A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Vol 6 by Robert KerrForming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time (page 9)

Immediately on the death of Don Juan the first patent of succession was opened, in which Don Juan Mascarenhas was named; but he had gone to Lisbon to seek the reward of his gallant defence of Diu, which he now missed. The second named Don George Telo, who was also absent. In the third, Gracia de Sa was nominated to the succession, an officer of much experience in the affairs of India. Soon afterwards, he received an embassy from Adel Khan to solicit peace, which was concluded much to the advantage of the Portuguese. The Zamorin, Nizam-al-mulk, Kothb-al-mulk king of Golconda, the Rajah of Canara, and several other princes of India sent splendid embassies to confirm the peace; and at length, Sultan Mahmud king of Guzerat or Cambaya, tired of the unfortunate war in which he had been long engaged with the Portuguese, made pacific overtures, and a treaty was concluded to the credit and advantage of the Portuguese.

[Footnote 369: The transactions of this period are of so little importance, and related in so desultory a manner, that in the present section we have only thought it necessary to give an abbreviated selection.–E.]

In the course of this year, 1548, a bloody war broke out between the kings of Siam and Pegu on the following occasion: The king of Siam happened to possess _a white elephant_, a singular curiosity, much coveted by all the princes of the east, and the king of Pegu demanded that it should be given up to him in token of superiority. This was refused by the king of Siam, and the king of Pegu invaded Siam with a numerous army, reducing the king of Siam to such straits that he was willing to make peace on any conditions, except delivering up the white elephant, even agreeing to give up one of his own daughters, and to send a woman of noble birth yearly as an acknowledgement of vassalage. But as the terms were not performed, the king of Pegu again marched into the kingdom of Siam with a prodigious army of a million and a half of men and 4000 elephants. Above 2000 workmen preceded the king, and set up every night for his lodgment a stately wooden palace, richly painted and adorned with gold. On this march the king of Pegu constructed a prodigious bridge of boats over the rapid river _Menam_, a full league in length, for the passage of his army.

In the course of this march, the army of Pegu was obstructed by a strong entrenchment defended by 25,000 Siamese troops. Diego Suarez de Melo, who served in the army of Pegu with 180 Portuguese, went against this entrenchment with his own small battalion and 30,000 Peguers; and carried the work with a prodigious slaughter of the Siamese. The army of Pegu at length besieged the city of _Odia_, in which the king of Siam resided. Odia is eight leagues in circumference, and was surrounded by a strong wall on which 4000 cannon were mounted, and was farther defended by a wide and deep wet ditch, and by a garrison of 60,000 combatants, among whom were 50 Portuguese commanded by Diego Pereyra. After continuing the siege for some time, being unable to prevail on the Portuguese under Pereyra to desert the service of the king of Siam, the king of Pegu abandoned Odia, and besieged the city of _Camambee_; in which the treasures of Siam were deposited. That place was strongly fortified, and defended by 20,000 men with so much valour that the Peguers were again obliged to desist. At this time Xemindoo rebelled against the king of Pegu, who sent Diego Suarez against him with 200 Portuguese. Suarez pursued the rebel to the city of _Cevadi_, but Xemindoo slipped past him and took possession of the city of Pegu, where he was favoured by the inhabitants. The queen fled into the castle, where she was defended by twenty Portuguese, till the king came up with his army and put the rebels to flight. The army then entered the city, and put all to the sword, men, women, and children, and every living thing, sparing those only who took refuge in the house of Suarez, which the king had ordered to be exempted from this military execution, and in which above 12,000 saved themselves. The plunder on this occasion was immense, of which three millions fell to the share of Suarez, who was so much in favour with the king, that he pardoned a Portuguese at his intercession who had supplied the rebels with ammunition.

The king of Pegu was soon afterwards murdered in the beautiful city of _Zatan_ by the _Ximi_ or governor of that place, who immediately had himself proclaimed king; but was in his turn taken and beheaded by the former rebel _Xemindoo_, who usurped the crown. One _Mandaragri_, who had married a sister of the former king, raised an army and claimed the crown in right of his wife; and having defeated that first rebel in battle, he fled to the mountains, where he married the daughter of a peasant, to whom he revealed his name and rank. She communicated this intelligence to her father, who delivered him up to the new king by whom he was beheaded. Being much displeased with the people of Pegu, Mandaragri built a new city near that place. He soon afterwards raised an immense army, with which he reduced many of the neighbouring provinces. But a new rebellion broke out at Pegu in his absence, by which the queen was forced to take refuge in the castle, where she chiefly owed her safety to about forty Portuguese, who defended her till the king came up and vanquished the rebels; after which he rewarded the brave Portuguese with riches and honour.

About this time likewise, the inhabitants of _Chincheo_, the _second_ Portuguese colony in China, being in a flourishing condition, became forgetful of the sad fate of _Liampo_, formerly mentioned, which had been destroyed through their insolence and cupidity. Ayres Coello de Sousa, who was judge of the orphans and _proveditar_ for the dead, committed many villanies to get hold of 12,000 ducats belonging to an Armenian merchant who had died there, and of 8000 ducats from some Chinese merchants, under pretence that this sum was due by them to the deceased. By these and other insolencies, the Chinese were so provoked that they destroyed _Chincheo_, as they had formerly done Liampo, only 30 Portuguese escaping out of 500 who lived there. These and some other Portuguese went over to the island of _Lampezau_; and they afterwards, in 1557, obtained leave to settle in the island of _Goaxam_, where they built the city of _Macao_.

While endeavouring to devise means for the relief of the soldiers, who were in great want, Gracia de Sa died suddenly in July 1549, at 70 years of age, being much regretted for his prudence, affability, and integrity. On the patents of succession being opened, George Cabral was found first in nomination. This officer was a man of good birth and known worth, and had gone a short while before to assume the command at Basseen. He was very unwilling to assume the government, as it deprived him of the command which he was to have held for four years, and was afraid that another would soon come from Portugal to supersede him in the supreme authority; but his lady Donna Lucretia Fiallo, prevailed upon him to accept the honour to which he seemed so averse, and which she ardently desired; and he accordingly returned to Goa to assume the high office. Cabral deserved to have long enjoyed the post of governor-general, and Portuguese India was indebted to his wife for the short period of his rule. Soon after his installation, news was brought that the Turks were fitting out an hundred sail at Suez to transport an army to India; on which Cabral diligently prepared to meet the storm, by collecting ships from the different ports.

