[835] Macrob. _Sat_. i. 10. 5.
[836] Ascon. _in Milonian_. p. 46. Cf. Cic. _de Nat. Deor_. iii. 30. 74.
[837] Scopulus reorum (Val. Max. iii. 7. 9).
[838] Ascon. l.c.
[839] Val. Max. l.c. Cum id vitare beneficio legis Memmiae liceret, quae eorum, qui rei publicae causa abessent, recipi nomina vetabat.
[840] Val. Max. vi. 8. 1.
[841] Ascon. l.c. Nimia etiam, ut existimatio est, asperitate usus.
[842] Zumpt _Criminalrecht_ i. p. 117.
[843] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_., 83 [Greek: _duo en andras duo de gynaikas en tae boon agorai legomenae tous men Hellaenas, tous de Galatas, zontas katorhyxan_].
[844] Plin. _H.N_. xxx. 1. 12 DCLVII demum anno urbis Cn. Cornelia Lentulo P. Licinio Crasso consulibus (97 B.C.) senatus consultum factum est ne homo immolaretur.
[845] Plut. l.c.
[846] Obsequens 99 (37) (111 B.C.) Maxima pars urbis exusta cum aede Matris Magnae; lacte per triduum pluit, hostiisque expiatum majoribus, Jugurthinum bellum exortum. The war had been determined on the year before.
[847] Boissière _Esquisse d’une histoire de la conquête et de l’administration Romaines dans le Nord de l’Afrique_ p. 41.
[848] App. _Lib_. [Greek: _apo Maurousion ton okeanoi mechri taes Kyraenaion archaes es ta mesogeia_.]
[849] Boissière l.c.
[850] [Greek: _ton legomenon Megalon Pedion_] (App. _Lib_. 68).
[851] Tissot _Géographie comparée de la province Romaine d’Afrique_ ii. p. 5.
[852] Plin. _H.N_. v. 3. 22; v. 4. 25; Ptol. iv. 3. 7.
[853] Tissot op. cit. ii. pp. 1-20.
[854] Ibid. ii. p. 20.
[855] Mercier _La population indigène de L’Afrique_ pp. 129, 130; Boissière op. cit. p. 39.
[856] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 400 foll. For the extension of the native Libyan language cf. Boissière, _L’Afrique Romaine_ p. 6.
[857] Tissot op. cit. pp. 403, 404.
[858] Hence the [Greek: _Melanogatouloi_] and the [Greek: _Lenkaithiopes_] of Ptolemy (iv. 6. 5 and 6.) See Tissot op. cit. p. 447.
[859] Mercier op. cit. p. 136.
[860] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 414-17.
[861] Boissière (op. cit. p. 101) cites an interesting description of the Kabyle from _Le capitaine Rinn_. In it occur the following words:–La guerre pour lui (le Kabyle) est une affaire de devoir, de nécessité, de point d’honneur ou de vengeance; ce n’est jamais ni un plaisir, ni une distraction, ni même un état normal; il ne la fait qu’après prévenu son ennemi, et, dans le combat ou après la victoire, il n’a pas de cruauté inutile.
[862] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 417-18.
[863] Polyb. xxxvii. 3; Diod. xxxii. 17.
[864] Plin. _H.N_. v. 3 22.
[865] Strabo xvii. 3. 13.
[866] Livy says (xxix. 29) that this was the admitted order of succession (ita mos apud Numidas est). The brother of a late king was probably considered to be the most capable successor. An immature son would be passed over. Cf. Biereye _Res Numidarum et Maurorum_ p. 18.
[867] Liv. _Ep_. 1.; Val. Max. v. 2, ext. 4; Oros. iv. 22.
[868] App. _Lib_. 106.
[869] App. _Hisp_. 67; Sall. _Jug_. 7.
[870] Strabo. xvii. 3. 13; Diod. xxxiv. 35.
[871] Oros. v, 11.
[872] Strabo l.c.
[873] Sall. _Jug_. 65. 1 Morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum inminuta. We are not told that he was in this condition before Micipsa’s death; but it is perhaps the reason why the king left him only “heir in remainder” (secundum heredem) to the crown. Another aspirant appears later on in the person of Massiva son of Gulussa (Sall. _Jug_. 35. i), but this prince may not have been born, or may have been an infant, at the time when Jugurtha was recognised as a possible successor. It is possible that Massiva may have been mentioned as one of the supplementary heirs in Micipsa’s will, although Sallust does not inform us of the fact.
[874] Sall. _Jug_. 6. 1.
[875] Sall. _Jug_. 6. 2.
[876] Ibid. 7. 6.
[877] Sall. _Jug_. 8. 1.
[878] Ibid. 8. 2.
[879] Sall. _Jug_. 9. 1.
[880] Statimque eum adoptavit et testamento pariter cum filiis heredem instituit (Ibid. 9. 3).
[881] Ibid. 10.
[882] Sall. _Jug_. 11.
[883] Ibid. 12. 3. The site of Thirmida is unknown.
[884] Sallust, using Roman phraseology, says that he had been “proxumus lictor Jugurthae” (_l c_.). Such a lictor would stand nearest the magistrate, receive his immediate orders and be, therefore, presumably a more trusted and intimate servant.
[885] Sall. _Jug_. 12.
[886] In duas partis discedunt Numidae; plures Adherbalem secuntur, sed illum alterum bello meliores (Ibid. 13. 1).
[887] Sall. _Jug_. 13. 4.
[888] Ibid. 13. 6.
[889] Ibid. 14.
[890] Sallust (l.c.) makes Adherbal say “Micipsa pater meus moriens mihi praecepit, ut regni Numidiae tantum modo procurationem existumarem meam, ceterum jus et imperium ejus penes vos esse”. The “jus et imperium” have no true application to a protectorate.
[891] Sall. _Jug_. 15. 1.
[892] Ibid. 15. 2.
[893] Sall. _Jug_. 16. 2.
[894] Ibid. 16. 3.
[895] Sall. _Jug_. 16. 5.
[896] Sall. _Jug_. 20. 4.
[897] Ibid. 20. 7 Itaque non uti antea cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu conparato bellum gerere coepit et aperte totius Numidiae imperium petere.
[898] Ibid. 21. 3.
[899] Sallust says (_Jug_. 21. 2): Haud longe a mari prope Cirtam oppidum utriusque exercitus consedit. He apparently underestimates the distance of Cirta from the sea.
[900] Ibid. 21. 2 Ni multitude togatorum fuisset, quae Numidas insequentis moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret.
[901] The bridge described by Shaw, constructed on one of the natural arches which connect the two sides of the river bed and presenting two ranges of superposed arcades, is no longer in existence. This bridge attached the south-eastern angle of the town to the heights of Mansoura. See Tissot _Géographie comparée_ ii. p. 393.
[902] Sall. _Jug_. 21. 3.
[903] Sall. _Jug_. 21. 4 Postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres adulescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant, senatus populique Romani verbis nuntient velle et censere eos ab armis discedere, de controvorsiis suis jure potius quam bello disceptare: ita seque illisque dignum esse.
[904] Is rumor clemens erat (Ibid. 22. 1).
[905] Adherbalis adpellandi copia non fuit (Ibid. 22. 5).
