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An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Vol. 1 by David Collins

Part 12 out of 14

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Spanish ships Mr. Johnson preached wherever he could find a shady spot.
The priest belonging to the commodore's ship, observing that we had not
any church built, lifted up his eyes with astonishment, and declared,
that had the place been settled by his nation, a house for God would have
been erected before any house for man.

The ships being now on the point of sailing, the _Britannia_ for England,
and the _Relianc _ and _Supply_ for the Cape of Good Hope, the following
appointments were notified in the public orders: _viz_ Captain George
Johnston, of the New South Wales corps, was appointed aid-de-camp to the
governor. The Rev. Mr. Johnson and William Balmain Esq were nominated the
acting magistrates in the district of the town of Sydney. Mr. James
Williamson (a gentleman who came from England with the governor) was to
do the duty of commissary in the absence of Mr. Palmer, who was returning
to England on leave. Mr. Thomas Smyth was appointed provost-marshal, in
the room of Mr. Henry Brewer, by warrant bearing date the day after his
decease. Mr. Thomas Moore, carpenter of the ship _Britannia_, was
appointed master boat-builder in the room of Mr. Daniel Payne. William
Stephenson was placed under the commissary as a store-keeper, in the room
of Mr. Thomas Smyth; and George Barrington, whose conduct, still uniform
and upright, recommended him to the notice of the governor, was, after
receiving an absolute pardon under the seal of the territory, appointed a
superintendant of convicts, with a salary of fifty pounds per annum, in
the room of Mr. Thomas Clark, returning to England.*

[* Mr. Richard Atkins had some time before been nominated by the
secretary of state to do the duty of judge-advocate, whenever Captain
Collins should return to England.]

On the 20th, his Majesty's ship _Supply_ sailed for Norfolk Island and
the Cape of Good Hope, having on board part of the military relief
intended for that settlement, and part of a thousand bushels of wheat
which had been written for from thence.

On the following day the ships _Indispensable_ and _Grand Turk_ sailed
for Canton. The American had not succeeded in his speculation so well as
he had expected; the market was over-stocked with goods, and by the
governor's regulations he was compelled to take away, with many other
articles, his ground-tier full of spirits, which he hoped to have sold

The invalids and passengers who were returning to England in the
_Britannia_ being embarked, that ship, the _Reliance_, and the _Francis_
schooner, hauled out of the cove preparatory to their departure.

As a proof that stock was not falling in its value, Mr. Palmer, the
commissary, sold two Cape cows and one steer for L189 sterling. The stock
in the colony at this time was of considerable extent and value, as will
appear by the following account of it, which was taken for the purpose of
being transmitted to government:

To whom Mares Cows Bulls Oxen Sheep Goats Hogs
belonging and and and
Horses Cow-calves Bull-calves
To government 14 67 37 46 191 111 59
civil and military 43 34 37 6 1310 1176 889
Total of government
and officers 57 101 74 52 1501 1287 948
To settlers - - - - 30 140 921
General total 57 101 74 52 1531 1427 1869

The wild cattle to the westward of the river Nepean were not included in
this account.

All kinds of poultry were numerous.

The following account of the land in cultivation was taken at
the same time:
To whom belonging Land in Observations
To government 1700 (By our weakness in public labourers,
(and wanting many necessary buildings,
(the land cleared by government was
(unemployed this year.
Officers civil and military 1172 (About four fifths of which were at
(this time sown with wheat.

Total of government
and officers 2872

To settlers 2547 {Of which much timber was cut down
{but not burnt off.
General total 5419

It was satisfactory to those gentlemen who were now about to quit the
colony to reflect that they left it not only with a prospect of plenty
before it, but with stores and granaries abundantly filled at the time.
Of these, the judge-advocate and the commissary, who had been in the
settlement from its establishment, had witnessed periods of distress and
difficulty; but they had the gratification of seeing them fairly
surmounted, and the probability of their ever recurring thrown to a very
great distance. In the houses of individuals were to be found most of the
comforts, and not a few of the luxuries of life. For these the island was
indebted to the communications it had had with India, and other parts of
the world; and the former years of famine, toil, and difficulty, were now
exchanged for years of plenty, ease, and pleasure.

The following state of the settlement was made up to the 31st of last


Quality To last at the established ration
Weeks Days
Beef 31 1
Pork 44 6

Total of salt meat 76 0 (75 weeks + 7 days)

Peas 22 -
Wheat 29 1
Maize 41 4
Sugar 4 -

To consume this quantity of food,
there were victualled at Sydney 2219 persons
At Parramatta 965
At the Hawkesbury 454
Making a total of 3638

There were 321 people off the public stores, which, added to the 3638 who
were victualled, gave a general total of 3959 persons in the different
settlements, of all descriptions and ages; not including those at Norfolk
Island, in which settlement were 119 persons; to which add 3959 persons
in New South Wales; there will be found 4848 persons under the British
government in New South Wales and its dependencies.

A few days previous to the sailing of the ships, information was received
of a most inhuman murder having been perpetrated on the body of
---- Williams, a settler's wife, at the district of the Ponds. A female
neighbour of their's was accused by an accomplice of having committed
this diabolical act, for the purpose of enriching herself with the
property which she knew this unfortunate woman had in the house. She was
immediately apprehended, and search made for the property which had been
taken away. Some of this was found, and there was little doubt but the
avenging arm of Justice would soon fall upon the head of the murderer.

On the 29th his Majesty's ship _Reliance_, the _Britannia_ hired
transport, and the _Francis_ schooner, sailed from Port Jackson. They
were all to touch at Norfolk Island, whence the ships were to proceed to
the Cape of Good Hope, and the schooner was to return to New South Wales.
The _Britannia's_ call at Norfolk Island was for the purpose of taking on
board lieutenant-governor King, who, from a long state of ill health, had
found himself compelled to apply to Governor Hunter for leave to return
to England, to which the governor had consented.

On board of the _Reliance_ were the commissary, the remainder of the
military relief, and such part of the thousand bushels of wheat as the
_Supply_ did not receive. In the transport were Captain Paterson;
Lieutenants Abbott and Clephan; one sergeant and seventeen privates
(invalids) of the New South Wales corps, with their wives and children;
the judge-advocate of the settlement, who was charged with dispatches from
the governor; Mr. Leeds, an assistant-surgeon; Thomas Clark, late a
superintendant of convicts; James Thorp, the master millwright; and
several other persons, male and female, who had been allowed a passage to
England by the governor.

The following were the prices of various articles, as they were sold at
Sydney about the time the ships sailed, viz

Stock Groceries
----- ---------
Cows L80 Hyson tea per lb L1 4s
Horses L90 Coffee, ditto, 2s
Sheep L7 10s Sugar (soft), ditto, 1s
Goats L4 Soap, ditto, 2s
Turkeys L1 1s Virginia leaf-tobacco, ditto, 5s
Geese L1 1s Brazil roll, ditto, 7s
Fowls, full grown, 5s Black pepper, ditto, 4s
Ducks 5s Ginger, ditto, 3s
Fresh pork per lb 1s 3d Pipes per gross L1 10s
Goat per lb 1s 6d Red port per bottle 5s
Kangaroo 6d Madeira, per bottle, 4s
Barley, per bushel, 10s Cape wine, ditto, 3s
Peas, ditto, 7s Rum, ditto, 5s
Maize, ditto, 5s Gin, ditto, 6s
Ditto ground, ditto, 5s Porter, ditto, 2s
Cheese per lb 3s Beer made at Sydney 1s 6d
Butter, ditto, 3s INDIA GOODS
White-wine vinegar per gallon 6s Long cloth per yard from 3s to 6s
Fish 21/2d Callicoes, ditto, from 1s 6d to 2s 6d
Eggs per dozen 2s Muslins, ditto, from 7s to 12s
Salted pork per lb 1s Nankeen per piece 10s
Salted beef, ditto, 8d Coarse printed callicoes, ditto, L1 5s
Potatoes per cwt 12s Silk handkerchiefs, ditto, 12s
Ditto per lb 3d ENGLISH GOODS
Flour, ditto, 71/2d Black hats from 15s to L2
Wheat-meal, sifted, 41/2d Shoes per pair from 9s to 13s
Ditto, unsifted, 31/2d Cotton Stockings from 6s to 12s
Wheat per bushel 12s Writing paper per quire 6s

The beer mentioned in the preceding account as being made at Sydney was
brewed from Indian corn, properly malted, and bittered with the leaves
and stalks of the love-apple, (Lycopersicum, a species of Solarium) or,
as it was more commonly called in the settlement, the Cape gooseberry.
Mr. Boston found this succeeded so well, that he erected at some expense
a building proper for the business, and was, when the ships sailed,
engaged in brewing beer from the abovementioned materials, and in making

At this time the following prices were demanded and paid for labour and
work done at Sydney and the different settlements, viz. L. s. d.

A carpenter for a day's work 0 5 0
A labourer for a day's work 0 3 0
For clearing an acre of ground 3 0 0
For breaking up an acre of ground 1 0 0
For threshing a bushel of wheat 0 1 6
For reaping an acre of wheat 0 10 0
For felling an acre of timber 0 17 0
The price of ground was from 12s to L1 an acre
For making a pair of men's shoes 0 3 6
For making a pair of women's shoes 0 3 0
For making a coat 0 6 0
For making a gown 0 5 0

For washing, three-pence for each article was paid; and the person who
washed found soap, etc. If a woman was hired, she had one shilling and
six-pence for the day, and her meals.

It must here be remarked, that the mechanic and the labourer were
generally contented to be paid the above prices in such articles as they
or their families stood in need of, the values of which had not as yet
been regulated by any other authority, or guided by any other rule, than
the will of the purchaser.

The want at this time of several public buildings in the settlement has
already been mentioned. To this want must be added, as absolutely
necessary to the well-being and comfort of the settlers and the
prosperity of the colony in general, that of a public store, to be opened
on a plan, though not exactly the same, yet as liberal as that of the
island of St Helena, where the East India Company issue to their own
servants European and Indian goods, at ten per cent advance on the prime
cost. Considering our immense distance from England, a greater advance
would be necessary; and the settlers and others would be well satisfied,
and think it equally liberal, to pay fifty per cent on the prime cost of
all goods brought from England; for at present they pay never less than
one hundred, and frequently one thousand per cent on what they have
occasion to purchase. It may be supposed that government would not choose
to open an account, and be concerned in the retail of goods; but any
individual would find it to his interest to do this, particularly if
assisted by government in the freight; and the inhabitants would gladly
prefer the manufactures of their own country to the sweepings of the
Indian bazars.