At this time the zamorin and the rajah of Pimienta entered into a league against the rajah of Cochin. The rajah of Pimienta took the field with 10,000 Nayres, and was opposed by the rajah of Cochin with his men, assisted by 600 Portuguese troops under Francisco de Sylva, who commanded in the fort at Cochin. Sylva pressed for an accommodation, which was consented to by the rajah on reasonable terms; but the treaty was broken off by the rash and violent conduct of Sylva. The armies engaged in battle, in which the rajah of Pimienta was mortally wounded and carried off the field, upon which his troops fled and were pursued into their city with great slaughter, and the royal palace set on fire. This was considered as a heinous affront by the Nayres of Pimienta, who rallied and fell with such fury on the victors that they were forced to a disorderly retreat, in which Sylva and above fifty Portuguese were slain. About 5000 of the Pimienta Nayres, who had taken an oath to revenge the death of their rajah or to die in the attempt, made an irruption into the territory of Cochin where they did much damage; and while engaged with the Cochin troops, Henry de Sousa marched against them with some Portuguese troops, and defeated them with great slaughter. The joy occasioned by this victory was soon damped by the approach of the zamorin at the head of 140,000 men. The zamorin encamped with 100,000 of these at _Chembe_, while the tributary or allied Malabar princes with the other 40,000 took post in the island of _Bardela_.

Upon the first advice of this invasion, Cabral collected the armament which had been destined against the Turks, consisting of above 100 sail of different kinds, with 4000 soldiers. He sent on Emanuel de Sousa with four ships, ordering him with these and the force already at Cochin to use every effort to confine the Malabar princes to the island of Bardela, till he should be able to get there with the main army, which orders he effectually executed. Having destroyed _Tiracole, Coulete_, and _Paniane_, Cabral landed at Cochin, where his army was increased to 6000 men, and where the Rajah, was ready with 40,000 of his subjects. Being ready to attack the island, the Malabar princes hung out a white flag for a parley, and even agreed to put themselves into the hands of the governor on promise of their lives; but they delayed, and Cabral resolved to attack them next day. When next day came, he was again hindered by a violent flood. And the next day after, when on the point of performing one of the most brilliant actions that had ever been done in India, he was stopt by the sudden arrival at Cochin of Don Alfonso de Noronha as viceroy of India; who would neither allow him to proceed, nor would he execute what was so well begun, but allowed the Malabar princes to escape with their whole army[370].

[Footnote 370: We only learn incidentally from De Faria that this happened in the year 1550.–E.]

While Cabral remained at Cochin, waiting for an opportunity to embark for Portugal in the homeward bound ships, there was a report one night about the middle of February 1550, that 8000 sworn Nayres were on their march to assault the city. He hastened to the gates with Emanuel de Sousa, intending to march against the enemy at day-break; but being hindered by the council of Cochin, he remained with a competent force to defend the city, and sent Emanuel with the native troops and 1500 Portuguese against the invaders, who were doing every thing that rage and malice could suggest in a neighbouring town. After a desperate engagement, the _amoucos_ or devoted Nayres were defeated with great slaughter with the loss of 50 Portuguese. Cabral embarked well-pleased with this successful exploit against the sworn Nayres, and was well received in Portugal, as he justly merited, though contrary to the usual custom of that court.

This year there was born at Goa, of Canarin parents, a hairy monster like a monkey, having a round head and only one eye in the forehead, over which it had horns, and its ears were like those of a kid. When received by the midwife, it cried with a loud voice, and stood up on its feet. The father put it into a hencoop, whence it got out and flew upon its mother; on which the father killed it by pouring scalding water on its head, and could scarcely cut off the head it was so hard. He burnt it. But when the story came to be known, he was punished for the murder, and the body was exposed to public view[371].

[Footnote 371: This silly story has been retained, perhaps very unnecessarily. It is perhaps an instance of embellishment founded on the love of the marvellous, and the whole truth may lie in a very narrow compass “_an infant coming into the world covered with hair_,” while all the rest is fiction.–E.]

Don Alfonso de Noronha was promoted to the viceroyalty of India from being governor of Ceuta, but was subjected to the control of a council, by whose advice he was ordered to conduct the government of India. He had orders from court to send back to Portugal all the _new Christians or converted Jews_, many of whom had gone out to India with their families. It had been better to have banished them from both countries. The new viceroy was received at Goa with universal joy, more owing perhaps to the general dislike towards him who lays down authority than from love for him who takes it up. The Arabs of _Catifa_ in the Persian Gulf had admitted the Turks to take possession of the fort in that city, to the great displeasure of the King of Ormuz, on whom it had been dependent, and who therefore applied for aid to the viceroy to reduce the refractory or revolted vassals. The king of Basrah had also been expelled from his kingdom by the Turks, yet kept the field with an army of 30,000 men, and sent for assistance from the viceroy, to whom he offered leave to erect a fort at his capital, and to grant many valuable privileges to the Portuguese. The viceroy accordingly sent his nephew, Antonio de Norenha, to the assistance of these two kings with 1200 men in nineteen vessels. Antonio was joined at Ormuz by 3000 native troops, in conjunction with whom he besieged Catifa, which was defended by 400 Turks. After a brave but unavailing resistance, the garrison fled by night, but were pursued and routed. As the general of the troops of Ormuz was unwilling to engage for the future defence of this fort, it was undermined for the purpose of destroying it; but being unskilfully managed, the mine exploded unexpectedly, and forty of the Portuguese were buried under its ruins. Noronha then sailed to the mouth of the Euphrates, on purpose to assist the king of Basrah; but he was induced to believe, by a cunning Turkish pacha, that the king of Basrah meant to betray him, on which he ingloriously returned to Ormuz, where he learnt the deceit when too late.

The sultan of the Turks was so much displeased with the Portuguese for what they had done at Catifa and attempted at Basrah, that he sent an expedition against Ormuz of 16,000 men, commanded by an old pirate named _Pirbec_. The Turk in the first place besieged Muscat for near a month, and at length obliged the garrison to capitulate; but broke the articles and chained the captain and sixty men to the oars. He afterwards proceeded against Ormuz, where Don Alvaro de Noronha commanded with nine-hundred men in the fort, where he had provided ammunition and provisions for a long siege, and into which the king with his wife and children and some of the chief people of the court had gone for shelter. The Turk landed his men and raised batteries against the fort, which he cannonaded incessantly for a whole month; but finding that he lost many of his men and had no prospect of success, he plundered the city, and went over to the island of Kishom, to which many of the principal people of Ormuz had withdrawn, where he got a considerable booty and then retired to Basrah. The viceroy had been informed of the danger to which Ormuz was exposed, and fitted out a fleet in which he embarked in person for its relief; but hearing at Diu, on his way to the Persian Gulf, that Ormuz was out of danger, he sailed back to Goa. On his return unsuccessful from Ormuz, _Pirbec_ was beheaded for having acted beyond his instructions, and _Morad-beg_ was sent in 1553 with fifteen gallies to cruise in the Persian Gulf against the Portuguese. An encounter took place between this Turkish squadron and one belonging to the Portuguese under Don Diego de Noronha, which ended without material loss on either side; but the Turks were forced to take shelter in the Euphrates, where the water was too shallow to admit the Portuguese galleons. In the course of this year 1553, _Luis Camoens_, the admirable Portuguese poet, went out to India, to endeavour to advance his fortune by the sword, which had been so little favoured by his pen.