[906] Si ab jure gentium sese prohibuerit (Sail. _Jug_. 22.4).
[907] Ibid, 23. 2 Adherbal … intellegit … penuria rerum necessariarum bellum trahi non posse.
[908] Sall. _Jug_. 23. 2.
[909] Ibid. 24.
[910] Sall. _Jug_. 25. 1.
[911] Ibid. 25. 3 Ita bonum publicum, ut in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia devictum.
[912] Ibid. 25. 4 Legantur tamen in Africam majores natu nobiles, amplis honoribus usi.
[913] Cujus … nutu prope terrarum orbis regebatur (Cic. _pro Font_. 7, 24).
[914] Sall. _Jug_. 25. 6 Primo commotus metu atque lubidine divorsus agitabatur. Timebat iram senatus, ni paruisset legatis: porro animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebatur.
[915] Sall, _Jug_. 25. 10.
[916] Ibid. 25. 11.
[917] Sall. _Jug_. 26. 1 Italici, quorum virtute moenia defensabantur, confisi deditione facta propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore, Adherbali suadent uti seque et oppidum Jugurthae tradat, tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur: de ceteris senatui curae fore.
[918] Ibid. 26. 3 Jugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat.
[919] Sallust (l.c.) represents him as the author of this massacre; (Jugurtha) omnis puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti quisque armatus obvius fuerat, interficit. But the attribution may be due to the brevity of the narrative. The leader of a murderous host may easily be credited with the outrages which it commits.
[920] Cic. _Brut_. 36. 136 Tum etiam C. L. Memmii fuerunt oratores mediocres, accusatores acres atque acerbi. Itaque in judicium capitis multos vocaverunt, pro reis non saepe dixerunt. For his mordant style see Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 59, 240. The lofty opinion which he was supposed to hold of himself is illustrated in Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 66, 267 Velut tu, Crasse, in contione “ita sibi ipsum magnum videri Memmium ut in forum descendens caput ad fornicem Fabianum demitteret”.
[921] He was already “vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis” (Sall. _Jug_. 27. 2).
[922] Ibid. 27. 1.
[923] Ibid. 27. 2.
[924] Sall. _Jug_. 27. 3 Lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae. Consules declarati P. Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia: Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia obvenit.
[925] Jugurtha, contra spem nuntio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia venum ire in animo haeserat (Ibid, 28. 1).
[926] Ibid.
[927] Sall. _Jug_. 28. 2.
[928] In consule nostro multae bonaeque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnis avaritia praepediebat: patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissumus contra pericula et insidias (Ibid. 28. 5).
[929] Sall. _Jug_. 28. 4 Calpurnius parato exercitu legal sibi homines nobilis, factiosos, quorum auctoritate quae deliquisset munita fore sperabat.
[930] Sall. _l. c_.
[931] The only record of this campaign is contained in the few words of Sallust (Ibid, 28. 7) Acriter Numidiam ingressus est multosque mortalis et urbis aliquot pugnando cepit.
[932] Possibly not at this time, but the date of its recovery is unknown. The town is in the hands of Metellus during the closing months of his campaign (Sall. _Jug_. 81. 2). Cf. p. 431.
[933] Sall. _Jug_. 19. 7 Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus imperitabat, praeter nomen cetera ignarus populi Romani, itemque nobis neque bello neque pace antea cognitus. Practically nothing is known of the predecessors of this king. Livy (xxix. 30) mentions an earlier Baga of Mauretania, and perhaps this name is identical with that of Bocchus or [Greek: _Bogos_]. See Biereye _Res Numidarum et Maurorum_. For the earlier history of Mauretania see also Göbel _Die Westküste Afrikas im Altertum_. The boundaries of the kingdom were the Atlantic and the Muluccha on the west and east respectively (Liv. xxiv. 49, xxi. 22; Sall. _Jug_. 110). The southern boundary naturally shifted. At times the Mauretanian kings ruled over some of the Gaetulian tribes, and Strabo (ii. 3.4) makes the kingdom extend at one time to tribes akin to the Aethiopians–presumably to the Atlas range. Elsewhere (xvii. 3. 2) he speaks of it as extending over the Rif to the Gaetulians. See Göbel op. cit. pp. 79-82.
[934] Ibid. 80. 4 Bocchus initio hujusce belli legatos Romam miserat foedus et amicitiam petitum.
[935] Sall. _Jug_. 29. 2 Scaurus … tametsi a principio, plerisque ex factione ejus conruptis, acerrume regem inpugnaverat, tamen magnitudine pecuniae a bono honestoque in pravom abstractus est.
[936] Sall. _Jug_. 29. 3.
[937] Ibid. 29. 4 Interea fidei causa mittitur a consule Sextius quaestor in oppidum Jugurthae Vagam.
[938] Vaga (Bêdja) marks the frontier between the Numidian kingdom and the Roman province–the frontier created in 172 B.C. by the invasions of Masinissa and finally fixed in 146 B.C. The town lay on the west of the Wad Bédja, which joins the Medjerda, and on the right of the road from Carthage to Bulla Regia. There was another Vaga in the heart of Numidia, between the Ampsaga and Thabraca. See Tissot _Géographie comparée_ ii. pp. 6, 302; Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 154.
[939] Long _Decline of the Rom. Republic_ i. p. 400.
[940] Sall. _Jug_, 29, 5 Rex … pauca praesenti consilio locutus de invidia fact! sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur, reliqua cum Bestia et Scauro secreta transigit.
[941] Ibid. (Rex) quasi per saturam sententiis exquisitis in deditionem accipitur.
[942] Ibid. 29. 6.
[943] Bestia’s presence was necessary at Rome as his colleague Nasica had died during his tenure of the consulship (Cic. _Brut_. 34. 128).
[944] Sall. _Jug_. 30. I Postquam res in Africa gestas, quoque modo actae forent fama divolgavit, Romae per omnis locos et conventus de facto consulis agitari. Apud plebem gravis invidia.
[945] Sall. _Jug_. 30. 1 Patres solliciti erant: probarentne tantum flagitium an decretum consulis subvorterent parum constabat.
[946] Ibid. 30. 2 Maxume eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, a vero bonoque inpediebat.
[947] Ibid. 30. 3.
[948] Ibid. 31.
[949] The best manuscripts read _his annis xv_ in Sall, _Jug_ 31. 2, but xv may be a mistake for xx, which is the reading of some good ones. Twenty years would carry us back to 131 B.C., approximately the date of the fall of Tiberius Gracchus. The year 126 B.C. which the reading xv gives, can hardly be said to mark an epoch in the decline of the liberties of the people.
[950] Sociis nostris veluti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis utuntur (Sall. _Jug_. 31. 23).
[951] Metum ab scelere suo ad ignaviam vostram transtulere, quos omnis eadem cupere, eadem odisse, eadem metuere in unum coegit. Sed haec inter bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est (Sall_. Jug_. 31. 14.)
[952] Quo facilius indicio regis Scauri et reliquorum, quos pecuniae captae accersebat (Memmius), delicta patefierent (Ibid. 33. i).
