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A Study Of The Topography And Municipal History Of Praeneste by Ralph Van Deman Magoffin

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peculiarities,[239] and one other, a fragment, belongs to still another
calendar.[240] It will first be necessary to show that these
last-mentioned inscriptions can be referred to some time not much later
than the founding of the colony at Praeneste by Sulla, before any use
can be made of the names in the list to prove anything about the early
distribution of officers in the colony. Two of these inscriptions[238]
should be placed, I think, very early in the annals of the colony. They
show a list of municipal officers whose names, with a single exception,
which will be accounted for later, have only praenomen and nomen, a
way of writing names which was common to the earlier inhabitants of
Praeneste, and which seems to have made itself felt here in the names of
the colonists.[241] Again, from the fact that in the only place in the
inscriptions where the quinquennialship is mentioned, it is the simple
term, without the prefixed duoviri. In the later inscriptions from
imperial times,[80] both forms are found, while in the year 31 A.D. in
the municipal fasti of Nola[242] are found II vir(i) iter(um)
q(uinquennales), and in 29 B.C. in the fasti from Venusia,[243]
officials with the same title, duoviri quinquennales, which show that
the officers of the year in which the census was taken were given both
titles. Marquardt makes this a proof that the quinquennial title shows
nothing more than a function of the regular duovir.[244] It is certain
too that after the passage of the lex Iulia in 45 B.C., that the census
was taken in the Italian towns at the same time as in Rome, and the
reports sent to the censor in Rome.[245] This duty was performed by the
duovirs with quinquennial power, also often called censorial power.[246]
The inscriptions under consideration, then, would seem to date certainly
before 49 B.C.

Another reason for placing these inscriptions in the very early days of
the colony is derived from the use of names. In this list of
officials[247] there is a duovir by the name of P. Cornelius, and
another whose name is lost except for the cognomen, Dolabella, but he
can be no other than a Cornelius, for this cognomen belongs to that
family.[248] Early in the life of the colony, immediately after its
settlement, during the repairs and rebuilding of the city's
monuments,[249] while the soldiers from Sulla's army were the new
citizens of the town, would be the time to look for men in the city
offices whose election would have been due to Sulla, or would at least
appear to have been a compliment to him. Sulla was one of the most
famous of the family of the Cornelii, and men of the gens Cornelia might
well have expected preferment during the early years of the colony. That
such was the case is shown here by the recurrence of the name Cornelius
in the list of municipal officers in two succeeding years. Now if the
name "Cornelia" grew to be a name in great disfavor in Praeneste, the
reason would be plain enough. The destruction of the town, the loss of
its ancient liberties, and the change in its government, are more than
enough to assure hatred of the man who had been the cause of the
disasters. And there is proof too that the Praenestines did keep a
lasting dislike to the name "Cornelia." There are many inscriptions of
Praeneste which show the names (nomina) Aelia, Antonia, Aurelia,
Claudia, Flavia, Iulia, Iunia, Marcia, Petronia, Valeria, among others,
but besides the two Cornelii in this inscription under consideration,
and one other[250] mentioned in the fragment above (see note 83), there
are practically no people of that name found in Praeneste,[251] and the
name is frequent enough in other towns of the old Latin league. From
these reasons, namely, the way in which only praenomina and nomina are
used, the simple, earlier use of quinquennalis, and especially the
appearance of the name Cornelius here, and never again until in the late
empire, it follows that the names of the municipal officers of Praeneste
given in these inscriptions certainly date between 81 and 50 B.C.[252]


The question now arises whether the new colonists had better rights
legally than the old citizens, and whether they had the majority of
votes and elected city officers from their own number. The inscriptions
with which we have to deal are both fragments of lists of city officers,
and in the longer of the two, one gives the officers for four years, the
corresponding column for two years and part of a third. A Dolabella,
who belongs to the gens Cornelia, as we have seen, heads the list as
duovir. The aedile for the same year is a certain Rotanius.[253] This
name is not found in the sepulchral inscriptions of the city of Rome,
nor in the inscriptions of Praeneste except in this one instance. This
man is certainly one of the new colonists, and probably a soldier from
North Italy.[254] Both the quaestors of the same year are given. They
are M. Samiarius and Q. Flavius. Samiarius is one of the famous old
names of Praeneste.[255] In the same way, the duovirs of the next year,
C. Messienus and P. Cornelius, belong, the one to Praeneste, the other
to the colonists,[256] and just such an arrangement is also found in
the aediles, Sex. Caesius being a Praenestine[257], L. Nassius a
colonist. Q. Caleius and C. Sertorius, the quaestors of the same year,
do not appear in the inscriptions of Praeneste except here, and it is
impossible to say more than that Sertorius is a good Roman name, and
Caleius a good north Italian one.[258] C. Salvius and T. Lucretius,
duovirs for the next year, the recurrence of Salvius in another
inscription,[259] L. Curtius and C. Vibius, the aediles,--Statiolenus
and C. Cassius, the quaestors, show the same phenomenon, for it seems
quite possible from other inscriptional evidence to claim Salvius,
Vibius,[260] and Statiolenus[261] as men from the old families of
Praeneste. The quinquennalis for the next year, M. Petronius, has a name
too widely prevalent to allow any certainty as to his native place, but
the nomen Petronia and Ptronia is an old name in Praeneste.[262] In the
second column of the inscription, although the majority of the names
there seem to belong to the new colonists, as those in the first column
do to the old settlers, there are two names, Q. Arrasidius and T.
Apponius, which do not make for the argument either way.[263] In the
smaller fragment there are but six names: M. Decumius and L.
Ferlidius, C. Paccius and C. Ninn(ius), C. Albinius and Sex. Capivas,
but from these one gets only good probabilities. The nomen Decumia is
well attested in Praeneste before the time of Sulla.[264] In fact the
same name, M. Decumius, is among the old pigne inscriptions.[265] Paccia
has been found this past year in Praenestine territory, and may well be
an old Praenestine name, for the inscriptions of a family of the name
Paccia have come to light at Gallicano.[266] Capivas is at least not a
Roman name,[267] but from its scarcity in other places can as well be
one of the names that are so frequent in Praeneste, which show Etruscan
or Sabine formation, and which prove that before Sulla's time the city
had a great many inhabitants who had come from Etruria and from back in
the Sabine mountains. Ninnius[268] is a name not found elsewhere in the
Latian towns, but the name belonged to the nobility near Capua,[269] and
is found also in Pompeii[270] and Puteoli.[271] It seems a fair
supposition to make at the outset, as we have seen that various writers
on Praeneste have done, that the new colonists would try to keep the
highest office to themselves, at any rate, particularly the duovirate.
But a study of the names, as has been the case with the less important
officers, fails even to bear this out.[272] These lists of municipal
officers show a number of names that belong with certainty to the older
families of Praeneste, and thus warrant the statement that the colonists
did not have better rights than the old settlers, and that not even in
the duovirate, which held an effective check (maior potestas)[273] on
the aediles and quaestors, can the names of the new colonists be shown
to outnumber or take the place of the old settlers.


There remains yet the question in regard to the men who filled the
quinquennial office. We know that whether the officials of the municipal
governments were praetors, aediles, duovirs, or quattuorvirs, at
intervals of five years their titles either were quinquennales,[274] or
had that added to them, and that this title implied censorial
duties.[275] It has also been shown that after 46 B.C. the lex Iulia
compelled the census in the various Roman towns to be taken by the
proper officers in the same year that it was done in Rome. This implies
that the taking of the census had been so well established a custom that
it was a long time before Rome itself had cared to enact a law which
changed the year of census taking in those towns which had not of their
own volition made their census contemporaneous with that in Rome.

That the duration of the quinquennial office was one year is
certain,[276] that it was eponymous is also sure,[277] but whether the
officers who performed these duties every five years did so in
addition to holding the highest office of the year, or in place of that
honor, is a question not at all satisfactorily answered. That is, were
the men who held the quinquennial office the men who would in all
probability have stood for the duovirate in the regular succession of
advance in the round of offices (cursus honorum), or did the government
at Rome in some way, either directly or indirectly, name the men for the
highest office in that particular year when the census was to be taken?
That is, again, were quinquennales elected as the other city officials
were, or were they appointed by Rome, or were they merely designated by
Rome, and then elected in the proper and regular way by the citizens of
the towns?

At first glance it seems most natural to suppose that Rome would want
exact returns from the census, and might for that reason try to dictate
the men who were to take it, for on the census had been based always the
military taxes, contingents, etc.[278] The first necessary inquiry is
whether the quinquennales were men who previously had held office as
quaestors or aediles, and the best place to begin such a search is in
the municipal calendars (fasti magistratuum municipalium), which give
the city officials with their rank.

There are fragments left of several municipal fasti; the one which gives
the longest unbroken list is that from Venusia,[279] which gives the
full list of the city officials of the years 34-29 B.C., and the aediles
of 35, and both the duovirs and praetors of the first half of 28 B.C. In
29 B.C., L. Oppius and L. Livius were duoviri quinquennales. These are
both good old Roman names, and stand out the more in contrast with
Narius, Mestrius, Plestinus, and Fadius, the aediles and quaestors.
Neither of these quinquennales had held any office in the five preceding
years at all events. One of the two quaestors of the year 33 B.C. is a
L. Cornelius. The next year a L. Cornelius, with the greatest
probability the same man, is praefect, and again in the year 30 he is
duovir. Also in the year 32 L. Scutarius is quaestor, and in the last
half of 31 is duovir. C. Geminius Niger is aedile in 30, and duovir in
28. So what we learn is that a L. Cornelius held the quaestorship one
year, was a praefect the next, and later a regularly elected duovir;
that L. Scutarius went from quaestor one year to duovir the next,
without an intervening office, and but a half year of intervening time;
and that C. Geminius Niger was successively aedile and duovir with a
break of one year between.

The fasti of Nola[280] give the duovirs and aediles for four years,
29-32 A.D., but none of the aediles mentioned rose to the duovirate
within the years given. Nor do we get any help from the fasti of
Interamna Lirenatis[281] or Ostia,[282] so the only other calendar we
have to deal with is the one from Praeneste, the fragments of which have
been partially discussed above.

The text of that piece[283] which dates from the first years of
Tiberius' reign is so uncertain that one gets little information from
it. But certainly the M. Petronius Rufus who is praefect for Drusus
Caesar is the same as the Petronius Rufus who in another place is
duovir. The name of C. Dindius appears twice also, once with the office
of aedile, but two years later seemingly as aedile again, which must be
a mistake. M. Cominius Bassus is made quinquennalis by order of the
senate, and also made praefect for Germanicus and Drusus Caesar in their
quinquennial year. He is not found in any other inscription, and is
otherwise unknown.[284] The only other men who attained the quinquennial
rank in Praeneste were M. Petronius,[285] and some man with the cognomen
Minus,[286] neither of whom appears anywhere else. A man with the
cognomen Sedatus is quaestor in one year, and without holding other
office is made praefect to the sons of Germanicus, Nero and Drusus, who
were nominated quinquennales two years later.[287] There is no positive
proof in any of the fasti that any quinquennalis was elected from one of
the lower magistrates. There is proof that duovirs were elected, who had
been aediles or quaestors. Also it has been shown that in two cases men
who had been quaestors were made praefects, that is, appointees of
people who had been nominated quinquennales as an honor, and who had at
once appointed praefects to carry out their duties.

Another question of importance rises here. Who were the quinquennales?
They were not always inhabitants of the city to the office of which they
had been nominated, as has been shown in the cases of Drusus and
Germanicus Caesar, and Nero and Drusus the sons of Germanicus, nominated
or elected quinquennales at Praeneste, and represented in both cases by
praefects appointed by them.[288]

From Ostia comes an inscription which was set up by the grain measurers'
union to Q. Petronius Q.f. Melior, etc.,[289] praetor of a small town
some ten miles from Ostia, and also quattuorvir quinquennalis of
Faesulae, a town above Florence, which seems to show that he was sent to
Faesulae as a quinquennalis, for the honor which he had held previously
was that of praetor in Laurentum.

