and eighteen elephants
fought against men in heavy armor. Some of these beasts were killed
immediately and others much later. For some of them, contrary to
Pompey's wish, were pitied by the people when they were wounded and
ceased fighting and walked about with their trunks raised toward heaven.
They lamented so bitterly as to give rise to the report that they did so
not by accident, but were crying out upon the oaths in which they
trusted when crossing over from Libya, and were calling upon Heaven to
avenge them. For it is said that they would not set foot upon the ships
before they received a pledge under oath from their leaders that they
should verily suffer no harm: whether this is really so or otherwise, I
know not. For some in time past have further declared that in addition
to understanding the language of their native country they also
comprehend what is going on in the sky, so that at the time of new moon,
before that luminary comes within the gaze of men, they reach running
water and there make a kind of purification of themselves. These are
some of the things I have heard; I have heard also that this theatre was
not erected by Pompey, but by one Demetrius, a freedman of his, with the
money he had gained while making campaigns with the general. Wherefore
he yielded the name of the structure most justly to his master, that he
might not be ill spoken of for having, as his freedman, gathered money
enough to suffice for so huge an expenditure.

[-39-] No doubt in this Pompey afforded the populace no little delight,
but in making with Crassus the levies, according to their votes, he
displeased them exceedingly. Then the majority repented of their course
and praised Cato and the rest. So the latter group both on his account
and because a certain lawsuit, nominally against their lieutenants but
really against them and with reference to their acts had been instituted
by some of the tribunes, dared indeed to commit no act of violence, but,
together with the malcontents in the senate, changed their clothing as
if for a calamity. They immediately, however, repented in regard to this
costume and without waiting for any excuse went back to their accustomed
dress. Now when the tribunes endeavored to abolish the levies and
rescind the vote for the proposed campaigns, Pompey, for his part,
showed no anger. He had sent out his lieutenants without delay and he
himself was glad to remain where he was on the plea that he was
prevented from going abroad, especially as he ought to be in Rome on
account of his duties in the care of the grain; and his plan in that
case was to let his officers subdue the Hispaniae and himself manage the
affairs at Rome and in the rest of Italy. Crassus, however, since
neither of these considerations operated in his case, turned to force of
arms. The tribunes, then, seeing that their boldness, being unarmed, was
too weak to hinder any of his undertakings, in general kept silence.
They announced many unusual portents, however, that applied to him, as
if they could avoid including the public in their curse: at one time as
he was offering on the Capitol the customary prayers for his campaign
they spread a report of omens and wonders, and again when he was setting
out they called down many terrible curses upon him. Ateius even
attempted to cast him into prison, but other tribunes resisted, and
there was a conflict among them and a delay, in the midst of which
Crassus left the pomerium.

[B.C. 56 (_a.u._ 698)]

[-40-] Now he, whether by chance or as a result of the curses, before
long met with defeat. As for Caesar, he, in the consulship of Marcellinus
and Philippus, had made an expedition against the Veneti, who live near
the ocean. They had seized some Roman soldiers sent out for grain and
afterward detained the envoys who came to see about them, to the end
that in exchange they might get back their own hostages. Caesar, instead
of giving these back, sent out different bodies of troops in various
directions, some to waste the possessions of those who had joined the
revolt and thus to prevent the two bands from aiding each other, and
others to guard the possessions of those that were under treaty for fear
they too might cause some disturbance: he himself meanwhile went
straight against the Veneti. He constructed in the interior boats, which
he heard were of advantage for the reflux tide of the ocean, and
conveyed them down the river Liger, but in so doing used up almost the
entire season to no purpose. Their cities, established in strong
positions, were inaccessible, and the ocean surging around practically
all of them rendered an infantry attack out of the question, and a naval
attack equally so in the midst of the ebb and flow of the tide.
Consequently Caesar was in despair until Decimus Brutus came to him with
swift ships from the Mediterranean. And he was inclined to think he
would be unable to accomplish anything with those either, but the
barbarians through contempt for the smallness and weakness of the
cutters incurred defeat. [-41-] For these boats, with a view to rapid
progress, had been built rather light in the prevailing style of naval
architecture among us, whereas those of the barbarians, because in the
constant reflux of the ocean they often needed to rest on dry ground and
to hold out against the succession of ebb and flow, surpassed them very
much in both size and stoutness. For these reasons the barbarians, never
having had any experience with such a fleet, in view of the appearance
of the ships believed their effectiveness of no importance; and as soon
as they were lying at anchor they set sail against them, thinking to
sink them in a very short time by means of their boathooks. They were
carried by an extremely powerful wind, for their sails were of leather
and so received greedily the full force of the wind. [-42-] Now Brutus
for a time paid good heed to that fact and did not dare to sail out
against them because of the number and size of the ships and the sweep
of the wind and their impetus, but prepared to repel their attack near
the land and to abandon the boats altogether. When, however, the wind
suddenly fell, the waves were stilled, and the boats could no longer be
propelled even with oars but because of their great heaviness stopped
almost motionless, then he took courage and sailed to meet them. Falling
upon them he wrought them many serious injuries with impunity, using
both flank and smashing tactics,[55] now ramming one of them, now
backing water, in whatever way and as much as he liked, sometimes with
many vessels against one and again with equal numbers opposed,
occasionally even approaching safely with few against many. At whatever
point he was superior to them, there he stuck to them closely, and some
he sank by ripping them open, and others he boarded from all sides with
his mariners for a hand to hand conflict, thus slaughtering many. If he
found himself inferior at any place, he very easily retired, so that the
advantage rested with him in any case. [-43-] The barbarians did not use
archery and had not provided themselves beforehand with stones, not
expecting to have any need of them. Hence, if any one came into close
quarters with them, they fought him off after a fashion, but with those
that stood a little distance from them they knew not how to cope. So
they were wounded and killed, some being unable to repel any one, and
some of the boats were rammed and torn open, while others were set on
fire and burned; still others were drawn off in tow, as if empty of men.
The rest of the crews seeing this waited no longer: some killed
themselves to avoid being captured alive and others leaped into the sea
with the idea that from there they might board the hostile ships, or in
any event not perish at the hands of the Romans. In earnestness and
daring they were no whit inferior, but grieved terribly at being
betrayed by the stationary qualities of their vessels. The Romans, to
make sure that the wind when it sprang up again should not move the
ships, applied from a distance long poles fitted with knives, by means
of which they cut the ropes and split the sails. Through the
circumstance that the enemy were compelled to fight a kind of land
battle in their boats against a foe conducting a naval battle, great
numbers perished there and all the survivors were captured. Of these
Caesar slew the most prominent and sold the rest.

[-44-] Next he made a campaign against the Morini and Menapii, their
neighbors, expecting to terrify them by what he had already accomplished
and capture them easily. He failed, however, to subdue any of them. They
had no cities, living only in huts, and they conveyed their most valued
treasures to the ruggedest parts of the mountains, so that they did the
attacking parties of the Romans much more harm than they themselves
suffered. Caesar attempted by cutting down the forests to make his way
into the very mountains, but renounced his plan on account of their size
and the nearness of winter, and retired.

[-45-] While he was still in Venetia, Quintus Titurius Sabinus, his
lieutenant, was despatched against the Unelli, whose leader was
Viridovix. At first he was greatly terrified at their numbers and would
have been satisfied if only the camp should be saved, but later he
perceived that though this advantage made them bolder, they were not in
reality dangerous, and he took courage. Most of the barbarians, in fact,
in their threats make all sorts of terrible boasts that are without

Even so he did not dare to venture a passage of arms openly with them,
for they kept him in position by mere numbers, but induced them
recklessly to assault his rampart, though the site was on high ground.
He did this by sending about evening, as a deserter, one of his allies
who spoke their language, and persuaded them that Caesar had met with
reverses. Trusting this report they straightway started out heedlessly
against the Romans (for they were gorged with food and drink), in the
fear that they might flee before their arrival. Moreover, since their
plans contemplated not allowing even the fire-priest[56] to be saved
they brought along chips and logs, carrying some and dragging others,
with the evident intention of burning them alive. Thus they made their
attack up-hill and came climbing up eagerly, meeting with no resistance.
Sabinus did not move until the most of them were within his power. Then
he charged down upon them from all sides at once, and terrifying those
in front he dashed them all headlong down the hill, and while they were
upset, tumbling over one another and the logs, he cut them down to such
an extent that no one of them or of the others rose against him again.
For the Gauls, who are unreasonably insatiate in all respects alike,
know no limits in either their courage or their fear, but fall from the
one into unthinkable cowardice and from the other into headstrong

[-46-] About the same period, Publius Crassus, too, son of Marcus
Crassus, subjugated nearly all of Aquitania. The people are themselves
Gauls, and dwell next to Celtica, and their territory extends straight
along the Pyrenees to the ocean. Against these Crassus made his
campaign, conquering the Sotiates in battle and capturing them by siege.
He lost a few men, to be sure, by treachery in the course of a parley,
but defended them vigorously in this very action. On seeing some others
in a gathering with soldiers of Sertorius from Spain who carried on the
war with more strategy than recklessness, believing that the Romans
through lack of supplies would soon abandon the country, he pretended to
be afraid of them. Though incurring their contempt he did not even so
draw them into a conflict with him, but while they were calmly awaiting
developments he attacked them suddenly and unexpectedly. At the point
where he met them he accomplished nothing, because the barbarians
advanced and repelled him vigorously; but while their main force was
there, he sent some men around to the other side of their camp, got
possession of this, which was destitute of men, and passing through it
took the fighters in the rear. In this way they were all annihilated,
and the rest, all but a few, made terms without a murmur.