[953] Alii perfugas vendere (Sall, _Jug_, 32.3). Long (_Decline of the Rom. Rep. i. p_. 406) thinks that this means that they were sold as slaves. But the words are probably to be brought into connection with the terms of the Mamilian commission (Sall. _Jug_. 40.1) “qui elephantos quique perfugas tradidissent”. Ihne (_Röm. Gesch. v. p_. 131) seems to regard these _perfugae_ as Roman subjects who had been handed over by Jugurtha.
[954] Quoniam se populo Romano dedisset, ne vim quam misericordiam ejus experiri mallet (Sall. _Jug_. 32. 5).
[955] Sall. _Jug_, 33.7.
[956] Confirmatus ab omnibus, quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta ea gesserat quae supra diximus (Ibid. 33. 2).
[957] Ibid. 33. 2 (Jugurtha) C. Baebium tribunum plebis magna mercede parat, cujus inpudentia contra jus et injurias omnis munitus foret.
[958] Sall. _Jug_. 33. 3.
[959] Producto Jugurtha (Ibid, 33. 4) i.e. led him to the front of the tribunal, or the Rostra if the scene took place in the Forum.
[960] Regem tacere jubet (Sall. _Jug_. 34.1).
[961] Vicit tamen inpudentia (Ibid.).
[962] Ibid. 34. 2.
[963] Sall. _Jug_. 35. 2. It is not impossible that he may have been mentioned as one of the supplementary heirs in Micipsa’s will. See p. 323.
[964] Sall. _Jug_. 35. 6.
[965] Ibid. 35. 7 Fit reus magis ex aequo bonoque quam ex jure gentium Bomilcar, comes ejus qui Romam fide publica venerat.
[966] Sall. _Jug_. 35. 9.
[967] Urbem venalem et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit! (Ibid. 35. 10).
[968] There was still an heir in Gauda–one too who had been recognised in the testament of Micipsa (p. 323); but he may not have been regarded as a suitable candidate.
[969] Sall. _Jug_. 36. 1 Albinus renovato bello commeatum, stipendium, aliaque, quae militibus usui forent, maturat in Africam portare, ac statim ipse profectus, uti ante comitia, quod tempus haud longe aberat, armis aut deditione aut quovis modo bellum conficeret.
[970] Cf. Sall. _Jug_. 36. 1 Armis aut deditione aut quovis modo.
[971] Sall. _Jug_. 36. 3 Ac fuere qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consili regis existumarent, neque ex tanta properantia tam facile tractum bellum socordia magis quam dolo crederent.
[972] His colleague Quintus Minucius Rufus was making war with the barbarians of Thrace (Liv. _Ep_. lxv; Vellei. ii. 8; Florus i. 39 (iii. 4); Eutrop. iv. 27).
[973] See cf. Meinel _Zur Chronologie des Jug. Krieges_ p. 11.
[974] Quae dissensio totius anni comitia inpediebat (Sall. _Jug_. 37. 2).
[975] The tribunician year ended with 9th December, but it is not likely that the consuls of 109, Metellus and Silanus, were elected between this date and 1st January of 109. Had they been, Metellus would have held Numidia and Sp. Albinus would not have been allowed to return there.
[976] Sall. _Jug_. 37. 3.
[977] There is little probability that the Calama (Gelma) of Orosius (v. 15) and the Suthul of Sallust are identical. Those who have visited the site of Gelma deny that Sallust’s description suits this region and think that Suthul was a place near by. Grellois (_Ghelma_ pp. 263 foll.) thinks that Suthul may be placed on a site where now stands the village of Henschir Ain Neschma, one hour’s distance from Gelma. See Wilmanns in C.I. L. viii. p. 521.
[978] Sall. _Jug_. 37. 4.
[979] Vineas agere, aggerem jacere, aliaque quae incepto usui forent properare (Sall. _Jug_. 37. 4).
[980] Sall. _Jug. 38. 9. The treaty perhaps gave to Jugurtha a specific guarantee of the undisturbed possession of Numidia.
[981] Oros. v. 15.
[982] Sail. _Jug_. 39. 1.
[983] Sallust (_Jug_. 39. 2) improperly calls him _consul_. The only position which he held now was that of proconsul of Numidia.
[984] Senatus ita uti par fuerat decernit, suo atque populi injussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri (Sall. _Jug_. 39. 3).
[985] Sall. _Jug_. 39. 4.
[986] Sall. _Jug_. 40. 1.
[987] Occulte per amicos ac maxume per homines nominis Latini et socios Italicos inpedimenta parabant (Ibid. 40. 2). For the later relations of the government with the Latins and allies see p. 288.
[988] Sed plebes incredibile memoratu est quam intenta fuerit quantaque vi rogationem jusserit, magis odio nobilitatis cui mala illa parabantur, quam cura rei publicae: tanta lubido in partibus erat (Sall. _Jug_. 40. 3).
[989] Ibid. 40. 4.
[990] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72; Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. 50.
[991] Sall. _Jug_. 40. 5 Sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque ex rumore et lubidine plebis. Ut saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat.
[992] Cic. _Brut_. 34. 128 Invidiosa lege Mamilia quaestio C. Galbam sacerdotem et quattuor consulates, L. Bestiam, C. Catonem, Sp. Albinum civemque praestantissimum L. Opimium, Gracchi interfectorem, a populo absolutum, cum is contra populi studium stetisset. Gracchani judices sustulerunt. For the condemnation of Opimius cf. _pro Sest_. 67, 140; for that of Galba, _Brut_. 33. 127. Here honour is paid to Galba’s speech in his defence (Extat ejus peroratio, qui epilogus dicitur: qui tanto in honore pueris nobis erat, ut eum etiam edisceremus). Of Galba it is said (l.c.) Hic, qui in collegio sacerdotum esset, primus post Romam conditam judicio publico est condemnatus. He was perhaps a member of the college of pontiffs (Long _Decline of the Rom. Rep_. i. p. 415). (For the exile of Cato at Tarraco see _pro Balbo_ 11. 28).
[993] Sall. _Jug_. 43. I; Liv. _Ep_. lxv.
[994] Sallust’s language (_Jug_. 43. 1) is indeterminate, but suggests the use of the lot–Metellus et Silanus consules designati provincias inter se partiverant, Metelloque Numidia evenerat. There are instances in later times of a manipulation of the _sortitio_. See Cic. _ad Fam_. v. 2. 3; _ad Att_. i. 16. 8. This assignment of the provinces followed the treaty of Aulus (l.c.), i.e. it took place early in 109, but not in the very first months of that year, as Spurius Albinus had gone back to Africa as proconsul (p. 373). As we have seen (p. 369) there is no probability that the consuls of 109 were elected in 110. Sallust’s words (l.c.) “consules designati” simply mean “appointed consuls” and have no reference to the usual status of “consuls designate”.
[995] Polyb. vi. 56.
[996] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 5. 11; _ad Att_. i. 16. 4; Val. Max. ii. 10. 1. It is supposed that Sicily may have been the province, which he had governed as propraetor, and from which he had returned when he was subjected to this trial. See Drumann _Gesch. Roms_. ii. p. 31.
[997] Acri viro et, quamquam advorso populi partium, fama tamen aequabili et inviolata (Sall. _Jug_. 43. 1).
[998] Ibid. 43. 4.
[999] Sall. _Jug_. 44. Cf. Val. Max. ii. 7. 2; Frontin. _Strat_. iv. 1. 2.