At Tibur, in Hadrian's time, a L. Minicius L.f. Gal. Natalis Quadromius
Verus, who had held offices previously in Africa, in Moesia, and in
Britain, was made quinquennalis maximi exempli. It seems certain that he
was not a resident of Tibur, and since he was not appointed as praefect
by Hadrian, it seems quite reasonable to think that either the emperor
had a right to name a quinquennalis, or that he was asked to name
one,[290] when one remembers the proximity of Hadrian's great villa, and
the deference the people of Tibur showed the emperor. There is also in
Tibur an inscription to a certain Q. Pompeius Senecio, etc.--(the man
had no less than thirty-eight names), who was an officer in Asia in 169
A.D., a praefect of the Latin games (praefectus feriarum Latinarum),
then later a quinquennalis of Tibur, after which he was made patron of
the city (patronus municipii).[291] A Roman knight, C. Aemilius
Antoninus, was first quinquennalis, then patronus municipii at

N. Cluvius M'. f.[293] was a quattuorvir at Caudium, a duovir at Nola,
and a quattuorvir quinquennalis at Capua, which again shows that a
quinquennalis need not have been an official previously in the town in
which he held the quinquennial office.

C. Maenius C.f. Bassus[294] was aedile and quattuorvir at Herculaneum
and then after holding the tribuneship of a legion is found next at
Praeneste as a quinquennalis.

M. Vettius M.f. Valens[295] is called in an inscription duovir
quinquennalis of the emperor Trajan, which shows not an appointment from
the emperor in his place, for that would have been as a praefect, but
rather that the emperor had nominated him, as an imperial right. This
man held a number of priestly offices, was patron of the colony of
Ariminum, and is called optimus civis.

Another inscription shows plainly that a man who had been quinquennalis
in his own home town was later made quinquennalis in a colony founded by
Augustus, Hispellum.[296] This man, C. Alfius, was probably nominated
quinquennalis by the emperor.

C. Pompilius Cerialis,[297] who seems to have held only one other
office, that of praefect to Drusus Caesar in an army legion, was
duovir iure dicundo quinquennalis in Volaterrae.

M. Oppius Capito was not only quinquennalis twice at Auximum, patron of
that and another colony, but he was patron of the municipium of Numana,
and also quinquennalis.[298]

Q. Octavius L.f. Sagitta was twice quinquennalis at Superaequum, and
held no other offices.[299]

Again, particularly worthy of notice is the fact that when L. Septimius
L.f. Calvus, who had been aedile and quattuorvir at Teate Marrucinorum,
was given the quinquennial rights, it was of such importance that it
needed especial mention, and that such mention was made by a decree of
the city senate,[300] shows clearly that such a method of getting a
quinquennalis was out of the ordinary.

M. Nasellius Sabinus of Beneventum[301] has the title Augustalis duovir
quinquennalis, and no other title but that of praefect of a cohort.

C. Egnatius Marus of Venusia was flamen of the emperor Tiberius,
pontifex, and praefectus fabrum, and three times duovir quinquennalis,
which seems to show a deference to a man who was the priest of the
emperor, and seems to preclude an election by the citizens after a
regular term of other offices.[302]

Q. Laronius was a quinquennalis at Vibo Valentia by order of the senate,
which again shows the irregularity of the choice.[303]

M. Traesius Faustus was quinquennalis of Potentia, but died an
inhabitant of Atinae in Lucania.[304]

M. Alleius Luccius Libella, who was aedile and duovir in Pompeii,[305]
was not elected quinquennalis, but made praefectus quinquennalis, which
implies appointment.

M. Holconius Celer was a priest of Augustus, and with no previous city
offices is mentioned as quinquennalis-elect, which can perhaps as well
mean nominated by the emperor, as designated by the popular vote.[306]

P. Sextilius Rufus,[307] aedile twice in Nola, is quinquennalis in
Pompeii. As he was chosen by the old inhabitants of Nola to their
senate, this would show that he belonged probably to the new settlers in
the colony introduced by Augustus, and for some reason was called over
also to Pompeii to take the quinquennial office.

L. Aufellius Rufus at Cales was advanced from the position of primipilus
of a legion to that of quinquennalis, without having held any other city
offices, but he was flamen of the deified emperor (Divus Augustus), and
patron of the city.[308]

M. Barronius Sura went directly to quinquennalis without being aedile or
quaestor, in Aquinum.[309]

Q. Decius Saturninus was a quattuorvir at Verona, but a quinquennalis at

The quinquennial year seems to have been the year in which matters of
consequence were more likely to be done than at other times.

In 166 A.D. in Ostia a dedication was of importance enough to have the
names of both the consuls of the year and the duoviri quinquennales at
the head of the inscription.[311]

The year that C. Cuperius and C. Arrius were quinquennales with
censorial power (II vir c.p.q.) in Ostia, there was a dedication of some
importance in connection with a tree that had been struck by

In Gabii a decree in honor of the house of Domitia Augusta was passed
in the year when there were quinquennales.[313]

In addition to the fact that the emperors were sometimes chosen
quinquennales, the consuls were too. M'. Acilius Glabrio, consul
ordinarius of 152 A.D., was made patron of Tibur and quinquennalis

On the other hand, against this array of facts, are others just as
certain, if not so cogent or so numerous. From the inscriptions painted
on the walls in Pompeii, we know that in the first century A.D. men were
recommended as quinquennales to the voters. But although there seems to
be a large list of such inscriptions, they narrow down a great deal, and
in comparison with the number of duovirs, they are considerably under
the proportion one would expect, for instead of being as 1 to 4, they
are really only as 1 to 19.[315] What makes the candidacy for
quinquennialship seem a new and unaccustomed thing is the fact that the
appeals for votes which are painted here and there on the walls are
almost all recommendations for just two men.[316]

There are quinquennales who were made patrons of the towns in which they
held the office, but who held no other offices there (1); some who were
both quaestors and aediles or praetors (2); quinquennales of both
classes again who were not made patrons (3, 4); praefects with
quinquennial power (5); quinquennales who go in regular order through
the quattuorviral offices (6); those who go direct to the quinquennial
rank from the tribunate of the soldiers (7); and (8) a VERY FEW who have
what seems to be the regular order of lower offices first, quaestor,
aedile or praetor, duovir, and then quinquennalis.[317]

The sum of the facts collected is as follows: the quinquennales are
proved to have been elective officers in Pompeii. The date, however, is
the third quarter of the first century A.D., and the office may have
been but recently thrown open to election, as has been shown.
Quinquennales who have held other city offices are very, very few, and
they appear in inscriptions of fairly late date.

On the other hand, many quinquennales are found who hold that office and
no other in the city, men who certainly belong to other towns, many who
from their nomination as patrons of the colony or municipium, are
clearly seen to have held the quinquennial power also as an honor given
to an outsider. In what municipal fasti we have, we find no
quinquennalis whose name appears at all previously in the list of city

The fact that the lex Iulia in 45 B.C. compelled the census to be taken
everywhere else in the same year as in Rome shows at all events that the
census had been taken in certain places at other times, whether with an
implied supervision from Rome or not, and the later positive evidence
that the emperors and members of the imperial family, and consuls, who
were nominated quinquennales, always appointed praefects in their
places, who with but an exception or two were not city officials
previously, certainly tends to show that at some time the quinquennial
office had been influenced in some way from Rome. The appointment of
outside men as an honor would then be a survival of the custom of having
outsiders for quinquennales, in many places doubtless a revival of a
custom which had been in abeyance, to honor the imperial family.

In Praeneste, as in other colonies, it seems reasonable that Rome would
want to keep her hand on affairs to some extent. Rome imposed on the
colonies their new kind of officials, and in the fixing of duties and
rights, what is more likely than that Rome would reserve a voice in the
choice of those officials who were to turn in the lists on which Rome
had to depend for the census?

Rome always made different treaties and understandings with her allies;
according to circumstances, she made different arrangements with
different colonies; even Sulla's own colonies show a vast difference in
the treatment accorded them, for the plan was to conciliate the old
inhabitants if they were still numerous enough to make it worth while,
and the gradual change is most clearly shown by its crystallization in
the lex Iulia of 45 B.C.

The evidence seems to warrant the following conclusions in regard to the
quinquennales: From the first they were the most important city
officials; they were elected by the people from the first, but were men
who had been recommended in some way, or had been indorsed beforehand by
the central government in Rome; they were not necessarily men who had
held office previously in the city to which they were elected
quinquennales; with the spread of the feeling of real Roman citizenship
the necessity for indorsement from Rome fell into abeyance; magistrates
were elected who had every expectation of going through the series of
municipal offices in the regular way to the quinquennialship; and the
later election of emperors and others to the quinquennial office was a
survival of the habitual realization that this most honorable of city
offices had some connection with the central authority, whatever that
happened to be, and was not an integral part of municipal self

Such are some of the questions which a study of the municipal officers
of Praeneste has raised. It would be both tedious and unnecessary to
enumerate again the offices which were held in Praeneste during her
history, but an attempt to place such a list in a tabular way is made in
the following pages.



Drusus Caesar } Quinq. 2964
Germanicus Caesar }
Nero et Drusus Germanici filii Quinq. 2965
Nero Caesar, between 51-54 A.D. IIvir Quinq. 2995
-- Accius ... us Q 2964
P. Acilius P.f. Paullus, 243 A.D.Q. Aed. IIvir. 2972
L. Aiacius Q 2964
C. Albinius Aed (?) 2968
M. Albinius M.f. Aed, IIvir, 2974
IIvir quinq.
M. Anicius (Livy VIII, 11, 4) Pr.
M. Anicius L.f. Baaso Aed. 2975
P. Annius Septimus IIvir. 4091, 1
(M). Antonius Subarus[318] IIvir. 4091, 18
Aper, see Voesius.
T. Aponius Q 2966
P. Aquilius Gallus IIvir. 4091, 2
Q. Arrasidius Aed. 2966
C. Arrius Q 2964
M. Atellius Q 2964
Attalus, see Claudius.

Baaso, see Anicius.
Bassus, see Cominius.
C. Caecilius Aed. 2964
C. Caesius M.f. IIvir quinq. 2980
Sex. Caesius Aed. 2966
Q. Caleius Q 2966
Canies, see Saufeius.
Sex. Capivas Q (?) 2968
C. Cassius Q 2966
Celsus, see Maesius.
Ti. Claudius Attalus Mamilianus IIvir. Not. d. Scavi.
1894, p. 96.
M (?), Cominius Bassus Quinq. Praef. 2964
-- Cordus Q 2964
P. Cornelius IIvir. 2966
-- (Cornelius) Dolabella IIvir. 2966
-- (Corn)elius Rufus Aed. 2967
L. Curtius Aed. 2966
-- Cur(tius) Sura IIvir. 2964
M. Decumius Q (?) 2968

T. Diadumenius (see Antonius IIvir. 4091, 18
C. Dindius Aed. 2964
Dolabella, see Cornelius.
(Also Chap. II, n. 93.)
-- Egnatius IIvir. 4091,3
Cn. Egnatius Aed. 2964
L. Fabricius C.f. Vaarus Aed. Not. d. Scavi.
1907, p. 137.
C. Feidenatius Pr. 2999
L. Ferlidius Q (?) 2968
Fimbria, see Geganius.
Flaccus, see Saufeius.
C. Flavius L.f. IIvir quinq. 2980
Q. Flavius Q 2966