About this time new troubles took place at Diu in consequence of the death of Sultan Mahmud, king of Guzerat or Cambaya. Like Mithridates, he had accustomed himself to the use of poison, to guard against being poisoned. When any of his women happened to be near their delivery, he used to open them to take out their children. Being one day out hunting accompanied by some of his women, he fell from his horse and was dragged by the stirrup, when one of his women boldly made up to his horse and cut the girth with a cymeter; in requital for this service he killed her, saying “that a woman of such courage had enough to kill him.” He was at length murdered by a page in whom he had great confidence. For tyrants always die by the hands of those in whom they repose most trust. He was succeeded by a child who was his reputed son; but the nobility of the kingdom, offended by the insolence of Madrem-al-mulk who acted as governor of the kingdom, rebelled in several places. Abex Khan, who commanded in the city of Diu, was one of these, and in consequence of some disagreement between his soldiers and the Portuguese garrison, Don Diego de Almeyda made an assault on the city with 500 men, in which many of the Moors were slain and their houses plundered. Though late, Abex Khan saw his error, and made proper concessions. Soon afterwards, when Don Diego de Noronha succeeded Almeyda in the command of the castle of Diu, fresh troubles broke out at Diu, which were not appeased, till a good many men had been skin on both sides, chiefly owing to the rashness and obstinacy of Diego de Noronha, for which he was afterwards excluded from the appointment to the viceroyalty of India.

In 1554 Don Alfonso de Noronha was superseded in the government of Portuguese India by Don Pedro de Mascarenhas, who was 70 years of age when appointed viceroy. Soon after his arrival at Goa, some of the great subjects of Adel Khan, king of Visiapour, made proposals for raising Meale Khan, who had long resided at Goa, to the musnud, and offered to cede the Concan to the crown of Portugal, in reward for assistance in bringing about that revolution. That province, which produced a million of yearly revenue, was so great a bait, that the enterprise was engaged in without consideration of its difficulties. Meale Khan was immediately proclaimed king of Visiapour, and a force of 3000 Portuguese infantry with 200 horse and a body of Malabars and Canarins was immediately sent to reduce the fort of _Ponda_; after which, leaving his family in Goa as hostages for the faithful performance of the treaty, Meale Khan was conducted thither by the viceroy and placed at the head of his new subjects. Leaving Ponda under the charge of Don Antonio de Noronha, with a garrison of 600 men, the viceroy returned to Goa, where he soon afterwards died, having enjoyed the viceroyalty of India only ten months.

On the death of Mascarenhas, which happened some time in 1555, Francisco de Barreto succeeded to the government by virtue of a patent of succession. He immediately proceeded to Ponda to support the cause of Meale Khan, who was soon afterwards taken prisoner, and the Portuguese were utterly disappointed in the hopes of profiting by this intended revolution.

In the beginning of 1556, Juan Peixoto sailed with two gallies for the Red Sea, to examine if the Turks were making any preparations at Suez for attacking the Portuguese in India. Finding every thing quiet, he landed unperceived during the night in the island of Swakem, whence he carried off a considerable booty and many prisoners, and returned to Goa with much honour.

About this time the king of _Sinde_ sent an embassy to the governor general, desiring assistance in a war against one of his neighbours, and 700 men were dispatched for that purpose in 28 vessels under the command of Pedro Barreto, who arrived safe at Tatta in the _delta_ of the Indus, the residence of the king of Sinde. The prince immediately visited the Portuguese commander, and sent notice of his arrival to the king his father who was absent in the field against the enemy. As the king made peace with his enemy, Barreto desired leave to depart, and required that the Portuguese should be reimbursed for the expences of the expedition, as had been agreed upon, by the ambassador who solicited it. Receiving an unsatisfactory answer, Baretto landed his men and entered the city, where he slew above 8000 persons, destroyed to the value of above eight millions in gold[372], and loaded his vessels with the richest booty that had ever been made in India, without losing a single man. He afterwards spent eight days destroying every thing within reach on both sides of the river. On this occasion one Gaspar de Monterroyo, going accidentally into a wood, killed a monstrous serpent thirty feet in length and of prodigious bigness, which had just devoured a bullock. Thus victorious over men and monsters, Barreto returned to Chaul, whence he and Antonio Pereyra Brandam went and destroyed Dabul in revenge for the injury done by Adel Khan to the Portuguese possessions on the coast.

[Footnote 372: On many occasions, as here, De Faria, or his translator, gives no intimation of the species of coin to which he alludes.–E.]

In the year 1557, Nazer-al-mulk, the general of Adel Khan, invaded the districts of Salsete and Bardes with 2000 horse and 81,000 foot. Francisco Barreto, the governor-general, went against him with 3000 Portuguese infantry, 1000 Canarins, and 200 horse, and defeated him in the plain country near Ponda. In the district of Bardes, Juan Peixoto was opposed to another general of the enemy named Murad Khan, and being much incommoded by a Portuguese renegado who had fortified himself, assaulted and routed him twice with considerable slaughter. As the governor-general had retired to Goa after his late victory, Nazer-al-mulk returned to the flat country and intrenched his army near Ponda. About the same time an officer of Adel Khan waded the ford of _Zacorla_ into the island of _Choram_ with 500 men, and did considerable damage; but on the arrival of assistance from other parts was repulsed with considerable loss, and Francisco de Mascarenhas was left for the defence of the island with 300 men. Being desirous to secure the promontory of Chaul, the governor asked leave to fortify that place from Nizam Shah[373], who not only refused permission, but sent 30,000 of his own men with orders to build there an impregnable fort. On this the governor went there in person with 4000 Portuguese troops besides natives, and a pacific arrangement was entered into, but without liberty to build the fort. A miracle was seen at this place, as the Moors had been utterly unable to cut down a small wooden cross fixed upon a stone, or even to remove it by the force of elephants. Likewise about this time a Portuguese soldier bought for a trifle from a _jogue_ in Ceylon, a brown pebble about the size of an egg, on which the heavens where represented in several colours, and in the midst of them the image of the holy Virgin with the Saviour in her arms; this precious jewel fell into the hands of Franciso Barreto, who presented it to Queen Catharine, and through its virtues God wrought many miracles both in India and Portugal.