[B.C. 55 (_a.u._ 699)]

[-47-] This was the work of the summer. While the Romans were in winter
quarters on friendly ground the Tencteri and Usipetes, Celtic tribes,
partly because forced out by the Suebi and partly because called upon by
the Gauls, crossed the Rhine and invaded the country of the Treveri.
Finding Caesar there they became afraid and sent to him to make a truce,
asking for land or at least the permission to take some. When they could
obtain none, at first they promised voluntarily to return to their homes
and requested an armistice. Later their young men, seeing a few horsemen
of his approaching, despised them and altered their determination:
thereupon they stopped their journey, harassed the small detachment,
which would not await their attack, and elated over this success
continued the war.

[-48-] Their elders, condemning their action, came to Caesar even
contrary to their advice and asked him to pardon them, laying the
responsibility upon a few. He detained these emissaries with the
assurance that he would give them an answer before long, set out against
the other members of the tribe, who were in their tents, and came upon
them as they were passing the noon hour and expecting no hostile
demonstration, inasmuch as the delegation was with him.

Rushing into the tents[57] he found great numbers of infantrymen who did
not have time even to pick up their weapons, and he cut them down near
the wagons where they were disturbed by the presence of the women and
the children scattered promiscuously about. The cavalry was absent at
the time, and immediately, when the men learned of the occurrence, they
set out to their native abodes and retired among the Sugambri. He sent
after them and demanded their surrender, not because he expected that
they would give themselves up to him (the men beyond the Rhine were not
so afraid of the Romans as to listen to anything of that sort), but in
order that on this excuse he might cross the stream itself. He himself
was exceedingly anxious to do something that no one had previously
equaled, and he expected to keep the Celts at a distance from the Gauls
by invading the former's territory. When, therefore, the cavalry refused
to give themselves up, and the Ubii, whose land was coterminal with the
Sugambri and who were at variance with them, invoked his aid, he crossed
the river by bridging it. But on finding that the Sugambri had betaken
themselves into their strongholds and that the Suebi were gathering
apparently to come to their aid, he retired within twenty days.

[-49-] The Rhine issues from the Celtic Alps, a little outside of
Rhaetia, and proceeding westward, with Gaul and its inhabitants on the
left, it bounds the Celts on the right, and finally empties into the
ocean. This has always, even till now, been considered the boundary,
from which they came to the difference in names, since very anciently
both the peoples dwelling on each side of the river were called Celts.

[-50-] Caesar, then, first of Romans crossed the Rhine at this time, and
later in the consulship of Pompey and Crassus he traversed the channel
of Britain. This country is distant from the Belgic mainland, opposite
the Morini, three hundred and fifty stades at the shortest
computation,[58] and extends alongside the rest of Gaul and nearly all
of Spain, reaching out into the sea. To the very first of the Greeks and
Romans it was not even known; to their descendants it was a matter of
dispute whether it was a continent or an island. And its history was
written from both points of view by many who knew nothing about it,
because they had not seen with their own eyes nor heard from the natives
with their own ears, but indulged in guesses according as each had
leisure or fondness for talk. As time went on, first under Agricola as
propraetor and now under Severus as emperor, it has been clearly proven
to be an island.

[-51-] To this land then, Caesar, since he had won over the Morini and
the rest of Gaul was quiet, desired to cross. He made the voyage with
infantry by the most desirable course, but did not select the best
landing-place. For the Britons, having ascertained in advance that he as
sailing against them, had secured all the landings on the main coast.
Accordingly, he sailed around a kind of projecting headland and coasted
along on the other side of it. There he disembarked in shoal water,
conquered those who joined battle with him and got a footing on dry land
before more numerous assistance could come, after which he repulsed
their attack also. Not many of the barbarians fell, for they had chariot
drivers, and being mounted easily escaped the Romans whose cavalry had
not yet arrived; but alarmed at the reports about them from the mainland
and because they had dared to cross at all and had managed to set foot
upon the land, they sent to Caesar some of the Morini who were friends of
theirs, to see about terms of peace. On this occasion he demanded
hostages, which they were willing to give.[-52-] But as the Romans
meanwhile began to encounter difficulties by reason of a storm which
damaged their fleet that was present and also the one on the way, they
changed their minds and though not attacking the invaders openly (for
their camp was strongly guarded), they received some who had been sent
out to bring in provisions on the assumption that the country was
friendly, and destroyed them all, save a few, to whose rescue Caesar came
with speed. After that they assaulted the very camp of the invaders.
Here they accomplished nothing, but fared badly; they would not,
however, make terms until they had been often defeated. And Caesar
properly did not intend to make peace with them, but since the winter
was approaching and he was not equipped with a sufficient force to
continue fighting at that season,--moreover because his supplies had
failed and the Gauls in absence had begun an uprising,--he somewhat
unwillingly concluded a truce with them, demanding this time still more
hostages, but obtaining only a few.

[-53-] So he sailed back to the mainland and put an end to the
disturbances. From Britain he had won nothing for himself or for the
City except the glory of having conducted an expedition against that
land. But on this he prided himself greatly and the Romans at home
magnified it to a remarkable degree. Seeing that the formerly unknown
had become certain and the previously unheard of accessible, they
regarded the hope arising from these facts as already realized and
exulted over their expected achievements as if the latter were already
within their grasp.

[-54-] Hence they voted to celebrate a thanksgiving for twenty days: but
while that was taking place there was an uprising in Spain, which was
consequently assigned to Pompey's care. Some tribes had revolted and
obtained the help of the Vaccaei: while still unprepared they were
conquered by Metellus Nepos, but as he was besieging Clunia they
assailed him, proved themselves his superiors, and won back the city; at
another time they were beaten, though without being enslaved or anything
like it. In fact, they so far surpassed their opponents in numbers that
Nepos was glad to remain quiet and not run any risks.

[-55-] About this same time Ptolemy, although the Romans voted not to
assist him and were even now highly indignant at the bribery he had
instituted, was nevertheless restored and got back the kingdom. Pompey
and Gabinius effected this. So much power did official authority and
abundance have as against the decrees of the people and the senate that
when Pompey sent orders to Gabinius, then governor of Syria, the latter
immediately put his army in motion. So the former out of kindness and
the latter through corrupt influence restored the king contrary to the
wish of the commonwealth, paying no heed either to it or to the
utterances of the Sibyl. Gabinius was later brought to trial for this,
but on account of Pompey's influence and the money at his command was
not convicted. Public administration had so deteriorated among the
Romans of that day that when some of the magistrates and jurymen
received from him only a very little of the great bribes that he
disbursed, they heeded no requirement of propriety, and furthermore
instructed others to commit crimes for money, showing them that they
could easily buy immunity from punishment. At this time, consequently,
Gabinius was acquitted; but he was again brought to trial on some other
charge,--chiefly that he had plundered more than a million from the
province,--and was convicted. This was a matter of great surprise to
him, seeing that by money he had freed himself from the former suit; but
it was for that reason principally that he was condemned on these
charges. It was also a surprise to Pompey, because previously he had,
through his friends, rescued Gabinius even at a distance, but now while
in the suburbs of the city and, as you might say, in the courtroom
itself, he had accomplished nothing.

[-56-] This was the way of it. Gabinius had injured Syria in many ways,
even to the point of inflicting more damage upon the people than had the
pirates, who were then in their prime. Still, he regarded all his gains
from that source as mere trifles and was at one time planning and
preparing to lead a campaign also against the Parthians and their
wealth. Phraates had been treacherously murdered by his children, and
Orodes having taken the kingdom in turn had expelled Mithridates his
brother from Media, which he was governing. The latter took refuge with
Gabinius and persuaded him to connive at his restoration. However, when
Ptolemy came with Pompey's letter and promised that he would furnish
large sums, both to him and the army, Gabinius abandoned the Parthian
project and hastened to Egypt. This he did although the law forbade
governors to enter any one's territory outside their own borders or to
begin wars on their own responsibility, and although the people and the
Sibyl had declared that the man should not be restored. But the only
restraint these considerations exercised was to lead him to sell them
for a higher price. He left in Syria Sisenna his son, a mere boy, and a
very few soldiers with him, exposing the province to which he had been
assigned more than ever to the pirates. He himself then reached
Palestine, arrested Aristobulus, who had caused some trouble at Rome and
escaped, sent him to Pompey, imposed tribute upon the Jews and
thereafter invaded Egypt.

