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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 14 by Robert Kerr

Part 5 out of 11

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with us. Our stay here was but short. The old chief, probably thinking that
we might want water on board, conducted us to a plantation hard by, and
shewed us a pool of fresh water, though we had not made the least enquiry
after any. I believe this to be the same that Tasman calls the _washing-
place_ for the king and his nobles.

From hence we were conducted down to the shore of Maria Bay, or north-east
side of the isle; where, in a boat-house, was shewn to us a fine large
double canoe not yet launched. The old chief did not fail to make us
sensible it belonged to himself. Night now approaching, we took leave of
him, and returned on board, being conducted by Attago down to the water-
side.

Mr Forster and his party spent the day in the country botanizing; and
several of the officers were out shooting. All of them were very civilly
treated by the natives. We had also a brisk trade for bananoes, cocoa-nuts,
yams, pigs, and fowls; all of which were procured for nails, and pieces of
cloth. A boat from each ship was employed in trading ashore, and bringing
off their cargoes as soon as they were laden, which was generally in a
short time. By this method we got cheaper, and with less trouble, a good
quantity of fruit, as well as other refreshments, from people who had no
canoes to carry them off to the ships.[3]

Pretty early in the morning on the 5th, my friend brought me a hog and some
fruit; for which I gave him a hatchet, a sheet, and some red cloth.[4] The
pinnace was sent ashore to trade as usual, but soon returned. The officer
informed me that the natives were for taking every thing out of the boat,
and, in other respects, were very troublesome. The day before, they stole
the grapling at the time the boat was riding by it, and carried it off
undiscovered. I now judged it necessary to have a guard on shore, to
protect the boats and people whose business required their being there; and
accordingly sent the marines, under the command of Lieutenant Edgcumbe.
Soon after I went myself, with my friend Attago, Captain Furneaux, and
several of the gentlemen. At landing, we found the chief, who presented me
with a pig. After this, Captain Furneaux and I took a walk into the
country, with Mr Hodges, to make drawings of such places and things as were
most interesting. When this was done, we returned on board to dinner, with
my friend and two other chiefs; one of which sent a hog on board the
Adventure for Captain Furneaux, some hours before, without stipulating for
any return. The only instance of this kind. My friend took care to put me
in mind of the pig the old king gave me in the morning; for which I now
gave a chequed shirt and a piece of red cloth. I had tied them up for him
to carry ashore; but with this he was not satisfied. He wanted to have them
put on him, which was no sooner done, than he went on deck, and shewed
himself to all his countrymen. He had done the same thing in the morning
with the sheet I gave him. In the evening we all went on shore again, where
we found the old king, who took to himself every thing my friend and the
others had got.[5]

The different trading parties were so successful to-day as to procure for
both ships a tolerably good supply of refreshments. In consequence of
which, I, the next morning, gave every one leave to purchase what
curiosities and other things they pleased. After this, it was astonishing
to see with what eagerness every one caught at every thing he saw. It even
went so far as to become the ridicule of the natives, who offered pieces of
sticks and stones to exchange. One waggish boy took a piece of human
excrement on the end of a stick, and held it out to every one he met with.

This day, a man got into the master's cabin, through the outside scuttle,
and took out some books and other things. He was discovered just as he was
getting out into his canoe, and pursued by one of our boats, which obliged
him to quit the canoe and take to the water. The people in the boat made
several attempts to lay hold of him; but he as often dived under the boat,
and at last having unshipped the rudder, which rendered her ungovernable,
by this means he got clear off. Some other very daring thefts were
committed at the landing-place. One fellow took a seaman's jacket out of
the boat, and carried it off, in spite of all that our people in her could
do. Till he was both pursued and fired at by them, he would not part with
it; nor would he have done it then, had not his landing been intercepted by
some of us who were on shore. The rest of the natives, who were very
numerous, took very little notice of the whole transaction; nor were they
the least alarmed when the man was fired at.

My friend Attago having visited me again next morning, as usual, brought
with him a hog, and assisted me in purchasing several more. Afterwards we
went ashore; visited the old king, with whom we staid till noon, then
returned on board to dinner, with Attago, who never once left me. Intending
to sail next morning, I made up a present for the old king, and carried it
on shore in the evening. As soon as I landed, I was told by the officers
who were on shore, that a far greater man than any we had yet seen was come
to pay us a visit. Mr Pickersgill informed me that he had seen him in the
country, and found that he was a man of some consequence, by the
extraordinary respect paid him by the people. Some, when they approached
him, fell on their faces, and put their head between their feet; and no one
durst pass him without permission. Mr Pickersgill, and another of the
gentlemen, took hold of his arms, and conducted him down to the landing-
place, where I found him seated with so much sullen and stupid gravity,
that notwithstanding what had been told me, I really took him for an idiot,
whom the people, from some superstitious notions, were ready to worship. I
saluted and spoke to him; but he neither answered, nor took the least
notice of me; nor did he alter a single feature in his countenance. This
confirmed me in my opinion, and I was just going to leave him, when one of
the natives, an intelligent youth, undertook to undeceive me; which he did
in such a manner as left me no room to doubt that he was the king, or
principal man on the island. Accordingly I made him the present I intended
for the old chief, which consisted of a shirt, an axe, a piece of red
cloth, a looking-glass, some nails, medals, and beads. He received these
things, or rather suffered them to be put upon him, and laid down by him,
without losing a bit of his gravity, speaking one word, or turning his head
either to the right or left; sitting the whole time like a statue; in which
situation I left him to return on board, and he soon after retired. I had
not been long on board before word was brought me, that a quantity of
provisions had come from this chief. A boat was sent to bring it from the
shore; and it consisted of about twenty baskets of roasted bananoes, sour
bread, and yams, and a roasted pig of about twenty pounds weight. Mr
Edgcumbe and his party were just re-embarking, when these were brought to
the water-side, and the bearers said it was a present from the
_Areeke_, that is, the king of the island, to the _Areeke_ of the
ship. After this I was no longer to doubt the dignity of this sullen chief.

Early in the morning of the 7th, while the ships were unmooring, I went
ashore with Captain Furneaux and Mr Forster, in order to make some return
to the king, for his last night's present. We no sooner landed than we
found Attago, of whom we enquired for the king, whose name was Kohaghee-
too-Fallangou. He accordingly undertook to conduct us to him; but, whether
he mistook the man we wanted, or was ignorant where he was, I know not.
Certain it is, that he took us a wrong road, in which he had not gone far
before he stopped, and after some little conversation between him and
another man, we returned back, and presently after the king appeared, with
very few attendants. As soon as Attago saw him coming, he sat down under a
tree, and desired us to do the same. The king seated himself on a rising
ground, about twelve or fifteen yards from us: Here we sat facing one
another for some minutes. I waited for Attago to shew us the way; but
seeing he did not rise, Captain Furneaux and I got up, went and saluted the
king, and sat down by him. We then presented him with a white shirt, (which
we put on his back) a few yards of red cloth, a brass kettle, a saw, two
large spikes, three looking-glasses, a dozen of medals, and some strings of
beads. All this time he sat with the same sullen stupid gravity as the day
before; he even did not seem to see or know what we were about; his arms
appeared immoveable at his sides; he did not so much as raise them when we
put on the shirt. I told him, both by words and signs, that we were going
to leave his island; he scarcely made the least answer to this, or any
other thing we either said or did. We, therefore, got up and took leave;
but I yet remained near him, to observe his actions. Soon after, he entered
into conversation with Attago and an old woman, whom we took to be his
mother. I did not understand any part of the conversation; it however made
him laugh, in spite of his assumed gravity. I say assumed, because it
exceeded every thing of the kind I ever saw; and therefore think it could
not be his real disposition, unless he was an idiot indeed, as these
islanders, like all the others we had lately visited, have a great deal of
levity, and he was in the prime of life. At last he rose up, and retired
with his mother and two or three more.[6]

Attago conducted us to another circle, where were seated the aged chief and
several respectable old persons of both sexes; among whom was the priest,
who was generally in company with this chief. We observed, that this
reverend father could walk very well in a morning, but in the evening was
obliged to be led home by two people. By this we concluded, that the juice
of the pepper-root had the same effect upon him, that wine and other strong
liquors have on Europeans who drink a large portion of them. It is very
certain, that these old people seldom sat down without preparing a bowl of
this liquor, which is done in the same manner as at Ulietea. We however
must do them the justice to believe, that it was meant to treat us;
nevertheless, the greatest part, if not the whole, generally fell to their
share. I was not well prepared to take leave of this chief, having
exhausted almost all our store on the other. However, after rummaging our
pockets, and treasury-bag, which was always carried with me wherever I
went, we made up a tolerable present, both for him and his friends. This
old chief had an air of dignity about him that commanded respect, which the
other had not. He was grave, but not sullen; would crack a joke, talk on
indifferent subjects, and endeavour to understand us and be understood
himself. During this visit, the old priest repeated a short prayer or
speech, the purport of which we did not understand. Indeed he would
frequently, at other times, break out in prayer; but I never saw any
attention paid to him by any one present.[7] After a stay of near two
hours, we took leave, and returned on board, with Attago and two or three
more friends, who staid and breakfasted with us; after which they were
dismissed, loaded with presents.

Attago was very importunate with me to return again to this isle, and to
bring with me cloth, axes, nails, &c. &c. telling me that I should have
hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots, in abundance. He particularly desired me,
more than once, to bring him such a suit of clothes as I had on, which was
my uniform. This good-natured islander was very serviceable to me, on many
occasions, during our short stay. He constantly came on board every morning
soon after it was light, and never quitted us till the evening. He was
always ready, either on board or on shore, to do me all the service in his
power: His fidelity was rewarded at a small expence, and I found my account
in having such a friend.[8]

In heaving in the coasting cable, it parted in the middle of its length,
being chafed by the rocks. By this accident we lost the other half,
together with the anchor, which lay in forty fathoms water, without any
buoy to it. The best bower-cable suffered also by the rocks; by which a
judgment may be formed of this anchorage. At ten o'clock we got under sail;
but as our decks were much encumbered with fruit, &c. we kept plying under
the land till they were cleared.[9] The supplies we got at this isle, were
about one hundred and fifty pigs, twice that number of fowls, as many
bananoes and cocoa-nuts as we could find room for, with a few yams; and had
our stay been longer, we no doubt might have got a great deal more. This in
some degree shews the fertility of the island, of which, together with the
neighbouring one of Middleburg, I shall now give a more particular account.

[1] "A party of the marines were posted on the beach in case of
danger, to protect the captain's clerk, who traded for provisions. The
natives did not express either surprise or dislike at this proceeding,
perhaps, because they were unacquainted with its meaning. They
received us with acclamations of joy as at Ea-oonhe, and desired us to
sit down with them on the rocks along shore, which consisted of coral,
and were covered with shell sand. We purchased several beautiful
parroquets, pigeons, and doves, which they brought to us perfectly
tame; and our young Borabora man, Mahine (or Odeedee), traded with
great eagerness for ornaments made of bright red feathers, which he
assured us had an extraordinary value at Otaheite and the Society
Islands. Here they were commonly pasted to aprons used in their
dances, and made of the fibres of cocoa-nuts, or fixed upon bananoe
leaves, forming rhomboidal frontlets or diadems; and with a degree of
extacy, which gave the greatest weight to his assertion, he shewed us
that a little piece of feather-work, as broad as two or three fingers,
would purchase the largest hog in his island."--G.F.