[Footnote 373: Named Nizamuxa in De Faria, and perhaps the same prince called Nizamaluco on former occasions, whom we have always designated Nizam al Mulk. The Indian officers named in the text a little before Nazer al Mulk and Murad Khan, are called Nazar Maluco and Moatecan by De Faria, whose orthography of eastern names is continually vicious.–E.]

About the end of the government of Franciso Barreto, Joam III, king of Portugal died, in whom ended the good fortune of the Portuguese. In 1558 the regency, during the minority of King Sebastian, sent out Don Constantin de Braganza as viceroy to India. Don Constantin was younger brother of Theodosius duke of Braganza, and was only 30 years of age when appointed to that high office. He arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1558, with four ships and 2000 men, having performed the voyage with unusually favourable weather; and, contrary to the usual practice, he assumed the government without affronting in any way the person whom he superseded. Soon after his arrival he went upon an expedition against Daman, which had been ceded to the former governor by the king of Guzerat, but which was still retained by Side Bofata, who was in rebellion against his own prince. On the arrival of the Portuguese armament, Bofata abandoned the city and fort, which the viceroy took possession of, as a post of importance to secure the district of Basseen, and converted the mosque into a Christian church. Bofata encamped at a place named _Parnel_, two leagues from Daman, whence with 2000 horse he infested the Portuguese in their new possession; but was driven from his encampment by Antonio Moniz Barreto, leaving thirty-six pieces of cannon, several cart-loads of copper money, and other plunder. The viceroy behaved with such liberality and discretion, that he soon attracted abundance of inhabitants to this new acquisition, and reduced the neighbouring island of _Balzar_, which he deemed necessary for the security of Daman, of which he gave the command to Don Diego de Noronha with a garrison of 1200, appointing Alvaro Gonzales Pinto to command in Balzar with 120 men and some cannon.

In 1560, the viceroy went against Jafnapatam in the island of Ceylon, because the king of that place, who was likewise lord of the isle of Manar, persecuted the Christians, and had usurped the throne from his brother, who fled to Goa, and was there baptised by the name of Alfonso. After some considerable successes, and having even forced the king of Jafnapatam to cede the island of Manar, and to submit to the vassalage of Portugal, the viceroy was obliged to desist from the enterprise with considerable loss, but retained the island of Manar, where he built a fort. Among the treasure belonging to the king of Jafnapatam, taken in this expedition, was an idol, or relic rather, which was held in high estimation by all the idolaters on the coast of India, and, in particular, by the king of Pegu, who used to send ambassadors yearly with rich presents, merely to get a _print_ of the precious relic. This holy relic was nothing more than the tooth of a white monkey; and some say that the cause of its being so much admired was owing to the rarity of the colour, like the white elephant of Siam. Others say that the monkey was held in such veneration for having discovered the wife of an ancient Indian king who had eloped from her husband. Some again alleged that it was the tooth of a man who had performed that service. However this may have been, when the king of Pegu heard that this tooth was in possession of the viceroy, he made an offer of 300,000 ducats for it, and it was believed his zeal would extend to a million if the bargain was well managed. Most of the Portuguese were for taking the money, and some wished to be employed in carrying the tooth to Pegu, expecting to derive great profit by shewing so precious a treasure by the way. But in a meeting of the principal clergy and laity of Goa, held on purpose, it was determined that the tooth should be destroyed; and it was accordingly pounded in a mortar in presence of the assembly, and reduced to ashes. All men applauded this act; but, not long afterwards, _two teeth_ were set up instead of one.

Madrem al Mulk, king of Cambaya, desirous of recovering Daman, was ready to march against that place with a numerous army; but Don Diego de Noronha, getting intelligence of the design, contrived to persuade Cedeme Khan, lord of Surat, that the expedition was intended against him. Cedeme Khan, giving credit to this fiction, went to visit his brother-in-law, Madrem al Mulk, and persuaded him, with the principal leaders of his army, to visit him in the city of Surat, where he killed them all, and falling upon the camp put the Guzerat army to the rout with great slaughter. Zingis Khan, the son and successor of Madrem al Mulk, marched with a numerous army to Surat to revenge the death of his father. Cedeme Khan abandoned the city and retired into the fort, where he was besieged by Zingis Khan, and reduced to great extremity; but hearing that his dominions were invaded by a new enemy, Zingis Khan patched up an agreement with Cedeme Khan, and returned to defend his own country. Soon afterwards, Don Diego de Noronha, commandant of Daman, died poor, having expended all his substance in the service of his king and country. Don Antonio de Noronha, who was afterwards viceroy, used to say “That a man must be mad who practised that kind of liberality.” Now-a-days all men are very wise in that respect.

Some time afterwards, Cedeme Khan sent notice to the viceroy, that Zingis Khan was again marching against Surat, which he was in no condition to defend, and offered to deliver up the fort at that place to the Portuguese, on condition of being carried with his family and treasure to such place as he should appoint. The viceroy accordingly sent fourteen ships under the command of Don Antonio de Noronha to Surat, accompanied by Luis de Melo, who was appointed to succeed Diego de Noronha in the command of Daman. Coming to Surat, they forced their way up the river through showers of bullets, and landing with only 500 Portuguese troops, defeated Zingis Khan, who had an army of 20,000 men, but were unable to drive him from the city of Surat. Cedeme Khan however refused to deliver up the fort of Surat according to agreement, alledging that his own men would kill him if he did so. This is very likely; for, on the retirement of Antonio to Goa, Cedeme Khan was forced to make his escape from his own people, and, being made prisoner by Zingis Khan, was put to death. _Caracen_, who succeeded Cedeme Khan, contrived to patch up an agreement with Zingis Zhan, who left him in possession of Surat.

The conduct of Don Constantin de Braganza gave so much satisfaction to King Sebastian, that he offered to continue him as viceroy of India for life; but on his refusal, Don Francisco de Cotinho, count of Redondo, was appointed his successor. This nobleman, who was no less distinguished for his witty sayings than for his conduct in peace and war, arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1561. Nothing worth relating happened during his government of India, which lasted two years and five months, except the ordinary occurrences of petty wars on the Malabar coast, in Ceylon, Malacca, and the Moluccas, not worth relating. In his time, the famous poet _Camoens_ was in Goa, where he had been favoured by the two last viceroys. The former governor, Francisco Barreto, had imprisoned and banished him for getting into debt, and other youthful extravagancies; and, being given up to the law by the count towards the end of his government, he was thrown into prison. We shall afterwards see him deceitfully carried to Sofala, and there sold as a slave. About the end of February 1564, the viceroy died suddenly, much lamented by all, being a great lover of justice, and so happy in his witticisms that all pleasant sayings were fathered upon him.