T. Flavius T.f. Germanus 181 A.D. Aed. IIvir. 2922
IIvir. QQ
-- (Fl)avius Musca Q 2965
Gallus, see Aquilius.
Sex. Geganius Finbria IIvir. 4091, 1
Germanus, see Flavius.
-- [I]nstacilius Aed. 2964
C. Iuc ... Rufus[319] Q 2964
Laelianus, see Lutatius.
M'. Later ...[320] Q 4091, 12
(See Add. 4091, 12)
T. Livius Aed. 2964
T. Long ... Priscus IIvir. 4091, 4
T. Lucretius IIvir. 2966
Sex. Lutatius Q.f. Laelianus Pr. 2930
Oppianicus Petronianus
-- Macrin(ius) Nerian(us) Aed. 4091, 10
Sex. Maesius Sex. f. Celsus Q. Aed. IIvir. 2989
L. Mag(ulnius) M.f. Q 4091, 13
C. Magulnius C.f. Scato Q 2990
C. Magulnius C.f. Scato Pr. 2906
M. Magulnius Sp. f.M.n. Scato. Pr.(?) 3008
Mamilianus, see Claudius.
-- Manilei Post A(e)d. 2964
-- Mecanius IIvir. 4091, 5
M. Mersieius C.f. Aed. 2975
C. Messienus IIvir. 2966
Q. Mestrius IIvir. 4091, 6
-- -- Minus Quinq. 2964
Musca, see Flavius.
L. Nassius Aed. 2966
M. Naut(ius) Q 4091, 14
Nerianus, see Macrinius.
C. Ninn(ius) IIvir.(?) 2968
Oppianicus, see Lutatius.
L. Orcevius Pr. 2902
C. Orcivi(us) Pr. IIvir. 2994
C. Paccius IIvir. (?) 2968
Paullus, see Acilius.
L. Petisius Potens IIvir. 2964
Petronianus, see Lutatius.
M. Petronius Quinq. 2966
(M). Petronius Rufus IIvir. 2964
M. Petronius Rufus Quinq. Praef. 2964
Planta, see Treb ...
C. Pom pei us IIvir. 2964
Sex. Pomp(eius) IIvir. Praef. 2995
Pontanus, see Saufeius.
Potens, see Petisius.
Praenestinus praetor (Chap. II, n.
28.) Livy IX, 16, 17.
Priscus, see Long ...
Pulcher, see Vettius.
-- Punicus Lig ... IIvir. 2964
C. Raecius IIvir. 2964
M. Raecius Q 2964
-- Rotanius Aed 2966
Rufus, see Cornelius, Iuc ...,
Petronius, Tertius.
Rutilus, see Saufeius.
T. Sabidius Sabinus IIvir. Not. d. Scavi.
1894, p. 96.
-- -- Sabinus Q 2967
C. Salvius IIvir. 2966
C. Salvius IIvir. 2964
M. Samiarius Q 2966
C. Sa(mi)us Pr. 2999
-- Saufei(us) Pr. IIvir. 2994
M. Saufe(ius) ... Canies Aid. Not. d. Scavi.
1907, p. 137.
C. Saufeius C.f. Flaccus Pr. 2906
C. Saufeius C.f. Flacus Q 3002
L. Saufeius C.f. Flaccus Q 3001
C. Saufeius C.f. Pontanus Aed. 3000
M. Saufeius L.f. Pontanus Aed. 3000
M. Saufeius M.f. Rutilus Q 3002
Scato, see Magulnius.
P. Scrib(onius) IIvir. 4091, 3
-- -- Sedatus Q. Pr(aef). 2965
Septimus, see Annius.
C. Sertorius Q 2966
Q. Spid Q (?) 2969
-- Statiolenus Q 2966
L. Statius Sal. f. IIvir. 3013
Subarus, see Antonius.
C. Tampius C.f. Tarenteinus Pr. 2890
C. Tappurius IIvir. 4091, 6
Tarenteinus, see Tampius.
-- Tedusius T. (f.) IIvir. 3012a
M. Tere ... Cl ... IIvir. 4091, 7
-- Tert(ius) Rufus IIvir. 2998
C. Thorenas Q 2964
L. Tondeius L.f.M.n. Pr. (?) 3008
C. Treb ... Pianta IIvir. 4091, 4
(Se)x. Truttidius IIvir. 2964
Vaarus, see Fabricius.
-- (?)cius Valer(ianus) Q 2967
M. Valerius Q 2964
Varus, see Voluntilius.
-- Vassius V. Aed. (?) 2964
L. Vatron(ius) Pr. 2902
C. Velius Aed. 2964
Q. Vettius T. (f) Pulcher IIvir. 3012
C. Vibius Aed. 2966
Q. Vibuleius L.f. IIvir. 3013
Cn. Voesius Cn. f. Aper. Q. Aed. IIvir. 3014
C. Voluntilius Q.f. Varus IIvir. 3020
-- -- -- IIvir. 4091, 8
IIvir. Quinq.



B.C. | | |
9 | Praenestinus praetor. | |
5 | M. Anicius. | |
{ | | {M. Anicius L.f. |
{ | | { Baaso. |
{ | | {M. Mersieius C.f.|
{ | | |
{ | {C. Samius. | |
{ | {C. Feidenatius. | |
{ | C. Tampius C.f. Tarenteinus. | |
{ | {C. Vatronius. | |
{ | {L. Orcevius. | |
{ | | {C. Saufeius C.f. |
{ | | { Pontanus. |
{ | | {M. Saufeius L.f. |
2{ | | { Pontanus. |
8{ | | | C. Magulnius C.f.
{ | | | Scato.
e{ | {L. Tondeius L.f.M.n. | |
r{ | {M. Magulnius Sp. f.M.n. Scato. | |
o{ | | {L. Fabricius C.f.|
f{ | | { Vaarus. |
e{ | | {M. Saufe(ius) |
B{ | | { Canies. |
{ | | | {M. Saufeius M.f.
{ | | | { Rutilus.
{ | | | {C. Saufeius C.f.
{ | | | { Flacus.
{ | {C. Magulnius C.f. Scato Maxsumus.| |
{ | {C. Saufeius C.f. Flaccus. | |
{ | | | L. Saufeius C.f.
{ | | | Flaccus.
3 or | {C. Orcivius} Praestores | |
| { } isdem | |
2(?) | {--Saufeius } Duumviri. | |

A Senate is mentioned in the inscriptions C.I.L., XIV, 2990, 3000, 3001,


| | |
B.C. | | |
80-75(?) | | | ... Sabinus.
| | |
2d year | {... nus. | {-- (Corn)elius | -- (?) cius Valer
| { | { Rufus. | (ianus).
| {... ter. | |
| | |
80-50 | | |
| | | {M. Samiarius.
1st year | -- (Cornelius) Dolabella. | -- Rotanius. | {Q. (Fl)avius.
| | |
2d year | {C. Messienus. | {Sex. Caesius. | {Q. Caleius.
| {P. Cornelius. | {L. Nassius. | {C. Sertorius.
| | |
3d year | {C. Salvius. | {L. Curtius. | {-- Statiolenus.
| {T. Lucretius. | {C. Vibius. | {C. Cassius.
| | |
4th year | M. Petronius, Quinq. | Q. Arrasidius. | T. Aponius.
| | |
75-50 | | |
| | | {M. Decumius.
1st year | | | {L. Ferlidius.
| | |
2d year | {C. Paccius. | {C. Albinius. | {Sex. Capivas.
| {C. Ninn(ius). | {Sex Po ... | {C. M ...
| | |
? | {C. Caesius M.f. } Duoviri | |
| {C. Flavius L.f. } Quinq. | |
| | |
? | {Q. Vettius T. (f.) Pulcher. | |
| {-- Tedusius T. (f.). | |
| | |
? | {Q. Vibuleius L.f. | |
| {L. Statius Sal. f. | |
| | |
A.D. | | |
12 | | | M. Atellius.
| | |
13 | C. Raecius. | {-- (--) lius. | {-- Accius ... us
| | {C. Velius. | {M. Valerius.
| | |
| {Germanicus Caesar. | |
| { Quinq. | |
14 | {Drusus Caesar. | |
| {M. Cominius Bassus. | |
| { Pr. | {C. Dindius. | {C. Iuc .. Rufus.
| {M. Petronius Rufus | {Cn. Egnatius. | {C. Thorenas.
| | |
15 | {Cn. Pom(pei)us. | | {M. Raecius.
| {-- Cur (tius?) Sura. | | {-- Cordus.
| | |
16 | {L. Petisius Potens | {C. Dindius. | {L. Aiacius.
| {C. Salvius. | {T. Livius. | {C. Arrius.
| | |
? | | -- Vassius. |
| | |
? | -- Punicus. | -- Manilei. |
| | |
? | ... Minus Quinq. | -- (?) rius. |
| | |
? | (Se)x Truttidi(us). | C. Caecilius. |
| | |
? | (M.) Petronius Rufus | -- (I)nstacilius.|
| | |
1st year | | | -- Sedatus.
| | |
2d year | ... lus | | -- (Fl)avius Musca.
| | |
| {Nero et Drusus } Duoviri | |
3d year | {Germanici f. } Quinq. | |
| {....... } Praef. | |
| {... Sedatus. } | |
| | |
101 | {Ti. Claudius Attalus Mamilianus. | |
| {T. Sabidius Sabinus. | |
| | |
100-256 | {P. Annius Septimus. | |
| {Sex. Geganius Fimbria. | |
| | |
| P. Aquilius Gallus. | |

O. | | |
| | |
250 | {--Egnat(ius). | |
| {P. Scrib(onius). | |
| {T. Long ... Prisc(us) | |
| {C. Treb ... Planta. | |
| --Mecanius. | |
| {Q. Mestrius. | |
| {C. Tappurius. | |
| M. Tere ... Cl ... | |
| C. Voluntilius Q.f. Varus. | |
| | --Macrin(ius) |
| | Nerian(us). |
| | | M'. Later ...
| | | L. Mag(ulnius) M.f.
| {(M). Antonius Subarus. | | M. Naut(ius).
| {T. Diadumenius. | |

Decuriones populusque colonia Praenestin., C.I.L., XIV, 2898, 2899;
decuriones populusque 2970, 2971, Not. d. Scavi 1894, P. 96; other
mention of decuriones 2980, 2987, 2992, 3013; ordo populusque 2914;
decretum ordinis 2991; curiales, in the late empire, Symmachus, Rel.,
28, 4.


[Footnote 1: Strabo V, 3, II.]

[Footnote 2: We know that in 380 B.C. Praeneste had eight towns under
her jurisdiction, and that they must have been relatively near by. Livy
VI, 29, 6: octo praeterea oppida erant sub dicione Praenestinorum.
Festus, p. 550 (de Ponor): T. Quintius Dictator cum per novem dies
totidem urbes et decimam Praeneste cepisset, and the story of the golden
crown offered to Jupiter as the result of this rapid campaign, and the
statue which was carried away from Praeneste (Livy VI, 29, 8), all show
that the domain of Praeneste was both of extent and of consequence.]

[Footnote 3: Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 475.]

[Footnote 4: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 11, n. 74.]

[Footnote 5: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 227 ff.; Marucchi, Guida
Archeologica, p. 14; Nibby, Analisi, p. 483; Volpi, Latium vetus de
Praen., chap 2; Tomassetti, Delia Campagna Romana, p. 167.]

[Footnote 6: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 11.]

[Footnote 7: Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 484 from Muratori, Rerum Italicarum
Scriptores, III, i, p. 301.]

[Footnote 8: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 402.]

[Footnote 9: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 277, n. 36, from Epist.,
474: Bonifacius VIII concedit Episcopo Civitatis Papalis Locum, ubi
fuerunt olim Civitas Praenestina, eiusque Castrum, quod dicebatur Mons,
et Rocca; ac etiam Civitas Papalis postmodum destructa, cum Territorio
et Turri de Marmoribus, et Valle Gloriae; nec non Castrum Novum
Tiburtinum 2 Id. April. an. VI; Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 136;
Civitas praedicta cum Rocca, et Monte, cum Territorio ipsius posita est
in districtu Urbis in contrata, quae dicitur Romangia.]

[Footnote 10: Ashby, Papers of the British School at Rome, Vol. I, p.
213, and Maps IV and VI. Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 19, n. 34.]