The great want of men in the colony must be supplied as soon as a peace
shall take place; but the want of respectable settlers may, perhaps, be
longer felt; by these are meant men of property, with whom the gentlemen
of the colony could associate, and who should be thoroughly experienced
in the business of agriculture. Should such men ever arrive, the
administration of justice might assume a less military appearance, and
the trial by jury, ever dear and most congenial to Englishmen, be seen in
New South Wales.

That we had not a thorough knowledge of the coast from Van Dieman's Land
as far as Botany Bay, though to be regretted, was not to be wondered at.
As a survey of the coast cannot very conveniently be made by any of the
ships belonging to the settlement, it must be the business of government
to provide proper vessels and persons for this service; and it is to be
hoped that we shall not be much longer without a knowledge of the various
ports, harbours, and rivers, and of the soil and productions of the
country to the southward of the principal settlement.

* * * * *

The _Account of the English Colony of New South Wales_ must here be
closed for a time, the writer being embarked in the _Britannia_ on his
return to England. On reviewing the pages he has written, the question
involuntarily arises in his mind, In what other colony under the British
government has a narrator of its annals had such circumstances to record?
No other colony was ever established under such circumstances. He has, it
is true, occasionally had the gratification of recording the return of
principle in some, whose want of that ingredient, so necessary to
society, had sent them thither; but it has oftener been his task to show
the predilection for immorality, perseverance in dissipation, and
inveterate propensity to vice, which prevailed in many others. The
difficulty under such disadvantages of establishing the blessings of a
regular and civil government must have occurred to every well-informed
mind that has reflected on our situation. The duties of a governor, of a
judge-advocate, and of other magistrates and civil officers, could not be
compared with those in other countries. From the disposition to crimes
and the incorrigible characters of the major part of the colonists, an
odium was, from the first, illiberally thrown upon the settlement; and
the word 'Botany Bay' became a term of reproach that was indiscriminately
cast on every one who resided in New South Wales. But let the reproach
light on those who have used it as such. These pages were written to
demonstrate, that the bread of government has not been eaten in idleness
by its different officers; and that if the honour of having deserved well
of one's country be attainable by sacrificing good name, domestic
comforts, and dearest connections in her service, the officers of this
settlement have justly merited that distinction.



Particulars of the _BRITANNIA'S_ VOYAGE to ENGLAND; with Remarks on the

The _Britannia_ sailed from Port Jackson, in company with his Majesty's
ship _Reliance_ and the _Francis_ colonial schooner, on the 29th of

On the 4th of October, we had Ball Pyramid off Lord Howe's Island distant
about five leagues, and were from that day until the 15th, owing to light
and contrary winds, before we reached Norfolk Island; where we found his
Majesty's ship _Supply_, which had been there several days. On the
following morning we had communication with the shore.

The interval between the 16th and 23rd was occupied in receiving on board
the _Britannia_ Lieutenant-governor King and his family, who were
returning to England. On the 25th the colonial schooner, which had
attended for that purpose, received Captain King's letters to Governor
Hunter, and the three ships made sail from the island.

During the time we were there, the weather fortunately proved extremely
favourable for communicating with the shore, and large quantities of
stock and grain were received on board, in addition to what we brought
from Port Jackson, and sufficient for a much longer passage than we had
any reason to expect in the run to the Cape of Good Hope.

With the following Particulars of the State of NORFOLK ISLAND to the time
when the ships left it, the Writer has been favoured by


A court of criminal judicature existed there similar to that in New South
Wales, differing only in being composed of five instead of seven members.
No civil court, however, had been established.


The civil department consisted of a lieutenant-governor, a deputy
judge-advocate, a deputy provost-marshal, and deputy commissary; a
surgeon, a store-keeper, and four subordinate officers.

The military consisted of a company of the New South Wales corps.

The settlers were, four seamen who belonged to his Majesty's ship
_Sirius_; fifteen marines who were discharged at the relief of that
detachment; fifty-two settlers from among those whose respective terms of
transportation had expired; three officers, and others who held ground by
grant or lease, or had purchased allotments from settlers; fourteen from
those whose terms of transportation were unexpired, but who held
allotments exceeding five acres. The whole number (exclusive of the
officers), with their families, was about two hundred and forty.

One hundred and forty-nine men, and sixty-three women, whose terms of
sentence had expired, supported themselves by hiring ground from
settlers, working for individuals, or at their different callings, (some
few were employed as overseers) and labouring for the public; for which
they were clothed and fed from the stores, and received such other
encouragement as their behaviour merited. The number of this class, with
their women and children, was about one hundred and thirty.


The numbers of these who remained under the sentence of the law were as

For life 36
From 10 to 5 years 10
From 5 to 3 4
From 3 to 1 26
From 1 year to 6 months 60
Total 136

of which number fifty-seven were assigned to settlers and others, on
condition of being maintained by them; the rest were occupied as
hereafter stated; from which it will be obvious, that no progress in
cultivation for the crown could be made, as not more than thirty men were
employed in cultivating ground for the public advantage, and even these
were much interrupted by incidental work, and by attending the artificers
in carrying on the different buildings which were indispensable.


The island contains about eleven thousand acres of ground. In the level
parts where the earth cannot be washed away by the heavy rains, the soil
varies from a rich brown mould to a light red earth, without any
intermixture of sand. These are again varied by some extensive pieces of
light black mould and fine gravel, which are found to produce the best
wheat. The rains which fall during the winter months wash the mould from
the sides of the steep hills into the bottoms, leaving a grey marly
substance, which will not admit of cultivation in that state. This,
however, is the case only among the very steep hills that are cleared of
timber, and have been four or five years in cultivation. Those of an easy
ascent preserve their depth of soil, and many of them have borne six
successive crops of wheat. From the quantity of soil thus washed away from
the sides of the steep hills into the bottom (some of which were only a
water-way between the hills), there were level spots of ground covered to
a great depth with the richest mould. Of the eleven thousand acres of
ground in this island, there are not two hundred that might not be
cultivated to the greatest advantage, if cleared of timber, and allowed a
sufficiency of labourers, of cattle, and of ploughs.


The ground cleared of timber for the public use, and that marked out for
the settlers lots, comprised one half of the island, and was distributed
in the following manner:

Number cleared of
of Acres Timber

Ground allotted to settlers on grant or lease 3,239 920
Ground allotted to officers by grant, lease,
or permission 132 132
Ground allotted to individuals of different
descriptions 100 100
Ground reserved for government, and contiguous
to the above allotments 1,400 -
Ground cleared of timber, and occupied for the
public benefit 376 376
----- -----
Total quantity of ground occupied as above 5,247 1,528

Supposed contents of the island, about 11,000
Supposed quantity of ground unoccupied, about 5,753
Supposed quantity of ground not cleared of
timber 9,472

Most of the ground cleared of timber was under cultivation in 1793 and
1794, and produced above thirty-four thousand bushels of grain; but, from
the sudden and effectual check given to private industry during the year
1794, and the great proportion of the labourers working for their own
support and other ways disposed of, not more than a third of the
government-ground, and a fifth of the ground belonging to individuals,
was in any state of cultivation during the last year. That portion of the
ground thus neglected became over-run with rank and strong weeds, which
formed a great cover to the numerous rats; beside that the injury done to
the soil by the growth of these weeds was very much to be deplored. The
humane attention, however, shown to the wants of the industrious
individual by Governor Hunter, in directing the maize bills to be paid,
it was hoped would not only relieve many deserving people, but also
revive that industrious disposition which the settlers had in general

The small number of convicts at public work, and the labour necessary for
preparing the ground to receive wheat, did not admit of more than one
hundred acres of wheat, and eighteen of maize being sown last year for
the crown; the produce of which had been abundant; but the quantity was
much reduced by the weeds that grew with it, and from an attack by
lightning when in blossom.

Cultivation was confined to maize, wheat, potatoes, and other
garden-vegetables. The heat of the climate, occasional droughts, and
blighting winds, rendered wheat an uncertain crop; nor could it be
averaged at more than eighteen bushels an acre, though some had yielded

Owing to the quick and constant growth of rank weeds few individuals
could sow more wheat than was necessary to mix with their maize, which
hitherto had rarely exceeded five acres each family. Some few indeed
among the settlers, who were remarkably industrious, or who had greater
advantages than others, had generally from five to eleven acres in wheat;
but the number of these was very small.

The harvests of maize were constant, certain, and plentiful; and two
crops were generally procured in twelve months. The produce of one crop
might be averaged at forty-five bushels per acre, and many had yielded
from seventy to eighty.

By the statement before given it appears, that there were five thousand
two hundred and forty-seven acres occupied; of which only one thousand
five hundred and twenty-eight were cleared of timber: that there also
remained five thousand seven hundred and fifty-three neither occupied nor
cleared, making in the whole nine thousand four hundred and seventy-two
acres not cleared of timber. If six thousand of the nine thousand four
hundred and seventy-two acres not cleared could be put under cultivation
in addition to the one thousand five hundred and twenty-eight already
cleared of timber, its produce at one crop only, and allowing no more
than thirty bushels of maize to the acre, would be two hundred and
twenty-five thousand eight hundred and forty bushels of grain; and even
this might be doubled, if, as before said, there were labourers to
procure a second crop.

The remaining three thousand four hundred and seventy-two acres might be
reserved for fuel, building-timber, and other purposes.

From these data some calculation may be made of the number of people that
the island might be made to maintain.

The following is a statement of the stock belonging to government and
individuals on the 18th October 1796:

To whom belonging
Male---Female---Male and Female
Government 3 3
Individuals - -

Government - -
Individuals 1 2

Government 2 4
Individuals 0 0

Government 22
Individuals 148

Government 55
Individuals 328

Government 710
Individuals 4125

Poultry very great abundance

Exclusive of the above stock, five hundred and ninety-two thousand four
hundred and eighty pounds of swine's flesh and mutton had been expended
on the island and exported from it; all which were produced from the
following quantity received from November 1791 to October 1796.