[1000] Sed in ea difficultate Metellum non minus quam in rebus hostilibus magnum et sapientem virum fuisse conperior: tanta temperantia inter ambitionem saevitiamque moderatum…. Ita prohibendo a delictis magis quam vindicando exercitum brevi confirmavit (Sall. _Jug_. 45).
[1001] Sall. _Jug_. 46. 1.
[1002] Jugurtha … diffidere suis rebus ac tum demum veram deditionem facere conatus est (Ibid.).
[1003] Sall. _Jug_. 46. 2.
[1004] Sed Metello jam antea experimentis cognitum erat genus Numidarum infidum, ingenio mobili, novarum rerum avidum esse (Ibid. 46. 3).
[1005] Sall. _Jug_. 46. 5.
[1006] Sall. _Jug_. 47. 1 Oppidum Numidarum nomine Vaga, forum rerum venalium totius regni maxume celebratum, ubi et incolere et mercari consueverant Italici generis multi mortales. Sallust does not say that Italian merchants were still in the town. Their presence in Numidian cities since the massacre at Cirta may be doubted, although the fact that the town was so near the province may have mastered the fears of some of the traders.
[1007] Sall. _Jug_. 47. 4.
[1008] Ibid. 48. 1 Coactus rerum necessitudine statuit armis certare.
[1009] Tissot _Géographie comparée_ 1. pp. 67-68. I have followed Tissot in his identification of the Muthul with the Wäd Mellag. This view makes Metellus’s efforts concentrate for the time on S.E. Numidia. He intended to secure his communications before proceeding farther, whether south or west. The older view, which identified the Muthul with the Ubus (Mannert and Forbiger) would represent Metellus as opening his campaign in the direction of Hippo Regius–Western Numidia would thus be his object and the subsequent campaign about Zama would indicate a change of plan. This is not an impossible view; but there are other indications which favour the hypothesis that the Muthul is the Wäd Mellag. One is that Sicca in its neighbourhood veered round to the Romans after the battle (Sall. _Jug_. 56. 3). The other is the alleged suitability of this region to the topographical description given by Sallust. Tissot believed that every step in the great battle could be traced on the ground. The “mons tractu pari” is the Djebel Hemeur mta Ouargha, parallel to the course of the Wäd Mellag and extending from the Djebel Sara to the Wäd Zouatin. The hill projected by this chain perpendicularly to the river is the Koudiat Abd Allah, which detaches itself from the central block of the Djebel Hemeur and the direction of which is perpendicular both to the mountain and to the Wäd Mellag. The plain, waterless and desert in the angle formed by the hill and the mountain but inhabited and cultivated in the neighbourhood of the Muthul, is the Fëid-es-Smar, watered in its lower part by two streams which empty into the Wäd Mellag. The distance, however, which separates Djebel Hemeur from the left bank of the Wäd Mellag, is not twenty (the number given by the MSS. of Sallust) but about seven miles. S. Reinach in his edition of Tissot has not reproduced the author’s own sketch of the battle of the Muthul, but a map of the district will be found in the Atlas appended to the work (Map xviii., Medjerda supérieure). This map forms the basis of the one which I have given.
[1010] See note 1. One must agree with Tissot that the “ferme milia passuum viginti” of Sallust (_Jug_. 48. 3) cannot be accepted. Such a distance is impossible from a strategic point of view, as Metellus could never have sent his vanguard such a distance in advance, when he himself was engaged with the enemy. It is also inconsistent with the account of the battle, the details of which obviously show that it took place in a much smaller area. The actual distance between the conjectured sites is about seven Roman miles (note 1. See Tissot op. cit. i. p. 71).
[1011] Sall. _Jug_. 48.
[1012] This appears from the narrative in Ibid. 52. 5. Even when Jugurtha had advanced some distance to the river, Bomilcar was not actually in touch with the king’s forces.
[1013] Sall. _Jug_. 49. 4.
[1014] Sall. _Jug_. 49. 4.
[1015] Ibid. 49. 6 Ibi conmutatis ordinibus in dextero latere, quod proxumum hostis erat, triplicibus subsidies aciem instruxit.
[1016] Sall. _Jug_. 49. 6 Sicuti instruxerat, transvorsis principiis in planum deducit. The word “transvorsis” here probably refers to the direction in which the front rank faced the enemy, and the position may be described in another way by saying that Metellus marched with his front rank sideways to Jugurtha. See Summers in loc.
[1017] Ibid. 50. 2.
[1018] Ibid. 50. 1.
[1019] Sall. _Jug_. 52. 5.
[1020] Ibid. 50. 2.
[1021] Sall. _Jug_. 51. 3.
[1022] Sall. _Jug_. 52.5.
[1023] Aciem quam diffidens virtuti militum arte statuerat, quo hostium itineri officeret, latius porrigit eoque modo ad Rutili castra procedit (Ibid. 52. 6).
[1024] Sall. _Jug_. 53. 3.
[1025] Ibid. 53. 5 Instructi intentique obviam procedunt. Nam dolus Numidarum nihil languidi neque remissi patiebatur.
[1026] Pro victoria satis jam pugnatum, reliquos labores pro praeda fore (Sall. _Jug_. 54. 1).
[1027] Interim Romae gaudium ingens ortum cognitis Metelli rebus, ut seque et exercitum more majorum gereret, in advorso loco victor tamen virtute fuisset, hostium agro potiretur, Jugurtham magnificum ex Albini socordia spem salutis in solitudine aut fuga coegisset habere (Ibid. 55. 1).
[1028] Sall. _Jug_. 54. 1.
[1029] Ibid. 54. 3.
[1030] Metellus, ubi videt … minore detrimento illos vinci quam suos vincere, statuit non proeliis neque in acie, sed alio more bellum gerundum (Ibid. 54. 5).
[1031] Sall. _Jug_. 54. 6.
[1032] Sall. _Jug_. 55. 5.
[1033] Sicca is the modern El Kef, but is still called by its inhabitants by its old name of Sicca Veneria (Schak Benar), The name _Veneria_ was derived from a temple of the Punic Aphrodite (cf. Val. Max. ii. 6. 15). Of its strategic importance Tissot says “El Kef is still regarded as the strongest place in Tunis…. The town dominates the great plains of Es-sers, Zanfour, Lorbeus and of the Wäd Mellag, at the same time that it commands one of the principal ways of communication leading from Tunis to Algiers.” See Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 197; Tissot _Géogr. comp_. ii. p. 378. Zama Regia is now identified, not with the place called Lehs, El-Lehs or Eliès (Wilmanns op. cit. p. 210), but with Djiâma. See Tissot op. cit. ii. pp. 571, 577-79; Mommsen in _Hermes_ xx. pp. 144-56; Schmidt in _Rhein. Mus_. 1889 (N. F. 44) pp. 397 foll.
[1034] Sall. _Jug_. 56. 3.
[1035] Ibid. 56. 2.
[1036] Id oppidum in campo situm magis opere quam natura munitum erat (Ibid. 57. 1).
[1037] Contra ea oppidani in proxumos saxa volvere, sudes, pila, praeterea picem sulphure et taeda mixtam ardentia mittere (Sall. _Jug_. 57. 5). If _ardentia_ is correct, the _sudes_ and _pila_ must also have been winged with fire. I have interpreted the passage as though _ardenti_ (suggested by Herzog) were the true reading. Summers suggests “picem sulphure mixtam et tela ardentia.”