[2] "We left the beach after the first acquaintance with the natives,
and ascended a few feet into a wild forest consisting of tall trees,
intermixed with shrubberies. This wood, though narrow, being in many
places not above one hundred yards wide, was continued along the shore
of Van Diemen's road, being more or less open in various parts. Beyond
it the whole island was perfectly level. We walked across a piece of
uncultivated land, about five hundred yards wide, which adjoined to
the wood. Part of it appeared to have been planted with yams, but the
rest was full of grass, and had a little swamp in the middle, where
the purple water-hen, or _poula sultane_, resided in great numbers. As
soon as we left this, we entered into a lane about six feet wide,
between two fences of reed, which inclosed extensive plantations on
each side. Here we met many of the natives, who were travelling to the
beach with loads of provisions, and courteously bowed their heads as
they passed by us, in sign of friendship, generally pronouncing some
monosyllable or other, which seemed to correspond to the Otaheitean
_tays_. The inclosures, plantations, and houses, were exactly in the
same style as at Ea-oonhe, and the people had never failed to plant
odoriferous shrubs round their dwellings. The mulberry, of which the
bark is manufactured into cloth, and the bread-tree, were more scarce
than at the Society Isles, and the apple of those islands was entirely
unknown; but the shaddock well supplied its place. The season of
spring, which revived the face of all nature, adorning every plant
with blossoms, and inspiring with joyful songs the feathered tribe,
doubtless contributed in a great measure to make every object pleasing
in our eyes. But the industry and elegance of the natives, which they
displayed in planting every piece of ground to the greatest advantage,
as well as in the neatness and regularity of all their works, demanded
our admiration, whilst it gave us room to suppose, that they enjoyed a
considerable degree of happiness. One of the lanes between the
inclosures, led us to a little grove, which we admired for its
irregularity. An immense casuarina tree far out-topped the rest, and
its branches were loaded with a vast number of blackish creatures,
which we took for crows at a distance, but which proved to be bats
when we came nearer. They clung to the twigs by the hooked claws,
which are at the extremity of their webbed fingers and toes; sometimes
they hung with the head downwards, and sometimes the reverse. We shot
at them, and brought down six or eight at once, besides wounding
several others which held foot on the tree. They were of the kind
which is commonly called the vampyre, and measured from three to four
feet between the expanded wings. A great number of them were disturbed
at our firing, and flew from the tree very heavily, uttering a shrill
piping note; some likewise arrived from remote parts at intervals to
the tree, but the greatest number remained in their position, and
probably go out to feed only by night. As they live chiefly upon
fruit, it is likely that they commit great depredations in the
orchards of the natives, some of whom being present when we fired,
seemed very well pleased with the death of their enemies." "We had
already observed at Otaheite, at the Society Islands, and even at Ea-
oonhe, that wherever we met with a casuarina, a burying-place was at
hand. Therefore, at sight of this venerable tree, which was hung with
ill-omened creatures, we immediately conjectured that it would lead us
to a cemetery or place of worship, and the event shewed that we were
not mistaken. We found a beautiful green lawn, inclosed on all sides
by shady bushes and trees, amongst which casuarinas, pandangs, and
wild sago-palms, appeared with their various tints of green. A row of
Barringtonians, as big as the loftiest oaks, formed one side of it,
and strewed it with their large blushing flowers. At the upper end of
it, there was a rising two or three feet high, set out with coral-
stones cut square. The area above was covered with a green sod, like
the rest of the lawn. Two steps, likewise of coral rock, led up to
this part, in the midst of which a house was situated, exactly like
that which we saw at Ea-oonhe," &c.--G.F.

[3] "We continued our walk through the plantations, and met with very
few inhabitants, they being almost all gone towards the trading-place.
Those we saw passed by us, or continued their occupations without
stopping on our account. Neither curiosity nor distrust and jealousy
excited them to prohibit our farther progress; on the contrary, they
always spoke in a kind tone to us, which sufficiently characterized
their disposition. We looked into many of the houses and found them
empty, but always laid out with mats, and delightfully situated among
odoriferous shrubs. Sometimes they were separated from the plantations
by a little fence, through which a door, like those of Ea-oowhe, gave
admittance, which could be shut on the inside. In that case only the
area, which this fence inclosed around the hut, was planted with the
odoriferous grove, which is so much in request with the natives. A
walk of three miles, brought us to the eastern shore of the island,
where it forms a deep angle, which Tasman called Maria Bay. Where we
fell in with it, the ground sloped imperceptibly into a sandy beach;
but as we walked along towards the north point, we found it rose
perpendicularly, and in some places it was excavated and overhanging.
It consisted, however, entirely of coral, which is a strong proof of
some great change on our globe, as this rock can only be formed under
water. Whether it was left bare by a gradual diminution of the sea, or
perhaps by a more violent revolution which our earth may formerly have
suffered, I shall not venture to determine. So much, however, may be
assumed as a certainty, that if we suppose a gradual diminution of the
sea, at the rate which they pretend to have observed in Sweden (see
Mem. of the Swed. Acad. of Sciences at Stockholm), the emersion of
this island must be of so modern a date, that it is matter of
astonishment how it came to be covered with soil, herbage, and
forests; so well stocked with inhabitants, and so regularly adorned as
we really found it." "After a long walk, during which we missed our
way, and engaged one of the natives to become our guide, we entered a
long narrow lane between two fences, which led us directly to the
Fayetooca, or burying-place, we had left before. Here we found
Captains Cook and Furneaux and Mr Hodges, with a great number of
natives, seated on the fine lawn. They were in conversation with an
old blear-eyed man," &c. "From this place we returned to the sea
shore, where a brisk trade for vegetables, fowls, and hogs was carried
on," &c. "It was near sun-set when we returned on board with our
collection, and found the vessels still surrounded by many canoes, and
the natives swimming about extremely vociferous. Among them were a
considerable number of women, who wantoned in the water like
amphibious creatures, and were easily persuaded to come on board,
perfectly naked, without professing greater chastity than the common
women at Otaheite and the Society Isles," &c.--G.F.

[4] "He was drest in mats, one of which, on account of the coolness of
the morning, he had drawn over his shoulders. He resembled all other
uncivilized people in the circumstance that his attention could not be
fixed to one object for any space of time, and it was difficult to
prevail on him to sit still whilst Mr Hodges drew his portrait. After
breakfast, the captains and my father prepared to return to the shore
with him; but just as he was going out of the cabin, he happened to
see an Otaheitean dog running about the deck; at this sight he could
not conceal his joy, but clapped his hands on his breast, and, turning
to the captain, repeated the word _goorree_ near twenty times. We were
much surprised to hear that he knew the name of an animal which did
not exist in his country, and made him a present of one of each sex,
with which he went on shore in an extacy of joy."--G.F.

[5] "I remained on board all this day to arrange the collection of
plants and birds which we had made on our first excursion, and which
was far from despicable, considering the small size of the island. The
natives continued to crowd about our vessels in a number of canoes,
whilst many were swimming to and from the shore, who were probably not
rich enough to possess a canoe. Among the great numbers who surrounded
us, we observed several whose hair seemed to be burnt at the ends, and
were strewed with a white powder. Upon examination we found that this
powder was nothing else than lime, made of shells or coral, which had
corroded or burnt the hair. The taste of powdering was at its height
in this island. We observed a man who had employed a blue powder, and
many persons of both sexes who wore an orange powder made of
turmerick. St Jerom, who preached against the vanities of the age,
very seriously reprehends a similar custom in the Roman ladies: _'Ne
irrufet crines, et anticipet sibi ignes Gehennae_!' Thus, by an
admirable similarity of follies, the modes of the former inhabitants
of Europe are in full force among the modern antipodes; and our
insipid beaux, whose only pride is the invention of a new fashion, are
forced to share that slender honour with the uncivilized natives of an
isle in the South Seas,"--G.F.

[6] "Upon enquiry, some of the sportsmen who had met with this man
near Maria Bay, had been repeatedly told, that he was the chief of the
whole island, in the same manner as Cookee (Captain Cook) was chief of
our ships, and that they called him Ko-Haghee-too-Fallango. Whether
this was his name or his title I cannot determine, as we never heard
it mentioned again by the natives; but they all agreed in telling us,
that he was their Areghee, or king. They added, that his name was
Latoo-Ni-pooroo, of which we concluded that the former part (Latoo)
was a title, it being the same which Schooten and La Maire, the Dutch
navigators, in the year 1616, found at the Cocos, Traytors, and Horne
islands, which are situated in this neighbourhood, only a few degrees
to the northward. We were confirmed in this opinion by the great
correspondence of the vocabularies, which these intelligent seamen
have left us, with the language which was spoken at Tonga-Tabboo, and
still more so by the entire similarity in the behaviour and customs of
these islanders."--G.F.

[7] Mr G. Forster agrees with Cook as to the toper-like qualities of
this priest, but speaks of his having great authority among the
people. This merely apparent difference of statement is quite easily
understood, by what one may witness in some other countries, where
respect for the ecclesiastical office is not unfrequently accompanied
with the most thoroughly merited contempt of the self-degraded
hirelings that sustain it. The _three-bottle_ vicar still continues in
England, to obtain the accustomed reverence to his surplice, from the
wondering parishioners, though the companions of his jovial hours have
long ceased to feel the slightest compunctions arising from inward
respect, when they laugh at his heinously red nose, or chorus in his
ribaldry. The islanders of the South Sea are not singular then, in
mentally disjoining official dignity from moral excellence.--E.

[8] "Here, however, as in all other societies of men, we found
exceptions to the general character, and had reason to lament the
behaviour of vicious individuals. Dr Sparrman and myself having left
the beach where the Latoo attracted the attention of all our people,
entered the wood in pursuit of farther discoveries in our branch of
science. The first discharge of my fowling-piece at a bird brought
three natives towards us, with whom we entered into conversation, as
far as our superficial knowledge of their tongue would permit. Soon
after, Dr Sparrman stepped aside into a thicket in search of a
bayonet, which he had lost from the end of his musket. One of the
natives, finding the temptation of the moment irresistible, grasped my
fowling-piece, and struggled to wrest it from me. I called to my
companion, and the two other natives ran away, unwilling to become the
accomplices in this attack. In the struggle, our feet were entangled
in a bush, and we both fell together; but the native, seeing he could
not gain his point, and perhaps dreading the arrival of Dr Sparrman,
got up before me, and took that opportunity of running off. My friend
joined me immediately; and we concluded, that if there was something
treacherous or vicious in the behaviour of this fellow, our separation
was also imprudent, because it had furnished him with an opportunity
to exercise his talents."--G.F.

[9] "We had made such good use of the four months, after our departure
from New Zealand, as to have crossed the South Sea in the middle
latitudes, in the depth of winter, examined a space of more than forty
degrees of longitude between the tropics, and refreshed our people at
Otaheite, the Society Islands, and the Friendly Islands, during one
and thirty days. The season for prosecuting our discoveries in high
southern latitudes advanced, and the savage rocks of New Zealand were
only to give us shelter, whilst we changed our fair-weather rigging,
for such as might resist the storms and vigours of more inhospitable
climates."--G.F.

SECTION III.

_A Description of the Islands and their Produce; with the Cultivation,
Houses, Canoes, Navigation, Manufactures, Weapons, Customs, Government,
Religion, and Language of the Inhabitants._ [1]

These islands were first discovered by Captain Tasman, in January, 1642-3,
and by him called Amsterdam and Middleburg. But the former is called by the
natives Ton-ga-ta-bu, and the latter Ea-oo-wee. They are situated between
the latitude of 21 deg. 29' and 21 deg. 3' south, and between the longitude of 174 deg.
40' and 175 deg. 15' west, deduced from observations made on the spot.

Middleburg, or Eaoowee, which is the southernmost, is about ten leagues in
circuit, and of a height sufficient to be seen twelve leagues. The skirts
of this isle are mostly taken up in the plantations; the S.W. and N.W.
sides especially. The interior parts are but little cultivated, though very
fit for cultivation. However, the want of it added greatly to the beauty of
the isle; for here are, agreeably dispersed, groves of cocoa-nut and other
trees, lawns covered with thick grass, here and there plantations, and
paths leading to every part of the island, in such beautiful disorder, as
greatly enlivens the prospect.[2]

The anchorage, which I named English Road, being the first who anchored
there, is on the N.W. side, in latitude 21 deg. 20' 30" south. The bank is a
coarse sand; it extends two miles from the land, and on it there is from
twenty to forty fathoms water. The small creek before it affords convenient
landing for boats at all times of the tide; which here, as well as at the
other islands, rises about four or five feet, and is high water on the full
and change days about seven o'clock. The island of Tongatabu is shaped
something like an isosceles triangle, the longest sides whereof are seven
leagues each, and the shortest four. It lies nearly in the direction of
E.S.E. and W.N.W.; is nearly all of an equal height, rather low, not
exceeding sixty or eighty feet above the level of the sea. This island, and
also that of Eaoowee, is guarded from the sea by a reef of coral rocks,
extending out from the shore one hundred fathoms more or less. On this reef
the force of the sea is spent before it reaches the land or shore. Indeed,
this is in some measure the situation of all the tropical isles in this sea
that I have seen; and thus nature has effectually secured them from the
encroachments of the sea, though many of them are mere points when compared
to this vast ocean. Van Diemen's Road, where we anchored, is under the
northwest part of the island, between the most northern and western points.
There lies a reef of rocks without it, bearing N.W. by W., over which the
sea breaks continually. The bank does not extend more than three cables
length from the shore; without that, is an unfathomable depth. The loss of
an anchor, and the damage our cables sustained, are sufficient proofs that
the bottom is none of the best.