[Footnote 11: Livy VIII, 12, 7: Pedanos tuebatur Tiburs, Praenestinus
Veliternusque populus, etc. Livy VII, 12, 8: quod Gallos mox Praeneste
venisse atque inde circa Pedum consedisse auditum est. Livy II, 39, 4;
Dion. Hal. VIII, 19, 3; Horace, Epist, I, 4, 2. Cluverius, p. 966,
thinks Pedum is Gallicano, as does Nibby with very good reason, Analisi,
II, p. 552, and Tomassetti, Delia Campagna Romana, p. 176. Ashby,
Classical Topography of the Roman Campagna in Papers of the British
School at Rome, I, p. 205, thinks Pedum can not be located with
certainty, but rather inclines to Zagarolo.]

[Footnote 12: There are some good ancient tufa quarries too on the
southern slope of Colle S. Rocco, to which a branch road from Praeneste
ran. Fernique, Etude sur Preneste, p. 104.]

[Footnote 13: C.I.L., XIV, 2940 found at S. Pastore.]

[Footnote 14: Now the Maremmana inferiore, Ashby, Classical Topog. of
the Roman Campagna, I, pp. 205, 267.]

[Footnote 15: Ashby, Classical Topog. of the Roman Campagna, I, p. 206,
finds on the Colle del Pero an ampitheatre and a great many remains of
imperial times, but considers it the probable site of an early village.]

[Footnote 16: Fernique, Etude sur Preneste, p. 120, wishes to connect
Marcigliano and Ceciliano with the gentes Marcia and Caecilia, but it is
impossible to do more than guess, and the rather few names of these
gentes at Praeneste make the guess improbable. It is also impossible to
locate regio Caesariana mentioned as a possession of Praeneste by
Symmachus, Rel., XXVIII, 4, in the year 384 A.D. Eutropius II, 12 gets
some confirmation of his argument from the modern name Campo di Pirro
which still clings to the ridge west of Praeneste.]

[Footnote 17: The author himself saw all the excavations here along the
road during the year 1907, of which there is a full account in the Not.
d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1907), p. 19. Excavations began on these tombs in
1738, and have been carried on spasmodically ever since. There were
excavations again in 1825 (Marucchi, Guida Archeologica, p. 21), but it
was in 1855 that the more extensive excavations were made which caused
so much stir among archaeologists (Marucchi, l.c., p. 21, notes 1-7).
For the excavations see Bull, dell'Instituto. 1858, p. 93 ff., 1866, p.
133, 1869, p. 164, 1870, p. 97, 1883, p. 12; Not. d. Scavi, 2 (1877-78),
pp. 101, 157, 390, 10 (1882-83), p. 584; Revue Arch., XXXV (1878), p.
234; Plan of necropolis in Garucci, Dissertazioni Arch., plate XII.
Again in 1862 there were excavations of importance made in the Vigna
Velluti, to the right of the road to Marcigliano. It was thought that
the exact boundaries of the necropolis on the north and south had been
found because of the little columns of peperino 41 inches high by 8-8/10
inches square, which were in situ, and seemed to serve no other purpose
than that of sepulchral cippi or boundary stones. Garucci, Dissertazioni
Arch., I, p. 148; Archaeologia, 41 (1867), p. 190.]

[Footnote 18: C.I.L., XIV, 2987.]

[Footnote 19: The papal documents read sometimes in Latin, territorium
Praenestinum or Civitas Praenestina, but often the town itself is
mentioned in its changing nomenclature, Pellestrina, Pinestrino,
Penestre (Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. II; Nibby, Analisi, II, pp.
475, 483).]

[Footnote 20: There is nothing to show that Poli ever belonged in any
way to ancient Praeneste.]

[Footnote 21: Rather a variety of cappellaccio, according to my own
observations. See Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p. 259.]

[Footnote 22: The temple in Cave is of the same tufa (Fernique, Etude
sur Preneste, p. 104). The quarries down toward Gallicano supplied tufa
of the same texture, but the quarries are too small to have supplied
much. But this tufa from the ridge back of the town seems not to have
been used in Gallicano to any great extent, for the tufa there is of a
different kind and comes from the different cuts in the ridges on either
side of the town, and from a quarry just west of the town across the

[Footnote 23: Plautus, Truc., 691 (see [Probus] de ultimis syllabis, p.
263, 8 (Keil); C.I.L., XIV, p. 288, n. 9); Plautus, Trin., 609 (Festus,
p. 544 (de Ponor), Mommsen, Abhand. d. berl. Akad., 1864, p. 70);
Quintilian I, 5, 56; Festus under "tongere," p. 539 (de Ponor), and
under "nefrendes," p. 161 (de Ponor).]

[Footnote 24: Cave has been attached rather more to Genazzano during
Papal rule than to Praeneste, and it belongs to the electoral college of
Subiaco, Tomassetti, Delia Campagna Romana, p. 182.]

[Footnote 25: I heard everywhere bitter and slighting remarks in
Praeneste about Cave, and much fun made of the Cave dialect. When there
are church festivals at Cave the women usually go, but the men not
often, for the facts bear out the tradition that there is usually a
fight. Tomassetti, Della Campagna Romana, p. 183, remarks upon the
differences in dialect.]

[Footnote 26: Mommsen, Bull. dell'Instituto, 1862, p. 38, thinks that
the civilization in Praeneste was far ahead of that of the other Latin

[Footnote 27: It is to be noted that this Marcigliana road was not to
tap the trade route along the Volscian side of the Liris-Trerus valley,
which ran under Artena and through Valmontone. It did not reach so far.
It was meant rather as a threat to that route.]

[Footnote 28: Whether these towns are Pedum or Bola, Scaptia, and
Querquetula is not a question here at all.]

[Footnote 29: Gatti, in Not. d. Scavi, 1903, p. 576, in connection with
the Arlenius inscription, found on the site of the new Forum below
Praeneste in 1903, which mentions Ad Duas Casas as confinium territorio
Praenestinae, thought that it was possible to identify this place with a
fundus and possessio Duas Casas below Tibur under Monte Gennaro, and
thus to extend the domain of Praeneste that far, but as Huelsen saw
(Mitth. des k.d. Arch, Inst., 19 (1904), p. 150), that is manifestly
impossible, doubly so from the modern analogies which he quotes (l.c.,
note 2) from the Dizionario dei Comuni d'Italia.]

[Footnote 30: It might be objected that because Pietro Colonna in 1092
A.D. assaulted and took Cave as his first step in his revolt against
Clement III (Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 240), that Cave was at
that time a dependency of Praeneste. But it has been shown that
Praeneste's diocesan territory expanded and shrunk very much at
different times, and that in general the extent of a diocese, when
larger, depends on principles which ancient topography will not allow.
And too it can as well be said that Pietro Colonna was paying up ancient
grudge against Cave, and certainly also he realized that of all the
towns near Praeneste, Cave was strategically the best from which to
attack, and this most certainly shows that in ancient times such natural
barriers between the two must have been practically impassable.]

[Footnote 31: To be more exact, on the least precipitous side, that
which looks directly toward Rocca di Cave.]

[Footnote 32: To anticipate any one saying that this scarping is modern,
and was done to make the approach to the Via del Colonnaro, I will say
that the modern part of it is insignificant, and can be most plainly
distinguished, and further, that the two pieces of opus incertum which
are there, as shown also in Fernique's map, Etude sur Preneste, opp. p.
222, are Sullan in date.]

[Footnote 33: Fernique, Etude sur Preneste, map facing p. 222. His book
is on the whole the best one on Praeneste but leaves much to be desired
when the question is one of topography or epigraphy (see Dessau's
comment C.I.L., XIV, p. 294, n. 4). Even Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 68,
n. 1, took the word of a citizen of the town who wrote him that parts of
a wall of opus quadratum could be traced along the Via dello Spregato,
and so fell into error. Blondel, Melanges d'archeologie et d'histoire de
l'ecole francaise de Rome, 1882, plate 5, shows a little of this
polygonal cyclopean construction.]

[Footnote 34: Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 511, wrote his note on the wall
beyond San Francesco from memory. He says that one follows the monastery
wall down, and then comes to a big reservoir. The monastery wall has
only a few stones from the cyclopean wall in it, and they are set in
among rubble, and are plainly a few pieces from the upper wall above the
gate. The reservoir which he reaches is half a mile away across a
depression several hundred feet deep, and there is no possible
connection, for the reservoir is over on Colle San Martino, not on the
hill of Praeneste at all.]

[Footnote 35: The postern or portella is just what one would expect near
a corner of the wall, as a less important and smaller entrance to a
terrace less wide than the main one above it, which had its big gates at
west and east, the Porta San Francesco and the Porta del Cappuccini. The
Porta San Francesco is proved old and famous by C.I.L., XIV, 3343, where
supra viam is all that is necessary to designate the road from this
gate. Again an antica via in Via dello Spregato (Not. d. Scavi, I
(1885), p. 139, shows that inside this oldest cross wall there was a
road part way along it, at least.)]

[Footnote 36: The Cyclopean wall inside the Porta del Sole was laid bare
in 1890, Not. d. Scavi, 7-8 (1890), p. 38.]

[Footnote 37: Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 501: "A destra della contrada degli
Arconi due cippi simili a quelli del pomerio di Roma furono scoperti nel
risarcire la strada Tanno 1824."]

[Footnote 38: Some of the paving stones are still to be seen in situ
under the modern wall which runs up from the brick reservoir of imperial
date. This wall was to sustain the refuse which was thrown over the city
wall. The place between the walls is now a garden.]

[Footnote 39: I have examined with care every foot of the present
western wall on which the houses are built, from the outside, and from
the cellars inside, and find no traces of antiquity, except the few
stones here and there set in late rubble in such a way that it is sure
they have been simply picked up somewhere and brought there for use as
extra material.]

[Footnote 40: C.I.L., XIV., 3029; PED XXC. Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 497,
mentions an inscription, certainly this one, but reads it PED XXX, and
says it is in letters of the most ancient form. This is not true. The
letters are not so very ancient. I was led by his note to examine every
stone in the cyclopean wall around the whole city, but no further
inscription was forthcoming.]

[Footnote 41: This stretch of opus incertum is Sullan reconstruction
when he made a western approach to the Porta Triumphalis to correspond
to the one at the east on the arches. This piece of wall is strongly
made, and is exactly like a piece of opus incertum wall near the Stabian
gate at Pompeii, which Professor Man told me was undoubtedly Sullan.]

[Footnote 42: Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 19, who is usually a good
authority on Praeneste, thinks that all the opus quadratum walls were
built as surrounding walls for the great sanctuary of Fortuna. But the
facts will not bear out his theory. Ovid, Fasti VI, 61-62, III, 92;
Preller, Roem. Myth., 2, 191, are interesting in this connection.]

[Footnote 43: I could get no exact measurements of the reservoir, for
the water was about knee deep, and I was unable to persuade my guides to
venture far from the entrance, but I carried a candle to the walls on
both sides and one end.]

[Footnote 44: At some places the concrete was poured in behind the wall
between it and the shelving cliff, at other places it is built up like
the wall. The marks of the stones in the concrete can be seen most
plainly near Porta S. Martino (Fernique, Etude sur Preneste, p. 104,
also mentions it). The same thing is true at various places all along
the wall.]

[Footnote 45: Fernique, Etude sur Preneste, p. 107, has exact
measurements of the walls.]

[Footnote 46: Fernique, Etude sur Preneste, p. 108, from Cecconi, Storia
di Palestrina, p. 43, considers as a possibility a road from each side,
but he is trying only to make an approach to the temple with
corresponding parts, and besides he advances no proofs.]

[Footnote 47: There seems to have been only a postern in the ancient
wall inside the present Porta del Sole.]

[Footnote 48: Many feet of this ancient pavement were laid bare during
the excavations in April, 1907, which I myself saw, and illustrations of
which are published in the Notizie d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1907), pp. 136,

[Footnote 49: Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 57 ff. for argument and proof,
beginning with Varro, de I. 1. VI, 4: ut Praeneste incisum in solario

[Footnote 50: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 43.]