Cattle Horses Asses Sheep Goats Swine
(Male/Female) M F M F M F M F M F M F
Total received 1 2 1 1 1 3 2 21 2 11 4 157

When the settlers were informed that payment for the maize lodged in the
stores in January 1794 could not be made until orders were received from
England, and that no more grain could be received, but that the purchase
of fresh pork would be continued, the course of their industry became
changed, though raising grain still continued necessary for rearing their

On most part of the nine thousand four hundred and seventy-two acres not
cleared of timber the trees and underwood were covered with succulent
herbage, which, with the fern and other soft roots, afford the best food
for swine. Several individuals had taken advantage of this convenience,
by inclosing from ten to one hundred acres of the uncleared parts, into
which they turned their swine, whereof many had from twenty to one
hundred and fifty, that required nothing more than a sufficiency of maize
to accustom them to their owner's call.

Another resource of animal food was on Phillip Island, which abounded
with the best feed for swine. On it were at least three hundred and
seventeen swine belonging to government, which were unconfined, and
required no other attendance than the being called together occasionally
by a man who resided there with his family. But those which were first
sent, and their progeny, were so wild, that it was not thought an easy
matter to take them. Several large hogs and boars had been brought from
thence which had weighed, when fattened, from one hundred and eighty to
three hundred and six pounds.

Salting pork in the cool months had been successfully tried; but it would
not answer in the summer. It was intended that the swine belonging to
government which could be killed during the winter should be salted down,
as a sufficiency of salt was making to answer that purpose.

From these resources it might fairly be presumed, that if no unforeseen
mortality should attack the stock, the settlers and other individuals
would be able to continue supplying the stores with half the ration of
animal food, and that government in the course of twelve months might
furnish the other half. And farther, that if the industry of the settlers
and other individuals were encouraged by their overplus grain and animal
food being purchased at a fair price, the produce of the grounds cleared
would be more than sufficient for the maintenance of the present
inhabitants, three hundred and thirty-seven of whom supported themselves
without any expense to the crown: and this might be further secured, if
cattle and sheep could be sent there, as the former were much wanted for
labour, and the latter for a change of food; for it is certain that sheep
breed there as well as in any part of the world, and have not as yet been
subject to the distempers common to that kind of stock. The Bengal ewes
yean twice in the thirteen months, and have commonly two, often three,
and sometimes four lambs at a yeaning; and these have increased so much,
by being crossed with the Cape ram, that a lamb six weeks old is now as
large as one of the old ewes.

The goats too are extremely prolific, and generally breed thrice in the
year, having commonly from two to four kids at a time.

Any number of sheep and goats, and a large quantity of cattle might be
bred here, as the cleared ground affords the best of pasture for those
species of stock. But it will be a long time before the present stock
will be of much use, unless more are sent thither.

The want of artificers of all descriptions, and the scarcity of labourers
at public work, much retarded the construction of a number of necessary
buildings. The island possessed the best of stone, lime, and timber; but,
unfortunately, there never had been but one mason (a marine settler) on
the island.

At Cascade Bay a great advantage had been obtained in the construction of
a very strong wharf, one hundred and twenty-six feet long, which connects
the shore with the landing rock. At the end of it is a swinging crane and
capstern, by which boats are loaded and unloaded with the heaviest
articles; and in bad weather are hoisted up with perfect safety.

Near this wharf, a large storehouse, and barracks for the guard, are
built. One of the great advantages attending this work is, that no risk
need be run by ships keeping in Sydney Bay, as the landing is generally
good at Cascade Bay, when it becomes in the least degree hazardous at the
former place. And here it may be noticed, that no casualty by boats had
happened since the lieutenant-governor's arrival in 1791.

The utility of a well-constructed water-mill is sufficiently obvious.
From an addition of three feet to the height of the dam, it ground twenty
bushels of wheat daily; which had removed the great inconvenience of
every man being obliged to grind his own ration before it could be
dressed. The abundance of mill-stones, and the quantity of wood fit for
millwrights' work, with the convenient situation of the different
streams, will admit of any number of water-mills being erected.

Two well-finished wind-mills had also been erected by settlers, which
answered extremely well.

Not more than ten settlers had been able to erect dwellings better than
log-huts, which are neither warm nor durable. Better, indeed, could
hardly be expected, when it was considered how much their labour and
attention must have been employed in raising food for their families, and
in procuring such articles of accommodation as they needed. Many,
however, of this as well as of other descriptions were building
comfortable framed and weather-boarded habitations at their own expense.

Of schools there were two, viz one for young children, who were
instructed by a woman of good character; and the other kept by a man, who
taught reading, writing, and arithmetic, for which he was well qualified,
and was very attentive. A third institution on a permanent footing was
added, for the reception of such orphan female children as had lost or
been deserted by their parents. Most of these were of such an age as to
require a strict hand and careful eye over them. Unfortunately they, as
well as the other children, were destitute of every article of clothing,
except such as the store afforded, which was by no means calculated for
children in that warm climate. By the application of fines imposed for
breaches of the peace, etc. and a subscription raised among the officers,
the orphan children had for some time past been clothed, and about
twenty-eight pounds remained to be applied in the same manner.


To explain this article, it will be necessary to state the different
descriptions that compose the inhabitants; to do which in a perspicuous
form the following classification has been adopted:

Class Description Numbers By whom
1st Civil and military 83 government

2nd Settlers, by grant or lease, and freemen who
are under-tenants to the settler 104 labour
Freemen who are hired by the year, etc or
who hire themselves out daily 138 ditto
Convicts who are taken off the stores by
officers, etc 5 ditto
3rd Ditto assigned to officers, etc 67 government
4th Ditto employed as overseers, artificers,
watchmen, etc for the public benefit, many
of whom are invalids 106 ditto
Ditto cultivating ground for the public use,
and other incidental work 30 ditto

Total males 533

5th Women belonging to civil and military, and
at public labour 40 ditto
Ditto, who belong to the second class of men 125 labour
6th Children belonging to the first and fourth
classes 116 government
Ditto to the second and third classes 73 labour

Total females and children 354

From the foregoing statement it appears, that not more than one hundred
and thirty-six men, composing the fourth class, are employed in carrying
on public work, of which number only twenty-eight can be employed (when
other works of public necessity do not intervene) in raising grain, etc.
without expense to the crown, for the first, third, fourth, and a part of
the fifth and sixth classes; making together four hundred and forty-two

Those of the fourth class who labour as carpenters, sawyers, blacksmiths,
etc. work from daylight till eight o'clock; from nine till noon; and from
two in the afternoon till sun-set; and as long as they do their work
properly, they have Fridays and Saturdays to themselves, which they
employ in working at their grounds, or in building, etc. for settlers and
others who can employ them. As those works are in fact of a private
nature, although in the end they become more or less of public utility,
the artificers are indulged with the use of government-tools and such
materials as can be spared.

Those employed in cultivation, and other incidental labour, for the
public benefit, work at all seasons from daylight until one o'clock,
which is found much more advisable than dispersing them at the hours for
meals, and collecting them again to resume their labour. As very few of
this description have any persons to dress their meal, or grind their
maize, they have by this management a great part of the day at their own
disposal; and from the 21st of September to the 21st of February no
public work is done on Saturdays. Those of this description who are
industrious employ a great part of their leisure time in cultivating
pieces of ground for their own use, or labouring for others.

The second and a part of the fifth and sixth classes, making together
three hundred and thirty-one persons, support themselves by the produce
of their labour without expense to the crown; as the clothing with which
they and the settlers are occasionally furnished from the stores is paid
for in grain or stock.


To a convict taken off the stores by an officer or settler, from L5 to L5
per annurn

To a freeman hired by the year, victualled and clothed, from L10 to L12
per annum.

A day's work for a labourer, with victuals, is 3s; without, 5s

Cutting down and burning off an acre of wood, L2

Cutting down and burning off an acre of weeds, L1 10s

Threshing one bushel of wheat, 10lbs.; equal to 1s 8d.

Other works are in proportion. The mode of payment for labour is various,
and depends entirely on the employer's circumstances; but it is in
general made by what arises from the grain or fresh pork put into the
stores by settlers, etc.; sometimes (but very rarely) in cash; and often
by equal labour, or by produce, which is rated as underneath.

And, in order to prevent disputes respecting the payment, these
agreements, as well as all others, are entered in a book kept by a person
for that purpose, and properly witnessed.


Plentiful Articles.

Fresh pork 6d per lb
Pickled ditto 8d
Wheat from 7s 6d to 10s per bushel
Maize from 1s 6d to 5s
Potatoes from 1s to 3s 6d per cwt
Full-grown fowls from 6d to 1s each
Ditto ducks 10d to 1s 3d each
Ditto turkeys 7s 6d each

Scarce Articles.

Geese 10s each
Female goats L8 each
Goats' flesh or mutton to government 9d per lb
Ditto to individuals 1s 6d ditto

NB When the latter is taken into the stores for the sick, it is issued as
five pounds of mutton for seven pounds of salt beef stopped in the
stores; by which method government does not pay more than six-pence per
pound as for fresh pork.


Year By whom Quantity Bushels of maize
raised of maize and wheat purchased
and wheat from individuals
in bushels for the public use

From March 1788 to May 1789 government 46
individuals 10
May 1789 to May 1790 government 450
individuals 50
The lieutenant-governor was absent this year
From May 1791 to May 1792 government 1688
individuals 391 40
May 1792 to May 1793 government 4549
individuals 6900 36101/2
May 1793 to May 1794 government 6000
individuals 28,676 11,688
May 1794 to May 1795 government 3300
individuals 14,000 none.
May 1795 to May 1796 government 1803
individuals 11,500 389

TO SEPTEMBER 31st, 1796.


Civil 10
Military 3
Convicts 178
Total 191

Civil 1
Military 4
Convicts 94
Children 38
Total 137

From 1 month to 2 years 38 have died
2 years to 18 2
18 to 30 36
30 to 45 30
45 to 65 31
Total 137

Teething 23 have died
Dysentery 45
Cholera morbus 1,
obstipation 1 2
Fevers 7,
consumptions 8 15
Debility 22
Lues venerea 5
Dropsy 3,
putrid sore throat 1 4
Convulsions and epilepsy 4
Surfeit 2, scalded 1,
abscess and canker 2 5
Eruptions, scald head,
and mortifications 3
Iliac passion 1
Shot 1, casualties 2,
executed 1, suicide 2 6
Ophthalmia 2
Total 137


Not more than nine men and nine women can be employed in preparing and
manufacturing the flax, which barely keeps them in practice. There is
only one loom on the island, and the slay or reed is designed for coarse
canvas; nor do they possess a single tool required by flax-dressers or
weavers, beyond the poor substitutes which they are obliged to fabricate
themselves. If there were introduced proper slays or reeds, brushes, and
other articles indispensably necessary for flax-dressing and weaving,
with more people to work the flax and a greater number of weavers, this
island would soon require very little assistance in clothing the
convicts; but, for the want of these necessary articles, the only cloth
that can be made is a canvas something finer than No 7, which is thought
to be equally strong and durable as that made from European flax.