On the east side of the north point of the island, (as Mr Gilbert, whom I
sent to survey the parts, informed me) is a very snug harbour, of one mile
or more in extent, wherein is seven, eight, and ten fathoms water, with a
clean sandy bottom. The channel, by which he went in and out, lies close to
the point, and has only three fathoms water; but he believes, that farther
to the N.E. is a channel with a much greater depth, which he had not time
to examine. Indeed, it would have taken up far more time than I could spare
to have surveyed these parts minutely; as there lies a number of small
islets and reefs of rocks along the N.E. side of the island, which seemed
to extend to the N.E. farther than the eye could reach. The island of
Amsterdam, or Tongatabu, is wholly laid out in plantations, in which are
planted some of the richest productions of nature, such as bread-fruit,
cocoa-nut trees, plantains, bananoes, shaddocks, yams, and some other
roots, sugar-cane, and a fruit like a nectarine, called by them
_Fighegea_, and at Otaheite _Ahuya_: In short, here are most of
the articles which the Society Islands produce, besides some which they
have not. Mr Forster tells me, that he not only found the same plants here
that are at Otaheite and the neighbouring isles, but several others which
are not to be met with there. And I probably have added to their stock of
vegetables, by leaving with them an assortment of garden seeds, pulse, &c.
Bread-fruit here, as well as at all the other isles, was not in season; nor
was this the time for roots and shaddocks. We got the latter only at
Middleburg.[3]

The produce and cultivation of this isle is the same as at Amsterdam; with
this difference, that a part only of the former is cultivated, whereas the
whole of the latter is. The lanes or roads necessary for travelling, are
laid out in so judicious a manner, as to open a free and easy communication
from one part of the island to the other. Here are no towns or villages;
most of the houses are built in the plantations, with no other order than
what conveniency requires; they are neatly constructed, but do not exceed
those in the other isles. The materials of which they are built are the
same; and some little variation in the disposition of the framing, is all
the difference in their construction. The floor is a little raised, and
covered with thick strong mats; the same sort of matting serves to inclose
them on the windward side, the other being open. They have little areas
before the most of them, which are generally planted round with trees, or
shrubs of ornament, whose fragrancy perfumes the very air in which they
breathe. Their household furniture consists of a few wooden platters,
cocoa-nut shells, and some neat wooden pillows shaped like four-footed
stools or forms. Their common clothing, with the addition of a mat, serves
them for bedding. We got from them two or three earthen vessels, which were
all we saw among them. One was in the shape of a bomb-shell, with two boles
in it, opposite each other; the others were like pipkins, containing about
five or six pints, and had been in use on the fire. I am of opinion they
are the manufacture of some other isle; for, if they were of their own, we
ought to have seen more of them. Nor am I to suppose they came from
Tasman's ships; the time is too long for brittle vessels like these to be
preserved.

We saw no other domestic animals amongst them but hogs and fowls. The
former are of the same sort as at the other isles in this sea; but the
latter are far superior, being as large as any we have in Europe, and their
flesh equally good, if not better. We saw no dogs, and believe they have
none, as they were exceedingly desirous of those we had on board. My friend
Attago was complimented with a dog and a bitch, the one from New Zealand,
the other from Ulietea. The name of a dog with them is _kooree_ or
_gooree_, the same as at New Zealand, which shews that they are not
wholly strangers to them. We saw no rats in these isles, nor any other wild
quadrupeds, except small lizards. The land birds are pigeons, turtle-doves,
parrots, parroquets, owls, bald couts with a blue plumage, a variety of
small birds, and large bats in abundance. The produce of the sea we know
but little of; it is reasonable to suppose, that the same sorts of fish are
found here as at the other isles.[4] Their fishing instruments are the
same; that is, hooks made of mother-of-pearl, gigs with two, three, or more
prongs, and nets made of a very fine thread, with the meshes wrought
exactly like ours. But nothing can be a more demonstrative evidence of
their ingenuity than the construction and make of their canoes, which, in
point of neatness and workmanship, exceed every thing of this kind we saw
in this sea. They are built of several pieces sewed together with bandage,
in so neat a manner, that on the outside it is difficult to see the joints.
All the fastenings are on the inside, and pass through kants or ridges,
which are wrought on the edges and ends of the several boards which compose
the vessel, for that purpose. They are of two kinds, viz. double and
single. The single ones are from twenty to thirty feet long, and about
twenty or twenty-two inches broad in the middle; the stern terminates in a
point, and the head something like the point of a wedge. At each end is a
kind of deck, for about one-third part of the whole length, and open in the
middle. In some the middle of the deck is decorated with a row of white
shells, stuck on little pegs wrought out of the same piece which composes
it. These single canoes have all out-riggers, and are sometimes navigated
with sails, but more generally with paddles, the blades of which are short,
and broadest in the middle. The two vessels which compose the double canoe
are each about sixty or seventy feet long, and four or five broad in the
middle, and each end terminates nearly in a point; so that the body or hull
differs a little in construction from the single canoe, but is put together
exactly in the same manner; these having a rising in the middle round the
open part, in the form of a long trough, which is made of boards, closely
fitted together, and well secured to the body of the vessel. Two such
vessels are fastened to, and parallel to each other, about six or seven
feet asunder, by strong cross beams, secured by bandages to the upper part
of the risings above mentioned. Over these beams, and others which are
supported by stanchions fixed on the bodies of the canoes, is laid a
boarded platform. All the parts which compose the double canoe, are made as
strong and light as the nature of the work will admit, and may be immerged
in water to the very platform, without being in danger of filling. Nor is
it possible, under any circumstance whatever, for them to sink, so long as
they hold together. Thus they are not only vessels of burden, but fit for
distant navigation. They are rigged with one mast, which steps upon the
platform, and can easily be raised or taken down; and are sailed with a
latteen-sail, or triangular one, extended by a long yard, which is a little
bent or crooked. The sail is made of mats; the rope they make use of is
exactly like ours, and some of it is four or five inch. On the platform is
built a little shed or hut, which screens the crew from the sun and
weather, and serves for other purposes. They also carry a moveable fire-
hearth, which is a square, but shallow trough of wood, filled with stones.
The way into the hold of the canoe is from off the platform, down a sort of
uncovered hatchway, in which they stand to bale out the water. I think
these vessels are navigated either end foremost, and that, in changing
tacks, they have only occasion to shift or jib round the sail; but of this
I was not certain, as I had not then seen any under sail, or with the mast
and sail an end, but what were a considerable distance from us.

Their working tools are made of stone, bone, shells, &c. as at the other
islands. When we view the work which is performed with these tools, we are
struck with admiration at the ingenuity and patience of the workman. Their
knowledge of the utility of iron was no more than sufficient to teach them
to prefer nails to beads, and such trifles; some, but very few, would
exchange a pig for a large nail, or a hatchet. Old jackets, shirts, cloth,
and even rags, were in more esteem than the best edge-tool we could give
them; consequently they got but few axes from us but what were given as
presents. But if we include the nails which were given by the officers and
crews of both ships for curiosities, &c. with those given for refreshments,
they cannot have got less than five hundred weight, great and small. The
only piece of iron we saw among them was a small broad awl, which had been
made of a nail.

Both men and women are of a common size with Europeans; and their colour is
that of a lightish copper, and more uniformly so than amongst the
inhabitants of Otaheite and the Society Isles. Some of our gentlemen were
of opinion these were a much handsomer race; others maintained a contrary
opinion, of which number I was one. Be this as it may, they have a good
shape, and regular features, and are active, brisk, and lively. The women,
in particular, are the merriest creatures I ever met with, and will keep
chattering by one's side, without the least invitation, or considering
whether they are understood, provided one does but seem pleased with them.
In general they appeared to be modest; although there was no want of those
of a different stamp; and as we had yet some venereal complaints on board,
I took all possible care to prevent the disorder being communicated to
them. On most occasions they shewed a strong propensity to pilfering; in
which they were full as expert as the Otaheitans.

Their hair in general is black, but more especially that of the women.
Different colours were found among the men, sometimes on the same head,
caused by something they put upon it, which stains it white, red, and blue.
Both sexes wear it short; I saw but two exceptions to this custom, and the
most of them combed it upwards. Many of the boys had it cut very close,
except a single lock on the top of the head, and a small quantity on each
side. The men cut or shave their beards quite close, which operation is
performed with two shells. They have fine eyes, and in general good teeth,
even to an advanced age. The custom of _tattowing_ or puncturing the
skin prevails. The men are _tattowed_ from the middle of the thigh to
above the hips. The women have it only on their arms and fingers; and there
but very slightly.

The dress of both sexes consists of a piece of cloth or matting wrapped
round the waist, and hanging down below the knees. From the waist, upwards,
they are generally naked; and it seemed to be a custom to anoint these
parts every morning. My friend Attago never failed to do it; but whether
out of respect to his friend, or from custom, I will not pretend to say;
though I rather think from the latter, as he was not singular in the
practice.

Their ornaments are amulets, necklaces, and bracelets of bones, shells, and
beads of mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, &c. which are worn by both sexes.
The women also wear on their fingers neat rings made of tortoise-shell, and
pieces in their ears about the size of a small quill; but ear ornaments are
not commonly worn, though all have their ears pierced. They have also a
curious apron made of the outside fibres of the cocoa-nut shell, and
composed of a number of small pieces sewed together in such a manner as to
form stars, half-moons, little squares, &c. It is studded with beads of
shells, and covered with red feathers, so as to have a pleasing effect.
They make the same kind of cloth, and of the same materials, as at
Otaheite; though they have not such a variety, nor do they make any so
fine; but, as they have a method of glazing it, it is more durable, and
will resist rain for some time, which Otaheite cloth will not. Their
colours are black, brown, purple, yellow, and red; all made from
vegetables. They make various sorts of matting; some of a very fine
texture, which is generally used for clothing; and the thick and stronger
sort serves to sleep on, and to make sails for their canoes, &c. Among
other useful utensils, they have various sorts of baskets; some are made of
the same materials as their mats; and others of the twisted fibres of
cocoa-nuts. These are not only durable but beautiful; being generally
composed of different colours, and studded with beads made of shells or
bones. They have many little nick-nacks amongst them; which shews that they
neither want taste to design, nor skill to execute, whatever they take in
hand.

How these people amuse themselves in their leisure hours, I cannot say, as
we are but little acquainted with their diversions. The women frequently
entertained us with songs, in a manner which was agreeable enough. They
accompany the music by snapping their fingers, so as to keep time to it.
Not only their voices, but their music was very harmonious, and they have a
considerable compass in their notes. I saw but two musical instruments
amongst them. One was a large flute made of a piece of bamboo, which they
fill with their noses as at Otaheite; but these have four holes or stops,
whereas those of Otaheite have only two. The other was composed of ten or
eleven small reeds of unequal lengths, bound together side by side, as the
Doric pipe of the ancients is said to have been; and the open ends of the
reeds into which they blow with their mouths, are of equal height, or in a
line. They have also a drum, which, without any impropriety, may be
compared to an hollow log of wood. The one I saw was five feet six inches
long, and thirty inches in girt, and had a slit in it, from the one end to
the other, about three inches wide, by means of which it had been hollowed
out. They beat on the side of this log with two drum-sticks, and produce an
hollow sound, not quite so musical as that of an empty cask.

The common method of saluting one another is by touching or meeting noses,
as is done in New Zealand, and their sign of peace to strangers, is the
displaying a white flag or flags; at least such were displayed to us, when
we first drew near the shore. But the people who came first on board
brought with them some of the pepper plant, and sent it before them into
the ship; a stronger sign of friendship than which one could not wish for.
From their unsuspicious manner of coming on board, and of receiving us at
first on shore, I am of opinion, they are seldom disturbed by either
foreign or domestic troubles. They are, however, not unprovided with very
formidable weapons; such as clubs and spears, made of hard wood, also bows
and arrows. The clubs are from three to five feet in length, and of various
shapes. Their bows and arrows are but indifferent; the former being very
slight, and the latter only made of a slender reed, pointed with hard wood.
Some of their spears have many barbs, and must be very dangerous weapons
where they take effect. On the inside of the bow is a groove, in which is
put the arrow; from which it would seem that they use but one.

They have a singular custom of putting every thing you give them to their
heads, by way of thanks, as we conjectured. This manner of paying a
compliment, is taught them from their very infancy; for when we gave things
to little children, the mother lifted up the child's hand to its head. They
also used this custom in their exchanges with us; whatever we gave them for
their goods, was always applied to the head, just as if it had been given
them for nothing. Sometimes they would look at our goods, and if not
approved, return them back; but whenever they applied them to the head, the
bargain was infallibly struck. When I had made a present to the chief of
any thing curious, I frequently saw it handed from one to another; and
every one, into whose hands it came, put it to the head. Very often the
women would take hold of my hand, kiss it, and lift it to their heads. From
all this it should seem, that this custom, which they call
_fagafatie_, has various significations according as it is applied;
all, however, complimentary.

It must be observed, that the sullen chief or king did not pay me any of
these compliments for the presents I made him.

A still more singular custom prevails in these isles: We observed that the
greater part of the people, both men and women, had lost one, or both their
little fingers.[5] We endeavoured, but in vain, to find out the reason of
this mutilation; for no one would take any pains to inform us. It was
neither peculiar to rank, age, or sex; nor is it done at any certain age,
as I saw those of all ages on whom the amputation had been just made; and,
except some young children, we found few who had both hands perfect. As it
was more common among the aged than the young, some of us were of opinion
that it was occasioned by the death of their parents, or some other near
relation. But Mr Wales one day met with a man, whose hands were both
perfect, of such an advanced age, that it was hardly possible his parents
could be living. They also burn or make incisions in their cheeks, near the
cheek-bone. The reason of this was equally unknown to us. In some, the
wounds were quite fresh; in others, they could only be known by the scars,
or colour of the skin. I saw neither sick nor lame amongst them; all
appeared healthy, strong, and vigorous; a proof of the goodness of the
climate in which they live.