[Footnote 51: The continuation of the slope is the same, and the method
of making roads in the serpentine style to reach a gate leading to the
important part of town, is not only the common method employed for hill
towns, but the natural and necessary one, not only in ancient times, but
still today.]

[Footnote 52: Through the courtesy of the Mayor and the Municipal
Secretary of Palestrina, I had the only exact map in existence of modern
Palestrina to work with. This map was getting in bad condition, so I
traced it, and had photographic copies made of it, and presented a
mounted copy to the city. This map shows these wall alignments and the
changes in direction of the cyclopean wall on the east of the city.
Fernique seems to have drawn off-hand from this map, so his plan (l.c.,
facing p. 222) is rather carelessly done.

I shall publish the map in completeness within a few years, in a place
where the epochs of the growth of the city can be shown in colors.]

[Footnote 53: I called the attention of Dr. Esther B. Van Deman,
Carnegie Fellow in the American School of Classical Studies in Rome, who
came out to Palestrina, and kindly went over many of my results with me,
to this piece of wall, and she agreed with me that it had been an
approach to the terrace in ancient times.]

[Footnote 54: C.I.L., XIV, 2850. The inscription was on a small cippus,
and was seen in a great many different places, so no argument can be
drawn from its provenience.]

[Footnote 55: This may have been the base for the statue of M. Anicius,
so famous after his defense at Casilinum. Livy XXIII, 19, 17-18.

It might not be a bad guess to say that the Porta Triumphalis first got
its name when M. Anicius returned with his proud cohort to Praeneste.]

[Footnote 56: Not. d. Scavi, 7-8 (1890), p. 38. This platform is a
little over three feet above the level of the modern piazza, but is now
hidden under the steps to the Corso. But the piece of restraining wall
is still to be seen in the piazza, and it is of the same style of opus
quadratum construction as the walls below the Barberini gardens.]

[Footnote 57: Strabo V, 3, II (238, 10): [Greek: erymnae men oun
ekatera, poly derumnotera Prainestos].]

[Footnote 58: Plutarch, Sulla, XXVIII: [Greek: Marios de pheygon eis
Praineston aedae tas pylas eyre kekleimenas].]

[Footnote 59: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 282; Nibby, Analisi, II,
p. 491.]

[Footnote 60: Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, pp. 180-181. The walls were
built in muro merlato. It is not certain where the Murozzo and Truglio
were. Petrini guesses at their site on grounds of derivation.]

[Footnote 61: Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 248.]

[Footnote 62: Also called Porta S. Giacomo, or dell'Ospedale.]

[Footnote 63: Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 252.]

[Footnote 64: Closed seemingly in Sullan times.]

[Footnote 65: The rude corbeling of one side of the gate is still very
plainly to be seen. The gate is filled with mediaeval stone work.]

[Footnote 66: There is a wooden gate here, which can be opened, but it
only leads out upon a garden and a dumping ground above a cliff.]

[Footnote 67: This was the only means of getting out to the little
stream that ran down the depression shown in plate III, and over to the
hill of S. Martino, which with the slope east of the city could properly
be called Monte Glicestro outside the walls.]

[Footnote 68: This gate is now a mediaeval tower gate, but the stones of
the cyclopean wall are still in situ, and show three stones, with
straight edge, one above the other, on each side of the present gate,
and the wall here has a jog of twenty feet. The road out this gate could
not be seen except from down on the Cave road, and it gave an outlet to
some springs under the citadel, and to the valley back toward

[Footnote 69: This last stretch of the wall did not follow the present
wall, but ran up directly back of S. Maria del'Carmine, and was on the
east side of the rough and steep track which borders the eastern side of
the present Franciscan monastery.]

[Footnote 70: The several courses of opus quadratum which were found a
few years ago, and are at the east entrance to the Corso built into the
wall of a lumber store, are continued also inside that wall, and seem to
be the remains of a gate tower.]

[Footnote 71: See page 28. This gap in the wall is still another proof
for the gate, for it was down the road, which was paved, that the water
ran after rainstorms, if at no other time.]

[Footnote 72: This gate is very prettily named by Cecconi, Spiegazione
de Numeri, Map facing page 1: l'antica Porta di San Martino chiusa.]

[Footnote 73: Since the excavations of the past two years, nothing has
been written to show what relations a few newly discovered pieces of
ancient paved roads have to the city and to its gates, and for that
reason it becomes necessary to say something about a matter only
tolerably treated by the writers on Praeneste up to their dates of

[Footnote 74: Ashby, Classical Topog. of the Roman Campagna, in Papers
of the British School at Rome, Vol. 1, Map VI.]

[Footnote 75: This road is proved as ancient by the discovery in 1906
(Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 3 (1906), p. 317) of a small paved road, a
diverticolo, in front of the church of S. Lucia, which is a direct
continuation of the Via degli Arconi. This diverticolo ran out the Colle
dell'Oro. See Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 20, n. 37; Fernique,
Etude sur Preneste, p. 122; Marucchi, Guida Archeologica, p. 122.]

[Footnote 76: This road to Marcigliano had nothing to do with either the
Praenestina or the Labicana. Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p. 255; 2
(1877-78), p. 157; Bull. dell'Inst., 1876, pp. 117 ff. make the via S.
Maria the eastern boundary of the necropolis.]

[Footnote 77: Not. d. Scavi, 11 (1903), pp. 23-25.]

[Footnote 78: Probably the store room of some little shop which sold the
exvotos. Bull. dell'Inst., 1883, p. 28.]

[Footnote 79: Bull. dell'Inst., 1871, p. 72 for tombs found on both
sides the modern road to Rome, the exact provenience being the vocabolo
S. Rocco, on the Frattini place; Stevenson, Bull. dell'Inst., 1883, pp.
12 ff., for tombs in the vigna Soleti along the diverticolo from the Via
Praenestina. Also at Bocce Rodi, one mile west of the city, tombs of the
imperial age were found (Not. d. Scavi, 10 (1882-83), p. 600); C.I.L.,
XIV, 2952, 2991, 4091, 65; Bull. dell'Inst., 1870, p. 98.]

[Footnote 80: The roads are the present Via Praenestina toward
Gallicano, and the Via Praenestina Nuova which crosses the Casilina to
join the Labicana. This great deposit of terra cottas was found in 1877
at a depth of twelve feet below the present ground level. Fernique,
Revue Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 240, notes 1, 2, and 3, comes to the best
conclusions on this find. It was a factory or kiln for the terra cottas,
and there was a store in connection at or near the junction of the
roads. Other stores of deposits of the same kinds of objects have been
found (see Fernique, l.c.) at Falterona, Gabii, Capua, Vicarello; also
at the temple of Diana Nemorensis (Bull. dell'Inst., 1871, p. 71), and
outside Porta S. Lorenzo at Rome (Bull. Com., 1876, p. 225), and near
Civita Castellana (Bull. dell'Inst., 1880, p. 108).]

[Footnote 81: Strabo V, 3, 11 (C. 239); [Greek: ... dioruxi
kryptais--pantachothen mechri tou pedion tais men hydreias charin ktl.];
Vell. Paterc. II, 27, 4.]

[Footnote 82: As one goes out the Porta S. Francesco and across the
depression by the road which winds round to the citadel, he finds both
above and below the road several reservoirs hollowed out in the rock of
the mountain, which were filled by the rain water which fell above them
and ran into them.]

[Footnote 83: Cola di Rienzo did this (see note 59), and so discovered
the method by which the Praenestines communicated with the outside
world. Sulla fixed his camp on le Tende, west of the city, that he might
have a safe position himself, and yet threaten Praeneste from the rear,
from over Colle S. Martino, as well as by an attack in front.]

[Footnote 84: C.I.L., XIV, 3013, 3014 add., 2978, 2979, 3015.]

[Footnote 85: Nibby, Analisi, p. 510. It could be seen in 1907, but not
so very clearly.]

[Footnote 86: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 79, thinks this
reservoir was for storing water for a circus in the valley below. This
is most improbable. It was a reservoir to supply a villa which covered
the lower part of the slope, as the different remains certainly show.]

[Footnote 87: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 301, n. 30, 31, from
Annali int. rerum Italic, scriptorum, Vol. 24, p. 1115; Vol. 21, p. 146,
and from Ciacconi, in Eugen. IV, Platina et Blondus.]

[Footnote 88: The mediaeval Italian towns everywhere made use of the
Roman aqueducts, and we have from the middle ages practically nothing
but repairs on aqueducts, hardly any aqueducts themselves.]

[Footnote 89: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 338, speaks of this
aqueduct as "quel mirabile antico cuniculo."]

[Footnote 90: The springs Acqua Maggiore, Acqua della Nocchia, Acqua del
Sambuco, Acqua Ritrovata, Acqua della Formetta (Petrini, Memorie
Prenestine, p. 286).]

[Footnote 91: Fernique, Etude sur Preneste, p. 96 ff., p. 122 ff.;
Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 501 ff.; Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 45.]

[Footnote 92: Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 503, the sanest of all the writers
on Praeneste, even made some ruins which he found under the Fiumara
house on the east side of town, into the remains of a reservoir to
correspond to the one in the Barberini gardens. The structures according
to material differ in date about two hundred years.]

[Footnote 93: C.I.L., XIV, 2911, was found near this reservoir, and
Nibby from this, and a likeness to the construction of the Castra
Praetoria at Rome, dates it so (Analisi, p. 503).]

[Footnote 94: This is the opinion of Dr. Esther B. Van Deman of the
American School in Rome.]

[Footnote 95: See above, page 29.]

[Footnote 96: There is still another small reservoir on the next terrace
higher, the so-called Borgo terrace, but I was not able to examine it
satisfactorily enough to come to any conclusion. Palestrina is a
labyrinth of underground passages. I have explored dozens of them, but
the most of them are pockets, and were store rooms or hiding places
belonging to the houses under which they were.]

[Footnote 97: This is shown by the network of drains all through the
plain below the city. Strabo V, 3, 11 (C. 239); Vell. Paterc. II, 27, 4;
Valer. Max. VI, 8, 2; Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 77; Fernique,
Etude sur Preneste, p. 123.]

[Footnote 98: Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 85.]

[Footnote 99: There are many references to the temple. Suetonius, Dom.,
15, Tib., 63; Aelius Lampridius, Life of Alex. Severus, XVIII, 4, 6
(Peter); Strabo V, 3, 11 (238, 10); Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 86-87;
Plutarch, de fort. Rom. (Moralia, p. 396, 37); C.I.L., I, p. 267;
Preller, Roem. Myth. II, 192, 3 (pp. 561-563); Cecconi, Storia di
Palestrina, p. 275, n. 29, p. 278, n. 37.]

[Footnote 100: "La citta attuale e intieramente fondata sulle rovine del
magnifico tempio della Fortuna," Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 494. "E niuno
ignora che il colossale edificio era addossato al declivio del monte
prenestino e occupava quasi tutta l'area ove oggi si estende la moderna
citta," Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 233.]

[Footnote 101: This upper temple is the one mentioned in a manifesto of
1299 A.D. made by the Colonna against the Caetani (Cecconi, Storia di
Palestrina, p. 275, n. 29). It is an order of Pope Boniface VIII, ex
Codic. Archiv. Castri S. Angeli signat, n. 47, pag. 49: Item, dicunt
civitatem Prenestinam cum palatiis nobilissimis et cum templo magno et
sollempni ... et cum muris antiquis opere sarracenico factis de
lapidibus quadris et magnis totaliter suppositam fuisse exterminio et
ruine per ipsum Dominum Bonifacium, etc. Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p.
419 ff.

Also as to the shape of the upper temple and the number of steps to it,
we have certain facts from a document from the archives of the Vatican,
published in Petrini, l.c., p. 429; palacii nobilissimi et antiquissimi
scalae de nobilissimo marmore per quas etiam equitando ascendi poterat
in Palacium ... quaequidem scalae erant ultra centum numero. Palacium
autem Caesaris aedificatum ad modum unius C propter primam litteram
nominis sui, et templum palatio inhaerens, opere sumptuosissimo et
nobilissimo aedificatum ad modum s. Mariae rotundae de urbe.]