[-57-] Berenice was at this time ruling the Egyptians, and though she
feared the Romans she accorded him no satisfactory treatment. Instead,
she sent for one Seleucus who purported to belong to the royal race that
once had flourished in Syria, acknowledged him as her husband and made
him sharer of the kingdom and of the war. When he was seen to be held in
no esteem she had him killed and joined to herself on the same terms
Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who had deserted to Sulla; he was an
energetic man living in Syria. Gabinius could, indeed, have stopped the
evil in its beginning: he had arrested Archelaus, of whom he had been
suspicious all along, and seemed likely, therefore, to have no further
trouble. He was afraid, however, that this course might cause him to
receive from Ptolemy less of the money that had been stipulated, on the
assumption that he had done nothing of importance, and he hoped that he
could exact even a larger amount in view of the cleverness and renown of
Archelaus; moreover he received numerous other contributions from the
prisoner himself and so voluntarily released him, pretending that he had
escaped.[-58-] Thus he reached Pelusium without meeting opposition, and
while advancing from there with his army in two divisions he encountered
and conquered the Egyptians on the same day, and after this vanquished
them again on the river with his ships and also on land. For the
Alexandrians are very apt to face everything boldly and to speak out
whatever may occur to them, but for war and its terrors they are
decidedly worthless. This is true in spite of the fact that in
seditions, which occur among them in great numbers and of serious
proportions, they always become involved in slaughter, set no value upon
life as compared with the rivalry of the moment, but pursuing
destruction in such quarrels as if it were a most necessary prize. So
Gabinius conquered them, and after slaying Archelaus and many others he
immediately gained control of all Egypt and delivered it over to

Now Ptolemy killed his daughter and the foremost and richest of the
other citizens, because he had much need of money. [-59-] Gabinius after
restoring him in this fashion sent no message home about what he had
done, in order not to give them information against himself of his
transgressions of the law. But it was not possible for a proceeding of
such magnitude to be concealed. The people learned it directly, for the
Syrians cried out loudly against Gabinius, especially since in his
absence they were terribly abused by the pirates; and again the tax
collectors, being unable to levy taxes on account of the marauders, were
owing numerous sums. This enraged the populace: they passed resolutions
and were ready to condemn him. Cicero attacked him vigorously and
advised them to read again the Sibylline verses, expecting that there
was contained in them some punishment, in case their injunctions should
be transgressed. [-60-] Pompey and Crassus were still consuls, the
former acted as his own interests dictated, the latter was for pleasing
his colleague and also soon received money sent him by Gabinius. Thus
they openly justified his conduct, calling Cicero among other names
"exile," and would not put the question to a vote.

[B.C. 54 (_a.u._ 700)]

When, however, they had ended their office, Lucius Domitius and Appius
Claudius became their successors, once more many resolutions were
published and the majority proved to be against Gabinius. Domitius was
hostile to Pompey on account of the latter's canvass and because he had
been appointed consul contrary to his wish. Claudius, although a
relative of Pompey's, still wished to play the game of politics and
indulge the people, and furthermore he expected to get bribes from
Gabinius, if he should cause him any uneasiness. So both worked in every
way against him. The following fact, also, militated strongly against
him; that he had not received a certain lieutenant sent in advance by
Crassus to succeed him in the office, but held fast to the position as
if he had obtained an eternal sovereignty. They decided, therefore, that
the verse of the Sibyl should be read, in spite of Pompey's opposition.
[-61-] Meantime the Tiber, perhaps because excessive rains took place
somewhere up the stream above the city, or because a violent wind from
the sea beat back its outgoing tide, or still more probably, by the act
of some Divinity, suddenly rose so high as to inundate all the lower
levels in the city and to overwhelm much even of the higher ground. The
houses, therefore, being constructed of brick, were soaked through and
washed away, while all the cattle perished under water. And of the men
all who did not take refuge betimes on very high points were caught,
some in their dwellings, some on the streets, and lost their lives. The
remaining houses, too (because the evil lasted for many days), became
rotten and injured some persons at once and others afterward. The
Romans, distressed at such calamities and expecting others worse
because, as they thought, Heaven had become angry with them for the
restoration of Ptolemy, were urgent to put Gabinius to death even while
absent, believing that they would be harmed less if they should destroy
him with speed. So insistent were they that although nothing about
punishment was found in the Sibylline oracles, still the senate passed a
preliminary resolution that the governors and populace might accord him
very bitter and harsh treatment.

[-62-] While this was going on, money sent ahead by Gabinius caused by
its very presence a setback to his interests though he was not only
absent but not even on his way home. And, indeed, he was placed by his
conscience in such a wretched and miserable condition that he long
delayed coming to Italy, and was conveyed to his house by night, and for
a considerable number of days did not dare to appear outside of his
house. Complaints were many and he had abundance of accusers.
Accordingly, he was first tried for the restoration of Ptolemy, as his
greatest offence. Practically the entire populace surged into the
courthouse and often wished to tear him to pieces, particularly because
Pompey was not present and Cicero accused him with fearful earnestness.
Though this was their attitude, he was acquitted. For he himself,
appreciating the gravity of the charges on which he was tried, expended
vast sums of money, and the companions of Pompey and Caesar very
willingly aided him, declaring that a different time and different king
were meant by the Sybil, and, most important of all, that no punishment
for his deeds were recorded in her verses.

[-63-] The populace, therefore, came near killing the jurymen, but, when
they escaped, turned their attention to the remaining complaints against
him and caused him to be convicted at least on those. The men who were
chosen by lot to pass judgment on the charges both feared the people and
likewise obtained but little from Gabinius; knowing that his conduct in
minor matters only was being investigated and expecting to win this time
also he did not lay out much. Hence they condemned him, in spite of
Pompey's proximity and Cicero's advocacy of his cause. Pompey had left
town to attend to the grain, much of which had been ruined by the river,
but set out with the intention of attending the first court,--for he was
in Italy,--and, as he missed that, did not retire from the suburbs until
the other was also finished. He had the people assemble outside the
pomerium, since, as he held already the office of proconsul, he was not
allowed to enter the town, and harangued them at length in behalf of
Gabinius, reading to them a letter sent to him by Caesar in the man's
behalf. He even implored the jurymen, and not only prevented Cicero from
accusing him again but actually persuaded him to plead for him; as a
result the derogatory epithet of "deserter" became widely applied to the
orator. However, he did Gabinius no good: the latter was at this time
convicted and exiled, as stated, but was later restored by Caesar.

[-64-] At this same time the wife of Pompey died, after giving birth to
a baby girl. And whether by the arrangement of Caesar's friends and his
or because there were some who wished on general principles to do them a
favor, they caught up the body, as soon as she had received proper
eulogies in the Forum, and buried it in the Campus Martius. The
opposition of Domitius and his declaration (among others) that it was
impious for any one to be buried in the sacred spot without some decree
proved of no avail.

[-65-] At this season Gaius Pomptinus also celebrated the triumph over
the Gauls. Up to that time, as no one granted him the right to hold it,
he had remained outside the pomerium. And he would have missed it then,
too, had not Servius Galba, who had made a campaign with him, granted as
praetor secretly and just before dawn to certain persons the privilege of
voting:--this, in spite of the fact that it is not permitted by law for
any business to be transacted in the popular assembly before the first
hour. For this reason some of the tribunes, who had been left out of the
meeting, caused him trouble (at least, in the procession), so that there
was some killing.



The following is contained in the Fortieth of Dio's Rome.

How Caesar for the second time sailed across into Britain (chapters 1-3.)

How Caesar turned back from Britain and again engaged in war with the
Gauls (chapters 4-11).

How Crassus began to carry on war with the Parthians (chapters 12, 13).

About the Parthians (chapters 14, 15).

How Crassus was defeated by them and perished (chapters 16-30).

How Caesar subjugated the whole of Transalpine Gaul (chapters 31-43).

How Milo killed Clodius and was condemned by the court (chapters 44-57).

How Caesar and Pompey began to be at variance (chapters 58-66).

Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Domitius and Appius
Claudius, together with four additional years, in which there were the
following magistrates here enumerated.

Cn. Domitius M.F. Calvinus, M. Valerius || Messala. || (B.C. 53 = a.u.

|| Cn. Pompeius || Cn. F. Magnus (III), Caecilius Metellus Scipio Nasicae
F. (B.C. 52 = a.u. 702.)

Servius Sulpicius Q.F. Rufus, M. Claudius M.F. Marcellus. (B.C. 51 =
a.u. 703.)

L. Aemilius M.F. Paulus, || C. Claudius C.F. Marcellus. || (B.C. 50 =
a.u. 704.)


[B.C. 54 (_a.u._ 700)]

[-1-] These were the occurrences in Rome while the city was passing
through its seven hundredth year. In Gaul Caesar during the year of those
same consuls, Lucius Domitius and Appius Claudius, among other
undertakings constructed ships of a style halfway between his own swift
vessels and the native ships of burden, endeavoring to make them as
light as possible and yet entirely seaworthy, and he left them on dry
land to avoid injury. When the weather became fit for sailing, he
crossed over again to Britain, giving as his excuse that the people of
that country, thinking that he would never cross to them again because
he had once retired empty-handed, had not sent all the hostages they had
promised; the truth of the matter was that he vehemently coveted the
island, so that he would have certainly found some other pretext, if
this had not been in existence. He came to land at the same place as
before, no one daring to oppose him because of the number of his ships
and his approaching the shore at all points at once; thus he got
possession of the harbor immediately. [-2-] The barbarians for the
reasons specified had not been able to hinder his approach and being far
more afraid than before, because he had come with a larger army, carried
away all their most valued possessions into the most woody and overgrown
portions of the neighboring country. After they had put them in safety
by cutting down the surrounding wood and piling more upon it row after
row until the whole looked like an entrenched camp, they proceeded to
annoy Roman foraging parties. Indeed, in one battle after being defeated
on open ground they drew the invaders toward that spot in pursuit, and
killed many of them. Soon after, as storm had once more damaged the
ships, the Britons sent for allies and set out against their naval
arsenal itself, with Casuvellaunus, regarded as the foremost of the
chiefs in the island, at their head. The Romans upon meeting them were
at first thrown into confusion by the attack of their chariots, but
later opened ranks, and by letting them pass through and striking the
occupants obliquely as they drove by, made the battle equal. [-3-] For
the time being both parties remained where they were. At another meeting
the barbarians proved superior to the infantry, but were damaged by the
cavalry and withdrew to the Thames, where they encamped after planting
stakes across the ford, some visible and some under water. But Caesar by
a powerful assault forced them to leave the palisade and later on by
siege drove them from the fort, and others repulsed a party of theirs
that attacked the harbor. They then became terrified and made terms,
giving hostages and being rated for a yearly tribute.