[1038] Ibid. 58. 1.
[1039] Sall. _Jug_. 59. 1.
[1040] Ibid. 59. 3.
[1041] Sall. _Jug_. 60. 4.
[1042] Ibid. 61. 1.
[1043] Sall. _Jug_. 61. 4.
[1044] Sall. _Jug_. 62, 1.
[1045] Mittuntur ad imperatorem legati, qui Jugurtham imperata facturum dice rent (Ibid. 62. 3). The word _imperata_ implies previous negotiations.
[1046] Metellus proper cantos senatorial ordinis ex Hibernia accurse jubet; eorum et variorum, quos ironers defeat, console habet (Ibid. 62. 4).
[1047] Ihne _Röm. Gesch_. v. p. 146.
[1048] Sall. _Jug_. 62. 5. Orosius (v. 15. 7) adds that Jugurtha promised corn and other supplies.
[1049] Oros. l.c.
[1050] Sall. _Jug_. 62. 7.
[1051] Oros. l.c.
[1052] App. _Num_. 3.
[1053] Its site is unknown.
[1054] Romae senatus de provinciis consults Numidiam Metello decelerare (Sall. _Jug_. 62. 10). It is possible that the senate merely abstained from making Numidia a consular province. See Summers in loc. and cf. p. 222.
[1055] Etiam tum alios magistratus plebs, consulate nobilities inter se per manus trade bat. Novas memo tam claries neque tam egregious facts erat, quin is indigenous illo honore et quasi pollutes aerator (Ibid. 63. 6).
[1056] Ibid. 63. 1.
[1057] Sall. _Jug_. 64. 4.
[1058] Milites quibus in Hibernia preheat lax ore imperio quam antea habere (Ibid. 64. 5).
[1059] Sall. _Jug_. 64. 5.
[1060] Ibid. 65. 1 Erat praeterea in exercitu nostro Unmade quidam nomine Gauda, Mastanabalis filius, Masinissae nepos, quem Micipsa testamento secundum heredem scripserat, morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum inminuta.
[1061] Turmam equitum Romanorum (Ibid. 65. 2). It appears, therefore, that _equites equo publico_, although seldom (if ever) used as cavalry at this time, still formed the escort of generals or princes.
[1062] Equites Romanos, milites et negotiatores (Sall. _Jug_. 65. 4).
[1063] Sall. _Jug_. 66. 3.
[1064] Ibid. 67.
[1065] Sall. _Jug_. 67. 3 Turpilius praefectus unus ex omnibus Italicis intactus profugit. Id misericordiane hospitis an pactione an casu ita evenerit, parum comperimus: nisi, quia illi in tanto malo turpis vita integra fama potior fuit, inprobus intestabilisque videtur.
[1066] Ibid. 68. 1.
[1067] Ibid. 68. 4 Equites in primo late, pedites quam artissume ire et signa occultare jubet.
[1068] Plut. _Mar_. 8 outos gar ho anaer aen men ek poteron xenos toi Metello kai tote taen epi ton tektonon echon archaen synestrateue.
[1069] Plut. l.c.
[1070] Plut. l.c.
[1071] Sall. _Jug_. 69. 4 Turpilius … condemnatus verberatusque capite poenas solvit: nam is civis e Latio erat. If the last words mean that Turpilius was a Latin, they may show that the law of Drusus (p. 242), if passed, was no longer respected. If they mean that he was a Roman citizen from a Latin town, they illustrate this law. Appian (_Num_. 3) says that Turpilius was a Roman ([Greek: _andra Rhomaion_]).
[1072] Sall. _Jug_. 70.
[1073] Proinde reputaret cum animo suo, praemia an cruciatum mallet (Sall. _Jug_. 70. 6).
[1074] Sall. _Jug_. 72.
[1075] Ibid. 73.
[1076] Meinel (_Zur Chronologie des Jugurth. Krieges p. 13_) thinks that the consular elections of 108 did not take place before the winter, and that they may even have drifted over into the following year.
[1077] Plut, _Mar_. 8.
[1078] Plut. l.c. It is possible that this story and that of Sallust (_Jug_. 63 see p. 410) about the sacrifice at Utica belong to the same incident. But it is not probable. A man such as Marius would often approach a favourite shrine.
[1079] Liv. _Ep_. lxv.
[1080] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72; Ammian. xxvii. 3. 9.
[1081] The _via Aemilia_ ([Victor] l.c.; Strabo v. 1. 11).
[1082] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. 50.
[1083] Plut. _Mar_. 8.
[1084] Sall. _Jug_. 73. 6 Denique plebes sic accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus frequentarent Marium et sua necessaria post illius honorem ducerent. The labours, from which the _agrestes_ were drawn, may have been those of early spring, if the elections were delayed until the early part of 107 B.C. (See p. 420, Meinel l.c.)
[1085] Ibid. 73. 7 Sed paulo _ante senatus Metello Numidiam_ decreverat: ea res frustra fuit. The words in italics are not given by the good manuscripts; they are perhaps an interpolation drawn from ch. 62. See Summers in loc. It is possible that some mention of the provinces which the senate had decreed to the new consuls stood here. Mommsen (_Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 4) thinks that the passage may have contained a statement that the senate had destined Gaul and Italy for the consuls.
[1086] Sall. _Fug_. 85.
[1087] Ibid. 85. 12 Atque ego scio, Quirites, qui, postquam consules facti sunt, et acta majorum et Graecorum militaria praecepta legere coeperint–praeposteri homines: nam gerere quam fieri tempore posterius, re atque usu prius est.
[1088] Ibid. 84. 2.
[1089] Polyb. vi. 19.2.
[1090] According to Gellius (xvi. 10, 10) 375 asses:–Qui … nullo aut perquam parvo aere censebantur, “capite censi” vocabantur, extremus autem census capite censorum aeris fuit trecentis septuaginta quinque. But this decline from the Polybian census seems incredibly rapid. Perhaps the figure should be 3,750–one closely resembling that given by Polybius. Cf. p. 61.
[1091] Cf. Liv. x. 21 (cited by Ihne _Röm. Gesch_. v. p. 154) Senatus … delectum omnis generis hominum haberi jussit. See also Gell. l.c. 13. Polybius vi. 19. 3, according to Casaubon’s reading (p. 135), cannot be cited in illustration of this point.
[1092] Sall. _Jug_. 86 2 Ipse interea milites scribere, non more majorum neque ex classibus, sed uti cujusque lubido erat, capite censos plerosque. Val. Max. ii. 3. 1 Fastidiosum dilectus genus in exercitibus Romanis oblitterandum duxit. Cf. Florus i. 36 (iii. 1). 13. The tradition preserved by Plutarch (_Mar. 9_) that Marius enrolled slaves as well ([Greek: _polyn ton aporon kai doulon katagraphon_]), is apparently an echo from the time of the civil wars. Plutarch may mean men of servile birth and, though it is noted that freedmen were not employed even on occasional service until 90 B.C. (App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 49), yet it is possible that Marius’s hasty levy may have swept in some men of this standing. But after, as before the time of Marius, free-birth (_ingenuitas_) continued to be a necessary qualification for service in the legions.