[Footnote 102: Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, under Das
Heiligtum der Fortuna in Praeneste, p. 47 ff.]

[Footnote 103: Cicero, De Div., II, 41, 85.]

[Footnote 104: Marucchi wishes to make the east cave the older and the
real cave of the sortes. However, he does not know the two best
arguments for his case; Lampridius, Alex. Severus, XVIII, 4, 6 (Peter);
Huic sors in templo Praenestinae talis extitit, and Suetonius Tib., 63:
non repperisset in arca nisi relata rursus ad templum. Topography is all
with the cave on the west, Marucchi is wrong, although he makes a very
good case (Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 239).]

[Footnote 105: Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 85: is est hodie locus saeptus
religiose propter Iovis pueri, qui lactens cum lunone Fortunae in gremio
sedens, ... eodemque tempore in eo loco, ubi Fortunae nunc est aedes,

[Footnote 106: C.I.L., XIV, 2867: ...ut Triviam in Iunonario, ut in
pronao aedis statuam, etc., and Livy, XXIII, 19, 18 of 216 B.C.: Idem
titulus (a laudatory inscription to M. Anicius) tribus signis in aede
Fortunae positis fuit subiectus.]

[Footnote 107: This question is not topographical and can not be
discussed at any length here. But the best solution seems to be that
Fortuna as child of Jupiter (Diovo filea primocenia, C.I.L., XIV., 2863,
Iovis puer primigenia, C.I.L., XIV, 2862, 2863) was confounded with her
name Iovis puer, and another cult tradition which made Fortuna mother of
two children. As the Roman deity Jupiter grew in importance, the
tendency was for the Romans to misunderstand Iovis puer as the boy god
Jupiter, as they really did (Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Roemer, p.
209), and the pride of the Praenestines then made Fortuna the mother of
Jupiter and Juno, and considered Primigenia to mean "first born," not
"first born of Jupiter."]

[Footnote 108: The establishment of the present Cathedral of S. Agapito
as the basilica of ancient Praeneste is due to the acumen of Marucchi,
who has made it certain in his writings on the subject. Bull. dell'
Inst., 1881, p. 248 ff., 1882, p. 244 ff.; Guida Archeologica, 1885, p.
47 ff.; Bull. Com., 1895, p. 26 ff., 1904, p. 233 ff.]

[Footnote 109: There are 16 descriptions and plans of the temple. A full
bibliography of them is in Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium,
pp. 51-52.]

[Footnote 110: Marucchi. Bull. Com., XXXII (1904), p. 240. I also saw it
very plainly by the light of a torch on a pole, when studying the temple
in April, 1907.]

[Footnote 111: See also Revue Arch., XXXIX (1901), p. 469, n. 188.]

[Footnote 112: C.I.L, XIV, 2864.]

[Footnote 113: See Henzen, Bull. dell'Inst., 1859, p. 23, from Paulus ex
Festo under manceps. This claims that probably the manceps was in charge
of the maintenance (manutenzione) of the temple, and the cellarii of the
cella proper, because aeditui, of whom we have no mention, are the
proper custodians of the entire temple, precinct and all.]

[Footnote 114: C.I.L., XIV, 3007. See Jordan, Topog. d. Stadt Rom, I, 2,
p. 365, n. 73.]

[Footnote 115: See Delbrueck, l.c., p. 62.]

[Footnote 116: C.I.L., XIV, 2922; also on bricks, Ann. dell'Inst., 1855,
p. 86--C.I.L., XIV, 4091, 9.]

[Footnote 117: C.I.L., XIV, 2980; C. Caesius M.f.C. Flavius L.f. Duovir
Quinq. aedem et portic d.d. fac. coer. eidemq. prob.]

[Footnote 118: C.I.L., XIV, 2995; ...summa porticum
mar[moribus]--albario adiecta. Dessau says on "some public building,"
which is too easy. See Vitruvius, De Architectura, 7, 2; Pliny, XXXVI,

[Footnote 119: Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 430. See also Juvenal
XIV, 88; Friedlaender, Sittengeschichte Roms, II, 107, 10.]

[Footnote 120: Delbrueck, l.c., p. 62, with illustration.]

[Footnote 121: Although Suaresius (Thesaurus Antiq. Italiae, VIII, Part
IV, plate, p. 38) uses some worthless inscriptions in making such a
point, his idea is good. Perhaps the lettered blocks drawn for the
inquirer from the arca were arranged here on this slab. Another
possibility is that it was a place of record of noted cures or answers
of the Goddess. Such inscriptions are well known from the temple of
Aesculapius at Epidaurus, Cavvadias, [Greek: 'Ephaem. 'Arch.], 1883, p.
1975; Michel, Recueil d'insc. grec., 1069 ff.]

[Footnote 122: Mommsen, Unterital. Dialekte, pp. 320, 324; Marquardt,
Staatsverwaltung, 3, p. 271, n. 8. See Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904),
p. 10.]

[Footnote 123: Delbrueck, l.c., pp. 50, 59, does prove that there is no
reason why [Greek: lithostroton] can not mean a mosaic floor of colored
marble, but he forgets comparisons with the date of other Roman mosaics,
and that Pliny would not have missed the opportunity of describing such
wonderful mosaics as the two in Praeneste. Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32
(1904), p. 251 goes far afield in his Isityches (Isis-Fortuna) quest,
and gets no results.

The latest discussion of the subject was a joint debate held under the
auspices of the Associazione Archeologica di Palestrina between
Professors Marucchi and Vaglieri, which is published thus far only in
the daily papers, the Corriere D'Italia of Oct. 2, 1907, and taken up in
an article by Attilio Rossi in La Tribuna of October 11, 1907. Vaglieri,
in the newspaper article quoted, holds that the mosaic is the work of
Claudius Aelianus, who lived in the latter half of the second century
A.D. Marucchi, in the same place, says that in the porticoes of the
upper temple are traces of mosaic which he attributes to the gift of
Sulla mentioned by Pliny XXXVI, 189, but in urging this he must shift
delubrum Fortunae to the Cortina terrace and that is entirely

I may say that a careful study and a long paper on the Barberini mosaic
has just been written by Cav. Francesco Coltellacci, Segretario Comunale
di Palestrina, which I had the privilege of reading in manuscript.]

[Footnote 124: For the many opinions as to the subject of the mosaic,
see Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 75.]

[Footnote 125: This has been supposed to be a villa of Hadrian's because
the Braschi Antinoues was found here, and because we find bricks in the
walls with stamps which date from Hadrian's time. But the best proof
that this building, which is under the modern cemetery, is Hadrian's, is
that the measurements of the walls are the same as those in his villa
below Tibur. Dr. Van Deman, of the American School in Rome, spent two
days with me in going over this building and comparing measurements with
the villa at Tibur. I shall publish a plan of the villa in the near
future. See Fernique, Etude sur Preneste, p. 120, for a meagre
description of the villa.]

[Footnote 126: Delbrueck, l.c., p. 58, n. 1.]

[Footnote 127: The aerarium is under the temple and at the same time cut
back into the solid rock of the cliff just across the road at one corner
of the basilica. An aerarium at Rome under the temple of Saturn is
always mentioned in this connection. There is also a chamber of the same
sort at the upper end of the shops in front of the basilica Aemilia in
the Roman Forum, to which Boni has given the name "carcere," but Huelsen
thinks rightly that it is a treasury of some sort. There is a like
treasury in Pompeii back of the market, so Mau thinks, Vaglieri in
Corriere D'Italia, Oct 2, 1907.]

[Footnote 128: See note 106.]

[Footnote 129: C.I.L., XIV, 2875. This dedication of "coques atriensis"
probably belongs to the upper temple.]

[Footnote 130: Alle Quadrelle casale verso Cave e Valmontone, Cecconi,
Storia di Palestrina, p. 70; Chaupy, Maison d'Horace, II, p. 317;
Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 326, n. 9.]

[Footnote 131: The martyr suffered death contra civitatem praenestinam
ubi sunt duae viae, Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 144, n. 3, from Martirol.
Adonis, 18 Aug. Cod. Vat. Regin., n. 511 (11th cent. A.D.).]

[Footnote 132: C.I.L., XIV, 3014; Bull. munic., 2 (1874), p. 86; C.I.L.,
VI, p. 885, n. 1744a; Tac. Ann., XV, 46 (65 A.D.); Friedlaender,
Sittengeschichte Roms, II, p. 377; Cicero, pro Plancio, XXVI, 63; Epist.
ad Att., XII, 2, 2; Cassiodorus, Variae, VI, 15.]

[Footnote 133: A black and white mosaic of late pattern was found there
during the excavations. Not. d. Scavi, 1877, p. 328; Fernique, Revue
Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 233; Fronto, p. 157 (Naber).]

[Footnote 134: On Le Colonelle toward S. Pastore. Cecconi, Storia di
Palestrina, p. 60.]

[Footnote 135: I think this better than the supposition that these
libraries were put up by a man skilled in public and private law. See
C.I.L, XIV, 2916.]

[Footnote 136: Not d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1896), p. 330.]

[Footnote 137: Livy XXIII, 19, 17-18: statua cius (M. Anicii) indicio
fuit, Praeneste in foro statuta, loricata, amicta toga, velato capite,

[Footnote 138: See also the drawing and illustrations, one of which, no.
2, is from a photograph of mine, in Not. d. Scavi, 1907, pp. 290-292.
The basilica is built in old opus quadratum of tufa, Not. d. Scavi, I
(1885), p. 256.]

[Footnote 139: In April, 1882 (Not. d. Scavi, 10 (1882-83), p. 418),
during a reconstruction of the cathedral of S. Agapito, ancient pavement
was found in a street back of the cathedral, and many pieces of Doric
columns which must have been from the peristile of the basilica. See
Plate IV for new pieces just found of these Doric columns.]

[Footnote 140: Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1896), p. 49. Also in same
place: "l'area sacra adiacente al celebre santuario della Fortuna
Primigenia" is the description of the cortile of the Seminary.]

[Footnote 141: More discussion of this point above in connection with
the temple, page 51.]

[Footnote 142: I was in Praeneste during all the excavations of 1907,
and made these photographs while I was there.]

[Footnote 143: The drawing of the Not. d. Scavi, 1907, p. 290, which
shows a probable portico is not exact.]

[Footnote 144: It is now called the Via delle Scalette.]

[Footnote 145: Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, p. 58.]

[Footnote 146: See full-page illustration in Delbrueck, l.c., p. 79.]

[Footnote 147: See page 30. But ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) would refer
better to the Sullan forum below the town, especially as the two bases
set up to Pax Augusti and Securitas Augusti (C.I.L., XIV, 2898, 2899)
were found down on the site of the lower forum.]

[Footnote 148: C.I.L., XIV, 2908, 2919, 2916, 2937, 2946, 3314, 3340.]

[Footnote 149: C.I.L., XIV, 2917, 2919, 2922, 2924, 2929, 2934, 2955,
2997, 3014, Not. d. Scavi, 1903, p. 576.]

[Footnote 150: F. Barnabei, Not. d. Scavi, 1894, p. 96.]

[Footnote 151: C.I.L., XIV, 2914.]

[Footnote 152: Not. d. Scavi, 1897, p. 421; 1904, p. 393.]

[Footnote 153: Foggini, Fast. anni romani, 1774, preface, and Mommsen,
C.I.L., I, p. 311 (from Acta acad. Berol., 1864, p. 235; See also
Henzen, Bull. dell'Inst., 1864, p. 70), were both wrong in putting the
new forum out at le quadrelle, because a number of fragments of the
calendar of Verrius Flaccus were found there. Marucchi proves this in
his Guida Arch., p. 100, Nuovo Bull. d'Arch. crist., 1899, pp. 229-230;
Bull. Com., XXXII (1904), p. 276.