This useful plant needs no cultivation. An experiment has been made to
cultivate it, and answered extremely well; but the produce was not so
much superior to that growing in a natural state as to make it advisable
to bestow any pains on its culture.

Before the arrival of the two New Zealanders in May 1793, no effectual
progress had been made in its manufacture; nor was it without much
entreaty that our visitors were induced to furnish the information we
required. And indeed, as this work is principally performed by the women
in New Zealand, our friends were by no means competent to give us the
fullest instructions. Sufficient, however, was obtained from them to
improve upon. Since that time those women that could be spared from other
work, not exceeding from six to twelve, had been employed in preparing
the flax; and a flax-dresser, weaver, and three other assistants, in
manufacturing it into canvas, rope, etc.

When the leaves are gathered, the hard stalk running through the centre
is taken out with the thumb-nail; and the red edges of the leaf are also
stripped off. The two parts are then separated in the middle, making four
slips of about three-quarters of an inch wide, and the length of from
eighteen inches to three or four feet. These slips are cut across the
centre with a muscle-shell, but not so deep as to separate the fibres,
which is the flax. The slips thus prepared are held in the left hand,
with the thumb resting on the upper part of the slip just above the cut.
The muscle-shell held in the right hand is placed on the upper part just
below the cut, with the thumb resting on the upper part. The shell is
drawn to the end of the slip, which separates the vegetable covering from
the flaxen filaments. The slip is then trimmed, and the same operation is
performed on the remaining part, which leaves the flax entire. If it be
designed for fishing-lines, or other coarse work, nothing more is done to
it; but if intended for cloth, it is twisted and beaten for a
considerable time in a clear stream of water; and when dried, twisted
into such threads as the work requires. It has been before observed, that
the New Zealand instructors were not very conversant in the mode of
preparing the flax; but on what was learnt from them it was our business
to improve. Instead of working it as soon as gathered, our people found
it work better for being placed in a heap in a close room for five days
or a week, after which it became softer and pleasanter to work. They also
found it easier, and more expeditious, to scrape the vegetable covering
from the fibres, which is done with three strokes of a knife. It is then
twisted, and put into a tub of water, where it remains until the day's
work is finished. The day following it is washed and beaten in a running
stream. When sufficiently beaten it is dried, and needs no other
preparation, until it is hackled and spun into yarn for weaving.

The numbers employed at this work were as follow:

Invalids gathering the flax 3 men
Preparing it 7 women
Beating and washing it 3 who are invalids
Flax-dresser 1
Spinners 2 women
Weaver and assistant 2 men
Total 18

by whose weekly labour sixteen yards of canvas of the size of No 7 was
made. It is to be remarked, that the women, and most of the men, could be
employed at no other work; and that the labour of manuring and
cultivating the ground; the loss of other crops; the many processes used
in manufacturing the European hemp, and the accidents to which it is
liable during its growth, are all, by using this flax, avoided, as it
needs no cultivation, and grows in sufficient abundance on all the cliffs
of the island (where nothing else will grow) to give constant employment
to five hundred people. Indeed, should it be thought an object, any
quantity of canvas, rope, or linen, might be made there, provided there
were men and women, weavers, flax-dressers, spinners, and rope-makers,
with the necessary tools; but destitute as our people were of these aids,
all that could be done was to keep in employ the few that could be spared
from other essential work. If a machine could be constructed to separate
the vegetable covering from the flaxen filaments, any quantity of this
useful article might be prepared with great expedition.

The New Zealanders mentioned in the preceding account of the Flax
Manufactory at Norfolk Island, remained, as has been already shown, six
months at that settlement. As they resided at the Lieutenant-governor's,
and under his constant observation some information respecting New
Zealand, and its inhabitants, was procured, which was obligingly
communicated by Governor King, in substance as follows:

Hoo-doo Co-co-ty To-wa-ma-how-ey is about twenty-four years of age; five
feet eight inches high; of an athletic make; his features like those of
an European, and very interesting. He is of the district of Teer-a-witte,
which, by the chart of Too-gee the other New Zealander, is a district of
the same name, but does not lie so far to the southward as the part of
Ea-hei-no-mawe, called Teer-a-witte by Captain Cook; for we are certain
that Too-gee's residence is about the Bay of Islands; and they both agree
that the distance between their dwellings is only two days journey by
land, and one day by water.* That part called by Captain Cook
Teer-a-witte is at a very considerable distance from the Bay of Islands.

[* Since the return of the _Fancy_ from New Zealand, it appears that
Too-gee's residence is at Doubtless Bay, in which place the _Fancy_
anchored, and Too-gee with his wife went on board; but he said that he
would not return to Norfolk Island until Lieutenant-governor King came to
fetch him. Two lads, at Too-gee's recommendation, were going thither; but
as they became sea-sick were set on shore again. Hoo-doo's residence must
be between the Bay of Islands and Doubtless Bay, according to the
information given by Too-gee to the master of the _Fancy_.]

Hoo-doo is nearly related to Po-vo-reek, who is the principal chief of
Teer-a-witte. He had two wives and one child, about whose safety he
seemed very apprehensive; and almost every evening at the close of the
day, he, as well as Too-gee, lamented their separation in a sort of
half-crying and half-singing, expressive of grief, and which was at times
very affecting.

Too-gee Te-ter-re-nu-e Warri-pe-do is of-the same age as Hoo-doo; but
about three inches shorter; he is stout and well made, and like Hoo-doo
of an olive complexion, with strong black hair. Both are tattooed on the
hips. Too-gee's features are rather handsome and interesting; his nose is
aquinine, and he has good teeth. He is a native of the district of
Ho-do-doe, (which is in Doubtless Bay,) of which district Too-gee's
father is the Etang-a-roah, or chief priest; and to that office the son
succeeds on his father's death. Beside his father, who is a very old man,
he has left a wife and child; about all of whom he is very anxious and
uneasy, as well as about the chief, (Moo-de-wy,) whom he represents as a
very worthy character. Too-gee has a decided preference to Hoo-doo both
in disposition and manners; although the latter is not wanting in a
certain degree of good-nature, but he can at times be very much of the
savage. Hoo-doo, like a true patriot, thinks there is no country, people,
nor customs, equal to his own; on which account he is much less curious
as to what he sees about him than his companion Too-gee, who has the
happy art of insinuating himself into every person's esteem. Except at
times, when he is lamenting the absence of his family and friends, he is
cheerful, often facetious, and very intelligent. And were it not for the
different disposition of Hoo-doo, the most favourable opinion might be
formed of the New Zealanders in general. It is not, however, meant to be
said, that if Too-gee were not present, an indifferent opinion would have
been formed of Hoo-doo; on the contrary, the manners and disposition of
the latter are far more pleasing than could have been expected to be
found in a native of that country.

At the time they were taken from New Zealand, Too-gee was on a visit to
Hoo-doo; and the mode of their capture was thus related by them*: The
_Daedalus_ appeared in sight of Hoo-doo's habitation in the afternoon,
and was seen the next morning, but at a great distance from the main
land. Although she was near two islands which are inhabited, and which
Toogee in his chart calls Ko-mootu-Kowa, and Opan-a-ke, curiosity, and
the hopes of getting some iron, induced Povoreek the chief, Too-gee, and
Hoo-doo, with his brother, one of his wives, and the priest, to launch
their canoes. They went first to the largest of the two islands, where
they were joined by Tee-ah-wor-rack, the chief of the island, by
Komootookowa, who is Hoo-doo's father-in-law, and by the son of that
chief who governs the smaller island, called Opan-a-ke. They were some
time about the ship before the canoe in which were Too-gee and Hoo-doo
ventured alongside, when a number of iron tools and other articles were
given into the canoe. The agent, Lieutenant Hanson, (of whose kindness
they speak in the highest terms,) invited and pressed them to go on
board, with which Too-gee and Hoo-doo were anxious to comply immediately,
but were prevented by the persuasion of their countrymen. At length they
went on board, and, according to their own expression, they were blinded
by the curious things they saw. Lieutenant Hanson prevailed on them to go
below, where they ate some meat. At this time the ship made sail. One of
them saw the canoes astern; and when they perceived that the ship was
leaving them, they both became frantic with grief, and broke the cabin
windows with an intention of leaping overboard, but were prevented. While
those in the canoes remained within hearing, they advised Povereek to
make the best of his way home, for fear that he also should be taken.

[* This account has since been corroborated by Lieutenant Hanson.]

For some time after their arrival at Norfolk Island they were very
sullen, and as anxiously avoided giving any information respecting the
flax, as our people were desirous of obtaining it. The apprehension of
being obliged to work at it was afterwards found to have been a principal
reason for their not complying so readily as was expected. By kind
treatment, however, and indulgence in their own inclinations, they soon
began to be more sociable. They were then given to understand the
situation and short distance of New Zealand from Norfolk Island, and were
assured that as soon as they had taught our women 'emou-ka ea-ra-ka-ke,'
(i.e. to work the flax), they should be sent home again. On this
promise they readily consented to give all the information they
possessed, and which turned out to be very little. This operation was
found to be among them the peculiar province of the women; and as Hoo-doo
was a warrior, and Too-gee a priest, they gave the governor to understand
that dressing of flax never made any part of their studies.