[1093] Sall. _Jug_. 86. 3.
[1094] Sall. _Jug_. 86. 3.
[1095] Sall. _Jug_. 74. 1.
[1096] Ibid. 74. 2.
[1097] Ibid. 75. 1. There are two Thalas in Numidia. The one with which we are here concerned is believed to be that lying east of Capsa (Khafsa), not that near Ammaedara (the latter is probably the Thala of Tac. _Ann_. iii. 21). Its identification was due to Pelissier who visited the site. It has one of the characteristics mentioned by Sallust, for the existing ruins are situated in a region destitute of water except for one neighbouring fountain. The river from which the Romans drew water and filled their vessels might be the one now called the Wäd Lebem or Leben–the only one in this part of Tunis which does not run dry even in summer. The ruins are of small extent and unimposing, but this feature agrees with the statement of Strabo (xvii. 3. 12) that Thala was one of the towns blotted out by continuous wars in Africa. It was, therefore, not restored by the Romans. It has been doubted whether the name Thala is a proof of the identity of the site with that described by Sallust, since Pelissier says (_Rev. Arch_. 1847, p. 399) that the place is surrounded by a grove of trees, of the kind known as _mimosa gummifera_ and called _thala_ by the Arabs. The ruins may have drawn their name from these trees. See Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 28 and cf. Tissot _Géogr. comp_. ii. p. 635.
[1098] Sall. _Jug_. 75. 9.
[1099] Sall. _Jug_. 76. 3 Deinde locis ex copia maxume idoneis vineas agere, aggerem jacere et super aggerem inpositis turribus opus et administros tutari.
[1102] The name appears on coins in Punic letters as L B Q I (Movers _Die Phönizer_ II 2. p. 486; Müller _Numismatique de l’Afrique_ II p. 10). Greek writers also call it Neapolis, probably because it was not far from an older town at the mouth of the Cinyps (the Wäd Mghar-el-Ghrin), although others hold that this name designated a particular quarter of the town. The three cities of the Syrtis–Sabrata, Oea and Leptis–were called Tripolis, but do not seem to have been politically connected with one another. Leptis had been stipendiary to Carthage (Liv. xxxiv. 62) and had subsequently been occupied by Masinissa (Liv. l.c.; cf. App. _Lib_. 106). But the occupation was not permanent or effective. Sallust notes (_Jug_. 78) that its situation had enabled it to escape Numidian influence.
[1101] Sall. _Jug_. 77. 3.
[1102] Ibid. 80. 1.
[1103] Forbiger _Handb. der alt. Geogr_. ii. p. 885.
[1104] Sall. _Jug_. 80. 2.
[1105] Ibid. 80. 1.
[1106] Ibid. 80. 6 Ea necessitudo apud Numidas Maurosque levis ducitur, quia singuli pro opibus quisque quam plurumas uxores, denas alii, alii pluris habent, sed reges eo amplius. Ita animus multitudine distrahitur: nulla pro socia optinet, pariter omnes viles sunt.
[1107] Sall. _Jug_. 81. 1.
[1108] Ibid. 82. 1.
[1109] Cf. p. 349.
[1110] Sall. _Jug_. 81. 2.
[1111] Ibid. 82. 1.
[1112] Ibid. 82. 2.
[1113] Sall. _Jug_. 83. 1.
[1114] Sall, _Jug_. 86. 5.
[1115] Ibid. 88. 1.
[1116] Vellei. ii. II Metelli … et triumphus fuit clarissimus et meritum ex virtute ei cognomen Numidici inditum. Cf. Eutrop. iv. 27.
[1117] Sall. _Jug_. 88. 5.
[1118] Sall. _Jug_. 88. 3.
[1119] Sallust uses the historic infinitive (Ibid, 89. 1 Consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque munita adire, partim vi, alia metu aut praemia ostentando avortere ab hostibus), but the reduction of some of these places may perhaps be assumed.
[1120] Cf. p. 426.
[1121] Capsa (Kafsa or Gafsa) may have been once subject to Carthage and have been added to the kingdom of Masinissa after the Hannibalic war. Strabo (xvii. 3. 12) mentions it amongst the ruined towns of Africa, but it revived later on, received a Latin form of constitution under Hadrian, and was ultimately the seat of a bishopric. See Wilmanns in C. I. L. viii. p. 22. Its commercial importance was very great. It was, as Tissot says (_Géogr. comp_. ii. p. 664), placed on the threshold of the desert at the head of the three great valleys which lead, the one to the bottom of the Gulf of Kabes, the other to Tebessa, the third to the centre of the regency of Tunis. He describes it as one of the gates of the Sahara and one of the keys of Tell, the necessary point of transit of the caravans of the Soudan and the advanced post of the high plateau against the incursions of the nomads. Strabo (l.c.) describes Capsa as a treasure-house of Jugurtha, but it has been questioned whether this description is not due to a confusion with Thala (Wilmanns l.c.).
[1122] Sall. _Jug_. 89. 6.
[1123] Ibid. 89. 5 Nam, praeter oppido propinqua, alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae, infesta serpentibus, quarum vis sicuti omnium ferarum inopia cibi acrior. Ad hoc natura serpentium, ipsa perniciosa, siti magis quam alia re accenditur. Tissot says (op. cit. ii. p. 669) that the solitudes which surround the oasis make a veritable “belt of sands and snakes” (cf. Florus iii. 1. 14 Anguibus harenisque vallatam).
[1124] Sal. _Jug_. 90. 1.
[1125] Aulus Manlius was sent with some light cohorts to protect the stores at Lares (Ibid. 90. 2). These stores were, therefore, not exhausted.
[1126] The Tana has often been identified with the Wäd Tina, but this identification would take Marius along the coast by Thenae–a course which he almost certainly did not follow. Tissot holds (_Géogr. comp_. i. p. 85) that Tana is only a generic Libyan name for a water-course. He thinks that the river in question is the Wäd-ed-Derb. (Ibid. p. 86).
[1127] This _locus tumulosus_ (Sall. _Jug_. 91. 3) is identified by Tissot (op. cit. ii. p 669) with a spur of the Djebel Beni-Younès which dominates Kafsa on the northeast at the distance indicated by Sallust.
[1128] Ibid. 91. 7.
[1129] Sall. _Jug_. 92. 3.
[1130] Sallust omits all mention of these winter quarters. Such an omission does not prove that he is a bad military historian, but simply that he never meant his sketch to be a military history. But he has perhaps freed himself too completely from the annalistic methods of most Roman historians.
[1131] Sall. _Jug_. 92. 2.
[1132] The Wäd Muluja. It is called Muluccha by Sallust, [Greek: _Molochath_] by Strabo (xvii. 3, 9). Other names given to it by ancient authorities are Malvane, [Greek: _Maloua_], Malva. See Göbel _Die Westküste Afrikas im Altertum_ pp. 79, 80.
[1133] Bocchus, however, claimed the territory within which Marius was operating (Sall. _Jug_. 102).
[1134] Ibid. 92. 5.
[1135] Ibid. 93.
[1136] Sall. _Jug_. 94. 3.
[1137] Sall. _Jug_. 95. 1.
[1138] Sall, _Jug_. 95. 1 L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in castra venit, quos uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret Romae relictus erat.