The passage from Suetonius, De Gram., 17 (vita M. Verri Flacci), is
always to be cited as proof of the forum, and that it had a well-marked
upper and lower portion; Statuam habet (M. Verrius Flaccus) Praeneste in
superiore fori parte circa hemicyclium, in quo fastos a se ordinatos et
marmoreo parieti incisos publicarat.]

[Footnote 154: Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, p. 50, n. 1,
from Preller, Roemische Mythologie, II, p. 191, n. 1.]

[Footnote 155: C.I.L., XIV, 4097, 4105a, 4106f.]

[Footnote 156: Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 320, n. 19.]

[Footnote 157: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 35.]

[Footnote 158: Tibur shows 1 to 32 and Praeneste 1 to 49 names of
inhabitants from the Umbro-Sabellians of the Appennines. These
statistics are from A. Schulten, Italische Namen und Staemme, Beitraege
zur alten Geschichte, II, 2, p. 171. The same proof comes from the
likeness between the tombs here and in the Faliscan country: "Le tombe a
casse soprapposte possono considerarsi come repositori per famiglie
intere, e corrispondono alle grande tombe a loculo del territorio
falisco". Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p. 257, from Mon. ant. pubb.
dall'Acc. dei Lincei, Ant. falische, IV, p. 162.]

[Footnote 159: Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, V, p. 159.]

[Footnote 160: Livy VI, 29; C.I.L., XIV, 2987.]

[Footnote 161: Livy VII, 11; VII, 19; VIII, 12.]

[Footnote 162: Praeneste is not in the dedication list of Diana at Nemi,
which dates about 500 B.C., Priscian, Cato IV, 4, 21 (Keil II, p. 129),
and VII, 12, 60 (Keil II, p. 337). Livy II, 19, says Praeneste deserted
the Latins for Rome.]

[Footnote 163: Livy VIII, 14.]

[Footnote 164: Val. Max., De Superstitionibus, I, 3, 2; C.I.L., XIV,
2929, with Dessau's note.]

[Footnote 165: See note 28.]

[Footnote 166: "Praeneste wird immer eine selbstaendige Stellung
eingenommen haben" Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alt., II, p. 523. Praeneste
is mentioned first of the league cities in the list given by [Aurelius
Victor], Origo-gentis Rom., XVII, 6, and second in the list in Diodorus
Siculus, VII, 5, 9 Vogel and also in Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor).
Praeneste is called by Florus II, 9, 27 (III, 21, 27) one of the
municipia Italiae splendidissima along with Spoletium, Interamnium,

[Footnote 167: Livy XXIII, 20, 2.]

[Footnote 168: Livy I, 30, 1.]

[Footnote 169: Cicero, de Leg., II, 2, 5.]

[Footnote 170: Pauly-Wissowa, Real Enc. under "Anicia."]

[Footnote 171: The old Oscan names in Pompeii, and the Etruscan names on
the small grave stones of Caere, C.I.L., X, 3635-3692, are neither so

[Footnote 172: Dionysius III, 2.]

[Footnote 173: Polybius VI, 14, 8; Livy XLIII, 2, 10.]

[Footnote 174: Festus, p. 122 (de Ponor): Cives fuissent ut semper
rempublicam separatim a populo Romano haberent, and supplemented, l.c.,
Pauli excerpta, p. 159 (de Ponor): participes--fuerunt omnium
rerum--praeterquam de suffragio ferendo, aut magistratu capiendo.]

[Footnote 175: Civitas sine suffragio, quorum civitas universa in
civitatem Romanam venit, Livy VIII, 14; IX, 43; Festus, l.c., p. 159.]

[Footnote 176: Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor): Qui ad civitatem Romanam ita
venerunt, ut municipes essent suae cuiusque civitatis et coloniae, ut
Tiburtes, Praenestini, etc.]

[Footnote 177: I do not think so. The argument is taken up later on page
73. It is enough to say here that Tusculum was estranged from the Latin
League because she was made a municipium (Livy VI, 25-26), and how much
less likely that Praeneste would ever have taken such a status.]

[Footnote 178: C. Gracchus in Gellius X, 3.]

[Footnote 179: Tibur had censors in 204 B.C. (Livy XXIX, 15), and later
again, C.I.L, I, 1113, 1120 = XIV, 3541, 3685. See also Marquardt,
Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 159.]

[Footnote 180: C.I.L, XIV, 171, 172, 2070.]

[Footnote 181: C.I.L., XIV, 2169, 2213, 4195]

[Footnote 182: Cicero, pro Milone, 10, 27; 17, 45; Asconius, in
Milonianam, p. 27, l. 15 (Kiessling); C.I.L., XIV, 2097, 2110, 2112,

[Footnote 183: C.I.L., XIV, 3941, 3955.]

[Footnote 184: Livy III, 18, 2; VI, 26, 4.]

[Footnote 185: Livy IX, 16, 17; Dio, frag. 36, 24; Pliny XVII, 81.
Ammianus Marcellinus XXX, 8, 5; compare Gellius X, 3, 2-4. This does not
show, I think, what Dessau (C.I.L., XIV, p. 288) says it does: "quanta
fuerit potestas imperatoris Romani in magistratus sociorum," but shows
rather that the Roman dictator took advantage of his power to pay off
some of the ancient grudge against the Latins, especially Praeneste. The
story of M. Marius at Teanum Sidicinum, and the provisions made at Cales
and Ferentinum on that account, as told in Gellius X, 3, 2-3, also show
plainly that not constitutional powers but arbitrary ones, are in
question. In fact, it was in the year 173 B.C., that the consul L.
Postumius Albinus, enraged at a previous cool reception at Praeneste,
imposed a burden on the magistrates of the town, which seems to have
been held as an arbitrary political precedent. Livy XLII, 1: Ante hunc
consulem NEMO umquam sociis in ULLA re oneri aut sumptui fuit.]

[Footnote 186: Praenestinus praetor ... ex subsidiis suos duxerat, Livy
IX, 16, 17.]

[Footnote 187: A praetor led the contingent from Lavinium, Livy VIII,
11, 4; the praetor M. Anicius led from Praeneste the cohort which gained
such a reputation at Casilinum, Livy XXIII, 17-19. Strabo V, 249; cohors
Paeligna, cuius praefectus, etc., proves nothing for a Latin

[Footnote 188: For the evidence that the consuls were first called
praetors, see Pauly-Wissowa, Real Enc. under the word "consul" (Vol. IV,
p. 1114) and the old Pauly under "praetor."

Mommsen, Staatsrecht, II, 1, p. 74, notes 1 and 2, from other evidence
there quoted, and especially from Varro, de l.l., V, 80: praetor dictus
qui praeiret iure et exercitu, thinks that the consuls were not
necessarily called praetors at first, but that probably even in the time
of the kings the leader of the army was called the prae-itor. This is a
modification of the statement six years earlier in Marquardt,
Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 149, n. 4.]

[Footnote 189: This caption I owe to Jos. H. Drake, Prof. of Roman Law
at the University of Michigan.]

[Footnote 190: Livy VIII, 3, 9; Dionysius III, 5, 3; 7, 3; 34, 3; V,

[Footnote 191: Pauly-Wissowa under "dictator," and Mommsen, Staatsrecht,
II, 171, 2.]

[Footnote 192: Whether Egerius Laevius Tusculanus (Priscian, Inst., IV,
p. 129 Keil) was dictator of the whole of the Latin league, as Beloch
(Italischer Bund, p. 180) thinks, or not, according to Wissowa (Religion
und Kultus der Roemer, p. 199), at least a dictator was the head of some
sort of a Latin league, and gives us the name of the office (Pais,
Storia di Roma, I, p. 335).]

[Footnote 193: If it be objected that the survival of the dictatorship
as a priestly office (Dictator Albanus, Orelli 2293, Marquardt,
Staatsverw., I, p. 149, n. 2) means only a dictator for Alba Longa,
rather than for the league of which Alba Longa seems to have been at one
time the head, there can be no question about the Dictator Latina(rum)
fer(iarum) caussa of the year 497 (C.I.L., I.p. 434 Fasti Cos.
Capitolini), the same as in the year 208 B.C. (Livy XXVII, 33, 6). This
survival is an exact parallel of the rex sacrorum in Rome (for
references and discussion, see Marquardt, Staatsverw., III, p. 321), and
the rex sacrificolus of Varro, de l.l. VI, 31. Compare Jordan, Topog. d.
Stadt Rom, I, p. 508, n. 32, and Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult d. Roemer, p.
432. Note also that there were reges sacrorum in Lanuvium (C.I.L, XIV,
2089), Tusculum (C.I.L, XIV, 2634), Velitrae (C.I.L., X, 8417), Bovillae
(C.I.L., XIV, 2431 == VI, 2125). Compare also rex nemorensis, Suetonius,
Caligula, 35 (Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult. d. Roemer, p. 199).]

[Footnote 194: C.I.L., XIV, 2990, 3000, 3001, 3002.]

[Footnote 195: C.I.L., XIV, 2890, 2902, 2906, 2994, 2999 (possibly

[Footnote 196: C.I.L., XIV, 2975, 3000.]

[Footnote 197: C.I.L., XIV, 2990, 3001, 3002.]

[Footnote 198: See note 28 above.]

[Footnote 199: Livy XXIII, 17-19; Strabo V, 4, 10.]

[Footnote 200: Magistrates sociorum, Livy XLII, 1, 6-12.]

[Footnote 201: For references etc., see Beloch, Italischer Bund, p. 170,
notes 1 and 2.]

[Footnote 202: The mention of one praetor in C.I.L., XIV, 2890, a
dedication to Hercules, is later than other mention of two praetors, and
is not irregular at any rate.]

[Footnote 203: C.I.L., XIV, 3000, two aediles of the gens Saufeia,
probably cousins. In C.I.L., XIV, 2890, 2902, 2906, 2975, 2990, 2994,
2999, 3000, 3001, 3002, 3008, out of eighteen praetors, aediles, and
quaestors mentioned, fifteen belong to the old families of Praeneste,
two to families that belong to the people living back in the Sabines,
and one to a man from Fidenae.]

[Footnote 204: Cicero, pro Balbo, VIII, 21: Leges de civili iure sunt
latae: quas Latini voluerunt, adsciverunt; ipsa denique Iulia lege
civitas ita est sociis et Latinis data ut, qui fundi populi facti non
essent civitatem non haberent. Velleius Pater. II, 16: Recipiendo in
civitatem, qui arma aut non ceperant aut deposuerant maturius, vires
refectae sunt. Gellius IV, 4, 3; Civitas universo Latio lege Iulia data
est. Appian, Bell. Civ., I, 49: [Greek: Italioton de tous eti en tae
symmachia paramenontas epsaephisato (ae boulae) einai politas, ou dae
malista monon ou pantes epethymoun ktl.]

Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 60; Greenidge, Roman Public Life, p. 311;
Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, p. 102; Granrud, Roman
Constitutional History, pp. 190-191.]

[Footnote 205: Cicero, pro Archia, IV, 7: Data est civitas Silvani lege
et Carbonis: si qui foederatis civitatibus adscripti fuissent, si tum
cum lex ferebatur in Italia domicilium habuissent, et si sexaginta
diebus apud praetorem essent professi. See also Schol. Bobiensia, p. 353
(Orelli corrects the mistake Silanus for Silvanus); Cicero, ad Fam.,
XIII, 30; Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 60. Greenidge, Roman Public
Life, p. 311 thinks this law did not apply to any but the incolae of
federate communities; Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, p. 102.]

[Footnote 206: Livy VIII, 14, 9: Tiburtes Praenestinique agro multati,
neque ob recens tantum rebellionis commune cum aliis Latinis crimen,
etc., ... ceterisque Latinis populis conubia commerciaque et concilia
inter se ademerunt. Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 46, n. 3, thinks not
an aequum foedus, but from the words: ut is populus alterius populi
maiestatem comiter conservaret, a clause in the treaty found in
Proculus, Dig., 49, 15, 7 (Corpus Iuris Civ., I, p. 833) (compare Livy
IX, 20, 8: sed ut in dicione populi Romani essent) thinks that the new
treaty was an agreement based on dependence or clientage "ein
Abhaengigkeits--oder Clientelverhaeltniss."]