[-4-] Under these circumstances Caesar departed entirely from the island
and left no body of troops behind in it. He believed that such a force
would be in danger while passing the winter on a foreign shore and that
it might be inconvenient for him to absent himself from Gaul for any
considerable period: hence he was satisfied with his present
achievements, in the fear that if he reached for more, he might be
deprived of these. It seemed that in this he had done rightly, as was,
indeed, proved by what took place. For when he had gone to Italy,
intending to winter there, the Gauls, though each separate nation
contained many garrisons, still planned resistance and some of them
openly revolted. So if this had happened while he was staying in Britain
to finish the winter season, all the hither regions would have been a
scene of confusion indeed.

[-5-] This war was begun by the Eburones, under Ambiorix as chief. They
said the disturbance was due to their being oppressed by the presence of
the Romans, who were commanded by Sabinus and Lucius Cotta, lieutenants.
As a matter of fact they despised the garrison, thinking they would not
prove competent to defend themselves and expecting that Caesar would not
speedily head an expedition against their tribe. They accordingly came
upon the soldiers unawares, expecting to take the camp without striking
a blow, and, when they failed of this, had recourse to deceit. Ambiorix
after setting ambuscades in the most suitable spots came to the Romans
for a parley and represented that he had taken part in the war against
his will and was himself sorry. But against the others he advised them
be on their guard, for his compatriots would not obey him and were
intending to attack the garrison at night. Consequently he made the
suggestion to them that they should abandon Eburonia, because they would
be in danger, if they stayed, and pass on as quickly as possible to
where some of their comrades were wintering near by.[-6-] The Romans
were persuaded by this disclosure, especially as he had received many
favors from Caesar and seemed in this to be repaying him in kindness.
They packed up their belongings with zeal just after nightfall and
later[59] started out, but fell into the ambush set and suffered a
terrible reverse. Cotta with many others perished immediately: Sabinus
was sent for by Ambiorix under the pretext of saving him, for the Gallic
leader was not on the ground and even then seemed faithful to him
personally; on his arrival, however, Ambiorix seized him, stripped him
of his arms and clothing, and then struck him down with his javelin,
uttering boasts over him, one to this effect: "How can such creatures as
you are have the idea of ruling a nation of our strength?" This was the
fate that these men suffered. The rest managed to break through to the
fortress from which they had set out, but when the barbarians assailed
that, too, and they could neither repel them nor escape, they killed one

[-7-] After this event some other of the neighboring tribes revolted,
among them the Nervii, though Quintus Cicero, a brother of Marcus Cicero
and lieutenant of Caesar, was wintering in their territory. Ambiorix
added them to his force and began a conflict with Cicero. The contest
was close, and after capturing some prisoners alive the chieftain tried
to deceive him likewise, but being unable to do so resorted to siege.
Before long by means of his large force and the experience which he had
gained from the campaign that he made with the Romans, together with
some detailed information that he obtained from the captives, he managed
to enclose him with a palisade and ditch. There were battles, as natural
in such operations,--many of them,--and far larger numbers of barbarians
perished, because there were more of them. They, however, by reason of
their abundant army were never in sight of destruction, whereas the
Romans, not being many in the first place, kept continually growing
fewer and were encompassed without difficulty. [-8-] They were unable to
treat their wounds with success through lack of the necessary
applications, and did not have a large supply of food, because they had
been besieged unexpectedly. No one came to their aid, though many were
wintering at no great distance, for the barbarians guarded the roads
with care and all who were sent out they caught and slaughtered before
the eyes of their friends. As they were therefore in danger of being
captured, a Nervian who was friendly to them as the result of kindness
shown and at this time was besieged with Cicero, presented them with a
slave of his to send as a messenger through the lines. Because of his
dress and his native speech he would be able to associate with the enemy
as one of their number, without attracting notice, and after that he
could depart. [-9-] In this way Caesar learned of what was taking place
(he had not yet gone to Italy but was still on the way), and, turning
back, took with him the soldiers in the winter establishments through
which he passed, and pressed rapidly on. Meanwhile being afraid that
Cicero in despair of assistance might suffer disaster or capitulate, he
sent forward a horseman. He did not trust the servant of the Nervian, in
spite of having received an actual proof of his good will: he was afraid
that he might pity his countrymen and work him some great evil. So he
sent a horseman of the allies who knew their dialect and had dressed
himself in their garb. And in order that even he might not voluntarily
or involuntarily reveal the secret he gave him no verbal message and
wrote to Cicero in Greek all the injunctions that he wished to give, in
order that even if the letter should be captured, it might still be
incomprehensible to the barbarians and afford them no information. He
had also the custom as a usual thing, when he was sending a secret order
to any one, to write constantly the fourth letter beyond, instead of the
proper one, so that the writing might be unintelligible to most persons.
The horseman reached the camp of the Romans, but not being able to come
close up to it he fastened the letter to a small javelin and hurled it
into the enemy's ranks, fixing it purposely in a tower.[-10-] Thus
Cicero, on learning of the advent of Caesar, took courage and held out
more stubbornly. The barbarians for a long time knew nothing of the
assistance he was bringing; he journeyed by night, lying by day in most
obscure places, so as to fall upon them as far as possible unawares. At
last from the unnatural cheerfulness of the besieged they suspected it
and sent out scouts. Learning from them that Caesar was at last drawing
near they set out against him, thinking to attack him while off his
guard. He received advance information of this movement and remained
where he was that night, but just before dawn took up a strong position.
There he encamped apparently with the utmost haste, for the purpose of
appearing to have only a few followers, to have suffered from the
journey, to fear their onset, and by this plan to draw them to the
higher ground. And so it proved. Their contempt for him led them to
charge up hill, and they met with such a severe defeat that they
committed not another warlike act.

[-11-] In this way both they and all the rest were at that time subdued;
they did not, however, feel kindly toward the Romans. The Treveri,
indeed, when Caesar sent for the principal men[60] of each tribe and
punished them, through fear that they, too, might be called upon to pay
the penalty assumed again a hostile attitude, lending an attentive ear
to the persuasions of Indutiomarus. They led some others who feared the
same treatment to revolt and headed an expedition against Titus
Labienus, who was among the Remi, but were annihilated in an unexpected
sally made by the Romans.

[-12-] This was what took place in Gaul, and Caesar wintered there so as
to be able to keep strict control of affairs. Crassus, desiring for his
part to accomplish something that would confer some glory and profit
upon him, made a campaign against the Parthians, since after
consideration he saw no such opportunity in Syria, where the people were
quiet and the officers who had formerly warred against the Romans were
by reason of their impotency causing no disturbance. He had no complaint
to bring against the Parthians nor had war been decreed, but he heard
that they were exceeding wealthy and expected that Orodes would be easy
to capture, because but newly established. Therefore he crossed the
Euphrates and proceeded to traverse a considerable portion of
Mesopotamia, devastating and ravaging the country. As his crossing was
unexpected by the barbarians no strong guard had been placed at that
point. Silaces, then governor of that region, was quickly defeated near
Ichnai, a fortress so named, after contending with a few horsemen. He
was wounded and retired to report personally to the king the Romans'
invasion:[-13-] Crassus quickly got possession of the garrisons and
especially the Greek cities, among them one named Nicephorium. Many of
the Macedonians and of the rest that fought for the Parthians were Greek
colonists, oppressed by violence, and not unwillingly transferred their
allegiance to the Romans, who, they strongly hoped, would be favorable
to the Greeks. The inhabitants of Zenodotium, pretending a willingness
to revolt, sent for some of the invaders, but when they were within the
town cut them off and killed them, for which act they were driven from
their homes. Outside of this Crassus for the time being neither
inflicted nor received any serious harm. He certainly would have subdued
the other regions beyond the Tigris, if he had followed up the advantage
from his own attack and the barbarians' panic equally in all respects,
and had he wintered furthermore where he was, keeping a sharp lookout on
their behavior. As it turned out, he captured only what he could seize
by sudden assault and paid no heed to the rest nor to the people
themselves, but wearied by his stay in Mesopotamia and longing for the
indolence of Syria he afforded the Parthians time to prepare themselves
and to injure the soldiers left behind in their country.