[1139] Cic. _in Verr_. iii. 58. 134.
[1140] Cf. Cic. _ad Att_. vi. 6. 3 and 4.
[1141] Val. Max. vi. 9. 6 C. Marius consul moleste tulisse traditur quod sibi asperrimum in Africa bellum gerenti tam delicatus quaestor sorte obvenisset.
[1142] Plut. _Sulla_ 2.
[1143] Val. Max. l.c.; Plut. _Sulla_ 2.
[1144] Litteris Graecis atque Latinis juxta, atque doctissume, eruditus (Sall. _Jug_. 95. 3).
[1145] Plut. l.c.
[1146] Plut. l.c.
[1147] He was born in 138 B.C. He was entering on his sixtieth year at the time of his death in 78 B.C. (Val. Max. ix. 3. 8). Cf. Vellei. ii. 17 and see Lau _Lucius Cornelius Sulla_ p. 25.
[1148] Sall. _Jug_. 96.
[1149] Sall. _Jug_. 97. 2.
[1150] Sallust states later that Cirta was his original aim (Ibid. 102. 1 Pervenit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat); but Marius’s plans may have been modified by intervening events.
[1151] Vix decuma parte die reliqua (Ibid. 97. 3).
[1152] Sall, _Jug_. 98. 1.
[1153] Ibid. 97. 5 Denique Romani … orbis facere, atque ita ab omnibus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim sustentabant.
[1154] Ibid. 98. 3.
[1155] Sall. _Jug_. 99. 1.
[1156] Pariter atque in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere (Ibid. 100. 1). For the nature and growth of this tactical formation amongst the Romans see Marquardt _Staatsverw. ii. p. 423.
[1157] Sall. _Jug_. 101. 2.
[1158] It is possible that Jugurtha intentionally let his approach be known, so that the Romans might form in their usual battle order.
[1159] This force is not mentioned by Sallust (Sall. _Jug_. 101. 5), but it seems implied in the junction of Bocchus with Volux.
[1160] Quod ubi milites accepere, magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii terrentur (Ibid. 101. 7).
[1161] Sall. _Jug_. 101. 9.
[1162] Oros. v. 15. 9 foll. This account in Orosius corresponds to nothing in Sallust and is clearly drawn from other sources. The attempt of the Romans to storm Cirta (Section 10) must be a mistake, unless it refers to some earlier and unrecorded operation of the war. Some details of Section 14 bear a shadowy resemblance to points in the first of the recent battles described by Sallust; but there are other details which make the identification impossible.
[1163] Hastilia telorum, quae manu intorquere sine ammentis solent (Oros. v. 15. 16).
[1164] According to Sallust (_Jug_. 102. 2.); but the fight which he describes may not have been the final battle. See p. 452.
[1165] Ibid. 102. 2.
[1166] Sall. _Jug_. 102. 5.
[1167] Ibid. 102. 12.
[1168] Cf. Sall. _Jug_. 80. 4. See p. 349.
[1169] Sall. _Jug_. 102. 15.
[1170] The headquarters were doubtless Cirta, to which we find Marius returning (Ibid. 104. 1); but shortly afterwards we find Sulla and the envoys coming to Cirta from a place which, according to one reading, is called Tucca (see p. 457). All the troops were probably not concentrated at Cirta, as Marius meant to quarter them in the coast-towns (Ibid. 100. 1).
[1171] Ibid. 103. 2.
[1172] Sall. _Jug_. 104. 3.
[1173] Ibid. 103. 7.
[1174] Sulla and the envoys were now at a place which variant readings make either Tucca or Utica (Ibid. 104. 1 Illosque et Sullam [ab Tucca _or_ Utica] venire jubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem Utica). Utica is rendered improbable by its mention a few words later, although it is possible that the name of this town has been duplicated in the sentence. If we keep Tucca, it cannot be Thugga (Dugga) in Numidia, which is some distance from the coast. It may be the town which Pliny (_Hist. Nat_. v. 2. 21) calls “oppidum Tucca inpositum mari et flumini Ampsagae”.
[1175] It is possible that this armistice included Jugurtha as well, although this is not stated by Sallust (Sall. _Jug_. 104. 2).
[1176] Ibid. 104. 5.
[1177] Sall. _Jug_. 105. 1.
[1178] Ibid. 106. 2.
[1179] Sall. _Jug_. 107, 1.
[1180] Sall. _Jug_. 107. 6. Cf. Plut. _Sulla_ 3.
[1181] Ibid. 108.
[1182] This is apparently the meaning of Sallust (Ibid. 108. 1) when he describes Dabar as Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere inpar (nam pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat).
[1183] Sall. _Jug_. 108. 3 Sed ego conperior Bocchum magis Punica fide quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse, multumque cum animo suo volvere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse.
[1184] Ibid. 109, 2 Dicit se missum a consule. Marius was really proconsul.
[1185] Ibid. 110.
[1186] Sall. _Jug_. 111.
[1187] Sall. _Jug_. 111. 2
[1188] Ibid. 112. 1.
[1189] Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit, ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus parum comperimus (Ibid. 113. 1).
[1190] This must have been the agreement, although Sallust says only Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis inermis, uti dictum erat, adcedit (Sall. _Jug_. 113. 6).
[1191] Ibid. 114. 3.
[1192] Gauda is called king in an inscription which gives the whole house of Juba II. The inscription (C.I.L. II. n. 3417) runs:–Regi Jubae reg(is) Jubae filio regi(s) Iempsalis n. regis Gau(dae) pronepoti regis Masiniss(ae) pronepotis nepoti IIvir quinq. patrono coloni (the _coloni_, who set up the inscription, having made Juba II IIvir quinquennalis _honoris causa_). The only doubt which affects the belief in Gauda’s succession arises from a passage in Cic. _post Red. ad Quir_. 8. 20. Cicero here says (Marius) cum parva navicula pervectus in Africam, quibus regna ipse dederat, ad eos inops supplexque venisset. There can be no doubt that Marius fled to Hiempsal, not to Gauda. But it has been pointed out that Cicero’s expression is “ad eos,” not “ad eum.” The plural probably refers to the whole “domus” of the monarch and would include both Gauda and Hiempsal. See Biereye _Res Numidarum et Maurorum_ p. 7.
[1193] Mauretania subsequently includes the region of Caesariensis, but it has been thought probable that the territory of Sitifis on the east was not added until the new settlement in 46 B.C. (Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 4). The territory between the Muluccha and Saldae might, therefore, have been added after the close of the war with Jugurtha. See Müller _Numismatique de l’Afrique_. p. 4; Mommsen l.c.; Göbel _Die Westküste Afrikas im Altertum_ p. 93; Biereye op. cit. p. 6. It is very questionable whether the limits of the Roman province were in any way extended at the expense of Numidia. Such additions as Vaga and Sicca probably belong to the settlement of 46 B.C. See Tissot _Géogr. comp_. ii. pp. 21 foll. It has sometimes been thought that the attachment of Leptis Magna to Rome (p. 429) was permanent (Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 2) and that Tripolis became a part of the Roman province (Marquardt _Staatsverw_. i. p. 465), but Tissot (op. cit. ii. p. 22) believes that Leptis remained a free city.