I have frequently mentioned a king, which implies the government being in a
single person, without knowing for certain whether it is so or no. Such an
one was however pointed out to us; and we had no reason to doubt it. From
this, and other circumstances, I am of opinion that the government is much
like that of Otaheite: That is, in a king or great chief, who is here
called Areeke, with other chiefs under him, who are lords of certain
districts, and perhaps sole proprietors, to whom the people seem to pay
great obedience. I also observed a third rank, who had not a little
authority over the common people; my friend Attago was one of these. I am
of opinion that all the land on. _Tongatabu_ is private property, and
that there are here, as at Otaheite, a set of people, who are servants or
slaves, and have no property in land. It is unreasonable to suppose every
thing in common in a country so highly cultivated as this. Interest being
the greatest spring which animates the hand of industry, few would toil in
cultivating and planting the land, if they did not expect to reap the fruit
of their labour: Were it otherwise, the industrious man would be in a worse
state than the idle sluggard. I frequently saw parties of six, eight, or
ten people, bring down to the landing place fruit and other things to
dispose of, where one person, a man or woman, superintended the sale of the
whole; no exchanges were made but with his or her consent; and whatever we
gave in exchange was always given them, which I think plainly shewed them
to be the owners of the goods, and the others no more than servants. Though
benevolent nature has been very bountiful to these isles, it cannot be said
that the inhabitants are wholly exempt from the curse of our forefathers:
Part of their bread must be earned by the sweat of their brows. The high
state of cultivation their lands are in, must have cost them immense
labour. This is now amply rewarded by the great produce, of which every one
seems to partake. No one wants the common necessaries of life; joy and
contentment are painted in every face. Indeed, it can hardly be otherwise;
an easy freedom prevails among all ranks of people; they feel no wants
which they do not enjoy the means of gratifying; and they live in a clime
where the painful extremes of heat and cold are equally unknown. If nature
has been wanting in any thing, it is in the article of fresh water, which
as it is shut up in the bowels of the earth, they are obliged to dig for. A
running stream was not seen, and but one well, at Amsterdam. At Middleburg,
we saw no water but what the natives had in vessels; but as it was sweet
and cool, I had no doubt of its being taken up upon the island; and
probably not far from the spot where I saw it.

So little do we know of their religion, that I hardly dare mention it. The
buildings called _Afiatoucas_, before mentioned, are undoubtedly set
apart for this purpose. Some of our gentlemen were of opinion, that they
were merely burying-places. I can only say, from my own knowledge, that
they are places to which particular persons directed set speeches, which I
understood to be prayers, as hath been already related. Joining my opinion
with that of others, I was inclined to think that they are set apart to be
both temples and burying-places, as at Otaheite, or even in Europe. But I
have no idea of the images being idols; not only from what I saw myself,
but from Mr Wales's informing me that they set one of them up, for him and
others to shoot at.

One circumstance shewed that these _Afiatoucas_ were frequently
resorted to, for one purpose or other--the areas, or open places, before
them, being covered with a green sod, the grass on which was very short.
This did not appear to have been cut, or reduced by the hand of man, but to
have been prevented in its growth, by being often trod, or sat upon.

It cannot be supposed that we could know much, either of their civil or
religious policy, in so short a time as four or five days, especially as we
understood but little of their language: Even the two islanders we had on
board could not at first understand them, and yet as we became the more
acquainted with them, we found their language was nearly the same spoken at
Otaheite and the Society Isles. The difference not being greater than what
we find betwixt the most northern and western parts of England, as will
more fully appear by the vocabulary.[6]

[1] This subject is resumed in the account of Cook's third voyage, to
which we refer for additional information. A few observations,
however, are here given from the works already mentioned, as deserving
the reader's immediate attention.--E.

[2] "Next to the Society Isles, for richness of productions, and
beauty of appearance, we must place that group discovered by the Dutch
navigator Tasman, and not unaptly to be distinguished by the name of
Friendly Isles, from the peaceable kind disposition of their
inhabitants. They are raised so high above the level of the sea, that
they can no longer rank with the low islands; and being destitute of
mountains, they are equally distinct from the high islands. They are
extremely populous, and their uniform surface, therefore, gives the
people an opportunity of carrying cultivation very far; and from one
end to the other, they are intersected by paths and fences, which
divide the plantations. At first, one might be apt to think that this
high cultivation would give the botanist very scanty supplies of
spontaneous plants; but it is the peculiar beauty of these elegant
isles to join the useful to the agreeable in nature, by which means a
variety of different wild species thrive among more that are
cultivated in that pleasing disorder, which is so much admired in the
gardens of this kingdom."--F.

[3] Much of the difference betwixt the Society and Friendly Isles,
seems to depend on the greater abundance of water in the former. This
is noticed very judiciously by Mr G.F., as will be seen in a following
note. His father too was well aware of it. "The Friendly Isles," says
he, "seem to be destitute of springs; for though on some of them, as
Eaoowhe and Anamocka, there are small hills and rising grounds; they
are, however, far from being so high as to attract the clouds, or to
cause, from their perpetual moisture, a continual flood of spring
water. The natives have ponds, some of which are large, wherein they
collect the rain water, but it is sometimes brackish from the vicinity
of the sea." He speaks, it may be added, of a large lagoon of salt
water in Anamocka, about three miles long, full of small isles,
ornamented with clusters of trees, and surrounded by bushes of man-
groves and hills, so as altogether to form a romantic landscape. In
his opinion, the soil is much the same in both clusters.--E.

[4] The following remarks, collected from Mr F.'s work, may prove
useful to the reader:--"In the tropical isles they have but four
species of quadrupeds, two of which are domestic; and the remaining
ones are the vampyre and the common rat. This last inhabits the
Marquesas, Society Isles, Friendly Isles, and the New Hebrides. They
are in incredible numbers at the Society Isles, much scarcer at the
Marquesas and Friendly Isles, and seldom seen at the New Hebrides. The
vampyre is only seen in the more western isles. At the Friendly Isles
they live gregarious by several hundreds, and some of them are seen
flying about the whole day. The Society Isles alone are fortunate
enough to possess both the domestic quadrupeds, the dog and the hog.
New Zealand and the low islands must be content with dogs alone; the
Marquesas, Friendly Isles, and New Hebrides, have only hogs; and
Easter Island and New Caledonia are destitute of both. There is only
one tame species of birds, properly speaking, in the tropical isles of
the South Sea, viz. the common cock and hen; They are numerous at
Easter Island, where they are the only domestic animals; they are
likewise in great plenty at the Society Isles, and Friendly Isles, at
which last they are of a prodigious size: They are also not uncommon
at the Marquesas, Hebrides, and New Caledonia; but the low isles, and
those of the temperate zone, are quite destitute of them. The natives
of the Friendly and Society Isles sometimes catch and tame certain
sorts of parroquets and pigeons, but never have any breeds of them, so
that they can scarcely be reckoned as domestic birds. The South Sea is
rich in fish, and has a great variety of species, most of which are
good eating, many very delicious, and but a few capable of noxious or
fatal effects.--E.

[5] This custom is not peculiar to the inhabitants of the Friendly
Isles. See Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains, tom. ii. p.
253, &c. Of this custom, and of many of the topics mentioned in this
Section, besides others of equal interest, the reader will be supplied
with very ample accounts when he comes to the relation of the 3d
voyage.--E.

[6] It appeared upon the whole, that the customs and language of these
islanders have a great affinity with those of the Otaheitans, and it
would not therefore be very singular to find a coincidence even in
their amusements. The greatest differences between these two tribes,
who must have originated from the same stock, seem to be owing to the
different nature of these islands. The Society Isles are well
furnished with wood, and the tops of these mountains are still covered
with inexhaustible forests. At the Friendly Isles this article is much
scarcer, the surface (at least of those which we have seen) being
almost entirely laid out in plantations. The natural consequence is,
that the houses are lofty and of immense extent in the first group of
islands, but much smaller and less convenient in the last. In one the
canoes are numerous, I may almost say innumerable, and many of a vast
size; and, in the other, very few in number, and much smaller. The
mountains of the Society Isles continually attract the vapours from
the atmosphere, and many rivulets descend from the broken rocks into
the plain, where they wind their serpentine course, and glide smoothly
to the sea. The inhabitants of those islands take advantage of this
gift of bountiful nature, and not only drink of the salutary element,
but likewise bathe so frequently in it, that no impurity can long
adhere to their skin. It is very different with a people who are
absolutely denied this blessing, and who must either content
themselves with putrid stagnant rain water in a few dirty pools, or go
entirely without it. They are obliged to have recourse to expedients
in order to preserve a certain degree of cleanliness, which may
preclude various distempers. They, therefore, cut off their hair, and
shave or clip their beards, which doubtless makes them look more
unlike the Otaheitans than they would otherwise do. Still these
precautions are not sufficient, especially as they have no fluid for
drinking in any quantity. The body is therefore very subject to
leprous complaints, which are perhaps irritated by the use of the
pepper-root water or _awa_. Hence also that burning or blistering on
the cheekbones, which we observed to be so general among this tribe,
that hardly an individual was free from it, and which can only be used
as a remedy against some disorders. The soil of the Society Isles in
the plains and vallies is rich, and the rivulets which intersect it
supply abundance of moisture. All sorts of vegetables, therefore,
thrive with great luxuriance upon it, and require little attendance or
cultivation. This profusion is become the source of that great luxury
among the chiefs, which we do not meet with at Tonga-tabboo. There the
coral rock is covered only with a thin bed of mould, which sparingly
affords nourishment to all sorts of trees; and the most useful of all,
the bread-fruit tree, thrives imperfectly on the island, as it is
destitute of water, except when a genial shower happens to impregnate
and fertilize the ground. The labour of the natives is therefore
greater than that of the Otaheitans, and accounts for the regularity
of the plantations, and the accurate division of property. It is
likewise to this source we must ascribe it, that they have always set
a higher value on their provisions than on their tools, dresses,
ornaments, and weapons, though many of these must have cost them
infinite time and application. They very justly conceive the articles
of food to be their principal riches, of which the loss is absolutely
not to be remedied. If we observed their bodies more slender, and
their muscles harder than those of the Otaheitans, this seems to be
the consequence of a greater and more constant exertion of strength.
Thus, perhaps, they become industrious by force of habit, and when
agriculture does not occupy them, they are actuated to employ their
vacant hours in the fabrication of that variety of tools and
instruments on which they bestow so much time, patience, labour, and
ingenuity. This industrious turn has also led them, in the cultivation
of all their arts, to so much greater perfection than the Otaheitans.
By degrees they have hit upon new inventions, and introduced an active
spirit, and enlivening cheerfulness even into their amusements. Their
happiness of temper they preserve under a political constitution,
which does not appear to be very favourable to liberty; but we need
not go so far from home to wonder at such a phenomenon, when one of
the most enslaved people in all Europe (the French, no doubt, are
intended; this was published in 1777,) are characterised as the
merriest and most facetious of mankind. Still there may be more
sincerity in the cheerfulness of the natives of Tonga-tabboo, for,
exclusive of great and almost servile submission, their king does not
seem to exact any thing from them, which, by depriving them of the
means to satisfy the most indispensable wants of nature, could make
them miserable. Be this as it may, so much seems to be certain, that
their systems of politics and religion, from their similarity with the
Otaheitan, as far as we could judge, must have had one common origin,
perhaps in the mother country, from whence both these colonies issued.
Single dissonant customs and opinions may have acceded to the
primitive ideas, in proportion as various accidents, or human
caprices, have given rise to them. The affinity of their languages is
still more decisive. The greatest part of the necessaries of life,
common to both groups of islands, the parts of the body, in short, the
most obvious and universal ideas, were expressed at the Society and
Friendly Isles, nearly by the same words. We did not find that
sonorousness in the Tonga-tabboo dialect, which is prevalent in that
of Otaheite, because the inhabitants of the former have adopted the F,
K, and S, so that their language is more replete with consonants. This
harshness is compensated, however, by the frequent use of the liquid
letters L, M, N, and of the softer vowels E and I, to which we must
add that kind of singing tone, which they generally retain even in
common conversation."--G.F.

No apology, it is presumed, need be given, for the insertion of so
able a specimen of philosophical discernment, and judicious reasoning.
Few men have exhibited happier talents for this department of
literature, than the younger Forster; and it is perhaps the more
generous to yield him this commendation now, as his merit has hitherto
been almost totally immersed in the celebrity of greater names. His
work is glaringly superior, in perhaps every particular, to the
compilation of Dr Hawkesworth; and the writer for one, would feel
ashamed of himself, if he had not courage to avow his opinion, that it
manifests greater excellencies than Cook's own relation, for which,
indeed, it would be easy to specify many reasons. This comparison, it
may be said, is invidious, the two men being so differently
constituted, as to habits and education, and having such different
objects in view in their undertakings, as to imply legitimate and
specific dissimilarity. Be it so, in the main. But how is justice to
be done them unless by comparison? As navigator and naturalist, they
have few or no common features, and cannot, therefore, be confronted;
but as authors describing the manners and appearances of distant and
singular people, and relating occurrences and transactions common to
both, they have only one sort of character, which will and ought to be
judged of by the public, according to the same standard.--E.

SECTION IV.