When they began to understand each other, Too-gee was not only very
inquisitive respecting England, etc. (the situation of which, as well as
that of New Zealand, Norfolk Island, and Port Jackson, he well knew how
to find by means of a coloured general chart); but was also very
communicative respecting his own country. Perceiving he was not
thoroughly understood, he delineated a sketch of New Zealand with chalk
on the floor of a room set apart for that purpose. From a comparison
which Governor King made with Captain Cook's plan of those islands, a
sufficient similitude to the form of the northern island was discoverable
to render this attempt an object of curiosity; and Too-gee was persuaded
to describe his delineation on paper. This being done with a pencil,
corrections and additions were occasionally made by him, in the course of
different conversations; and the names of districts and other remarks
were written from his information during the six months he remained
there. According to Too-gee's chart and information, Ea-hei-no-maue, the
place of his residence, and the northern island of New Zealand, is
divided into eight districts governed by their respective chiefs, and
others who are subordinate to them. The largest of those districts is
T'Souduckey, the inhabitants of which are in a constant state of warfare
with the other tribes, in which they are sometimes joined by the people
of Moo-doo When-u-a, Tettua Whoo-doo, and Wangaroa; but these tribes are
oftener united with those of Choke-han-ga, Teer-a-witte, and Ho-do-doe
against T'Souduckey (the bounds of which district Governor King inclines
to think is from about Captain Cook's Mount Egmont, to Cape Runaway).
They are not, however, without long intervals of peace, at which times
they visit, and carry on a traffic for flax and the green talc-stone, of
which latter they make axes and ornaments. Toogee obstinately denied that
the whole of the New Zealanders were cannibals*; it was not without much
difficulty that he could be persuaded to enter on the subject, or to pay
the least attention to it; and whenever an inquiry was made, he expressed
the greatest horror at the idea. A few weeks after, he was brought to
own, that all the inhabitants of Poo-nam-moo (i.e. the southern island)
and those of T'Souduckey ate the enemies whom they took in battle, which
Hoo-Doo corroborated, for his father was killed and eaten by the
T'Souduckey people. 'Notwithstanding the general probity of our visitors,
particularly Too-gee, (says Captain King,) I am inclined to think that
horrible banquet is general through both islands.'

[* During the _Fancy's_ stay in the river Thames, they had many and
almost daily proofs of Too-gee's want of veracity on this head.]

Too-gee described a large fresh-water river on the west side of
Ea-hei-no-maue; but he said it was a bar river, and not navigable for
larger vessels than the war canoes. The river, and the district around
it, is called Cho-ke-han-ga. The chief, whose name is To-ko-ha, lives
about half-way up on the north side of the river. The country he stated
to be covered with pine-trees of an immense size. Captain King says, that
he made Too-gee observe, that Captain Cook did not in his voyage notice
any river on the west side, although he coasted along very near the
shore. On this Too-gee asked with much earnestness, if Captain Cook had
seen an island covered with birds. Gannet Island being pointed out, he
immediately fixed on Albatross Point as the situation of the river, which
Captain Cook's account seems to favour, who says, 'On the north side of
this point (Albatross) the shore forms a bay, in which there appears to
be anchorage and shelter for shipping.' Governor King on this subject
remarks as follows:

The probable situation of this river (if there be one) being thus far
ascertained, leads me to suppose, that the district of T'Souduckey
extends from Cape Runaway on the east side, to Cape Egmont on the west,
and is bounded by Cook's Strait on the south side, which is nearly one
half of the northern island. Of the river Thames I could not obtain any
satisfactory account; but I have great reason to suppose, that the river
he has marked in the district of Wonga-ro-ah is the Thames. Toogee's
residence appears to be on the north side of the Bay of Islands, in the
district called by him Ho-do-do, which he says contains about a thousand
fighting men, and is subject to the following chiefs; i.e. Te-wy-te-wye,
Wy-to-ah, Moo-de-wye, Wa-way, To-mo-co-mo-co, Pock-a-roo, and Tee-koo-ra,
the latter of whom is the principal chief's son. The subordinate
distinctions of persons at New Zealand are as follow: (We are told, that
the inferior classes are perfectly subordinate to their superiors; and
such I suppose to be the case by the great deference always paid by
Too-gee to Hoo-doo.)

Etang-a-teda Eti-ket-ti-ca, a principal chief, or man in very great
authority. His superior consequence is signified by a repetition of the
word eti-ket-ti-ca. This title appears hereditary.

Etanga-roah, or E-ta-hon-ga, a priest, whose authority in many cases is
equal, and in some superior to the etiketica.

Etanga-teda Epo-di, a subordinate chief or gentleman.

Ta-ha-ne Emo-ki, a labouring man.'

* * * * *

Respecting the customs and manners of these people, the governor favoured
the writer with the following particulars:

The New Zealanders inter their dead; they also believe that the third day
after the interment the heart separates itself from the corpse; and that
this separation is announced by a gentle breeze of wind, which gives
warning of its approach to an inferior Ea-tooa (or dinity) that hovers
over the grave, and who carries it to the clouds. In his chart Too-gee
has marked an imaginary road which goes the lengthways of Ea-hei-no-maue,
viz from Cook's Strait to the North Cape, which Too-gee calls Terry-inga.
While the soul is received by the good Ea-tooa, an evil spirit is also in
readiness to carry the impure part of the corpse to the above road, along
which it is carried to Terry-inga, whence it is precipitated into the sea.

Suicide is very common among the New Zealanders, and this they often
commit by hanging themselves on the slightest occasions; thus a woman who
has been beaten by her husband will perhaps hang herself immediately. In
this mode of putting an end to their existence, both our visitors seemed
to be perfect adepts, having often threatened to hang themselves, and
sometimes made very serious promises of putting it into execution if they
were not sent to their own country. As these threats, however, were used
in their gloomy moments, they were soon laughed out of them.

It could not be discovered that they have any other division of time than
the revolution of the moon, until the number amounted to one hundred,
which they term "Ta-iee E-tow," i.e. one Etow or hundred moons; and it is
thus they count their age, and calculate all other events.

Hoo-doo and Too-gee both agreed that a great quantity of manufactured
flax might be obtained for trifles*, such as axes, chisels, etc., and
said, that in most places the flax grows naturally in great quantities;
in other parts it is cultivated by separating the roots, and planting
them out, three in one hole, at the distance of a foot from each other.
They give a decided preference to the flax-plant that grows here, both
for quantity and size.

[* This circumstance all the people belonging to the _Fancy_ fully
confirmed; for during the three months that vessel lay in the Thames,
they replaced all their running-rigging by ropes made of the flax-plant.]

It may be expected (says Governor King) that after a six months
acquaintance between us and the two New Zealanders, we should not be
ignorant of each other's language. Myself and some of the officers (who
were so kind as to communicate the observations they obtained from our
visitors) could make our ideas known, and tolerably well understood by
them. They too, by intermixing what English words they knew with what we
knew of their language, could make themselves sufficiently understood by
us. During the time they were with us I did not possess any account of
Captain Cook's voyages; but since their departure, I find from his first
voyage, that it has great similitude to the general language spoken in
those seas. The vocabulary which I have appended to these memoranda was
collected by myself and the surgeon, and is, I believe, very correct,
particularly the numerals. Much other information was given us by our two
friends; but as it may be liable to great errors, I forbear repeating it.

It has been already said* [Footnote refers to Page 347 of the book, but
there was no reference to this subject on that page. Ed.], that Governor
King went himself to New Zealand to return Hoo-doo and Too-gee to their
country and friends. The following are the governor's remarks on his
voyage thither:

Having rounded the north cape of New Zealand on the 12th of November
1793, the fourth day after leaving Norfolk, we saw a number of houses and
a small hippah on an island which lies off the north cape, and called by
Too-gee, Moo-de Moo-too. Soon after we opened a very considerable hippah
or fortified place, situated on a high round hill, just within the cape,
whence six large canoes were seen coming toward the ship. As soon as they
came within hail, Too-gee was known by those in the canoes, which were
soon increased to seven, with upwards of twenty men in each. They came
alongside without any intreaty, and those who came on board were much
rejoiced to meet with Too-gee whose first and earnest inquiries were
after his family and chief. On those heads he received the most
satisfactory intelligence from a woman, who, as he informed us, was a
near relation of his mother. His father and chief were still inconsolable
for his loss; the latter (whom Too-gee always mentioned in the most
respectful manner) had been about a fortnight past on a visit to the
chief of the hippah above mentioned, where he remained four days; and
Te-wy-te-wye, the principal chief of Too-gee's district, was daily
expected. With this information he was much pleased. It was remarked,
that although there were upward of a hundred New Zealanders on board and
alongside, yet Too-gee confined his caresses and conversation to his
mother's relation, and one or two chiefs, who were distinguished by the
marks (a-mo-ko) on their faces, and by the respectful behaviour which was
shown them by the emokis (i.e. the working men who paddled the canoes,
and who at times were beaten most unmercifully by the chiefs. To those
who by Too-gee's account were epodis (subaltern chiefs), and well known
to him, I gave some chissels, hand-axes, and other articles equally
acceptable. A traffic soon commenced. Pieces of old iron hoop were given
in exchange for abundance of manufactured flax, cloth, patoo-patoos,
spears, talc ornaments, paddles, fish-hooks, and lines. At seven in the
evening they left us, and we made sail with a light breeze at west,
intending to run for the Bay of Islands (which we understood was
Too-gee's residence,) and from which we were twenty-four leagues distant.
At nine o'clock a canoe with four men came alongside, and jumped on board
without any fear. The master of the _Britannia_ being desirous to obtain
their canoe, the bargain was soon concluded (with Too-gee's assistance)
much to the satisfaction of the proprietors, who did not discover the
least reluctance at sleeping on board, and being carried to a distance
from their homes. Our new guests very satisfactorily corroborated all the
circumstances that Too-gee had heard before. After supper Too-gee and
Hoo-doo asked the strangers for the news of their country since they had
been taken away. This was complied with by the four strangers, who began
a song, in which each of them took a part, sometimes using fierce and
savage gestures, and at other times sinking their voices, according to
the different passages or events that they were relating. Hoo-doo, who
was paying great attention to the subject of their song, suddenly burst
into tears, occasioned by an account which they were giving of the
T'Souduckey tribe having made an irruption on Teer-a-witte (Hoo doo's
district) and killed the chief's son with thirty warriors. He was too
much affected to hear more; but retired into a corner of the cabin, where
he gave vent to his grief, which was only interrupted by his threats of