[-14-]This was the beginning that the Romans made of war against them.
They dwell beyond the Tigris, possessing for the most part forts and
garrisons, but also a few cities, among them Ctesiphon, in which there
is a palace. Their stock was very likely in existence among the original
barbarians and they had this same name even under the Persian rule. But
at that time they inhabited only a small portion of the country and had
not obtained any transmontane sovereignty. When the Persian kingdom had
been destroyed and that of the Macedonians had reached its prime, and
then the successors of Alexander had quarreled one with another, cutting
off separate portions for their own and setting up individual
monarchies, this land then first attained prominence under a certain
Arsaces from whom their succeeding rulers have received the title of
Arsacidae. By good fortune they acquired all the neighboring territory,
kept control of Mesopotamia by means of satrapies, and finally advanced
to so great glory and power as to fight against the Romans at that
period and to be considered worthy antagonists up to present time.[61]
They are really formidable in warfare and possess the greater
reputation, in spite of never having gained anything from the Romans and
having parted with certain portions of their own domain, because they
have not yet been enslaved, but even now carry wars against us to the
end, whenever they get into conflicts. [-15-] About their race and their
country and the peculiarities of their customs many persons have spoken,
and I have no intention of compiling an account. But it is fair to
mention in what follows their equipment of arms, and the way they handle
a war: the examination of these details properly concerns the present
narrative, since it here needs to introduce them. The Parthians make no
use of a shield, but their forces consist of mounted archers and
pike-bearers, mostly in full armor. Their infantry is small, made up of
the weaker persons; hence it may be said they are all archers. They
practice from boyhood, and the sky and the country cooeperate with them
for two good ends. The latter, being for the most part level, is
excellent for raising horses and very suitable for riding over with
horses. Therefore even in war the people lead about whole droves so that
they can use some horses at one place and others at another, can ride up
suddenly from a distance and also retire to a distance speedily. The sky
above them, too, which is very dry and contains not the least moisture,
affords them perfect opportunity for archery, except in the winter. For
that reason they make no campaigns in any direction during the winter
season. But the rest of the year they are almost invincible in their own
country and in any that has similar characteristics. By long custom they
can endure the sun, which is very scorching, and they have discovered
many remedies for the scantiness and difficulty of a supply of drink,--a
fact which is a help to them in repelling without difficulty the
invaders of their land. Outside of this district and beyond the
Euphrates they have once or twice exercised some sway by battles and
sudden incursions, but to fight with any nation continuously, without
stopping, is not in their power, when they encounter an entirely
different condition of land and sky and have no supplies of either food
or pay.

[-16-] Such is the Parthian state. Crassus, as has been stated, invaded
Mesopotamia and Orodes sent envoys to him in Syria to censure him for
the invasion and ask the causes of the war; he sent also Surena with an
army to the captured and revolted sections. He himself had in mind to
lead an expedition against Armenia, which had once belonged to Tigranes,
in order that Artabazes, son of Tigranes, the king of the land at that
time, should, through fear for his own domains, send no assistance to
the Romans. Now Crassus said that he would tell him in Seleucia the
causes of the war. (This is a city in Mesopotamia having even at the
present day chiefly a Greek population.) And one of the Parthians,
bringing down upon the palm of his left hand the fingers of the other,
exclaimed: "More quickly will hair grow herein, than you will reach

[B.C. 53 (_a.u._ 701)]

[-17-] And when the winter set in,[62] in which Gnaeus Calvinus and
Valerius Messala became consuls, many portents occurred even in Rome
itself. Owls and wolves were seen, prowling dogs did damage, some sacred
statues exuded sweat and others were destroyed by lightning. The
offices, partly through rivalry but chiefly by reason of birds and
omens, were with difficulty filled at last in the seventh month. Those
signs, however, gave no clear indication as to what the event would be.
For affairs in the City were in turmoil, the Gauls had risen again, and,
though the Romans knew it not as yet, they had broken into war against
the Parthians: but to Crassus signs that were both evident and easy to
interpret appeared as he was crossing the Euphrates opposite Zeugma.[63]
That spot has been so called from the campaign of Alexander, because he
crossed at this point. [-18-] The omens were of the following nature.
There is a small shrine and in it a golden eagle, which is found in all
the legions that are on the register, and it never moves from the
winter-quarters except the whole army goes forth on some errand. One man
carries it on a long shaft, which ends in a sharp spike for the purpose
of setting it firmly in the ground. Now of these so-called eagles one
was unwilling to join him in his passage of the Euphrates at that time,
but stuck fast in the earth as if planted until many took their places
around it and pulled it out by force, so that it accompanied even
involuntarily. But one of the large standards, that resemble sheets,
with purple letters upon them to distinguish the division and its
commander, turned about and fell from the bridge into the river. This
happened in the midst of a violent wind. Then Crassus, who had the rest
of equal length cut down, so as to be shorter and consequently steadier
to carry, only increased the prodigies. In the very passage of the river
so great a mist enshrouded the soldiers that they fell over one another
and could see nothing of the enemy's country until they set foot upon
it: and the sacrifices both for crossing and for landing proved very
unfavorable. Meantime a great wind burst upon them, bolts of lightning
fell, and the bridge, before they had all passed over, was destroyed.
The occurrences were such that any one, even if extremely ignorant and
uninstructed, would interpret them to mean that they would fare badly
and not return. Hence there was great fear and dejection in the army.
[-19-] Crassus, trying to encourage them, said: "Be not alarmed, fellow
soldiers, that the bridge has been destroyed nor think because of this
that any disaster is portended. For I declare to you upon oath that I
have decided to make my return march through Armenia." By this he would
have emboldened them, had he not at the end added in a loud voice the
words: "Be of good cheer: for none of you shall come back _this_ way."
When they heard this, the soldiers deemed that it, no less than the
rest, had been a portent for them, and fell into greater discouragement;
and so it was that they paid no heed to the remainder of his
exhortation, in which he belittled the barbarian and glorified the Roman
State, offered them money and announced prizes for valor.

Still, even so, they followed and no one said a word or committed an act
to oppose him, partly by reason of the law, but further because they
were terrified and could neither plan nor carry out any measures of
safety. In all other respects, too, as if predestined to ruin by some
Divinity, they deteriorated both in mind and body.

[-20-] Nevertheless, the greatest injury was done them by Abgarus of
Osrhoene. He had pledged himself to peace with the Romans in the time of
Pompey, but now chose the side of the barbarians. The same was done by
Alchaudonius the Arabian, who always attached himself to the stronger
party. The latter, however, revolted openly, and hence was not hard to
guard against. Abgarus favored the Parthian cause, but pretended to be
well disposed toward Crassus. He spent money for him unsparingly,
learned all his plans (which he reported to the foe), and further, if
any course was excellent for the Romans he tried to divert him from it,
but if disadvantageous, to urge him to it. At last he was responsible
for the following occurrence. Crassus was intending to advance to
Seleucia by such a route as to reach there safely along the side of the
Euphrates and on its stream, with his army and provisions. Accompanied
by the people of that city, whom he hoped to win over easily, because
they were Greeks, he could cross without difficulty to Ctesiphon.
Abgarus caused him to give up this course, on the ground that it would
take a long time, and persuaded him to assail Surena, because the latter
was near and had only a few men.

[-21-] Then, when he had arranged matters so that the invader should
perish and the other should conquer (for he was continually in the
company of Surena, on the pretext of spying), he led out the Romans,
blinded by folly, to what he said was a victory in their very hands, and
in the midst of the action joined the attack against them.

It happened like this.

[B.C. 52 (_a.u._ 702)]

The Parthians confronted the Romans with most of their army hidden; the
ground was uneven in spots and wooded. Crassus seeing them--not Crassus
the commander, but the younger, who had come to his father from
Gaul,--and despising them (supposing them to be alone), led out his
cavalry and, as they turned purposely to flight, pursued them. In his
eagerness for victory he was separated far from his phalanx, and was
then caught in a trap and cut down. [-22-] When this took place the
roman infantry did not turn back, but valiantly joined battle with the
Parthians to avenge his death. They accomplished nothing worthy of
themselves, however, because of the enemy's numbers and tactics,
especially as they suffered from the plotting of Abgarus. If they
decided to lock shields for the purpose of avoiding the arrows by the
density of their array, the pike-bearers were upon them with a rush,
would strike down some, and at least scatter the others: and if they
stood apart, so as to turn these aside, they would be shot with arrows.

Hereupon many died from fright at the very charge or the pike-bearers,
and many hemmed in by the horsemen perished. Others were upset by the
pikes or were carried off transfixed. The missiles falling thick upon
them from all sides at once struck down many by an opportune blow, put
many out of the battle, and caused annoyance to all. They flew into
their eyes and pierced their hands and all the other parts of the body
and penetrating their armor, forced them to take off their protection
and expose themselves to wounds each minute. Thus, while a man was
guarding against arrows or pulling out one that had stuck fast he
received more wounds, one upon another. Consequently it was not feasible
for them to move, nor feasible to remain at rest. Neither course
afforded them safety, and both were fraught with destruction, the one
because it was out of their power, and the other because they were more
easily wounded. [-23-] This was what they suffered while they were
fighting only against visible enemies. Abgarus did not immediately make
his attempt upon them. When he, too, attacked, the Orshoeni themselves
struck the Romans from behind in exposed places while they were facing
in a different direction, and rendered them easier for the others to
slaughter. For the Romans, altering their formation, so as to be facing
them, put the Parthians behind them. They wheeled around again against
the Parthians, then back again against the Orshoeni, then against the
Parthians once more. Thrown into still greater confusion by this
circumstance, because they were continually changing position this way
and that and were forced to face the body that was wounding them at the
time, many fell upon their own swords or were killed by their comrades.
Finally they were shut up in so narrow a place, with the enemy
continually assaulting them from all sides at once, and compelled to
protect their exposed parts by the shields of those who stood beside
them, that they could no longer move. They could not even get a sure
footing by reason of the number of corpses, but kept falling over them.
The heat and thirst--it was mid-summer and this action took place at
noon--and the dust of which all the barbarians raised as much as
possible by riding around them, told fearfully upon the survivors, and
many succumbed to these influences, even though unwounded. [-24-] And
they would have perished utterly, but for the fact that some of the
pikes of the barbarians were bent and others were broken, while the
bowstrings snapped under the constant shooting, the missiles were all
discharged, every sword blunted, and, chief of all, that the men
themselves grew weary of the slaughter. Under these conditions, then,
when it grew night the assailants being obliged to ride off to a
distance retired. They never encamp near even the weakest bodies,
because they use no intrenchments and if any one comes upon them in the
darkness, they are unable to deploy their cavalry or their archery to
advantage. However, they captured no Roman alive at that time. Seeing
them standing upright in their armor and perceiving that no one threw
away any part of it or fled, they deemed that they still had some
strength, and feared to lay hold of them.