_Passage from Amsterdam to Queen Charlotte's Sound, with an Account of an
Interview with the Inhabitants, and the final Separation of the two
Ships ._

About the time we were in a condition to make sail, a canoe, conducted by
four men, came along-side, with one of those drums already mentioned, on
which one man kept continually beating; thinking, no doubt, the music would
charm us. I gave them a piece of cloth and a nail, for the drum; and took
an opportunity to send to my friend Attago some wheat, pease, and beans,
which I had forgot to give him when he had the other seeds. As soon as this
canoe was gone, we made sail to the southward, having a gentle gale at S.E.
by E.; it being my intention to proceed directly to Queen Charlotte's Sound
in New Zealand, there to take in wood and water, and then to go on farther
discoveries to the south and east.

In the afternoon on the 8th, we made the island of Pilstart, bearing S.W.
by W. 1/2 W., distant seven or eight leagues. This island, which was also
discovered by Tasman, is situated in the latitude of 22 deg. 26' south,
longitude 175 deg. 59' west, and lies in the direction of S. 52 deg. west, distant
thirty-two leagues from the south end of Middleburg. It is more conspicuous
in height than circuit; having in it two considerable hills, seemingly
disjoined from each other by a low valley. After a few hours calm the wind
came to S.W.; with which we stretched to the S.E.; but on the 10th, it
veered round by the south to the S.E. and E.S.E. and then we resumed our
course to the S.S.W.

At five o'clock in the morning of the 21st, we made the land of New
Zealand, extending from N.W. by N. to W.S.W.; at noon, Table Cape bore
west, distant eight or ten leagues. I was very desirous of having some
intercourse with the natives of this country as far to the north as
possible; that is, about Poverty or Tolaga Bays, where I apprehended they
were more civilized than at Queen Charlotte's Sound; in order to give them
some hogs, fowls, seeds, roots, &c. which I had provided for the purpose.
The wind veering to the N.W. and north, enabled us to fetch in with the
land a little to the north of Portland, and we stood as near the shore as
we could with safety. We observed several people upon it, but none
attempted to come off to us. Seeing this, we bore away under Portland,
where we lay-to some time, as well to give time for the natives to come
off, as to wait for the Adventure. There were several people on Portland,
but none seemed inclined to come to us; indeed the wind, at this time, blew
rather too fresh for them to make the attempt. Therefore, as soon as the
Adventure was up with us, we made sail for Cape Kidnappers, which we passed
at five o'clock in the morning, and continued our course along-shore till
nine, when, being about three leagues short off Black-head, we saw some
canoes put off from the shore. Upon this I brought to, in order to give
them time to come on board; but ordered the Adventure, by signal, to stand
on, as I was willing to lose as little time as possible.

Those in the first canoe, which came along-side, were fishers, and
exchanged some fish for pieces of cloth and nails. In the next, were two
men, whom, by their dress and behaviour, I took to be chiefs.--These two
were easily prevailed on to come on board, when they were presented with
nails and other articles. They were so fond of nails, as to seize on all
they could find, and with such eagerness, as plainly shewed they were the
most valuable things we could give them. To the principal of these two men
I gave the pigs, fowls, seeds, and roots. I believe, at first, he did not
think I meant to give them to him; for he took but little notice of them,
till he was satisfied they were for himself. Nor was he then in such a
rapture as when I gave him a spike-nail half the length of his arm.
However, at his going away I took notice, that he very well remembered how
many pigs and fowls had been given him, as he took care to have them all
collected together, and kept a watchful eye over them, lest any should be
taken away. He made me a promise not to kill any; and if he keeps his word,
and proper care is taken of them, there were enough to stock the whole
island in due time; being two boars, two sows, four hens, and two cocks;
The seeds were such as are most useful (viz.) wheat, French and kidney
beans, pease, cabbage, turnips, onions, carrots, parsnips, and yams, &c.
With these articles they were dismissed. It was evident these people had
not forgot the Endeavour being on their coast; for the first words they
spoke to us were, _Mataou no te pow pow_ (we are afraid of the guns).
As they could be no strangers to the affair which happened off Cape
Kidnappers in my former voyage, experience had taught them to have some
regard to these instruments of death.

As soon as they were gone, we stretched off to the southward, the wind
having now veered to the W.S.W. In the afternoon it increased to a fresh
gale, and blew in squalls; in one of which we lost our fore-top-gallant
mast, having carried the sail a little too long. The fear of losing the
land induced me to carry as much sail as possible. At seven in the morning,
we tacked and stretched in shore, Cape Turnagain at this time bore about
N.W. 1/2 N. distant six or seven leagues. The Adventure, being a good way
to leeward, we supposed, did not observe the signal, but stood on;
consequently was separated from us. During the night (which was spent in
plying) the wind increased in such a manner as to bring us under our
courses; it also veered to S.W. and S.S.W., and was attended with rain.

At nine in the morning on the 23d, the sky began to clear up, and the gale
to abate, so that we could carry close-reefed top-sails. At eleven o'clock
we were close in with Cape Turnagain, when we tacked and stood off; at noon
the said Cape bore west a little northerly, distant six or seven miles.
Latitude observed 41 deg. 30' south. Soon after, the wind falling almost to a
calm, and flattering ourselves that it would be succeeded by one more
favourable, we got up another top-gallant-mast, rigged top-gallant-yards,
and loosed all the reefs out of the top-sails. The event was not equal to
our wishes. The wind, indeed, came something more favourable, that is at W.
by N., with which we stretched along shore to the southward; but it soon
increased in such a manner, as to undo what we had but just done, and at
last stripped us to our courses, and two close-reefed top-sails under which
sails we continued all night. About day-light, the next morning, the gale
abating, we were again tempted to loose out the reefs, and rig top-gallant-
yards, which proved all lost labour; for, by nine o'clock, we were reduced
to the same sail as before.[1] Soon after, the Adventure joined us; and at
noon Cape Palliser bore west, distant eight or nine leagues. This Cape is
the northern point of Eaheinomauwe. We continued to stretch to the
southward till midnight, when the wind abated and shifted to S.E. Three
hours after, it fell calm, during which we loosed the reefs out, with the
vain hopes that the next wind which came would be favourable. We were
mistaken; the wind only took this short repose, in order to gain strength,
and fall the heavier upon us. For at five o'clock in the morning, being the
25th, a gale sprung up at N.W. with which we stretched to S.W.; Cape
Palliser at this time bore N.N.W., distant eight or nine leagues. The wind
increased in such a manner, as obliged us to take in one reef after
another; and, at last, it came on with such fury, as made it necessary to
take in all our sails with the utmost expedition, and to lie-to under bare
poles. The sea rose in proportion with the wind; so that we had a terrible
gale and a mountainous sea to encounter. Thus after beating up against a
hard gale for two days, and arriving just in sight of our port, we had the
mortification to be driven off from the land by a furious storm. Two
favourable circumstances attended it, which gave us some consolation; it
was fair over head, and we were not apprehensive of a lee-shore.

The storm continued all the day without the least intermission. In the
evening we bore down to look for the Adventure, she being out of sight to
leeward, and after running the distance we supposed her to be off, brought
to again without seeing her; it being so very hazy and thick in the
horizon, that we could not see a mile round us, occasioned by the spray of
the sea being lifted up to a great height by the force of the wind. At
midnight the gale abated; soon after fell little wind; and at last shifted
to S.W., when we wore, set the courses and top-sails close-reefed, and
stood in for the land. Soon after the wind freshened and fixed at south;
but as the Adventure was some distance a-stern, we lay by for her till
eight o'clock, when we both made all sail, and steered N. by W. 1/2 W. for
the Strait. At noon observed in 42 deg. 27' south, Cape Palliser, by judgment,
bore north, distant seventeen leagues. This favourable wind was not of
sufficient duration; in the afternoon it fell by little and little, and at
length to a calm; this at ten o'clock was succeeded by a fresh breeze from
the north, with which we stretched to the westward.

At three o'clock next morning, we were pretty well in with Cape Campbell on
the west side of the Strait, when we tacked, and stretched over for Cape
Palliser, under courses and close-reefed top-sails, having the wind at
N.W., a very strong gale and fair weather. At noon, we tacked and stretched
to S.W., with the last-mentioned Cape bearing west, distant four or five
leagues. In the afternoon, the gale increased in such a manner as brought
us under our courses. We continued to stretch to the S.W. till midnight,
when we wore, and set close-reefed top-sails.

On the 28th, at eight o'clock in the morning, we wore, and stood again to
the S.W. till noon, when we were obliged to lie-to under the fore-sail. At
this time the high land over Cape Campbell bore west, distant ten or twelve
leagues. The Adventure four or five miles to leeward. In the afternoon the
fury of the gale began to abate; when we set the main-sail, close-reefed
main-top-sail, and stood to the windward with the wind at W.N.W. and W. by
N. a strong gale, attended with heavy squalls.

In the morning of the 29th, the wind abated and shifted to S.W. a gentle
gale. Of this we took immediate advantage, set all our sails, and stood for
Cape Palliser, which at noon bore W. by N. 1/2 N., distant about six
leagues. The wind continued between the S.W. and south till five in the
evening, when it fell calm. At this time we were about three leagues from
the Cape. At seven o'clock the calm was succeeded by a gentle breeze from
N.N.E., as fair as we could wish; so that we began to reckon what time we
should reach the Sound the next day; but at nine the wind shifted to its
old quarter N.W., and blew a fresh gale, with which we stretched to the
S.W., under single-reefed topsails and courses, with the Adventure in
company. She was seen until midnight, at which time she was two or three
miles a-stern, and presently after she disappeared; nor was she to be seen
at day-light. We supposed she had tacked and stood to the N.E., by which
manoeuvre we lost sight of her.

We continued to stretch to the westward with the wind at N.N.W., which
increased in such a manner as to bring us under our two courses, after
splitting a new main-topsail. At noon Cape Campbell bore W. by N., distant
seven or eight leagues. At three in the afternoon the gale began to abate,
and to veer more to the north, so that we fetched in with the land, under
the Snowy Mountains, about four or five leagues to windward of the Lookers-
on, where there was the appearance of a large bay, I now regretted the loss
of the Adventure; for had she been with me, I should have given up all
thoughts of going to Queen Charlotte's Sound to wood and water, and have
sought for a place to get these articles farther south, as the wind was now
favourable for ranging along the coast. But our separation made it
necessary for me to repair to the Sound, that being the place of
rendezvous.

As we approached the land, we saw smoke in several places along the shore;
a sure sign that the coast was inhabited. Our soundings were from forty-
seven to twenty-five fathoms; that is, at the distance of three miles from
the shore, forty-seven fathoms; and twenty-five fathoms at the distance of
one mile, where we tacked, and stood to the eastward, under the two courses
and close-reefed top-sails; but the latter we could not carry long before
we were obliged to hand them. We continued to stand to the eastward all
night, in hopes of meeting with the Adventure in the morning.

Seeing nothing of her then, we wore and brought to, under the fore-sail and
mizen-stay-sail, the wind having increased to a perfect storm; but we had
not been long in this situation before it abated, so as to permit us to
carry the two courses, under which we stood to the west; and at noon the
Snowy Mountains bore W.N.W., distant twelve or fourteen leagues. At six
o'clock in the evening the wind quite ceased; but this proved only a
momentary repose; for presently after it began to blow with redoubled fury,
and obliged us to lie-to under the mizen-stay-sail; in which situation we
continued till midnight, when the storm lessened; and two hours after it
fell calm.

On the 1st of November, at four o'clock in the morning, the calm was
succeeded by a breeze from the south. This soon after increased to a fresh
gale, attended with hazy, rainy weather, which gave us hopes that the N.W.
winds were done; for it must be observed, that they were attended with
clear and fair weather. We were not wanting in taking immediate advantage
of this favourable wind, by setting all our sails, and steering for Cape
Campbell, which at noon bore north, distant three or four leagues. At two
o'clock we passed the Cape, and entered the Strait with a brisk gale a-
stern, and so likely to continue that we thought of nothing less than
reaching our port the next morning. Once more we were to be deceived; at
six o'clock, being off Cloudy Bay, our favourable wind was succeeded by one
from the north, which soon after veered to N.W., and increased to a fresh
gale. We spent the night plying; our tacks proved disadvantageous; and we
lost more on the ebb than we gained on the flood. Next morning, we
stretched over for the shore of Eaheinomauwe. At sun-rise the horizon being
extraordinarily clear to leeward, we looked well out for the Adventure; but
as we saw nothing of her, judged she had got into the Sound. As we
approached the above-mentioned shore, we discovered on the east side of
Cape Teerawhitte, a new inlet I had never observed before. Being tired
with beating against the N.W. winds, I resolved to put into this place if I
found it practicable, or to anchor in the bay which lies before it. The
flood being favourable, after making a stretch off, we fetched under the
Cape, and stretched into the bay along the western shore, having from
thirty-five to twelve fathoms, the bottom everywhere good anchorage. At one
o'clock we reached the entrance of the inlet just as the tide of ebb was
making out; the wind being likewise against us, we anchored in twelve
fathoms water, the bottom a fine sand. The easternmost of the Black Rocks,
which lie on the larboard side of the entrance of the inlet, bore N. by E.,
one mile distant; Cape Teerawhitte, or the west point of the bay, west,
distant about two leagues; and the east point of the bay N. by east, four
or five miles.