Owing to calm weather, little progress was made during the night. At
daylight on the 13th, a number of canoes were seen coming from the
hippah; in the largest of which was thirty-six men and a chief, who was
standing up making signals with great earnestness. On his coming
alongside, Too-gee recognised the chief to be Ko-to-ko-ke, who is the
etiketica, or principal chief of the hippah whence the boats had come the
preceding evening. The old chief, who appeared to be about seventy years
of age, had not a visible feature, the whole of his face being tatooed
with spiral lines. At his coming on board he embraced Too-gee with great
affection; Too-gee then introduced me to him; and after the ceremony of
'ehong-i,' i.e. joining noses, he took off his ah-a-how, or mantle, and
put it on my shoulders. In return I gave him a mantle made of green
baize, and decorated with broad arrows. Soon after seven, other canoes,
with upwards of twenty men and women in each, came alongside. At
Too-gee's desire the poop was 'eta-boo,' i.e. all access to it by any
others than the old chief forbidden. Not long before Ko-to-ko-ke came on
board, I asked Too-gee and Hoo-doo if they would return to Norfolk Island
or land at Moo-dee When-u-a in case the calm continued, or the wind came
from the southward, of which there was some appearance. Too-gee was much
averse to either. His reason for not returning to Norfolk was the natural
wish to see his family and chief; nor did he like the idea of being
landed at Moo-dee When-u-a, as, notwithstanding what he had heard
respecting the good understanding there was between his district and that
of Moo-dee When-u-a, the information might turn out to be not strictly
true. Nothing more was said about it; and it was my intention to land
them nearer to their homes, if it could be done in the course of the day,
although it was then a perfect calm. Soon after the chief came on board
they told me with tears of joy that they wished to go with Ko-toko-ke,
who had fully confirmed all they had heard before, and had promised to
take them the next morning to Too-gee's residence, where they would
arrive by night. To wait the event of the calm, or the wind coming from
the northward, might have detained the ship some days longer. Could I
have reached in four days from leaving Norfolk the place where Too-gee
lived, I certainly should have landed him there; but that not being the
case (as this was the fifth day) I did not consider myself justifiable in
detaining the ship longer than was absolutely necessary to land them in a
place of safety, and from which they might get to their homes.

Notwithstanding the information Too-gee had received, and the confidence
he placed in the chief, I felt much anxiety about our two friends, and
expressed to Too-gee my apprehensions that what he had heard might be an
invention of Ko-to-ko-ke's and his people to get them and their effects
into their power. I added, that as the ship could not be detained longer,
I would rather take them back than leave them in the hands of suspicious
people. To this Too-gee replied with an honest confidence, that
'etiketica no eteka,' i.e. a chief never deceives. I then took the chief
into the cabin, and explained to him, assisted by Too-gee (who was
present with Hoo-doo), how much I was interested in their getting to
Ho-do-do; and added, that in two or three moons I should return to
Ho-do-do, and if I found Too-gee and Hoo-doo were safe arrived with their
effects, I would then return to Moo-dee When-u-a and make him some very
considerable presents, in addition to those which I should now give him
and his people for their trouble in conducting our two friends to their
residence. I had so much reason to be convinced of the old man's
sincerity, that I considered it injurious to threaten him with punishment
for failing in his engagement. The only answer Ko-to-ko-ke made was, by
putting both his hands to the sides of my head (making me perform the
same ceremony) and joining our noses; in which position we remained three
minutes, the old chief muttering what I did not understand. After this he
went through the same ceremony with our two friends, which ended with a
dance, when the two latter joined noses with me, and said that
Ko-to-ko-ke was now become their father, and would in person conduct them
to Ho-do-doe.* While I was preparing what I meant to give them, Too-gee
(who I am now convinced was a priest) had made a circle of the New
Zealanders round him, in the centre of which was the old chief, and
recounted what he had seen during his absence. At many passages they gave
a shout of admiration. On his telling them, that it was only three days
sail from Norfolk to Moo-doo When-u-a, whether his veracity was doubted,
or that he was not contented with the assertion alone, I cannot tell, but
with much presence of mind he ran upon the poop, and brought a cabbage,
which he informed them was cut five days ago in my garden. This
convincing proof produced a general shout of surprise.

[* Which was very faithfully performed.]

Every thing being now arranged, and ready for their departure, our two
friends requested that Ko-to-ko-ke might see the soldiers exercise and
fire. To this I could have no objection, as the request came from them;
but I took that opportunity of explaining to the chief (with Toogee's
help) that he might see, by our treatment of him and his two countrymen,
that it was our wish and intention to be good neighbours and friends with
all Ea-hei-no-mau-e; that these weapons were never used but when we were
injured, which I hoped would never happen; and that no other consideration
than the satisfying of his curiosity could induce me to show what those
instruments were intended for.

About one hundred and fifty of the New Zealanders were seated on the
larboard side of the deck, and the detachment paraded on the opposite
side. After going through the manual, and firing three volleys, two great
guns were fired, one loaded with a single ball, and the other with
grape-shot, which surprised them greatly, as I made the chief observe the
distance at which the shot fell from the ship. The wind had now the
appearance of coming from the southward; and as that wind throws a great
surf on the shore, they were anxious to get away. Too-gee and Hoo-doo
took an affectionate leave of every person on board, and made me remember
my promise of visiting them again, when they would return to Norfolk
Island with their families. The venerable chief, after having taken great
pains to pronounce my name, and made me well acquainted with his, got
into his canoe and left us. On putting off from the ship, they were
saluted with three cheers, which they returned as well as they could, by
Toogee's directions. It was now seven in the morning of the 13th: at nine
a breeze came from the north, with which we stood to the eastward. After
a passage of five days from New Zealand (having had light winds) and ten
days absence from Norfolk Island, I landed at three o'clock in the
afternoon of the 18th.

The little intercourse that I had with the New Zealanders (as I was only
eighteen hours off that island, twelve of which were in the night) does
not enable me to say much respecting them, or to form any decisive
opinion of them, as much of their friendly behaviour in this slight
interview might be owing to our connexion with Too-gee and Hoo-doo, and
their being with us. These two worthy savages (if the term may be
allowed) will, I am confident, ever retain the most grateful remembrance
of the kindnesses they received on Norfolk Island; and if the greater
part of the countrymen have but a small portion of the amiable
disposition of Too-gee and Hoo-doo, they certainly are a people between
whom and the English colonists a good understanding may with common
prudence and precaution be cultivated. I regret very much that the
service on which the _Britannia_ was ordered did not permit me to detain
her longer; as in a few days, with the help of our two friends, much
useful information might have been obtained respecting the quantity of
manufactured flax that might be procured, which I think would be of high
importance if better known. The great quantity that was procured in
exchange for small pieces of iron hoop is a proof, that an abundance of
this valuable article is manufactured among them.

The articles that I gave Too-gee and Hoo-doo consisted of hand-axes; a
small assortment of carpenters' tools, six spades, some hoes, with a few
knives, scissors, and razors; two bushels of maize, one of wheat, two of
peas, and a quantity of garden feeds; ten young sows, and two boars,
which Too-gee and the chief faithfully promised should be preserved for
breeding, a promise which I am inclined to think they will strictly

[* The first place the _Fancy_ made at New Zealand was Doubtless Bay,
which the master describes as a very dangerous place for a vessel to go
into, and still worse to lie at, as it is open to the easterly winds. On
their coming to an anchor, which was not till late in the evening (in
December 1795), several canoes came round the vessel, but did not venture
alongside until Too-gee was inquired for, when the New Zealanders
exclaimed 'My-ty Governor King! My-ty Too-gee! My-ty Hoo-doo!' Some went
on board, and others put in to shore, returning soon after with Too-gee
and his wife. He had not forgotten his English, at least the more common
expressions. He informed Captain Dell, that he had one pig remaining
alive, and some peas growing; but what became of the rest of his stock he
did not say. As Doubtless Bay was found a bad place to remain in, the
_Fancy_ endeavoured to get out, but was obliged to return, when the two
lads who wished to see Norfolk Island, being sea-sick, left her.]


----------- -------

E-ha-ha Fire
E-when-ua Earth, or ground
E-wy Water
E-mu-da Flame of thefire
E-dou-ma-te Summer
E-ho-ho-tou-ke Winter
E-ma-ran-gi North
E-sow-how-oo-doo South
E-ton-ga East
E-te-hu West
E-te-te-do To see
E-don-go To hear
E-do-rni-do-mi To feel
E-hon-gi To smell
E-mei-te To taste
He-te-te-show or
Ye-te-de-how New moon
E-po-po-e-e-nue Full moon
E-de-de-ke Last quarter of the moon
E-ma-ra-ma The moon
E-da Sun
E-pu-ta Sun-rise
E-a-wa-tere Noon
E-a-hi-au, or E-po Sunset
E-wha-tu Star
Ye-rew-a-new-a Rainbow
E-Ma-tan-gee Wind
E-bu-a Rain
E-ue-da Lightning
E-wet-e-te-cla Thunder
Em-ma-ha-ne Hot
Ma-ka-ree-dee Cold
E-ko-how Fog
E-po-ka-ka Dew
E-paw-ha Smoke
E-mo-an-na Salt water or the sea
E-a-o The day
E-po The night
E-co-pec-ce To freeze, or ice
E-wha-tu Snow
In-an-hal Yesterday
N'A-goo-nal To-day
A-po-po To-morrow
A-ta-hy-da Day after to-morrow
A-wa-ka Day following
A-wa-ke-ett ue Four days hence
E-hon-gi The ceremony of joining noses as a salute
Yen-gang The head
He'-ho-do-ho-do The hair of the head
Eta-din-ga The ear
Etoude-Eta-din-ga Deaf
E-da-ha The Forehead
Ca-no-wei or
E-ca-no-che The eye
E-pu-di E'Ca-no-wei Blind
Pa-pa-reen-gi The cheek
Ec-Eee-shu The nose
E-cou-wye The beard
E-ka-ke The neck
Po-co-fee-fee or
Edinga-ringa The arm
E-dal-ee The breast
He-ooo (lengthened out) The nipple
E-pee-too The navel
Eu-wa The thigh
E-tu-di-po-na or
Ewa-wye The leg
E-mata-ka-ra The fingers
E-coro-E-te Finger-nails
He-i-a-dar-re The skin
Ing-oo-too The lips
E-wa-ha The mouth
In-ni-show The teeth
Ecoro-coro The throat
E-pa-ro The hand
E-co-pu The belly
E-to-to Blood
E-tu-di-po-na Knees
E-da-pa-ra-pa The feet
E-too-o-ra The back
E-cu-mo The backside
E-kau-wal The chin
E-ki The mouth
E-u-de The penis
E-ai The vulva
E-tek-ke To copulate
E-ma-mi To go to make water
E-tu-tal To go to stool
Pa-ke-da Bald-headed
E-sha-pu Pregnant
E-ko-ki A cripple
E-ka-ta To laugh
E-tan-ge To cry
E-too-ha To spit
E-co-we-ra To breathe
E-ma-my To groan
E-sha, (sounded
expressive of the
action) To sigh
Te-zee-ou-wa, (sounded
expressive of) Sneezing*

[* A compliment is paid by the New Zealanders when one of the company
sneezes, by repeating the following lines:
'Tee-zee, Tee-zee, Pa-way, Pa-way,
wa-cou-te-ma-he co-to-ko-eee,
drawn out very long.
'Tu-tu-ro a-te na tan-ga-ta kiti-po,
Tu-tu-ra ma-hie na-ta-na-ta kit-eao
Tee-zee, Tee-zee, etc.' as in the first line.
All which means wishes for health from night to morning, and that
no bones may be broken by the shock of sneezing.]