SECTION VI.

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from_ 1564 _to the year_ 1571.

On the death of the count of Redondo, Juan de Mendoza late governor of Malacca succeeded to the command in India with, the title of governor. A short while before his accession, some Malabar pirates had committed hostilities on the coast of Calicut upon the Portuguese; and when complaints were carried to the zamorin, he alleged that these had been done contrary to his authority by rebels, and that the Portuguese were welcome to punish them at their pleasure. The late viceroy had accordingly sent Dominic de Mosquita to make reprisals, who took above twenty sail of Malabar vessels, the crews of which he barbarously put to death. Immediately after the accession of Mendoza to the government an ambassador was sent to him from the zamorin, complaining of the conduct of Mosquita; when the governor, in imitation of the answer given on a similar occasion by the zamorin, said that it had probably been done by Portuguese rebels whom he might punish if taken. As Mosquita came to Goa while the Calicut ambassadors were still there, the governor thought it expedient to apprehend him in their presence; but as soon as they were departed, he released Mosquita and rewarded him. His conduct, however, soon afterwards occasioned a long war with the zamorin. Mendoza only enjoyed the government for six months, as, in the beginning of September 1564, Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa with the title of viceroy.

It is the received opinion in India, that the apostle St. Thomas was slain at _Antmodur_, a mountain about a league and half from Meliapour, where were two caves into which he used to retire for prayer and meditation. The nearest of these caves now belongs to the Jesuits, and the other has been converted into a church dedicated to our Lady of the Mount. According to the legend, the apostle being one day at prayers in the former of these caves, opposite to a cleft which let in the light, a bramin thrust in a spear at the hole and gave the saint a mortal wound, part of the spear breaking off and remaining in his body. The saint had just strength enough remaining to go into the other cave, where he died embracing a stone on which a representation of the cross was engraved. His disciples removed his body, and buried it in the church which he had built, where the body was afterwards found by Emanuel de Faria and the priest Antonio Penteado, who were sent thither on purpose by king Emanuel. When, in the year 1547, the Portuguese were clearing out the cave or oratory in which the apostle died, a stone was found which seems to have been that he clung to at his death. This stone is about a yard long and three quarters broad, of a grey colour with some red spots. On its middle there is a carved porch, having letters between two borders, and within two banisters, on which are two twisted figures resembling dogs in a sitting posture. From their heads springs a graceful arch of five borders, between every two of which are knobs resembling heads. In the hollow of this arch or portal is a pedestal of two steps, from the upper of which rises a branch on each side, and over these, as if hung in the air, is a cross, said to resemble that of the military order of Alcantara; but in the print the ends resemble three crescents with their convex sides outwards and their points meeting, like those in many old churches in Europe. Over all is a dove on the wing, as if descending to touch the cross with its beak.

When, in the year 1551, this oratory was repaired and beautified, this stone was solemnly set up and consecrated; and when the priest was reading the gospel, it began to turn black and shining, then sweated, and returned to its original colour, and plainly discovered, the red spots of blood, which were before obscure. The letters on this stone could not be understood till the year 1561, when a learned bramin said they consisted of 36 hieroglyphic characters, each containing a sentence, and explained them to this effect: “In the time of the son of Sagad the gentile, who reigned 30 years, the _one only_ GOD came upon earth, and was incarnate in the womb of a virgin. He abolished the law of the Jews, _whom he punished for the sins of men._[374], after he had been thirty-three years in the world, and had instructed _twelve_ servants in the truth which he preached. A king of three crowns _Cheraldcone, Indalacone, Cuspindiad, and Alexander_; king of _Ertinabarad_, with _Catharine_ his daughter, and many virgins, with six families, voluntarily followed the law of _Thomas_, because the law of truth, and he gave them the sign of the cross to adore. Going up to the place of _Antenodur_, a bramin thrust him through with a lance, and he died embracing this cross which was stained with his blood. His disciples carried him to _Maiale_, where they buried him in his own church with the lance still in his body. And as we, the above mentioned kings, saw this, we carved these letters.” Hence it may be inferred, that _Maiale_ was the ancient name of _Meliapour_, now called _St Thomas_. This stone afterwards sweated sometimes, which, till the year 1561, was a good omen, but has since been a bad one.

[Footnote 374: Probably Mr Stephens may have mistranslated this passage, which might be more appropriately read, _who put him to death for the sins of men_. This clumsy legend of St Thomas may amuse our readers; but probably derives its principal features from the contrivances of the Jesuits.–E.]

There were likewise found three brass plates, about a span long and half a span broad, shaped like scutcheons, having rings on the top. On one side was engraven a cross and peacock, the ancient arms of Meliapour, and on the other side certain characters which were explained by another learned bramin to the following effect: “_Boca Rajah_ son of _Campula Rajah_, and grandson of _Atela Rajah_, who confesses one GOD without beginning, creator of all things, who is greater than the beast _Chigsan_, and one of five kings who has conquered ninety and nine, who is strong as one of the eight elephants that support the world, and hath conquered the kingdoms of Otia, Tulcan, and Canara, cutting his enemies to pieces with his sword.” This is the Inscription on one of these plates. The others contain grants of lands to St Thomas, directed by the king to himself, and calling him _Abidarra Modeliar;_ whence it may be inferred, that these kings reigned at the time when Christ was crucified. One of these grants begins thus: “After the year 1259, in the first year called _Icarana Rachan_, and on the 12th day of the new moon of the good year, I give in alms to the saint _Abidarra Modeliar,”_ &c. The other begins in this manner: “This is a token of alms-deeds to purchase Paradise. All kings that perform them shall obtain much more than they give; and he who disannuls them shall remain 60,000 years with the worms in hell,” &c.

It has been disputed by what road St Thomas came into India. The heathen history says, that he and Thaddeus being in Mesopotamia, they parted at the city of Edessa, whence St Thomas sailed with certain merchants to the island of Socotora where he converted the people, and then passed over to Mogodover Patana, a city of Paru, in Malabar, where he built a church. When at this place, a heathen, who had struck St Thomas in the king’s presence, going to fetch water had his hand bitten off by a tiger; and running to the palace to tell his misfortune, a dog followed him with the hand in his mouth, on which the saint set on his hand again, so that no mark remained. He went afterwards to Calicut, where he converted king _Perimal_. There is an account that he went to the Moguls country, where Chesitrigal then reigned, whence going into China, he returned through Thibet into India, and went to Meliapour, where he ended his days.