Soon after we had anchored, several of the natives came off in their
canoes; two from one shore, and one from the other. It required but little
address to get three or four of them on board. These people were
extravagantly fond of nails above every other thing. To one man I gave two
cocks and two hens, which he received with so much indifference, as gave me
little hopes he would take proper care of them.[2]

We had not been at anchor here above two hours, before the wind veered to
N.E., with which we weighed; but the anchor was hardly at the bows before
it shifted to the south. With this we could but just lead out of the bay,
and then bore away for the Sound under all the sail we could set; having
the advantage, or rather disadvantage, of an increasing gale, which already
blew too hard. We hauled up into the Sound just at dark, after making two
boards, in which most of our sails were split; and anchored in eighteen
fathoms water, between the White Rocks and the N.W. shore.

The next morning the gale abated, and was succeeded by a few hours calm;
after that a breeze sprang up at N.W., with which we weighed and ran up
into Ship Cove, where we did not find the Adventure, as was expected.

[1] "The water in Dr Lind's wind-gage was depressed 8-10ths of an inch
at times."--W.

"Though we were situated under the lee of a high and mountainous
coast, yet the waves rose to a vast height, ran prodigiously long, and
were dispersed into vapour as they broke by the violence of the storm.
The whole surface of the sea was by this means rendered hazy, and as
the sun shone out in a cloudless sky, the white foam was perfectly
dazzling. The fury of the wind still increased so as to tear to pieces
the only sail which we had hitherto dared to shew, and we rolled about
at the mercy of the waves, frequently shipping great quantities of
water, which fell with prodigious force on the decks, and broke all
that stood in the way. The continual strain slackened all the rigging
and ropes in the ship, and loosened every thing, insomuch that it
gradually gave way, and presented to our eyes a general scene of
confusion. In one of the deepest rolls the arm-chest on the quarter-
deck was torn out of its place and overset, leaning against the rails
to leeward. A young gentleman, Mr Hood, who happened to be just then
to leeward of it, providentially escaped by bending down when he saw
the chest falling, so as to remain unhurt in the angle which it formed
with the rail. The confusion of the elements did not scare every bird
away from us: From time to time a black shearwater hovered over the
ruffled surface of the sea, and artfully withstood the force of the
tempest, by keeping under the lee of the high tops of the waves. The
aspect of the ocean was at once magnificent and terrific: Now on the
summit of a broad and heavy billow, we overlooked an immeasurable
expanse of sea, furrowed into numberless deep channels: Now, on a
sudden, the wave broke under us, and we plunged into a deep and dreary
valley, whilst a fresh mountain rose to windward with a foaming crest,
and threatened to overwhelm us. The night coming on was not without
new horrors, especially for those who had not been bred up to a
seafaring life. In the captain's cabin, the windows were taken out and
replaced by the dead-lights, to guard against the intrusion of the
waves in wearing the ship. This operation disturbed from its retreat a
scorpion, which had lain concealed in a chink, and was probably
brought on board with fruit from the islands. Our friend Maheine
assured us that it was harmless, but its appearance alone was horrid
enough to fill the mind with apprehensions. In the other cabins the
beds were perfectly soaked in water, whilst the tremendous roar of the
waves, the creaking of the timbers, and the rolling motion, deprived
us of all hopes of repose. To complete this catalogue of horrors, we
heard the voices of sailors from time to time louder than the
blustering winds, or the raging ocean itself, uttering horrible
vollies of curses and oaths."--G.F.

[2] "In their unthinking situation, the first moment they have nothing
ready at hand to satisfy the cravings of appetite, our fowls must fall
the victims to their voracity. If there are any hopes of succeeding in
the introduction of domestic animals in this country, it must be in
the populous bays to the northward, where the inhabitants seem to be
the more civilized, and are already accustomed to cultivate several
roots for their subsistance."--G.F.

SECTION V.

_Transactions at Queen Charlotte's Sound; with an Account of the
Inhabitants being Cannibals; and various other Incidents.--Departure from
the Sound, and our Endeavours to find the Adventure; with some Description
of the Coast._

The first thing we did after mooring the ship, was to unbend all the sails;
there not being one but what wanted repair. Indeed, both our sails and
rigging had sustained much damage in beating off the Strait's mouth.

We had no sooner anchored than we were visited by the natives, several of
whom I remembered to have seen when I was here in the Endeavour,
particularly an old man named Goubiah.[1] In the afternoon, I gave orders
for all the empty water casks to be landed, in order to be repaired,
cleaned, and filled, tents to be set up for the sail-makers, coopers, and
others, whose business made it necessary for them to be on shore. The next
day we began to caulk the ship's sides and decks, to overhaul her rigging,
repair the sails, cut wood for fuel, and set up the smith's forge to repair
the iron-work; all of which were absolutely necessary. We also made some
hauls with the seine, but caught no fish; which deficiency the natives in
some measure, made up, by bringing us a good quantity, and exchanging them
for pieces of Otaheitean cloth, &c.

On the 5th, the most part of our bread being in casks, I ordered some to be
opened, when, to our mortification, we found a good deal of it damaged. To
repair this loss in the best manner we could, all the casks were opened;
the bread was picked, and the copper oven set up, to bake such parcels of
it, as, by that means, could be recovered. Some time this morning, the
natives stole, out of one of the tents, a bag of clothes belonging to one
of the seamen. As soon as I was informed of it, I went to them in an
adjoining cove, demanded the clothes again, and, after some time spent in
friendly application, recovered them. Since we were among thieves, and had
come off so well, I was not sorry for what had happened, as it taught our
people to keep a better lookout for the future.

With these people I saw the youngest of the two sows Captain Furneaux had
put on shore in Cannibal Cove, when we were last here: It was lame of one
of its hind legs; otherwise in good case, and very tame. If we understood
these people right, the boar and other sow were also taken away and
separated, but not killed. We were likewise told, that the two goats I had
put on shore up the Sound, had been killed by that old rascal Goubiah. Thus
all our endeavours to stock this country with useful animals were likely to
be frustrated, by the very people we meant to serve. Our gardens had fared
somewhat better. Every thing in them, except the potatoes, they had left
entirely to nature, who had acted her part so well, that we found most
articles in a flourishing state: A proof that the winter must have been
mild. The potatoes had most of them been dug up; some, however, still
remained, and were growing, though I think it is probable they will never
be got out of the ground.[2]

Next morning I sent over to the cove, where the natives reside, to haul the
seine; and took with me a boar, and a young sow, two cocks, and two hens,
we had brought from the isles. These I gave to the natives, being persuaded
they would take proper care of them, by their keeping Captain Furneaux's
sow near five months; for I am to suppose it was caught soon after we
sailed. We had no better success with the seine than before; nevertheless
we did not return on board quite empty, having purchased a large quantity
from the natives. When we were upon this traffic, they shewed a great
inclination to pick my pockets, and to take away the fish with one hand,
which they had just given me with the other. This evil one of the chiefs
undertook to remove, and with fury in his eyes made a shew of keeping the
people at a proper distance. I applauded his conduct, but at the same time
kept so good a look-out, as to detect him in picking my pocket of an
handkerchief; which I suffered him to put in his bosom before I seemed to
know any thing of the matter, and then told him what I had lost. He seemed
quite ignorant and innocent, till I took it from him; and then he put it
off with a laugh, acting his part with so much address, that it was hardly
possible for me to be angry with him; so that we remained good friends, and
he accompanied me on board to dinner. About that time, we were visited by
several strangers, in four or five canoes, who brought with them fish, and
other articles, which they exchanged for cloth, &c. These newcomers took up
their quarters in a cove near us; but very early the next morning moved off
with six of our small water casks; and with them all the people we found
here on our arrival. This precipitate retreat of these last, we supposed
was owing to the theft the others had committed. They left behind them some
of their dogs, and the boar I had given them the day before, which I now
took back again as I had not another. Our casks were the least loss we felt
by these people leaving us: While they remained, we were generally well
supplied with fish at a small expence.

We had fair weather, with the wind at N.E., on the 9th, which gave us some
hopes of seeing the Adventure; but these hopes vanished in the afternoon,
when the wind shifted to the westward.[3]

The next morning, our friends the natives returned again, and brought with
them a quantity of fish, which they exchanged for two hatchets.

Fair weather on the 12th, enabled us to finish picking, airing, and baking
our biscuit; four thousand two hundred and ninety-two pounds of which we
found totally unfit to eat; and about three thousand pounds more could only
be eaten by people in our situation.[4]

On the 13th, clear and pleasant weather. Early in the morning the natives
brought us a quantity of fish, which they exchanged as usual. But their
greatest branch of trade was the green talc or stone, called by them
Poenammoo, a thing of no great value; nevertheless it was so much sought
after by our people, that there was hardly a thing they would not give for
a piece of it.[5]

The 15th being a pleasant morning, a party of us went over to the East Bay,
and climbed one of the hills which overlooked the eastern part of the
Strait, in order to look for the Adventure. We had a fatiguing walk to
little purpose; for when we came to the summit, we found the eastern
horizon so foggy, that we could not see above two miles. Mr Forster, who
was one of the party, profited by this excursion, in collecting some new
plants. I now began to despair of seeing the Adventure any more; but was
totally at a loss to conceive what was become of her. Till now, I thought
she had put into some port in the Strait, when the wind came to N.W., the
day we anchored in the Cove, and waited to complete her water. This
conjecture was reasonable enough at first, but it was now hardly probable
she could be twelve days in our neighbourhood, without our either hearing
or seeing something of her.

The hill we now mounted is the same that I was upon in 1770, when I had the
second view of the Strait: We then built a tower, with the stones we found
there, which we now saw had been levelled to the ground; no doubt by the
natives, with a view of finding something hid in it. When we returned from
the hill, we found a number of them collected round our boat. After some
exchanges, and making them some presents, we embarked, in order to return
on board; and, in our way, visited others of the inhabitants, by whom we
were kindly received.

Our friends, the natives, employed themselves on the 17th in fishing in our
neighbourhood; and, as fast as they caught the fish, came and disposed of
them to us; insomuch that we had more than we could make use of. From this
day to the 22d nothing remarkable happened, and we were occupied in getting
every thing in readiness to put to sea, being resolved to wait no longer
than the assigned time for the Adventure.

The winds were between the south and west, stormy with rain till the 23d,
when the weather became settled, clear, and pleasant. Very early in the
morning, we were visited by a number of the natives, in four or five
canoes, very few of whom we had seen before. They brought with them various
articles (curiosities), which they exchanged for Otaheitean cloth, &c. At
first, the exchanges were very much in our favour, till an old man, who was
no stranger to us, came and assisted his countrymen with his advice; which,
in a moment, turned the trade above a thousand per cent, against us.[6]

After these people were gone, I took four hogs (that is, three sows and one
boar), two cocks and two hens, which I landed in the bottom of the West
Bay; carrying them a little way into the woods, where we left them with as
much food as would serve them ten or twelve days. This was done with a view
of keeping them in the woods, lest they should come down to the shore in
search of food, and be discovered by the natives; which, however, seemed
not probable, as this place had never been frequented by them; nor were any
traces of them to be seen near it. We also left some cocks and hens in the
woods in Ship Cove; but these will have a chance of falling into the hands
of the natives, whose wandering way of life will hinder them from breeding,
even suppose they should be taken proper care of. Indeed, they took rather
too much care of those which I had already given them, by keeping them
continually confined, for fear of losing them in the woods. The sow pig we
had not seen since the day they had her from me; but we were now told she
was still living, as also the old boar and sow given them by Captain
Furneaux; so that there is reason to hope they may succeed. It will be
unfortunate, indeed, if every method I have taken, to provide this country
with useful animals, should be frustrated. We were likewise told, that the
two goats were still alive, and running about; but I gave more credit to
the first story than this. I should have replaced them, by leaving behind
the only two I had left, but had the misfortune to lose the ram soon after
our arrival here, in a manner we could hardly account for. They were both
put ashore at the tents, where they seemed to thrive very well; at last,
the ram was taken with fits bordering on madness. We were at a loss to tell
whether it was occasioned by any thing he had eaten, or by being stung with
nettles, which were in plenty about the place; but supposed it to be the
latter, and therefore did not take the care of him we ought to have done.
One night, while he was lying by the centinel, he was seized with one of
these fits, and ran headlong into the sea; but soon came out again, and
seemed quite easy. Presently after, he was seized with another fit, and ran
along the beach, with the she-goat after him. Some time after she returned,
but the other was never seen more. Diligent search was made for him in the
woods to no purpose; we therefore supposed he had run into the sea a second
time, and had been drowned. After this accident, it would have been in vain
to leave the she-goat, as she was not with kid; having kidded but a few
days before we arrived, and the kids dead. Thus the reader will see how
every method I have taken to stock this country with sheep and goats has
proved ineffectual.