E-co-show To hiccough
E-mo-a To sleep
E-ta-ko-te To lie down to sleep
E-a-ra To rise from sleep
E-kow-hae-ra To yawn
E-to-u To break wind
E-ku-pa To belch
E-du-a-ke To puke
E-da-hee Fat
Eet pronounced
as Eat Lean
E-o-ra In health
E-mat-tee means
also death Sick
E-pi Handsome, also clean
E-ke-no Ugly, also dirty
E-ni-a-ymi Pain in general
In-ni-shou E-to-on-ga Tooth-ache
E-hu-de Head-ache
E-de-ka-ra-ka An itching
E-huf-fe Love
He-de-de Hatred, or being dissatisfied
He-ma-ta-kd Fear
E-ka-tou Joy
E-ko-ko-pe Shame
E-kow-wa Loathing
E-wa-ra-wa-ra An error or mistake
E-ko-cut A cut
E-mo-to A blow
E-hou-dang-e To faint
He-kye To eat
E-e-nue To drink
E-matta-he-a-kye Hungry
Ka-ke Satisfied
E-i-ra To walk
E-o-mu To run
E-da-re To jump
E-ka-ou To swim
E-tu-ta-ke To meet any one
Ke-o-ro-mi To make haste
E-no-ho To sit down
E-tu Standing up
E-mo-ki To work
Ka-ko-p-1 To shut a door
Eu-wa-ke To open
E-de-ding-ee To sell
E-o-mi To give or reach
Wha-ka-de-de I'll give you
Z'Shocke-e-mai Ditto
E-wa-k-a-tu To plant
E-o-hoo-tee To pluck up
E-da-fe To tie or bind
E-wa-wat-te Untie
E-ma-ca To throw away
E-te-te-do To look or observe
E-ko-re To break any thing, as a plate
E-what-te To break any thing, as a stick
E-hi-yi To tear, as paper
Car-co-ree To pull down or destroy,
as a building, ship, etc
E-ko-cout To cut
Ing-ha-roo To see or look for
E-hu-na To hide
Ea-ke-tere To find
E-ke-no To stain or dirty any thing
E-moo-roo To clean
Eo-roo-ee To wash
E-yhang-a To build a house or boat
E-ka-wa Ill-tasted, bitter
He-i-de-mal! Come here!
Sey-ede or E-i-ra To go
E-ko-re-roo To converse
Pat-too pat-too To beat, also the name of a principal weapon
E-te-ka To tell a lie
E-po-no To tell truth
E-wa-ka A canoe
E-shoo To paddle a canoe
E-1-ka A fish
E-a-ho To catch a fish
E-wa-du A fish-hook made of wood
E-ma-ka A fishing-line
E-nue Big, large
E-mo-ro-ee-te Small
My-ty Good
Mack-row-a Bad
Ki-e-dow Fit to eat
E-whan-na To kick
E-ha-ka To dance
E-wy-ette To sing
E-wa-du To dream
E-ta-po-ke To drown
E-ka-ya To steal
E-ta-ro-na To hang one's self
E-ee-ta I understand
Na? Do you mean this?
Ha ya-ha What is this?
Ko-ai Who is this?
An-ga There
Pah-hee A ship, or very large canoe
E-whar-re A house
E-ta-o A spear
E-da-kow A tree, or piece of wood
E-ma-ta A sharp stone with which they cut their hair
Pas-aa-te-ra A stone
E-ko-ha-tue A rock
E-ho-ne Sand-beach
E-a-wha A harbour
E-pa-pa A board
E-to-ki An axe
E-whow A chissel, nail, or iron
E-va-te-to-ka A door
E-pu-ki A hill
E-poo-poo Shells
E-wak-e-te-ca Ear-rings
Etu-pu The flax plant when growing
E-mu-ka The flax when dressed
E-mu-ka Yera-ka-kee The operation of drawing the flax
from the plant
Eka-ka-how Cloth wove from the flax
A-mo-ko The marks on their face and different parts
of their bodies
To-ko-hal-ya? How many?
E-ma-ha A great many, speaking of things
Ka-ta-puk-e-mai A great many, speaking of people
(and sounded hard) Tired
Eto-ho-ro-ha A whale
E-he-nue Whale oil, or any other fat
Emata-to-too-roo Thick
E-da-ede-hi Thin
E-do-aw High or tall, and long
E-po-to Short
E-wa-nue Wide
E-wa-ete Narrow
E-ti-ma-ha Heavy
E-ma-ma Light
E-de-ding-e Full
E-ma-din-ge Empty
E-ma-row Hard
Ing-now-a-rey Soft
E-ka-ra-de A dog
E-kere A rat
E-manu A bird
E-wy-you Milk
E-whairo Red
E-ema White
E-man-goe All dark colours
Ka-de-da Green
Ka-nap-pa Blue
Ta-ah-ne-a sounded long A man
Wha-hel-ne A woman
E-co-ro-wa-ke An old man
E-du-a-hel-ne An old woman
E-Ta-ma-ree-kee A young man
E-Ta-ma-hei-ne A young woman
Ta-ma-i-ete A male child
E-co-tero An infant
Ma-tu-a-Ta-a-ne Father
Ma-tu-a-wa-hei-ne Mother
Tu-a-hel-ne Sister
Tu-a-Can-na Elder brother
Tei-ne Younger brother
E-mi-yan-ga Twins
Pah-pah Children call their father
Hah-ty-yee Children call their mother

E seems to be used as the article, pronounced as in the English.
A is always sounded long, as in the French.

Ta-hie One
Du-o Two
Too-roo Three
Wha Four
Dee-mah Five
0-no Six
Whee-too Seven
Wha-roo Eight
E-wha Nine
Ng-a-hu-du Ten
Ca-te-cow signifies One Ten
Ma-ta-hie Eleven
Ma-duo Twelve, and so on, the numeral being
preceded by Ma, until nineteen (Ma-Ew-ha) then . . .
Ca-te-cow, Ca, du-o Twenty
Ca-te-cow, Ca, Too-roo Thirty
Ca-te-cow, Ca, Wha Forty
and so on to . . .
Ca-te-cow, Ca, E-wha Ninety
Kah-row A hundred
Carow, Ca, Ta-hie One hundred
Carow, Ca, Du-o Two hundred
and so on to nine hundred
Kom-ma-roo A thousand
Com-ma-no, Ca, Tahie One thousand
Com-ma-no, Ca-du-o Two thousand
and so on to nine thousand.
Ca-tee-nee Ten thousand
which appearsto be the extent of their numerals.

{Thus far Lieutenant-Governor King.}

From the 25th of October, the day on which the ships made sail from
Norfolk Island, till the 31st of the same month, nothing material
occurred. On that day Mr. Raven stated to Captain Waterhouse, the
commander of the _Reliance_, the necessity there was for the
_Britannia's_ making the best of her way to England; and as he thought
she sailed rather better than that ship, he requested permission to part
company, which Captain Waterhouse not objecting to, we separated and made
sail from them.

On the 5th of November we passed an island named by Lieutenant Watts (who
first saw it in the _Lady Penrhyn_ transport) Macauley Island.

Sunday the 6th was passed in examining an island, which Mr. Raven was
decidedly of opinion had never been seen before. It was situated in the
latitude of 29 degrees 15 minutes and longitude of 181 degrees 56 minutes
E. We found the land high, and it appeared to be well covered with wood.
On the south-west side of it is a bay in which, from the colour of the
water, Mr. Raven thought there was good anchorage; but at this time there
was too much surf breaking on the beach to render it prudent to send a
boat in. The aspect on this side of the island was romantic and inviting;
but on the other side the shore was bold, and in many parts rugged and
bare. The whole appeared to consist, like Norfolk Island, of hills and
dales. We conjectured that there was fresh water in the bay on the
south-west side. The knowledge of the existence of this island can be of
no other importance, than to cause navigators sailing in that route to
keep a good look-out, particularly in the night-time, as many straggling
rocks lie off the north side.

From the circumstance of its being seen on a Sunday it obtained the name
of Sunday island.

Leaving this, we proceeded toward Cape Horn; but it was not till the 16th
of December that we saw the southern part of the vast continent of
America. Mr. Raven intended to have made the Jasons, and touched at
Falkland's Islands in the hope of procuring some information respecting
the Cape of Good Hope; but, after passing Cape Horn, and finding the wind
hang to the northward, he altered his course for the Island of St Helena,
or the Cape of Good Hope, as circumstances might direct.

On the 21st, in latitude 51 degrees 56 minutes S and longitude 306
degrees 25 minutes E to our great surprise, we fell in with and joined our
companions the _Reliance_ and _Supply_. We found that, by keeping nearer
to the north end of New Zealand than we had done, they had met with more
favourable winds. We now proceeded together toward the Cape of Good Hope.

On the 23rd, being about the latitude of 50 degrees S we fell in with
several islands of ice; which, however, we cleared without any accident,
and stood more to the northward. Mr. Raven was of opinion, that ice would
always be found in or about those latitudes, and recommended that all
ships, after passing Cape Horn, should keep more to the northward than we

On the 9th of January we crossed the three hundred and sixtieth degree of
east longitude. Our weather now was much too moderate; for it was not
till the 15th of January that we saw the coast of Africa. Some necessary
precautions were taken by the king's ship on coming in with it; and,
finding every thing as we wished, on the next day we completed our long
voyage of sixteen weeks from Port Jackson by anchoring safely in Table Bay.