In the year 800, a rich Armenian Christian, named Thomas Cananeus, arrived at Mogodover or Patana. Having acquired the favour of the king by his presents, he received a grant of Cranganor and the city of Patana, in which there were scarcely any vestiges remaining of the church there established by St Thomas. On these foundations the Armenian built a new church, and another at Cranganor, which he dedicated to St Thomas, and which is still standing on the outside of the Portuguese fort. He likewise built two other churches, one dedicated to the Holy Virgin, and the other to St Cyriacus. All of these have been erroneously ascribed to St Thomas, when in fact they were the works of Thomas Cananeus, the Armenian. It may reasonably be believed that the temple or pagoda, into which Vasco de Gama entered, as he went from Calicut to the palace of the zamorin, may have been one of these churches, because the image of the Virgin was there called Mary by the heathens. It is believed that one of the three kings who went to Bethlem, at the nativity of our Lord, was king of Malabar. The heathens celebrate yearly a festival in honour of St Thomas, for the preservation of their ships, because formerly, every year, many of them used to be lost while sailing to Parvi.

From this long digression we return to the government of the viceroy Don Antonio de Noronha, who arrived in the beginning of September 1564, as formerly mentioned. In consequence of the cruelties exercised on the Moors of Malabar by Mesquita, as formerly mentioned, those of Cananor had besieged the Portuguese fort at that place, and had destroyed above thirty vessels which were under its protection. After a siege of some endurance, the Portuguese fleet destroyed many of the paraos belonging to the enemy, while the besieged garrison of Cananor killed great numbers of their assailants, besides cutting down above 40,000 palm trees[375] to the infinite injury of the natives, who depend upon these trees as their principal sustenance. The natives were so exasperated at this that, collecting forces from all the surrounding districts, to the amount of 90,000 men, they assaulted and even scaled the walls of the fort and city; but after fighting from day-break to sunset, during which time they lost about 5000 men, they were forced to retire to their camp, resolving to protract the siege, or rather to convert the siege into a strict blockade. In the farther prosecution of this war, the Portuguese utterly destroyed the city belonging to Adderajao[376], who commanded the besieging enemy, and cut down a large wood of palm trees, making great slaughter of the enemy, without any loss on their own side, so that the natives were constrained to raise the siege.

[Footnote 375: Assuredly cocoa-nut trees. This explains a circumstance repeatedly mentioned on former occasions, of the Portuguese anxiously cutting down the woods in their war with the natives on the coast of India.–E.]

[Footnote 376: From the name of the commander of the enemy, probably _Adde Rajah_, and other circumstances, they were most likely _Nagres_, and other native Malabars, though called Moors in the text of De Faria.–E.]

About this time the fort of Daman, towards the frontier of Guzerat, was threatened by a detachment of 3000 Mogul horse. Juan de Sousa stood immediately on his defence, and sent advice to the viceroy and the neighbouring commanders of his danger, trusting however to the strength of his defences, and particularly to a pallisade or _bound hedge_, which he had made of the plant named _lechera_ or the _milk plant_, which throws out when cut a milky liquor which is sure to blind any one if it touches their eyes. On receiving reinforcements, De Sousa marched out against the Moguls, who were encamped about three leagues from Daman; but they fled precipitately, leaving their camp and baggage, in which the Portuguese found a rich booty.

During the year 1566, the trade of India was reduced to a very low ebb, owing to a desolating war in the rich and extensive kingdom of Bisnagar, which then reached from the frontiers of Bengal to that of Sinde. The kings of the Decan, Nizam al Mulk, Adel Khan, and Cuttub Shah, envious of the power and grandeur of the king of Bisnagar, entered into a league to partition his dominions among themselves, and took the field with 50,000 horse and 300,000 foot. To repel this formidable invasion, the king of Bisnagar, who was then ninety-six years of age, met his enemies with an army double their numbers. At first the confederates seemed to have the worst of the war; but fortune favoured them in the end, and the ancient king of Bisnagar was defeated and slain. The confederates spent five months in plundering the capital of Bisnagar, although the natives had previously carried off 1550 elephants loaded with money and jewels to the value of above an hundred millions of gold, besides the royal chair of state, which was of inestimable value. Among his share of the plunder Adel Khan got a diamond as large as an ordinary egg, with another of extraordinary size though smaller, and other jewels of prodigious value. The dominions of the old king were partitioned by the victors among his sons and nephews.

In the year 1567, the great poet Camoens being extremely poor though he had served sixteen years in India, was prevailed upon to go to Sofala along with Pedro Barreto, who was going there with the command, and promised to do great things for him; but after waiting long and receiving nothing, Camoens resolved to return to Portugal in a ship which put in at Sofala, in which was Hector de Silveyra and other gentlemen. Barreto, however, opposed his departure, having promised him promotion without any intentions of doing so, but only to procure his company for his own gratification, and now detained him under pretence of a debt of two hundred ducats. Silveyra and the other Portuguese gentlemen paid this money and brought Camoens away, so that it may be said, that the person of Camoens and the honour of Barreto were both sold for that money. Camoens arrived at Lisbon in 1569, at which time the plague raged in that city; so that in flying from one plague our great and famous poet fell into another.

In 1568, Don Antonio de Noronha was succeeded as viceroy of India by Don Luis de Ataide, count of Atougaia, who arrived at Goa in the October of that year. At this time Itimi Khan held the administration of the Kingdom of Guzerat, having by great artifice persuaded the chiefs that his own son was son of the former king; but the kingdom was in great confusion. One Rustum Khan had usurped Baroch, in which he was besieged by the Moguls, and being in alliance with the Portuguese, a force was sent to his assistance, which succeeded in obliging the Moguls to raise the siege; but Rustum now forgot his promises, and refused to become tributary. At Surat the government had been usurped by one Agalu Khan, who was loading two large ships at that port without licence from the Portuguese viceroy; on which the commander of the Portuguese fort at Daman seized both ships, which were valued at 100,000 ducats. Nunno Vello de Pereyra, who had gone from Daman to clear the bay of Cambaya from pirates that infested the Portuguese trade, burnt two villages and several vessels, and carried away many prisoners. He then landed with 400 men, and went against a body of Moguls who had taken post on the mountain of Parnel, about three leagues from Daman, a place almost impregnable by its situation and the strength of its works. Although unacquainted with the strength of the place or the number of its defenders, who exceeded 8000 men, Nunno immediately began to climb up the steep ascent, whence the enemy rolled down great stones upon the assailants. The soldiers however clambered up on their hands and knees, and reached the first entrenchment which they carried after a vigorous opposition; but were forced to retire from the fort after a desperate assault, in which the Portuguese lost seven men. In their retreat the Portuguese carried off a considerable quantity of provisions, with fifty horses and several camels and oxen, and were pursued on their retreat by 500 of the enemy, 100 of whom were cavalry. From Daman, to which he had retreated, Nunno marched again against the enemy, having now 100 Portuguese and 50 native horse, with 650 foot, half Portuguese, and half native, and three pieces of cannon. In this new, attempt, they had to climb the mountain by roads never trod before, and against considerable opposition from the enemy, who had five pieces of cannon. After three days of severe labour and almost continual fighting, in which he lost eight men, six of whom were slain and two made prisoners, Nunno at length gained the summit of the mountain, and planted his cannon against the fort, which he battered with such fury, that the enemy abandoned it on the sixth night, and the fort was razed.