[Footnote 207: Mommsen, Geschichte des roem. Muenzwesens, p. 179 (French
trans, de Blacas, I, p. 186), thinks two series of aes grave are to be
assigned to Praeneste and Tibur.]

[Footnote 208: Livy XLIII, 2, 10: Furius Praeneste, Matienus Tibur
exulatum abierunt.]

[Footnote 209: Polybius VI, 14, 8: [Greek: eoti d asphaleia tois
pheygousin ente tae, Neapolito kai Prainestinon eti de Tibourinon
polei]. Beloch, Italischer Bund, pp. 215, 221. Marquardt, Staatsverw.,
I, p. 45.]

[Footnote 210: Livy XXIII, 20, 2; (Praenestini) civitate cum donarentur
ob virtutem, non MUTAVERUNT.]

[Footnote 211: The celebration of the feriae Latinae on Mons Albanus in
91 B.C., was to have been the scene of the spectacular beginning of the
revolt against Rome, for the plan was to kill the two Roman consuls
Iulius Caesar and Marcius Philippus at that time. The presence of the
Roman consuls and the attendance of the members of the old Latin league
is proof of the outward continuance of the old foedus (Florus, II, 6
(III, 18)).]

[Footnote 212: The lex Plautia-Papiria is the same as the law mentioned
by Cicero, pro Archia, IV, 7, under the names of Silvanus and Carbo. The
tribunes who proposed the law were C. Papirius Carbo and M. Plautius
Silvanus. See Mommsen, Hermes 16 (1881), p. 30, n. 2. Also a good note
in Long, Ciceronis Orationes, III, p. 215.]

[Footnote 213: Appian, Bell. Civ., I, 65: [Greek: exedramen es tas
agchou poleis, tas ou pro pollou politidas Romaion menomenas, Tiburton
te kai Praineston, kai osai mechri Nolaes. erethizon apantas es
apostasin, kai chraemata es ton polemon sullegon.] See Dessau, C.I.L.,
XIV, p. 289.

It is worth noting that there is no thought of saying anything about
Praaneste and Tibur, except to call them cities ([Greek: poleis]). Had
they been made municipia, after so many years of alliance as foederati,
it seems likely that such a noteworthy change would have been specified.

Note also that for 88 B.C. Appian (Bell. Civ., I, 53) says: [Greek: eos
Italia pasa prosechomaesei es taen Romaion politeian, choris ge Leukanon
kai Sauniton tote.]]

[Footnote 214: Mommsen, Zum Roemischen Bodenrecht, Hermes 27 (1892), pp.
109 ff.]

[Footnote 215: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 34.]

[Footnote 216: Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor): tertio, quum id genus hominum
definitur, qui ad civitatem Romanam ita venerunt, ut municipes essent
suae cuiusque civitatis et coloniae, ut Tiburtes, Praenestini, etc.]

[Footnote 217: It is not strange perhaps, that there are no inscriptions
which can be proved to date between 89 and 82 B.C., but inscriptions are
numerous from the time of the empire, and although Tiberius granted
Praeneste the favor she asked, that of being a municipium, still no
praefectus is found, not even a survival of the title.

The PRA ... in C.I.L., XIV, 2897, is praeco, not praefectus, as I shall
show soon in the publication of corrections of Praeneste inscriptions,
along with some new ones. For the government of a municipium, see Bull.
dell'Inst., 1896, p. 7 ff.; Revue Arch., XXIX (1896), p. 398.]

[Footnote 218: Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 109.]

[Footnote 219: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 47 and note 3.]

[Footnote 220: Val. Max. IX, 2, 1; Plutarch, Sulla, 32; Appian, Bell.
Civ., I, 94; Lucan II, 194; Plutarch, praec. ger. reip., ch. 19 (p.
816); Augustinus, de civ. Dei, III, 28; Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289, n.

[Footnote 221: One third of the land was the usual amount taken.]

[Footnote 222: Note Mommsen's guess, as yet unproved (Hermes, 27 (1892),
p. 109), that tribus, colonia, and duoviri iure dicundo go together, as
do curia, municipium and IIIIviri i.d. and aed. pot.]

[Footnote 223: Florus II, 9, 27 (III, 21): municipia Italiae
splendidissima sub hasta venierunt, Spoletium, Interamnium, Praeneste,
Florentia. See C.I.L., IX, 5074, 5075 for lack of distinction between
colonia and municipium even in inscriptions. Florentia remained a colony
(Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 176). Especially for difference in
meaning of municipium from Roman and municipal point of view, see
Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 28, n. 2. For difference in earlier and
later meaning of municipes, Marquardt, l.c., p. 34, n. 8. Valerius
Maximus IX, 2, 1, speaking of Praeneste in connection with Sulla says:
quinque milia Praenestinorum extra moenia municipii evocata, where
municipium means "town," and Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289, n. 1, speaking
of the use of the word says: "ei rei non multum tribuerim."]

[Footnote 224: Gellius XVI, 13, 5, ex colonia in municipii statum
redegit. See Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 167.]

[Footnote 225: Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 110; C.I.L., XIV, 2889:
genio municipii; 2941, 3004: patrono municipii, which Dessau (Hermes, 18
(1883), p. 167, n. 1) recognizes from the cutting as dating certainly
later than Tiberius' time.]

[Footnote 226: Regular colony officials appear all along in the
incriptions down into the third century A.D.]

[Footnote 227: Gellius XVI, 13, 5.]

[Footnote 228: More in detail by Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 110.]

[Footnote 229: Livy VII, 12, 8; VIII, 12, 8.]

[Footnote 230: Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 161.]

[Footnote 231: Cicero, pro P. Sulla, XXI, 61.]

[Footnote 232: Niebuhr, R.G., II, 55, says the colonists from Rome were
the patricians of the place, and were the only citizens who had full
rights (civitas cum suffragio et iure honorum). Peter, Zeitschrift fuer
Alterth., 1844, p. 198 takes the same view as Niebuhr. Against them are
Kuhn, Zeitschrift fuer Alterth., 1854, Sec. 67-68, and Zumpt, Studia
Rom., p. 367. Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 36, n. 7, says that neither
thesis is proved.]

[Footnote 233: Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289.]

[Footnote 234: Cicero, de leg. agr., II, 28, 78, complains that the
property once owned by the colonists was now in the hands of a few. This
means certainly, mostly bought up by old inhabitants, and a few does not
mean a score, but few in comparison to the number of soldiers who had
taken their small allotments of land.]

[Footnote 235: C.I.L., XIV, p. 289.]

[Footnote 236: C.I.L., XIV, 2964-2969.]

[Footnote 237: C.I.L., XIV, 2964, 2965. No. 2964 dates before 14 A.D.
when Augustus died, for had it been within the few years more which
Drusus lived before he was poisoned by Sejanus in 23 A.D., he would have
been termed divi Augusti nep. In the Acta Arvalium, C.I.L., VI, 2023a of
14 A.D. his name is followed by T i.f. and probably divi Augusti n.]

[Footnote 238: C.I.L., XIV, 2966, 2968.]

[Footnote 239: The first column of both inscriptions shows alternate
lines spaced in, while the second column has the praenominal
abbreviations exactly lined. More certain yet is the likeness which
shows in a list of 27 names, and all but one without cognomina.]

[Footnote 240: C.I.L., XIV, 2967.]

[Footnote 241: Out of 201 examples of names from Praeneste pigne
inscriptions, in the C.I.L., XIV, in the Notizie degli Scavi of 1905 and
1907, in the unpublished pigne belonging both to the American School in
Rome, and to the Johns Hopkins University, all but 15 are simple
praenomina and nomina.]

[Footnote 242: C.I.L., X, 1233.]

[Footnote 243: C.I.L., IX, 422.]

[Footnote 244: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 161, n. 5.]

[Footnote 245: Lex Iulia Municipalis, C.I.L., I, 206, l. 142 ff. ==
Dessau, Inscrip. Lat. Sel., 6085.]

[Footnote 246: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 160.]

[Footnote 247: C.I.L., XIV, 2966.]

[Footnote 248: Pauly-Wissowa under "Dolabella," and "Cornelius," nos.

[Footnote 249: The real founder of Sulla's colony and the rebuilder of
the city of Praeneste seems to have been M. Terentius Varro Lucullus.
This is argued by Vaglieri, who reports in Not. d. Scavi, 1907, p. 293
ff. the fragment of an architrave of some splendid building on which are
the letters ... RO.LVCVL ... These letters Vaglieri thinks are cut in
the style of the age of Sulla. They are fine deep letters, very well cut
indeed, although they might perhaps be put a little later in date. An
argument from the use of the name Terentia, as in the case of Cornelia,
will be of some service here. The nomen Terentia was also very unpopular
in Praeneste. It occurs but seven times and every inscription is well
down in the late imperial period. C.I.L., XIV, 3376, 3384, 2850, 4091,
75, 3273; Not. d. Scavi, 1896, p. 48.]

[Footnote 250: C.I.L., XIV, 2967: ... elius Rufus Aed(ilis). I take him
to be a Cornelius rather than an Aelius, because of the cognomen.]

[Footnote 251: One Cornelius, a freedman (C.I.L., XIV, 3382), and three
Corneliae, freed women or slaves (C.I.L., XIV, 2992, 3032, 3361), but
all at so late a date that the hatred or meaning of the name had been

[Footnote 252: A full treatment of the use of the nomen Cornelia in
Praeneste will be published soon by the author in connection with his
Prosographia Praenestina, and also something on the nomen Terentia (see
note 92). The cutting of one of the two inscriptions under
consideration, no. 2968, which fragment I saw in Praeneste in 1907,
bears out the early date. The larger fragment could not be seen.]

[Footnote 253: Schulze, Zur Geschichte Lateinischer Eigennamen, p. 222,
under "Rutenius." He finds the same form Rotanius only in Turin,
Rutenius only in North Italy.]

[Footnote 254: From the appearance of the name Rudia at Praeneste
(C.I.L., XIV, 3295) which Schulze (l.c., note 95) connects with Rutenia
and Rotania, there is even a faint chance to believe that this Rotanius
might have been a resident of Praeneste before the colonization.]

[Footnote 255: C.I.L., XIV, 3230-3237, 3315; Not. d. Scavi, 1905, p.
123; the one in question is C.I.L., XIV, 2966, I, 4.]

[Footnote 256: C.I.L., VI, 22436: (Mess)iena Messieni, an inscription
now in Warwick Castle, Warwick, England, supposedly from Rome, is the
only instance of the name in the sepulcrales of the C.I.L., VI. In
Praeneste, C.I.L., XIV, 2966, I, 5, 3360; compare Schulze, Geschichte
Lat. Eigennamen, p. 193, n. 6.]

[Footnote 257: Caesia at Praeneste, C.I.L., XIV, 2852, 2966 I, 6, 2980,
3311, 3359, and the old form Ceisia, 4104.]

[Footnote 258: See Schulze, l.c., index under Caleius.]

[Footnote 259: C.I.L., XIV, 2964 II, 15.]

[Footnote 260: Vibia especially in the old inscription C.I.L., XIV,
4098. Also in 2903, 2966 II, 9; Not. d. Scavi, 1900, p. 94.]

[Footnote 261: Statioleia: C.I.L., XIV, 2966 I, 10, 3381.]

[Footnote 262: C.I.L., XIV, 3210; Not. d. Scavi, 1905, p. 123; also
found in two pigna inscriptions in the Johns Hopkins University
collection, as yet unpublished.]

[Footnote 263: There is a L. Aponius Mitheres on a basis in the
Barberini garden in Praeneste, but it may have come from Rome. The name
is found Abonius in Etruria, but Aponia is found well scattered. See
Schulze, Geschichte Lat. Eigennamen, p. 66.]

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