[-25-] So Crassus and the rest, as many as could, set out for Carrae,
kept faithful to them by the Romans that had stayed behind within the
walls. Many of the wounded being unable to walk and lacking vehicles or
even men to carry them (for the survivors were glad of the chance to
drag their own persons away) remained on the spot. Some of them died of
their wounds or by making away with themselves, and others were captured
the next day. Of the captives many perished on the road, as their
physical strength gave out, and many later because they were unable to
obtain proper care immediately. Crassus, in discouragement, believed he
would be unable to hold out safely even in the city any longer, but
planned flight at once. Since it was impossible for him to go out by day
without being detected, he undertook to escape by night, but failed to
secure secrecy, being betrayed by the moon, which was at its full. The
Romans accordingly waited for moonless nights, and then starting out in
darkness and a foreign land that was likewise hostile, they scattered in
tremendous fear. Some were caught when it became day and lost their
lives: others got safely away to Syria in the company of Cassius
Longinus, the quaestor. Others, with Crassus himself, sought the
mountains and prepared to escape through them into Armenia. [-26-]
Surena, learning this, was afraid that if they could reach any
headquarters they might make war on him again, but still was unwilling
to assail them on the higher ground, which was inaccessible to horses.
As they were heavy-armed men, fighting from higher ground, and in a kind
of frenzy, through despair, contending with them was not easy. So he
sent to them, inviting them to submit to a truce, on condition of
abandoning all territory east of the Euphrates. Crassus, nothing
wavering, trusted him. He was in the height of terror and distraught by
his private misfortune and the public calamity as well; and because,
further, he saw that the soldiers shrank from the journey (which they
thought long and rough) and that they feared Orodes, he was unable to
foresee anything that he ought. When he displayed acquiescence in the
matter of the truce, Surena refused to conduct the ceremony through the
agency of others, but in order to cut him off with only a few and seize
him, he said that he wished to hold a conference with the commander
personally. Thereupon they decided to meet each other in the space
between the two armies with an equal number of men from both sides.
Crassus descended to the level ground and Surena sent him a present of a
horse, to make sure of his coming to him more quickly. [-27-] While
Crassus was thus delaying and planning what he should do, the barbarians
took him forcibly and threw him on his horse. Meanwhile the Romans also
laid hold of him, they came to blows, and for a time carried on an equal
struggle; then aid came to the kidnapers, and they prevailed. The
barbarians, who were in the plain and were prepared beforehand, were too
quick for the Romans above to help their men. Crassus fell among the
rest, whether he was slain by one of his own men to prevent his capture
alive, or whether by the enemy because he was wounded anyway. This was
his end. And the Parthians, as some say, poured gold into his mouth in
mockery; for though a man of great wealth he was so eager for money as
to pity those who could not support an enrolled legion from their own
means, regarding them as poor men. Of the soldiers the majority escaped
through the mountains to friendly territory, but a fraction fell into
the hands of the enemy.

[B.C. 52 (_a.u._ 702)]

[-28-] The Parthians at this time did not advance beyond the Euphrates,
but won back the whole country east of it. Later they also (though not
in any numbers) invaded Syria, because the province had neither general
nor soldiers. The fact that there were not many of them enabled Cassius
easily to effect their repulse. When at Carrae the soldiers through
hatred of Crassus granted to Cassius absolute control of themselves, and
the commander himself on account of the greatness of the disaster
voluntarily allowed it, but Cassius would not accept it: now, however,
he took charge of Syria perforce, for the time being and subsequently.
For the barbarians would not keep away from it, but campaigned once more
against them with a larger band and under the nominal leadership of one
Pacorus by name, the son of Orodes, though under the real direction of
Osaces (for the other was still a child). They came as far as Antioch,
subduing the whole country before them. They had hopes of subjugating
also what remained, since the Romans were not at hand with a force fit
to cope with them, and the people were fretting under Roman rule but
ready to turn to the invaders, who were neighbors and acquaintances.

[-29-]As they failed to take Antioch, where Cassius repulsed them
severely and they were unable to institute any siege, they turned to
Antigonea. The neighborhood of the city was overgrown with wood and they
were dismayed, not being able to march into it. They then formed a plan
to cut down the trees and lay bare the whole place so that they might
approach the town with boldness and safety. Finding themselves unable to
do this, because the task was a great one and their time was spent in
vain, while Cassius harassed those scattered about, they retired
apparently with the intention of proceeding against some other position.
Meanwhile Cassius set an ambush on the road along which they were to
depart, and confronting them there with a few men he induced them to
pursue, led them into the trap, and killed Osaces and others. Upon the
latter's death Pacorus abandoned all of Syria and never invaded it

[-30-] He had scarcely retired when Bibulus arrived to govern Syria. His
coming, to be sure, was in contravention of a decree intended to prevent
rivalry for office, so productive of seditions, that no praetor nor
consul, at once or at any time within four years, should go abroad to
hold office. He administered the subject country in peace, and turned
the Parthians against one another. Having won the friendship of
Orondapates, a satrap, who had a grudge against Orodes, he persuaded him
through messengers to set up Pacorus as king, and with him to conduct a
campaign against the other.

[B.C. 51 (_a.u._ 703)]

This war came to an end in the fourth year from the time when it had
begun, and while Marcus Marcellus and Sulpicius Rufus were consuls.

[-31-] In that same period Caesar by battle again gained control of
Gallic affairs, which were in an unsettled state. He accomplished very
much himself and some things through his lieutenants, of which I will
state only the most important.

[B.C. 54 (_a.u._ 700)]

Ambiorix won the confidence of the Treveri, who at this time were still
smarting under the setback of Indutiomarus's death, raised a greater
conspiracy in that quarter, and sent for a mercenary force from the
Celtae. Labienus wishing to join issue with them before this last
contingent should be added to their number invaded the country of the
Treveri in advance. The latter did not defend themselves, as they were
awaiting reinforcements, but put a river between the two armies and
remained quiet. Labienus then gathered his soldiers and addressed them
in words of such a nature as were likely to alarm his own men and
encourage the others: they must, he said, before the Celtae repelled
them, withdraw to Caesar and safety; and he immediately gave the signal
to pack up the baggage. Not much later he began actually to withdraw,
expecting that that would occur which really did. The barbarians heard
of his speech,--they took very good care in such matters and it was for
just that reason that it had been delivered publicly,--and thought he
was really afraid and truly taking to flight. Hence they eagerly crossed
the river and started toward the Romans with spirit, as fast as each one
could. So Labienus received their attack while they were scattered, and
after terrifying the foremost easily routed the rest because of the
action of the men in front. Then as they were fleeing in disorder,
falling over one another and crowding toward the river, he killed many
of them.

[B.C. 53 (_a.u._ 701)]

[-32-] Not a few of them escaped even so, of whom Caesar made no account,
except of Ambiorix: this man by hurrying now one way and now another and
doing much injury caused Caesar trouble in seeking and pursuing him. Not
being able to catch him by any device the Roman commander made an
expedition against the Celtae, alleging that they had wished to help the
Treveri. On this occasion likewise he accomplished nothing, but retired
rapidly through fear of the Suebi: he gained the reputation, however, of
having crossed the Rhine again, and of the bridge he destroyed only the
portions near the barbarians, constructing upon it a guard-house, as if
he might at any time have a desire to cross. Then, in anger at the
successful flight of Ambiorix, he delivered his country, though guilty
of no rebellion, to any one who wished, to be plundered. He gave public
notice of this in advance, that as many as possible might assemble,
wherefore many Gauls and many Sugambri came for the plunder. It did not
suffice the Sugambri, however, to make spoil of Gallic territory, but
they attacked the Romans themselves. They watched until the Romans were
absent getting provender and made an attempt upon their camp; but
meanwhile the other soldiers, perceiving it, came to the rescue and
killed a number of the assailants. Inspired with a fear of Caesar by this
encounter they hurriedly withdrew homeward: he inflicted no punishment
upon any one of them because of the winter and the political disputes in
Rome, but after dismissing the soldiers to their winter-quarters, went
himself to Italy on the plea of caring for Hither Gaul, but really in
order that he might be located close to what was taking place in the

[B.C. 52 (_a.u._ 702)]

[-33-] Meantime the Gauls made another outbreak. The Arverni under the
leadership of Vercingetorix revolted, killed all the Romans they found
in their country, and proceeding against the tribes in alliance with the
foreigner bestowed favors upon such as were willing to join their
revolt, and injured the rest. Caesar, on ascertaining this, returned and
found that they had invaded the Bituriges. He did not try to repel them,
all his soldiers not being at hand as yet, but by invading the Arvernian
country in his turn drew the enemy home again, whereupon, not deeming
himself yet a match for them, he retired in good season. [-34-] They
accordingly went back to the Bituriges, captured Avaricum, a city of
theirs, and in it maintained a resistance a long time, for the wall was
hard to approach, being bordered on one side by almost trackless swamps
and on the other by a river with a swift current. When, therefore, later
they were besieged by the Romans, their great numbers made it easy for
them to repel assaults, and they made sallies, inflicting great damage.
Finally they burned over everything in the vicinity, not only fields and
villages but also cities from which they thought assistance could come
to the foe, and if anything was being brought to them from allies at a
distance, they seized it for booty. Therefore the Romans, while
appearing to besiege the city, really suffered the fate of besieged,
until a furious rain and great wind sprang up (the winter having already
set in) during their attack on one point in the wall, which first drove
the assailants back, making them seek shelter in their tents, and then
confined the barbarians, too, in their houses. When they had gone from
the battlements the Romans suddenly attacked again, while there were no
men there: and first capturing a tower, before the enemy became aware of
their presence, they then without difficulty got possession of the
remaining works, plundered the whole city, and in anger at the siege and
their hardship slew all the men.