When I returned on board in the evening, I found our good friends the
natives had brought us a large supply of fish. Some of the officers
visiting them at their habitations, saw, among them, some human thigh-
bones, from which the flesh had been but lately picked. This, and other
circumstances, led us to believe that the people, whom we took for
strangers this morning, were of the same tribe; that they had been out on
some war expedition; and that those things they sold us, were the spoils of
their enemies. Indeed, we had some information of this sort the day before;
for a number of women and children came off to us in a canoe, from whom we
learnt that a party of men were then out, for whose safety they were under
some apprehension; but this report found little credit with us, as we soon
after saw some canoes come in from fishing, which we judged to be them.

Having now got the ship in a condition for sea, and to encounter the
southern latitudes, I ordered the tents to be struck, and every thing to be
got on board.

The boatswain, with a party of men, being in the woods cutting broom, some
of them found a private hut of the natives, in which was deposited most of
the treasure they had received from us, as well as some other articles of
their own. It is very probable some were set to watch this hut; as, soon
after it was discovered, they came and took all away. But missing some
things, they told our people they had stolen them; and in the evening, came
and made their complaint to me, pitching upon one of the party as the
person who had committed the theft. Having ordered this man to be punished
before them, they went away seemingly satisfied; although they did not
recover any of the things they had lost, nor could I by any means find out
what had become of them; though nothing was more certain, than that
something had been stolen by some of the party, if not by the very man the
natives had pitched upon. It was ever a maxim with me, to punish the least
crimes any of my people committed against these uncivilized nations. Their
robbing us with impunity is, by no means, a sufficient reason why we should
treat them in the same manner, a conduct, we see, they themselves cannot
justify: They found themselves injured, and sought for redress in a legal
way. The best method, in my opinion, to preserve a good understanding with
such people, is, first, by shewing them the use of firearms, to convince
them of the superiority they give you over them, and then to be always upon
your guard. When once they are sensible of these things, a regard for their
own safety will deter them from disturbing you, or from being unanimous in
forming any plan to attack you; and strict honesty, and gentle treatment on
your part, will make it their interest not to do it.

Calm or light airs from the north all day on the 23d, hindered us from
putting to sea as intended.[7] In the afternoon, some of the officers went
on shore to amuse themselves among the natives, where they saw the head and
bowels of a youth, who had lately been killed, lying on the beach; and the
heart stuck on a forked stick, which was fixed to the head of one of the
largest canoes. One of the gentlemen bought the head, and brought it on
board, where a piece of the flesh was broiled and eaten by one of the
natives, before all the officers and most of the men. I was on shore at
this time, but soon after returning on board, was informed of the above
circumstances; and found the quarter-deck crowded with the natives, and the
mangled head, or rather part of it, (for the under-jaw and lip were
wanting) lying on the tafferal. The skull had been broken on the left
side, just above the temples; and the remains of the face had all the
appearance of a youth under twenty.[8]

The sight of the head, and the relation of the above circumstances, struck
me with horror, and filled my mind with indignation against these
cannibals. Curiosity, however, got the better of my indignation, especially
when I considered that it would avail but little; and being desirous of
becoming an eye-witness of a fact which many doubted, I ordered a piece of
the flesh to be broiled and brought to the quarter-deck, where one of these
cannibals eat it with surprising avidity. This had such an effect on some
of our people as to make them sick. Oedidee (who came on board with me) was
so affected with the sight as to become perfectly motionless, and seemed as
if metamorphosed into the statue of horror. It is utterly impossible for
art to describe that passion with half the force that it appeared in his
countenance. When roused from this state by some of us, he burst into
tears; continued to weep and scold by turns; told them they were vile men;
and that he neither was, nor would be any longer their friend. He even
would not suffer them to touch him; he used the same language to one of the
gentlemen who cut off the flesh; and refused to accept, or even touch the
knife with which it was done. Such was Oedidee's indignation against the
vile custom; and worthy of imitation by every rational being.

I was not able to find out the reason for their undertaking this
expedition; all I could understand for certain was, that they went from
hence into Admiralty Bay (the next inlet to the west), and there fought
with their enemies, many of whom they killed. They counted to me fifty; a
number which exceeded probability, as they were not more, if so many,
themselves. I think I understood them clearly, that this youth was killed
there; and not brought away prisoner, and afterwards killed. Nor could I
learn that they had brought away any more than this one; which increased
the improbability of their having killed so many. We had also reason to
think that they did not come off without loss; for a young woman was seen,
more than once, to cut herself, as is the custom when they lose a friend or
relation.

That the New Zealanders are cannibals, can now no longer be doubted. The
account given of this in my former voyage, being partly founded on
circumstances, was, as I afterwards understood, discredited by many
persons. Few consider what a savage man is in his natural state, and even
after he is, in some degree, civilized. The New Zealanders are certainly in
some state of civilization; their behaviour to us was manly and mild,
shewing, on all occasions, a readiness to oblige. They have some arts among
them which they execute with great judgment and unwearied patience; they
are far less addicted to thieving than the other islanders of the South
Sea; and I believe those in the same tribe, or such as are at peace one
with another, are strictly honest among themselves. This custom of eating
their enemies slain in battle (for I firmly believe they eat the flesh of
no others) has undoubtedly been handed down to them from the earliest
times; and we know it is not an easy matter to wean a nation from their
ancient customs, let them be ever so inhuman and savage; especially if that
nation has no manner of connexion or commerce with strangers. For it is by
this that the greatest part of the human race has been civilized; an
advantage which the New Zealanders, from their situation, never had. An
intercourse with foreigners would reform their manners, and polish their
savage minds. Or, were they more united under a settled form of government,
they would have fewer enemies, consequently this custom would be less in
use, and might in time be in a manner forgotten. At present, they have but
little idea of treating others as themselves would _wish_ to be
treated, but treat them as they _expect_ to be treated. If I remember
right, one of the arguments they made use of to Tupia, who frequently
expostulated with them against this custom, was, that there could be no
harm in killing and eating the man who would do the same by them if it was
in his power. "For," said they, "can there be any harm in eating our
enemies, whom we have killed in battle? Would not those very enemies have
done the same to us?" I have often seen them listen to Tupia with great
attention; but I never found his arguments have any weight with them, or
that with all his rhetoric, he could persuade any one of them that this
custom was wrong. And when Oedidee, and several of our people, shewed their
abhorrence of it, they only laughed at them.

Among many reasons which I have heard assigned for the prevalence of this
horrid custom, the want of animal food has been one; but how far this is
deducible either from facts or circumstances, I shall leave those to find
out who advanced it. In every part of New Zealand where I have been, fish
was in such plenty, that the natives generally caught as much as served
both themselves and us. They have also plenty of dogs; nor is there any
want of wild fowl, which they know very well how to kill. So that neither
this, nor the want of food of any kind, can, in my opinion, be the reason.
But, whatever it may be, I think it was but too evident, that they have a
great liking for this kind of food.[9]

I must here observe, that Oedidee soon learnt to converse with these
people, as I am persuaded, he would have done with the people of Amsterdam,
had he been a little longer with them; for he did not understand the New
Zealanders, at first, any more, or not so much, as he understood the people
of Amsterdam.

At four o'clock in the morning, on the 24th, we unmoored with an intent to
put to sea; but the wind being at N. and N.E. without, and blowing strong
puffs into the cove, made it necessary for us to lie fast. While we were
unmooring, some of our old friends came on board to take their leave of us,
and afterwards left the cove with all their effects; but those who had been
out on the late expedition remained; and some of the gentlemen having
visited them, found the heart still sticking on the canoe, and the
intestines lying on the beach; but the liver and lungs were now wanting.
Probably they had eaten them, after the carcase was all gone.

On the 25th, early in the morning, we weighed, with a small, breeze out of
the cove, which carried us no farther than between Motuara and Long Island,
where we were obliged to anchor; but presently after a breeze springing up
at north, we weighed again, turned out of the Sound, and stood over for
Cape Teerawhitte.

During our stay in the Sound, we were plentifully supplied with fish,
procured from the natives at a very easy rate; and, besides the vegetables
our own gardens afforded, we found every where plenty of scurvy grass and
cellery, which I caused to be dressed every day for all hands. By this
means, they had been mostly on a fresh diet for the three preceding months;
and at this time, we had neither a sick nor scorbutic man on board. It is
necessary to mention, for the information of others, that we had now some
pork on board, salted at Ulietea, and as good as any I ever eat. The manner
in which we cured it, was this: In the cool of the evening the hogs were
killed, dressed, cut up, the bones cut out, and the flesh salted while it
was yet hot. The next morning we gave it a second salting, packed it into a
cask, and put to it a sufficient quantity of strong pickle. Great care is
to be taken that the meat be well covered with pickle, otherwise it will
soon spoil.

The morning before we sailed, I wrote a memorandum, setting forth the time
we last arrived, the day we sailed, the route I intended to take, and such
other information as I thought necessary for Captain Furneaux, in case he
should put into the Sound; and buried it in a bottle under the root of a
tree in the garden, which is in the bottom of the cove, in such a manner as
must be found by him or any other European who might put into the cove. I,
however, had little reason to hope it would fall into the hands of the
person for whom it was intended, thinking it hardly possible that the
Adventure could be in any port in New Zealand, as we had not heard of her
all this time. Nevertheless I was resolved not to leave the coast without
looking for her, where I thought it most likely for her to be. It was with
this view that I stood over for Cape Teerawhitte, and afterwards ran along-
shore, from point to point, to Cape Palliser, firing guns every half hour;
but all to no effect. At eight o'clock we brought-to for the night, Cape
Palliser bearing S.E. by E. distant three leagues; in which situation we
had fifty fathoms water.

I had now an opportunity of making the following remarks on the coast
between Cape Teerawhitte and Cape Palliser: The bay which lies on the west
side of the last Cape, does not appear to run so far inland to the
northward as I at first thought; the deception being caused by the land in
the bottom of it being low: It is, however, at least five leagues deep, and
full as wide at the entrance. Though it seems to be exposed to southerly
and S.W. winds, it is probable there may be places in the bottom of it
sheltered even from these. The bay or inlet, on the east side of Cape
Teerawhitte, before which we anchored, lies in north, inclining to the
west, and seemed to be sheltered from all winds. The middle cape, or point
of land that disjoins these two bays, rises to a considerable height,
especially inland; for close to the sea is a skirt of low land, off which
lie some pointed rocks, but so near to the shore as to be noways dangerous.
Indeed, the navigation of this side of the Strait seems much safer than the
other, because the tides here are not near so strong. Cape Teerawhitte and
Cape Palliser lie in the direction of N. 69 deg. W., and S. 69 deg. east, from each
other distant ten leagues. The cape which disjoins the two bays above-
mentioned lies within, or north of this direction. All the land near the
coast, between and about these capes, is exceedingly barren; probably owing
to its being so much exposed to the cold southerly winds. From Cape
Teerawhitte to the Two Brothers, which lie off Cape Koamoroo, the course is
nearly N.W. by N. distant sixteen miles. North of Cape Teerawhitte, between
it and Entry Island, is an island lying pretty near the shore. I judged
this to be an island when I saw it in my former voyage, but not being
certain, left it undetermined in my chart of the Strait, which is the
reason of my taking notice of it now, as also of the bays, &c. above-
mentioned.

At day-light in the morning on the 26th, we made sail round Cape Palliser,
firing guns as usual, as we ran along the shore. In this manner we
proceeded till we were three or four leagues to the N.E. of the Cape; when
the wind shifted to N.E., we bore away for Cape Campbell on the other side
of the Strait. Soon after, seeing a smoke ascend, at some distance inland,
away to the N.E, we hauled the wind, and continued to ply till six o'clock
in the evening; which was several hours after the smoke disappeared, and
left us not the least signs of people.

Every one being unanimously of opinion that the Adventure could neither be
stranded on the coast, nor be in any of the harbours thereof, I gave up
looking for her, and all thoughts of seeing her any more during the voyage,
as no rendezvous was absolutely fixed upon after leaving New Zealand.
Nevertheless, this did not discourage me from fully exploring the southern
parts of the Pacific Ocean, in the doing of which I intended to employ the
whole of the ensuing season.

On our quitting the coast, and consequently all hopes of being joined by
our consort, I had the satisfaction to find that not a man was dejected, or
thought the dangers we had yet to go through, were in the least increased
by being alone; but as cheerfully proceeding to the south, or wherever I
might think proper to lead them, as if the Adventure, or even more ships,
had been in our company.[10]

[1] "They expressed great satisfaction at our calling them by their
names, doubtless because it served to persuade them that we were
particularly concerned for their welfare, by retaining them in memory.
The weather was fair and warm, considering the season, but our New
Zealanders were all covered with shaggy cloaks, which are their winter
dresses."--G.F.

[2] "We found almost all the radishes and turnips shot into seed, the
cabbages and carrots very fine, and abundance of onions and parsley in
good order; the pease and beans were almost entirely lost, and seemed
to have been destroyed by rats. The potatoes were likewise all
extirpated; but, from appearances, we guessed this to have been the
work of the natives. The thriving state of our European pot-herbs,
gave us a strong and convincing proof of the mildness of the winter in
this part of New Zealand, where it seems it had never frozen hard
enough to kill these plants, which perish in our winters. The
indigenous plants of this country were not yet so forward; the
deciduous trees and shrubs, in particular, were but just beginning to
look green, and the vivid colour of their fresh leaves well contrasted
with the dark wintery hue of the evergreens. The flag, of which the
natives prepare their hemp, was, however, in flower, together with
some other early species."--G.F.