[1194] Sall. _Jug_. 114. 3; Liv. _Ep_. lxvii; C.I.L. i. n. xxxiii p. 290 Eum (Jugurtham) cepit et triumphans in secundo consulatu ante currum suum duci jussit … veste triumphali calceis patriciis [? _in senatum venit_]. It is questionable, however, whether the last words of this Arretine inscription (words which do not immediately follow the account of the Numidian triumph) can be brought into connection with the story told by Plutarch (_Mar_. 12) that Marius, either through forgetfulness or clumsiness, entered the senate in his triumphal dress. They seem to refer to some special honours conferred after the defeat of the Germanic tribes. It is possible that the conferment of this honour gave rise to the malicious story, which became not only distorted but misplaced.
[1195] Plut. _Mar_. 12.
[1196] Ihne _Röm. Gesch_. v. p. 164 Wo dem Sohn des Südens der Schmerzenschrei entfuhr.
[1197] Plut. _Mar_. 12. The epitomator of Livy (lxvii.) says in carcere necatus est. The word _necatus_ is quite consistent with a death such as that described by Plutarch. See Festus, pp. 162, 178.
[1198] Plut. l.c.
[1199] Plut. _Mar_. 10.
[1200] Plut. _Sulla_ 4.
[1201] Plut. _Mar_. 10; _Sulla_ 3.
[1202] Plut. _Sulla_ 6.
[1203] Ancient writers derive the name from _serere_ and connect it with a story of the family of the Reguli (Plin. _Hist. Nat_. xviii. 3, 20; Verg. _Aen_. vi. 844; Val. Max. iv. 4. 5). But the name appears on coins as “Saranus” (Eckhel v. p. 146). It seems, however, to be true that the name was borne by, or applied to, C. Atilius Regulus, the consul of 257 B.C. See Klebs in Pauly-Wissowa R. E. p. 2095.
[1204] Cic. _pro Planc_. 5. 12.
[1205] In the movement connected with the proceedings of Saturninus in 100 B.C. (Cic. _pro Rab_. 7. 21).
[1206] Eutrop. iv. 27; Val. Max. vi. 9. 13; _Fast. triumph_.
[1207] Yet no very recent cases _repetundarum_ are known. The last seems to have been the accusation of M. Valerius Messala (Gell. xv. 14). About this time C. Flavius Fimbria was accused by M. Gratidius and acquitted in spite of the hostile evidence of M. Aemilius Scaurus (Cic. _pro Font_. 11. 24; _Brut_. 45. 168; Val. Max. viii. 5. 2; Rein _Criminalrecht_ p. 649); but even if, with Rein, we assign this case to 106 and not to a time later than Fimbria’s consulship, the judiciary law must have been prepared before the trial.
[1208] Cassiodor. _Chron_. Per Servilium Caepionem consulem judicia equitibus et senatoribus communicata. Obsequens 101 (39) Per Caepionem cos. senatorum et equitum judicia communicata.
[1209] Tac. _Ann_. xii. 60 Cum … Serviliae leges senatui judicia redderent.
[1210] Cic. _de Inv_. i. 49. 92 Offensum est quod corum qui audiunt voluntatem laedit: ut si quis apud equites Romanos cupidos judicandi Caepionis legem judiciariam laudet.
[1211] Pp. 135, 213.
[1212] Cic. _Brut_. 43, 161; _pro Cluent_. 51, 140.
[1213] Cic. _de Or_. ii. 59. 240, 66. 264. It is very probable that this attack on Memmius belongs to the speech on the Servilian law.
[1214] Cic. _Brut_. 44. 164 Mihi (Ciceroni) quidem a pueritia quasi magistra fuit, inquam, illa in legem Caepionis oratio.
[1215] Cassiod. _Chron_.; Obsequens 101 (39) (quoted p, 478).
[1216] Cicero, speaking in 70 B.C., says that the Equites had held the courts for nearly fifty years, i.e. up to the date of the _lex Cornelia_ of 81 B.C. (Cic. _in Verr_. Act. i. 13. 38).
[1217] [Cic.] _ad Herenn_. i. 15, 25, iv. 24. 34; _de Rep_. i. 3. 6; _pro Balbo_ II. 28.
[1218] Cic. _de Orat_. iii. 8. 29; _Brut_. 35. 132.
[1219] Cicero, in speaking of the successive defeats of Catulus at the polls, says Praeposuisse (populum Romanum) Q. Catulo, summa in familia nato, sapientissimo et sanctissimo viro, non dico C. Serranum, stultissimum hominem, (fuit enim tamen nobilis,) non C. Fimbriam, novum hominem, (fuit enim et animi satis magni et consilii,) sed Cn. Mallium, non solum ignobilem, verum sine virtute, sine ingenio, vita etiam contempta ac sordida (_pro Planc_. 5. 12).
[1220] Val. Max. ii. 3. 2. The changes introduced into the military system by Rutilius will be explained in the next chapter.
[1221] Ulp. in _Dig_. xxxviii. 2, i. i. Mommsen (_Staatsr_. iii. p. 433) thinks that the consul of 105 is the “praetor Rutilius” of Ulpian’s account.
[1222] Gaius iv, 35 (Praetor Publius Rutilius), qui et bonorum venditionem introduxisse dicitur. See Bethmann-Hollweg _Civilprozess_ ii. p. 671. Here again the consul of 105 is probably meant.
[1223] Cic. _Brut_. 30. 113, 114.
[1224] The disaster at Arausio took place on 6th October (Plut. _Luc_. 27). The consuls for the next year may not yet have been elected, as there was at this time no fixed date for the consular Comitia. Cf. p. 364 and see Sall. _Jug_. 114.
[1225] Cic. _Brut_. 34. 129; _de Orat_. ii. 22. 91.
[1226] Liv. _Ep_. lvi. (see the next note). For the probable date of this enactment (151 B.C.) see Mommsen _Staatsrecht_ i. p. 521.
[1227] Liv. _Ep_. lvi Cum bellum Numantinum vitio ducum non sine pudore publico duraret, delatus est ultro Scipioni Africano a senatu populoque Romano consulatus; quem cum illi capere ob legem, quae vetabat quemquam iterum consulem fieri, non liceret, sicut priori consulatu, legibus solutus est.
[1228] Plut. _Mar_. 12 [Greek: _kai to deuteron hypatos apedeichthae, tou men nomou koluontos aponta kai mae dialiponta chronon horismenon authis aireisthai, tou de daemou tous antilegontas ekbalontos_.] Plutarch adds that the people recalled the dispensation granted to Scipio when the annihilation of the Carthaginian power was planned. This is perhaps a mistaken reference to the dispensation granted to Scipio in the Numantine war. See Liv. _Ep_. lvi. (quoted in the last note); Cic. _pro Leg. Man_. 20. 60 and Mommsen _Staatsr_. l.c. As to the irregularity involved in Marius’s absence, it is questionable whether Plutarch is right in supposing that a personal _professio_ was required at this time. See Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 504. Possibly the irregularity consisted in the fact that there had been no formal candidature at all. Other references to this election of Marius are to be found in Sall. _Jug_. 114; Vellei. ii. 12; Liv. _Ep_. lxvii.
[1229] Sall. _Jug_. 114, Marius consul absens factus est, et ei decreta provincia Gallia.