[-35-] After effecting this Caesar conducted a campaign against their
territory. The rest of the Arverni in view of the war being made upon
them had gained possession in advance of the bridges which he had to
cross; and he being in doubt as to how he should pass over, proceeded a
considerable distance along the bank to see if he could find any place
suitable for going over on foot through the water itself. Soon after he
reached a woody and overshadowed spot, from which he sent forward the
baggage-carriers and most of his army a long way, with line stretched
out: he bade them go forward so that all his troops might appear to be
in that one division. He himself with the strongest portion remained
behind, cut down the wood, made rafts, and on them crossed the stream
while the barbarians still had their attention fixed on those going
along in front and calculated that Caesar was among them. After this he
called back the advance party by night, transferred them across in the
same way, and conquered the country. The people fled in a body to
Gergovia, carrying there all their most valued possessions, and Caesar
had a great deal of toil to no purpose in besieging them. [-36-] Their
fort was on a strong hill and they had strengthened it greatly with
walls; also the barbarians round about had seized all the high ground
and were keeping guard over it, so that if they remained in position
they could safely hold their own, and if they charged down they would
gain the greater advantage. For Caesar, not having any sure position to
choose, was encamped in the plain and never knew beforehand what was
going on: but the barbarians, higher up, could look down upon his camp
and kept making opportune charges. If they ever advanced farther than
was fitting and were beaten back, they quickly got within their own
domain again; and the Romans in no way could come as near to the places
as stones and javelins could be hurled. The time was in general spent
uselessly: often when he assaulted the very height upon which their
fortress was located, he would capture a certain portion of it so that
he could wall it in and continue thence more easily his progress against
the rest of it, but on the whole he met with reverses. He lost a number
of his soldiers, and saw that the enemy could not be captured. Moreover,
there was at this time an uprising among the Aedui, and while he was
absent attending to them, the men left behind fared badly. All these
considerations led Caesar to raise the siege.

[-37-] The Aedui in the beginning abode by their agreements and sent him
assistance, but later they made war rather involuntarily, being deceived
by Litaviccus and others. He, having been unable by any other course to
persuade them to adopt a hostile attitude, managed to get the
appointment of conveying some men to Caesar to be the latter's allies. He
started off as if to fulfill this mission, but sent ahead also some
horsemen and bade some of them return and say that their companions and
the rest of their men in the camp of the Romans had been arrested by the
latter and put to death. Then he further excited the wrath of his
soldiers by delivering a speech appropriate to the message. In this way
the Aedui themselves rose and led others to revolt with them. Caesar, as
soon as he ascertained this, sent to them the Aedui whom he had and was
thought to have slain, so that they might be seen by all to be alive,
and followed on with his cavalry. On this occasion, then, they repented
and made terms. [-38-] The Romans were later, by reason of Caesar's
absence, defeated close to Gergovia and then entirely withdrew from that
country; wherefore those who had caused the uprising and were always
desirous of a change in politics feared that if they delayed the Romans
might exact vengeance[64] from them, and consequently rebelled entirely.
Members of their tribe who were campaigning with Caesar, when they
learned of this, asked him to allow them to return home, promising that
they would arrange everything. Released on these conditions they came to
Noviodunum where the Romans had deposited money and grain and many
hostages, and with the cooeperation of the natives destroyed the
garrisons, who were not expecting hostility, and became masters of all
of them. That city, because advantageous, they burned down, to prevent
the Romans from making it a starting point for the war, and they next
caused the remainder of the Aedui to revolt. Caesar, therefore, attempted
to march against them at once, but not being able, on account of the
river Liger he turned his attention to the Lingones. And not even there
did he meet with success. Labienus, however, occupied the island in the
Sequana river by conquering its defenders on the shore, and crossed over
at many points at once, both down stream and up, in order that his
troops might not be hindered by all crossing at one spot.

[-39-] Before this happened Vercingetorix, filled with contempt for
Caesar because of his reverses, had marched against the Allobroges. And
he intercepted the Roman leader, who had meantime started out evidently
to aid them, when he was in Sequania, and surrounded him but did him no
damage: on the contrary he compelled the Romans to be brave through
despair of safety, but he failed himself by reason of his numbers and
audacity and was even defeated to a certain extent by the Celtae that
were allies of the Romans; for to their charges with unwearying bodies
they added the strength of daring and so broke through the enclosing
ranks. Having discovered this device Caesar did not give ground, but shut
up in Alesia such of the foe as fled, and besieged them. [-40-]Now
Vercingetorix at first, before the wall had entirely cut off his
followers, had sent out the horsemen to get fodder for the horses (there
being none on hand), and in order to let them disperse, each to his
native land, and bring thence provisions and assistance. As these
delayed and food supplies began to fail the beleaguered party, he thrust
out the children and the women and the most useless among the rest,
vainly hoping that either the outcasts would be saved as booty by the
Romans or else those left in the town might perhaps survive by enjoying
for a longer time the supplies that would have belonged to their
companions. But Caesar to begin with had not sufficient himself to feed
others. Thinking, therefore, that by their return he could make the
deficiency of food seem more severe to the enemy (for he expected that
the expelled would without doubt be received), he forced them all back.
So these perished most miserably between the city and the camp, because
neither party would receive them. The relief looked for from the
horsemen and such others as they were conducting reached the barbarians
before long, but it was then defeated[65] by the onset of the Romans in
a cavalry battle. Thereupon the relief party tried by night to enter the
city through the enclosing wall but was bitterly disappointed: for the
Romans had made hidden pits in those roads which were used by horses and
had fixed stakes in them, afterward making the whole surface resemble
the surrounding country; thus horse and man, falling into them
absolutely without warning, were mangled. These reinforcements did not,
however, give up until, marshaled once more in battle array beside the
very walls, they themselves and at the same time the men in the city who
came out to fight had met with failure.

[-41-] Now Vercingetorix might have escaped, for he had not been
captured and was unwounded, but he hoped because he had once been on
friendly terms with Caesar, that he would obtain pardon from him. So he
came to him without any announcement by herald, but appeared before him
suddenly, as Caesar was seated on a platform, and threw some that were
present into alarm; he was first of all very tall, and in a suit of
armor he made an extremely imposing figure. When quiet had been
restored, he uttered not a word, but fell upon his knees and remained
so, with clasped hands. This inspired many with pity at remembrance of
his former fortune and at the distressing state in which he now
appeared. But Caesar reproached him in this very matter on which he most
relied for ultimate safety, and by setting before him how he had repaid
friendliness with the opposite treatment proved his offence to have been
the more abominable. Therefore he did not pity him even for one moment,
but immediately confined him in bonds, and later, after sending him to
his triumph, put him to death.

[B.C. 51 (_a.u._ 703)]

[-42-] This was really a later occurrence. At the time previously
mentioned he gained some of the survivors by capitulation and enslaved
the rest, after conquering them in battle. The Belgae, who live near by,
put at their head Commius, an Atrebatian, and resisted for a great
while. They fought two close cavalry battles and the third time in an
infantry battle they showed themselves at first an equal match, but
later, attacked unexpectedly in the rear by cavalry, they turned to
flight. [-43-] After this the remainder abandoned the camp by night, and
as they were passing through a wood set fire to it, leaving behind only
the wagons, in order that the enemy might be delayed by these and by the
fire, and they retire to safety. Their hopes, however, were not
realized. The Romans, as soon as they perceived their flight, pursued
them and on encountering the fire they extinguished part of it and hewed
their way through the rest. Some even ran right through the flame,
overtook the fugitives without warning and slaughtered great numbers.
Thereafter some of them capitulated, but the Atrebatian, who escaped,
would not keep quiet even after this experience. He undertook at one
time to ambush Labienus, and after a defeat in battle was persuaded to
hold a conference with him. Before any terms were made he was wounded by
one of the Romans who surmised that it was not his real intention to
make peace, but he escaped and again proved troublesome to them. At
last, despairing of his project, he secured for his associates entire
amnesty extending to all their people, and for himself, as some say, on
condition of never appearing again within sight of any Roman. So the
contending parties became reconciled and subsequently the rest, some
voluntarily and others overcome in war, were subdued. Then Caesar by
garrisons and legal penalties and levies of money and assignment of
tribute humbled some and tamed others.

[B.C. 50 (_a.u._ 704)]

[-44-] Thus this trouble came to an end in the consulship of Lucius
Paulus and Gaius Marcellus. Caesar in the interest of the Gauls and to
see about the term allowed him for leadership had to leave Gaul and
return to Rome. His office was about to terminate, the war had ceased,
and he had no longer any satisfactory excuse for not disbanding his
troops and returning to private life. Affairs in the city at this time
were in turmoil, Crassus was dead, and Pompey had again come to power,
after being three times consul and having managed to get the government
of Spain granted to him for five years more. The latter had no longer
any bond of alliance with Caesar, especially now that the child, who
alone had kept them on friendly terms, had passed away. The returning
general therefore was afraid that stripped of his soldiers he might fall
into the power of Pompey and of his other enemies, and therefore did not
dismiss them.