In the year 1580, a dangerous war broke out in India against the Portuguese, by a confederacy which had been negotiating for five years with wonderful secrecy. The confederated princes were Adel Khan, Nizam al Mulk, the Zamorin, and the king of Acheen, and they flattered themselves in the hope of extirpating the Portuguese from India, making themselves so sure of success, that they agreed beforehand on the division of their expected conquests. Adel Khan was to have Goa, Onor, and Barcalor; Nizam al Mulk to have Chaul, Daman, and Basseen; and Cananor, Mangalor, Cochin, and Chale were to become the share of the Zamorin. At the same time, the king of Acheen was to attack Malacca, that the Portuguese, assailed at once on every important point, might be incapable of sending succours to the different places. Adel Khan was so confident of success, that he had assigned the different offices at Goa among his chiefs, and had even allotted among them certain Portuguese ladies, who were celebrated for their beauty.

In pursuance of this league, Adel Khan took the field to besiege Goa, and Nizam al Mulk marched against Chaul. In this great emergency, it was recommended by many to abandon Chaul for the greater security of Goa; but the viceroy undauntedly resolved to defend both. Don Francisco Mascarenhas was sent with six hundred men in four gallies and five small vessels for the relief of Chaul, about the beginning of September, and the viceroy took proper precautions for the defence of Goa. The pass of Benastarim was committed to the care of Ferdinand de Sousa y Castellobranco with 120 men. Paul de Lima had charge of Rachol with sixty, and fifteen hundred native troops were distributed in different parts of the island under approved commanders. At this time there were only 700 Portuguese troops in Goa, which were kept as a body of reserve, whenever their services might be most wanted. The defence of the city was confided to the monks and clergy, to the number of 300, assisted by 1000 slaves. Juan de Sousa with 50 horse was ready to give assistance where wanted. Don George de Menezes had the defence of the river with 25 vessels; and the viceroy, having procured ammunition and provisions from all quarters, took post about the middle of December on the bank of the river.

These measures of defence were hardly completed, when several bodies of the enemy were seen descending from the _gauts_, and taking up a camp at Ponda, under the command of Nori Khan, general of the army of Adel Khan. About the end of December, Nori Khan advanced from Ponda, and encamped, facing the pass of Benastarim, where he pitched the royal tents of Adel Khan, who spent eight days in descending the gauts, so vast was the army which now came against Goa. At night, so many fires were lighted up to illuminate the passes of the mountain, that, though at a great distance, the multitudes of the enemy could be distinctly seen from the island. The army of Adel Khan, on this occasion, amounted to 100,000 fighting men, of whom 36,000 were horse, with 2140 war-elephants, and 350 pieces of cannon, most of which were of an extraordinary size; and some barks were brought upon mules to be launched into the river to assist in getting into the island. The chief commanders of this vast army were Nori Khan, Rumer Khan, and Coger Khan; the former of whom commanded in chief under the king, and the other two had charge of advanced posts on the side of the river. Their encampment was so extensive and regularly arranged that it resembled a regularly built city. Adel Khan took up his quarters at Ponda with 4000 horse, 6000 musqueteers, 300 elephants, and 220 pieces of cannon. Rumer Khan, Coger Khan, and Mortaz Khan were stationed near the mouth of the _Ganja_ channel, with 3000 horse, 130 elephants, and nine cannon. Nori Khan commanded opposite the island of _Juan Lopez_ with 7000 horse, 130 elephants, and eight large cannon. Camil Khan and Deliren Khan faced the pass of Benastarim with 9000 horse, 200 elephants, and 32 pieces of battering artillery. Solyman Aga took post on a hill above Benastarim with 1500 horse and two field-pieces. Anjoz Khan, opposite the island of _Juan Rangel_, with 2500 horse, 50 elephants, and six cannon. Xatiaryiatan in sight of _Sapal_, with 1500 horse, six elephants, and six cannon. Daulate Khan, Xetiatimanaique, Chiti Khan, and Codemena Khan faced the pass of Agazaim with 9000, 200 elephants, and 26 cannon. The rest of the army, with innumerable followers, covered the mountains to a vast extent, sufficient to strike terror into the boldest spirits.

Having carefully examined the dispositions of the enemy, and naturally considering the means he possessed for defence, now somewhat increased by the arrival of reinforcements from different quarters, the viceroy made a new distribution of his force to various posts, his force in all amounting to 1600 men; besides several small armed vessels, which were directed to guard the river, and to relieve the several posts as occasion offered or required[377]. The enemy spent their first efforts against the fort at the pass of Benastarim, where they did considerable damage by the constant fire of their heavy guns; but whatever injury they did during the day was repaired in the ensuing night. Such was the extent of their cannonade, that only in one small post, occupied by Alvaro de Mendoza with ten men, 600 bullets were picked up, some of which were two spans diameter. The Portuguese were unable to answer with any thing like a correspondent fire, but, being well directed, their shot did great execution, and the small armed vessels plied from place to place with much diligence, doing great injury with their small guns. One night an officer of the enemy was seen with a great number of torches passing a height opposite the fort of Benastarim, having a number of young women dancing before him. On this occasion, Ferdinand de Sousa caused a cannon to be so exactly pointed among them, that the officer, with several of his torch-bearers and two couple of the dancers were seen to fly into the air. As this was the time for dispatching the homeward-bound trade to Portugal, the governor was anxiously advised to stop that fleet, as it would deprive him of 400 men, who might be of great use in defending Goa; but ambitions of acquiring greater glory by conquering every difficulty, he ordered the ships to sail at their usual time, alleging that their cargoes were much wanted in Portugal, and that he trusted he should have a sufficient force remaining to defend the seat of government.

[Footnote 377: In the original, there is along enumeration of twenty-four several posts, with the names of the officers commanding each, and the numbers in their respective detachments; all here omitted as uninteresting.–E.]