Here, almost the whole of our ship's company having been pressed, or
voluntarily entered into the king's service, and with difficulty getting
some necessary repairs done to the ship, we were compelled most
reluctantly to remain for eight weeks. The place was very unhealthy, and
lodging and every article of comfort extravagantly high.

A few days before we sailed, the ship _Ganges_, commanded by Mr.
Patrickson, arrived with convicts from Cork. She sailed from Ireland with
another ship, the _Britannia_, having on board a similar cargo; but the
master, intending to touch at Rio de Janeiro, had parted company with the
_Ganges_ off Palma. We learned by the _Ganges_, that two storeships, the
_Sylph_ and _Prince of Wales_, had sailed in June last for New South
Wales. Much as Governor Hunter wanted labourers, the provisions would be
more welcome to him than the Irish convicts, who had hitherto always
created more trouble than any other.

Before we sailed we had the satisfaction of seeing seventy head of very
fine young Cape cattle purchased by Mr. Palmer, the commissary for the
colony, to be sent thither in the _Reliance_ and _Supply_; the latter of
which ships sailed with her proportion a few days before we left Table
Bay. These ships would return well stored with useful articles for the
settlement, and comforts for every officer in it.

We left the Cape on the 16th of March, and arrived at the pleasant island
of St Helena on the 26th of the same month. Here we remained till the
17th of April, having waited some time for a convoy, and sailed at last
without any, in company with the ship _Brothers_, a South-Sea whaler, who
was returning loaded.

During our stay at St Helena we made several excursions into the interior
part of the island. A visit from the French was daily expected; but we
saw with pleasure preparations made for their reception that caused every
one to treat the probability of their coming as an event more to be
wished for than dreaded. From the hospitality of Governor Brooke and his
family, and the pleasant society of this place, we felt a regret at
leaving the island, which nothing but the prospect of soon reaching our
own happy shores alleviated.

Every one now was anxious for the successful termination of the passage
before us. On the 27th of April we crossed the equator in the longitude
of 19 degrees 02 minutes W. On the 4th of May we spoke the ship
_Elizabeth_, (an American,) Isaac Stone master. They had only been
twenty-eight days from Dover, and gave us the first intelligence we
received of the victory obtained by our fleet under Earl St. Vincent over
that of the Spaniards.

On the 7th of June we spoke a schooner under American colours, the
_Federal George_ of Duxbury from Bourdeaux, bound to Boston. The master
informed, us that the channel was full of the enemy's cruisers, who were
looking out for our West-India fleet, then expected home. Though we felt
persuaded that our cruisers would counteract their designs, Mr. Raven
determined, from this information, and from the wind having long hung to
the eastward, to stand to the northward. From this time to the 18th our
weather was very unfavourable, and our wind mostly contrary. On the 18th
we saw the rock laid down in the charts by the name of Isle Rokal, being
then in the latitude of 57 degrees 51 minutes N and longitude 13 degrees
56 minutes W. The rock then bore N 23 degrees distant eight miles and a
half. Our foul wind continued many days; but on the 23rd we found
ourselves off Innishone on the north part of Ireland. Here a man came
off, who, to our inquiries respecting the progress of the war, answered,
that he knew nothing about war, except that the strongest party always
got the better of the weakest, thus uttering a truth in the midst of the
profoundest ignorance. We now determined to steer for Liverpool, at which
port, after much anxiety, we arrived in safety on the 27th.

On the 29th the judge-advocate delivered at the Duke of Portland's office
the dispatches with which he was charged.

He now learned, that previous to his arrival in London there had sailed
for New South Wales, exclusive of the ships _Sylph_ and _Prince of
Wales_, _Ganges_ and _Britannia_, the _Lady Shore_ transport, having on
board two male and sixty-six female convicts. On the 6th of last November
the _Barwell_ sailed, having on board Mr. Dore, the present
judge-advocate of that territory, and two hundred and ninety-eight male
convicts. The _Britannia_, a ship belonging to the house of Enderby and
Co. sailed on the 17th of last February with ninety-six female convicts
on board. This ship went out with orders to try the whale-fishery on the
coast of New South Wales for one season. If this should succeed, the
settlement and the public at large will owe much to the spirited
exertions of the house of Enderby to promote a beneficial commerce from
that country.

The king's ships on that station being ill calculated for the services
expected from them, having on board expensive complements of men and
officers, and consequently but little room for cattle; and being beside
so defective and impaired by time as to be unsafe to navigate much
longer; two others have been provided, newer and more capable of
rendering service to the colony. One of them, the _Buffalo_, commanded by
Mr. William Raven, late master of the _Britannia_, is on the point of
sailing, and is to take cattle to New South Wales from the Cape of Good
Hope. The other is named the _Porpoise_, and has the same service to
perform. A ship, called the _Minerva_, is also proceeding to Cork to take
in a number of Irish convicts.

* * * * *

Letters have been received from New South Wales, dated about six weeks
after the author sailed from that colony. Governor Hunter had received by
the _Sylph_ and _Prince of Wales_ storeships two thousand six hundred and
fifty casks of salted provisions. Several persons had been tried by the
court of criminal judicature for robbing the public stores, and had been
found guilty. One man had been executed for murder, and his body hung in
chains on Rock Island, a small spot at the mouth of Sydney Cove, and by
which every boat and ship coming into the cove must necessarily pass. The
governor was on the point of visiting Portland Head, some high land on
the banks of the Hawkesbury, where he purposed establishing a settlement.

Had that river and its fertile banks been discovered before the
establishment at Sydney Cove had proceeded too far to remove it, how
eligible a place would it have been for the principal settlement! A
navigable river possesses many advantages that are unknown in other
situations. Much benefit, however, was to be derived from this even as an
inferior settlement. Its extreme fertility would always insure a certain
supply of grain; and the settlers on its banks must produce a quantity
equal to the consumption of the civil and Military, and of their own
families; and thus, while rendering a service to the state, they might in
time become opulent farmers. Yet our pity is excited, when it is
considered, that they are of so unworthy a description as has clearly
been made appear in the preceding narrative. That a river justly termed
the Nile of New South Wales should fall into such hands is to be
lamented. In process of time, however, their productive farms will have
yielded them all that they aspire to, and may then fall into the
possession of persons who will look beyond the mere gratification of the
moment, and cause the settlements in New South Wales to stand as high in
the public estimation as any colonies in his Majesty's dominions.



The reader of the preceding narrative will have seen, that after many
untoward occurrences, and a considerable lapse of time, that friendly
intercourse with the natives which had been so earnestly desired was at
length established; and having never been materially interrupted, these
remote islanders have been shown living in considerable numbers among us
without fear or restraint; acquiring our language; readily falling in
with our manners and customs; enjoying the comforts of our clothing, and
relishing the variety of our food. We saw them die in our houses, and the
places of the deceased instantly filled by others, who observed nothing
in the fate of their predecessors to deter them from living with us, and
placing that entire confidence in us which it was our interest and our
pleasure to cultivate. They have been always allowed so far to be their
own masters, that we never, or but rarely, interrupted them in any of
their designs, judging that by suffering them to live with us as they
were accustomed to do before we came among them, we should sooner attain
a knowledge of their manners and customs, than by waiting till we had
acquired a competent skill in their language to converse with them. On
this principle, when they assembled to dance or to fight before our
houses, we never dispersed, but freely attended their meetings. To them
this attention of ours appeared to be agreeable and useful; for those who
happened to be wounded in their contests instantly looked out for one of
our surgeons, and displayed entire confidence in his skill, and great
bravery in the firmness with which they bore the knife and the probe.

By slow degrees we began mutually to be pleased with, and to understand
each other. Language, indeed, is out of the question; for at the time of
writing this (September 1796) nothing but a barbarous mixture of English
with the Port Jackson dialect is spoken by either party; and it must be
added, that even in this the natives have the advantage, comprehending,
with much greater aptness than we can pretend to, every thing they hear
us say. From a pretty close observation, however, assisted by the use of
the barbarous dialect just mentioned, the following particulars
respecting the natives of New South Wales have been collected.



We found the natives about Botany Bay, Port Jackson, and Broken Bay,
living in that state of nature which must have been common to all men
previous to their uniting in society, and acknowledging but one
authority. These people are distributed into families, the head or
senior of which exacts compliance from the rest. In our early intercourse
with them (and indeed at a much later period, on our meeting with
families to whom we were unknown) we were always accosted by the person
who appeared to be the eldest of the party, while the women, youths, and
children, were kept at a distance. The word which in their language
signifies father was applied to their old men; and when, after some time,
and by close observation, they perceived the authority with which
Governor Phillip commanded, and the obedience which he exacted, they
bestowed on him the distinguishing appellation of (Be-anna) or Father.
This title being conferred solely on him (although they perceived the
authority of masters over their servants) places the true sense of the
word beyond a doubt, and proves, that to those among them who enjoyed
that distinction belonged the authority of a chief.

When any of these came into the town, we have been immediately informed
of their arrival, and they have been pointed out to our notice in a
whisper, and with an eagerness of manner which, while it drew our
attention, impressed us with an idea that we were looking at persons to
whom some consequence was attached even among the savages of New Holland.
Another acceptation of the word Be-anna, however, soon became evident;
for we observed it to be frequently applied by children to men who we
knew had not any children of their own. On inquiry we were informed, that
in case a father should die, the nearest of kin, or some deputed friend,
would take the care of his children; and for this reason those children
styled them Be-anna, though in the lifetime of their natural parent. This
Bennillong (the native who was some time in England) confirmed to us at
the death of his first wife, by consigning the care of his infant
daughter Dil-boong (who at the time of her mother's decease was at the
breast) to his friend Governor Phillip, telling him that he was to become
the Be-anna or Father of his little girl. Here, if the reader pauses for
a moment to consider the difference between the general conduct of our
baptismal sponsors (to whose duties this custom bears much resemblance)
and the humane practice of these uncivilised people, will not the
comparison suffuse his cheek with something like shame, at seeing the
enlightened Christian so distanced in the race of humanity by the
untutored savage, who has hitherto been the object of his pity and
contempt? But sorry am I to recollect, and as a faithful narrator to be
impelled to relate, one particular in their customs that is wholly
irreconcilable with the humane duties which they have prescribed to
themselves in the above instance; duties which relate only to those
children who, in the event of losing the mother, could live without her
immediate aid. A far different lot is reservea ror such as are at triat
time at the breast, or in a state ot absolute helplessness, as will be
seen hereafter.

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