[B.C. 53 (_a.u._ 701)]

[-45-] In these same years many tumults of a seditious character had
arisen in the city, and especially in connection with the elections, so
that it was fully six months before Calvinus and Messala could be
appointed consuls. And not even then would they have been chosen, had
not Quintus Pompeius Rufus, though the grandson of Sulla and serving as
tribune, been cast into prison by the senate, whereupon the measure was
voted by the rest who were anxious to commit some outrages, and the
campaign against opposition was handed over to Pompey. Sometimes the
birds had prevented elections, refusing to allow the offices to belong
to interreges; above all the tribunes, by managing affairs in the city
so that they instead of the praetors conducted games, hindered the
remaining offices from being filled. This also accounts for Rufus having
been confined in a cell. He later on brought Favonius the aedile to the
same place on some small charge, in order that he might have a companion
in his disgrace. But all the tribunes introduced various obstructive
pleas, proposing, among other things, to appoint military tribunes, so
that more persons, as formerly, might come to office. When no one would
heed them, they declared that Pompey, at all events, must be chosen
dictator. By this pretext they secured a very long delay: for he was out
of town, and of those on the spot there was no one who would venture to
vote for the demand (for in remembrance of Sulla's cruelty they all
hated that policy), nor yet venture to refuse to choose Pompey, on
account of their fear of him.[-46-] At last, quite late, he came
himself, refused the dictatorship offered to him, and made preparation
to have the consuls named. These likewise on account of the turmoil from
assassinations did not appoint any successors, though they had laid
aside their senatorial garb and in the dress of knights convened the
senate as if on the occasion of some great calamity. They also passed a
decree that no one,--either an ex-praetor or an ex-consul,--should assume
foreign office until five years should have elapsed: this they did to
see if people when it was no longer in any one's power to be immediately
elected would cease their craze for office. For no moderation was being
shown and there was no purity in their methods, but they vied with one
another in expending great sums and fighting more than ever, so that
once the consul Calvinus was wounded. Hence no consul nor praetor nor
prefect of the city had any successor, but at the beginning of the year
the Romans were absolutely without a government in these branches.

[B.C. 52 (_a.u._ 702)]

[-47-] Nothing good resulted from this, and among other things the
market recurring every ninth day was held on the very first of January.
This seemed to the Romans to have taken place not by accident, and being
considered in the light of a portent it caused trepidation. The same
feeling was increased when an owl was both seen and caught in the city,
a statue exuded perspiration for three days, a flash darted from the
south to the east, and many thunderbolts, many clods, stones, tiles and
blood descended through the air. It seems to me that that decree passed
the previous year, near the close, with regard to Serapis and Isis, was
a portent equal to any: the senate decided to tear down their temples,
which some private individuals had built. For they did not reverence
these gods any long time and even when it became the fashion to render
public devotion to them, they settled them outside the pomerium.

[-48-] Such being the state of things in the city, with no one in charge
of affairs, murders occurred practically every day and they did not
finish the elections, though they were eager for office and employed
bribery and assassination on account of it. Milo, for instance, who was
seeking the consulship, met Clodius on the Appian Way and at first
simply wounded him: then, fearing he would attack him for what had been
done, he slew him. He at once freed all the servants concerned in the
business, and his hope was that he might be more easily acquitted of the
murder, now that the man was dead, than he would be for the wound in
case he had survived. The people in the city heard of this about evening
and were thrown into a terrible uproar: for to factional disturbances
there was being added a starting-point for war and evils, and the middle
class, even though they hated Clodius, yet on account of humanity and
because on this excuse they hoped to get rid of Milo, showed
displeasure.[-49-] While they were in this frame of mind Rufus and Titus
Munatius Plancus took hold of them and excited them to greater wrath. As
tribunes they conveyed the body into the Forum just before dawn, placed
it on the rostra, exhibited it to all, and spoke appropriate words with
lamentations. So the populace, as a result of what it both saw and
heard, was deeply stirred and paid no further heed to considerations of
sanctity or things divine, but overthrew all the customs of burial and
nearly burned down the whole city. The body of Clodius they picked up
and carried into the senate-house, arranged it in due fashion, and then
after heaping a pyre of benches burned both the corpse and the
convention hall. They did this, therefore, not under the stress of such
an impulse as often takes sudden hold of crowds, but of set purpose, so
that on the ninth day they held the funeral feast in the Forum itself,
with the senate-house still smouldering, and furthermore undertook to
apply the torch to Milo's house. This last was not burned because many
were defending it. Milo for a time, in great terror over the murder, was
hidden not only by ordinary citizens but under the guard of knights and
some senators. When this other act, however, occurred, he hoped that the
wrath of the senate would pass over to the outrage of the opposing
party. They had assembled late in the afternoon on the Palatine for this
very purpose, and had voted that an interrex be chosen by show of hands
and that he and the tribunes and Pompey, moreover, care for the guarding
of the city, that it suffer no detriment. Milo, accordingly, made his
appearance in public, and pressed his claims to the office as strongly
as before, if not more strongly.

[-50-] As a consequence of this, conflicts and killings in plenty began
again, so that the senate ratified the aforementioned measures, summoned
Pompey, allowed him to make fresh levies, and changed their garments.
Not long after his arrival they assembled under guard near his theatre
outside the pomerium and resolved that the bones of Clodius should be
taken up, and assigned the rebuilding of the senate-house to Faustus,
son of Sulla. It was the Curia Hostilia which had been remodeled by
Sulla. Wherefore they came to this decision about it and ordered that
when repaired it should receive again the former's name. The city was in
a fever of excitement about the magistrates who should rule it, some
talking to the effect that Pompey ought to be chosen dictator and others
that Caesar should be elected consul. They were so determined to honor
the latter for his achievements that they voted to offer sacrifices over
them sixty[66] days. Fearing both of the men the rest of the senate and
Bibulus, who was first to be asked and to declare his opinion,
anticipated the onset of the masses by giving the consulship to Pompey
to prevent his being named dictator, and to him alone in order that he
might not have Caesar as his colleague. This action of theirs was
strange; it had been taken in no other case, and yet they seemed to have
done well. For since he favored the masses less than Caesar, they hoped
to detach him from them altogether and to make him their own. This
expectation was fulfilled. Elated by the novelty and unexpectedness of
the honor, he no longer formed any plan to gratify the populace but was
careful to do everything that pleased the senate.

[-51-] He did not, however, wish to hold office alone. Possessing the
glory that lay in such a vote having been passed he was anxious to
divert the envy that arose from it. Also he felt afraid that, as the
field was vacant, Caesar might be given him as colleague through the
enthusiasm of the powerful classes and the populace alike. First of all,
therefore, in order that his rival might not think he had been entirely
neglected and therefore show some just displeasure, he arranged through
the tribunes that he should be permitted even in absence to be a
candidate for the office, when the proper time came according to law.
Pompey himself then chose as assistant Quintus Scipio, who was his
father-in-law and had incurred a charge of bribery. This man, by birth
son of Nasica, had been transferred by the lot of succession to the
family of Metellus Pius, and for that reason bore the latter's name. He
had given his daughter in marriage to Pompey, and now received in turn
from him the consulship and immunity from accusation.[-52-] Very many
had been examined in the complaint above mentioned, especially because
the courts, by Pompey's laws, were more carefully constituted. He
himself selected the entire list of names from which drawings for jurors
had to be made, and he limited the number of advocates on each side, in
order that the jurymen might not be confused and disturbed by the
numbers of them. He ordered that the time allotted to the plaintiff be
two hours, and to the defendant three. And what grieved many most of
all, he revised the custom of eulogizers being presented by those on
trial (for great numbers kept escaping the clutches of the law because
commended by persons worthy of confidence); and he had a measure passed
that such prisoners should in future be allowed no one whomsoever to
eulogize them. These and other reforms he instituted in all the courts
alike; and against those who practiced bribery for office he raised up
as accusers those who had formerly been convicted of some such offence,
thus offering the latter no small prize. For if any one secured the
conviction of two men on charges equal to that against himself, or even
on smaller charges, or if one man on a greater charge, he went scot

[-53-] Among many others who were thus convicted was Plautius Hypsaeus,
who had been a rival of Milo and of Scipio for the consulship. Though
all three had been guilty of bribery he alone was condemned. Scipio was
indicted, and by two persons at that, but was not tried, on account of
Pompey: and Milo was not charged with this crime (for the murder formed
a greater complaint against him), but being brought to trial on the
latter charge he was convicted, as he was not able to use any violence.
Pompey kept the city in general well under guard and himself with armed
soldiers entered the court. When some raised an outcry at this, he
ordered the soldiers to drive them out of the Forum by striking them
with the side, or the flat, of their swords. When they would not yield,
but showed defiance as if the broadsides were being used for mere sport,
some of them were wounded and killed.

[-54-] After this, the courts being convened in quiet, many were
condemned on various charges, and, for the murder of Clodius, Milo among
others though he had Cicero as a defender. That orator, seeing Pompey
and the soldiers contrary to custom in the court, was alarmed and
overwhelmed with dread, so that he did not deliver any of the speech he
had prepared, but after saying a few words with effort in a half-dead

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