[3] "The weather, during this time, was as boisterous and inconstant,
as that which had so long kept us out of this harbour. Scarce a day
passed without heavy squalls of wind, which hurried down with
redoubled velocity from the mountains, and strong showers of rain,
which retarded all our occupations. The air was commonly cold and raw,
vegetation made slow advances, and the birds were only found in
vallies sheltered from the chilling southern blast. This kind of
weather, in all likelihood, prevails throughout the winter, and
likewise far into the midst of summer, without a much greater degree
of cold in the former, or of warmth in the latter season. Islands far
remote from any continent, or at least not situated near a cold one,
seem in general to have an uniform temperature of air, owing, perhaps,
to the nature of the ocean, which every where surrounds them. It
appears from the meteorological journals, kept at Port Egmont, on the
Falkland Islands, (inserted in Mr Dalrymple's collection) that the
extremes of the greatest cold, and the greatest heat, observed there
throughout the year, do not exceed thirty degrees on Fahrenheit's
scale. The latitude of that port is 51 deg. 25' S.; and that of Ship Cove,
in Queen Charlotte's Sound, only 41 deg. 5'. This considerable difference
of site will naturally make the climate of New Zealand much milder
than that of Falkland's Islands, but cannot affect the general
hypothesis concerning the temperature of all islands; and the immense
height of the mountains in New Zealand, some of which are covered with
snow throughout the year, doubtless contributes to refrigerate the
air, so as to assimilate it to that of the Falkland's Islands, which
are not so high."--G.F.

[4] "In the morning, the weather being clear again, Dr Sparrman, my
father, and myself, went to the Indian Cove, which we found
uninhabited. A path, made by the natives, led through the forest a
considerable way up the steep mountain, which separates this cove from
Shag Cove. The only motive which could induce the New Zealanders to
make this path, appeared to be the abundance of ferns towards the
summit of the mountain, the roots of that plant being an article of
their diet. The steepest part of the path was cut in steps, paved with
shingle or slate, but beyond that the climbers impeded our progress
considerably. About half way up, the forest ended, and the rest was
covered with various shrubs and ferns, though it appeared to be naked
and barren from the ship. At the summit we met with many plants which
grow in the vallies, and by the sea-side, at Dusky Bay, owing to the
difference of the climate, which is so much more vigorous in that
southern extremity of New Zealand. The whole to the very top consists
of the same talcous clay, which is universal all over the island, and
of a talcous stone, which, when exposed to the sun and air, crumbles
in pieces, and dissolves into lamellae. Its colour is whitish,
greyish, and sometimes tinged with a dirty yellowish-red, perhaps
owing to irony particles. The south side of the mountain is clad in
forests, almost to the summit. The view from hence was very extensive
and pleasing: We looked into East Bay as into a fish-pond, and saw
Cape Tera-wittee beyond the Strait. The mountains in the south arose
to a vast height, and were capt with snow; and the whole prospect on
that side was wild and chaotic."--G.F.

[5] "Our sailors carried on their former amours with the women,
amongst whom there was but one who had tolerable features, and
something soft and humane in her looks. She was regularly given in
marriage by her parents to one of our ship-mates, who was particularly
beloved by this nation, for devoting much of his time to them, and
treating them with those marks of affection, which, even among a
savage race, endear mankind to one another. Togheeree, for so the girl
was called, proved as faithful to her husband as if he had been a New
Zealander, and constantly rejected the addresses of other seamen,
professing herself a married woman, (_tirratane_.) Whatever attachment
the Englishman had to his New Zealand wife, he never attempted to take
her on board, foreseeing that it would be highly inconvenient to lodge
the numerous retinue which crowded in her garments, and weighed down
the hair of her head. He, therefore, visited her on shore, and only
day by day, treating her with plenty of the rotten part of our
biscuit, which we rejected, But which she and all her countrymen
eagerly devoured."--G.F.

[6] "They were more dressed than we had commonly seen any, during this
second stay, at Queen Charlotte's Sound; their hair was tied up, and
their cheeks painted red. All these circumstances conspired to confirm
the account which the women had given us the day before, that their
husbands were gone to fight, as it is usual for them to put on their
best apparel on those occasions. I am much afraid that their unhappy
differences with other tribes, were revived on our account. Our
people, not satisfied with purchasing all the hatchets of stone, &c.
&c. of which the natives of our acquaintance were possessed,
continually enquired for more, and shewed them such large and valuable
pieces of Otaheite cloth, as would not fail to excite their desires.
It is not improbable, that as soon as this appetite prevailed among
the New Zealanders, they would reflect that the shortest way to
gratify it, would be to rob their neighbours of such goods, as the
Europeans coveted. The great store of arms, ornaments, and clothes,
which they produced at this time, seemed to prove, that such a daring
and villainous design had really been put in execution; nor was it to
be supposed that this could have been accomplished without
bloodshed."--G.F.

[7] An instance of the ferocity of manners of this savage nation, was
presented this day. A boy, about six or seven years old, demanded a
piece of broiled penguin, which his mother held in her hands. As she
did not immediately comply with his demand, he took up a large stone
and threw it at her. The woman, incensed at this action, ran to punish
him, but she had scarcely given him a single blow, when her husband
came forward, beat her unmercifully, and dashed her against the
ground, for attempting to correct her unnatural child. Our people, who
were employed in filling water, told my father they had frequently
seen similar instances of cruelty among them, and particularly, that
the boys had actually struck their unhappy mother, whilst the father
looked on lest she should attempt to retaliate. Among all savage
nations the weaker sex is ill-treated, and the law of the strongest is
put in force. Their women are mere drudges, who prepare raiment and
provide dwellings, who cook and frequently collect their food, and are
requited by blows, and all kinds of severity. At New Zealand, it seems
they carry this tyranny to excess, and the males are taught, from
their earliest age, to hold their mothers in contempt, contrary to all
our principles of morality."--G.F.

Mr Forster immediately goes on to relate the remainder of this day's
occurrences, so painfully pregnant in discoveries relative to this
savage people. The reader, it is believed, will think the account in
the text abundantly minute, without any addition. What a fine specimen
to prove the accuracy of Rousseau's delineation of our species, in its
uncontaminated state!--E.

[8] Mr G. Forster informs us, that Mr Pickersgill purchased the head
from the savages for a nail, and that it was afterwards deposited in
the collection of Mr John Hunter. He adds, that some of these people
expressed an ardent desire of repossessing it, signifying, by the most
intelligible gestures, that it was delicious to the taste. This
strongly corroborates what Captain Cook afterwards states, of their
really relishing such kind of food.--E.

[9] This distressing subject has, perhaps, already too much engrossed
the reader's attention and feelings; and, unfortunately, it must again
be brought before him, when we treat of the third voyage of Cook. He
might think then, that at present, he ought to be spared farther
comment on what is so odious; but neither the apprehension, nor the
experience of the unpleasant impressions it produces, is sufficient
reason for declining the consideration of the atrocities of which
human nature is capable. Self-conceit, indeed, may be mortified at the
unavoidable thought of identity of species, which it may seek many
imaginary devices to conceal; and feverish sensibility may be wrought
up to indignant discontent, at the power which placed it amid such
profligacy. But the humble philosopher, on the other hand, will
investigate the causes, without ceasing to deplore the effects, and
will rejoice in the belief, that there are any means by which mankind
may be redeemed from the condemnation which his judgment cannot fail
to award. To him, accordingly, the following observations of Mr G.
Forster are addressed, as preparatory to the farther consideration of
the subject, in which he will afterwards be engaged. "Philosophers,
who have only contemplated mankind in their closets, have strenuously
maintained, that all the assertions of authors, ancient and modern, of
the existence of men-eaters, are not to be credited; and there have
not been wanting persons amongst ourselves who were sceptical enough
to refuse belief to the concurrent testimonies, in the history of
almost all nations, in this particular. But Captain Cook had already,
in his former voyage, received strong proof that the practice of
eating human flesh existed in New Zealand; and as now we have with our
own eyes seen the inhabitants devouring human flesh, all controversy
on that point must be at an end. The opinions of authors on the origin
of this custom, are infinitely various, and have lately been collected
by the very learned canon, Pauw, at Xanten, in his _Recherches
Philosophiques sur les Americains_, vol. i, p. 207. He seems to think
that men were first tempted to devour each other from real want of
food, and cruel necessity. His sentiments are copied by Dr
Hawkesworth, who has disingenuously concealed their author. Many
weighty objections, however, may be made against this hypothesis;
amongst which the following is one of the greatest. There are very few
countries in the world so miserably barren as not to afford their
inhabitants sufficient nourishment, and those, in particular, where
anthropophagi still exist, do not come under that description. The
northern isle of New Zealand, on a coast of near four hundred leagues,
contains scarcely one hundred thousand inhabitants, according to the
most probable guess which can be made; a number inconsiderable for
that vast space of country, even allowing the settlements to be
confined only to the sea-shore. The great abundance of fish, and the
beginnings of agriculture in the Bay of Plenty, and other parts of the
Northern Isle, are more than sufficient to maintain this number,
because they have always had enough to supply strangers with what was
deemed superfluous. It is true, before the dawn of the arts among
them, before the invention of nets, and before the cultivation of
potatoes, the means of subsistence may have been more difficult, but
then the number of inhabitants must likewise have been infinitely
smaller. Single instances are not conclusive in this case, though they
prove how far the wants cf the body may stimulate mankind to
extraordinary actions. In 1772, during a famine which happened
throughout all Germany, a herdsman was taken on the manor of Baron
Boineburg, in Hessia, who had been urged by hunger to kill and devour
a boy, and afterwards to make a practice of it for several months.
From his confession, it appeared, that he looked upon the flesh of
young children as a very delicious food; and the gestures of the New
Zealanders indicated exactly the same thing. An old woman, in the
province of Matogrosso, in Brazil, declared to the Portuguese
governor, M. de Pinto, afterwards ambassador at the British court,
that she had eaten human flesh several times, liked it very much, and
should be very glad to feast upon it again, especially if it was part
of a little boy. But it would be absurd to suppose from such
circumstances, that killing men for the sake of feasting upon them,
has ever been the spirit of a whole nation; because it is utterly
incompatible with the existence of society. Slight causes have ever
produced the most remarkable events among mankind, and the most
trifling quarrels have fired their minds with incredible inveteracy
against each other. Revenge has always been a strong passion among
barbarians, who are less subject to the sway of reason, than civilized
people, and has stimulated them to a degree of madness, which is
capable of all kinds of excesses. The people who first consumed the
body of their enemies, seem to have been bent upon exterminating their
very inanimate remains, from an excess of passion; but, by degrees,
finding the meat wholesome and palatable, it is not to be wondered at
that they should make a practice of eating their enemies as often as
they killed any, since the action of eating human flesh, whatever our
education may teach us to the contrary, is certainly neither unnatural
nor criminal in itself. It can only become dangerous as far as it
steels the mind against that compassionate fellow-feeling, which is
the great basis of society; and for this reason, we find it naturally
banished from every people as soon as civilization has made any
progress among them. But though we are too much polished to be
cannibals, we do not find it unnaturally and savagely cruel to take
the field, and to cut one another's throats by thousands, without a
single motive, besides the ambition of a prince, or the caprice of his
mistress! Is it not from prejudice that we are disgusted with the idea
of eating a dead man, when we feel no remorse in depriving him of
life? If the practice of eating human flesh makes men unfeeling and
brutal, we have instances that civilized people, who would, perhaps,
like some of our sailors, have turned sick at the thought of eating
human flesh, have committed barbarities, without example, amongst
cannibals. A New Zealander, who kills and eats his enemy, is a very
different being from an European, who, for his amusement, tears an
infant from the mother's breast, in cool blood, and throws it on the
earth, to feed his hounds,--an atrocious crime, which Bishop Las Casas
says, he saw committed in America by Spanish soldiers. The New
Zealanders never eat their adversaries unless they are killed in
battle; they never kill their relations for the purpose of eating
them; they do not even eat them if they die of a natural death, and
they take no prisoners with a view to fatten them for their repast;
though these circumstances have been related, with more or less truth,
of the American Indians. It is therefore not improbable, that in
process of time, they will entirely lay aside this custom; and the
introduction of new domestic animals into their country might hasten
that period, since greater affluence would tend to make them more
sociable. Their religion does not seem likely to be an obstacle,
because from what we could judge, they are not remarkably
superstitious, and it is only among very bigotted nations that the
custom of offering human flesh to the gods, has prevailed after
civilization."--These are evidently hasty speculations, and by no
means conclusive, but they point with tolerable clearness to some
principle of human nature adequate, independent of necessity, to
account for the practice, and shew in what manner the investigation
into its nature, causes, and remedy, ought to be carried on.--E.

[10] "The officers and passengers entered upon this second cruise
under several difficulties, which did not exist before. They had now
no livestock to be compared to that which they took from the Cape of
Good Hope; and the little store of provisions, which had supplied

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