The Portuguese had often the boldness to cross over and attack the enemy in their posts in the main-land, whence they brought away many prisoners and many heads of those they slew, with various arms and standards. On one occasion, Don George de Menezes who commanded the armed vessels, and Don Pedro de Castro who landed with 200 Portuguese, made so great slaughter that the viceroy sent two carts loaded with heads to the city, to animate the inhabitants with this barbarous proof of the energy of the defence. One night Gaspar and Lancelot Diaz penetrated four or five miles up the country with eighty men, burnt two villages with many detached houses, and brought away many prisoners, many heads of the slain enemy, and much cattle. At another time these two brothers, with one hundred and thirty men, attacked the quarters of Coger Khan and Rumer Khan, where they made great havock, and destroyed all the preparations they had made for passing over into the island of Juan Lopez. The enemy were astonished at the exploits performed by such small numbers, and still more so when they learnt that the viceroy had sent off Don Diego de Menezes with his squadron to the Malabar coast, and Don Ferdinand de Vasconcellos with four gallies and two small vessels, on an expedition to destroy Dabul.

Don Ferdinand burnt two large ships belonging to Mecca at that place, where he likewise landed and destroyed several villages, and would even have done the same to Dabul if he had not been opposed by his officers. On his return to Goa he attacked the quarters of Anjoz Khan, which were three miles from the post of the viceroy. He forced an entrance with great slaughter of the enemy; but his men falling into confusion for the sake of plunder, the enemy rallied and fell upon them, so that they were constrained to seek their safety in flight, with some loss, while Don Ferdinand was weakened with loss of blood and wearied by the weight of his armour, so that he was surrounded and slain. On this occasion 40 of the Portuguese were slain, and the ship of Don Ferdinand was taken by the enemy; but the viceroy sent Don George de Menezes with 100 men, who set the ship on fire, and brought away her guns.

At this time the zamorin made proposals for renewing the peace, either in hopes of deriving some advantage during the present state of affairs, or of covering his real designs of hostility; but the viceroy replied, that he would not yield a single point of difference, and even persisted in that resolution, although the queen of _Quarcopa_ declared war at Onor. Even under all the difficulties of his situation, the viceroy sent succours to Onor to oppose this new enemy, to the great astonishment of Adel Khan, who thought the force in Goa had been already too small for defence against his numerous army. At this time likewise, the viceroy sent reinforcements to the Moluccas and Mozambique, both of which places were much straitened by the enemy. The grand object of the enemy was to get across into the island of Goa, for which purpose the great general Nori Khan began to construct a bridge, in which he employed a vast number of workmen; but the viceroy fell upon them and made great havock, destroying all their preparations and materials. It was reported that Adel Khan designed to go over into the island in person, and that he was extremely desirous to get possession of a fine horse belonging to the viceroy, for which he had formerly offered a large sum of money. On this being made known to the viceroy, he sent the horse as a present to Adel Khan, with a complimentary message, saying “that it would give him much satisfaction to see his majesty on the island.” Adel Khan accepted the horse, and caused him to be bedded with silken quilts, under a canopy of cloth of gold, to be covered with embroidered damask, and all his caparisons to be ornamented with massy gold, while his provender was mixed with preserves and other dainties. But the horse was soon afterwards killed by a cannon-ball.

After the siege had continued above two months to the beginning of March, during which time many of the buildings in the island had been beaten down by the cannon of the enemy, who had lost numbers of their men, Adel Khan began to despair of success, especially as the Portuguese were now considerably increased in strength by the arrival of several squadrons from different places. He wished, therefore, for peace, yet was loath to propose it himself; but the viceroy was acquainted with his most secret councils, as he used all possible means to procure intelligence from the hostile camp, where he had in his pay several renegado Portuguese who served under Adel khan, and had even corrupted the favourite wife of Adel Khan. He so converted these secret advices to advantage, that he contrived to get a treaty of pacification begun without its appearing who was its author, and at length even Adel Khan stooped to make proposals. Still, however, the siege was continued unto the month of April, at which time considerable reinforcements arrived at Goa, under Don George de Menezes, who brought back 1500 men from the Moluccas, and Lorenzo de Barbuda from Cochin. At one time, 3000 of the enemy began to enter the island of Juan Lopez, but were repulsed with great slaughter by 120 men under two Portuguese commanders. In many expeditions from the island, the Portuguese attacked the various posts of the enemy on the main-land, mostly by night, ruining the works they had thrown up, burning the villages, and destroying great numbers of their men. Yet though Adel Khan had hardly any hopes of ultimate success, he caused gardens to be laid out at his quarters, and made such other demonstrations as if he had resolved to dwell in his present camp till Goa were reduced.

Winter being near at hand, Adel Khan determined upon a great effort to gain possession of the island; for which purpose 9000 men were brought to the pass of _Mercantor_, which had not been fortified by the Portuguese as the river was very wide at that place. Fortunately the Portuguese heard the sound of a great drum in that direction, which is never beat but when the king marches in person; upon which they ran thither and saw Adel Khan on the opposite side encouraging his men. Advice of this was immediately conveyed to the viceroy, who sent several parties to defend the pass, and marched thither himself, sending orders for assistance to the various posts and quarters. In spite of every opposition, five thousand of the enemy got over under the command of Solyman Aga, a Turk who was captain of the guards of Adel Khan. By the time the viceroy got to the place, he had collected a force of 2000 men, with which he immediately attacked the enemy. The battle continued the whole of the 13th of April from morning to night, and from the morning of the 14th to that of the following day. During all this time, Adel Khan surveyed the engagement from the opposite side of the river, often cursing his prophet and throwing his turban on the ground in his rage; and at length had the mortification of seeing his troops entirely defeated, with the loss of Solyman Aga and 4000 men, while the Portuguese scarcely lost twenty. Though in public he vowed never to stir from before Goa still it was taken, he privately made overtures for peace, in which he even ridiculously demanded the surrender of Goa. About this time, the viceroy secretly entered into a treaty with Nori Khan, the grand general of Adel Khan, whom he instigated to kill the king, offering to support him in assuming the crown, or at least in acquiring a preponderating influence in the government under the successor. Nori Khan agreed to these proposals; but when the conspiracy was ripe for execution it was detected, and Nori Khan, with all his adherents, were secured.

When the siege had continued to the middle of July, the viceroy endeavoured to stir up other princes to invade the dominions of Adel Khan, that he might be constrained to abandon the siege. Both he and the king were desirous of peace, but both endeavoured to conceal their wishes; the viceroy giving out that he cared not how long the king continued the siege, and the king pretending that he would persevere till he gained the place. At length, towards the end of August 1571, when the summer or fine weather had begun, and when the enemy might still better have been able to keep the field, and to recommence active operations, the number of the hostile tents could be seen plainly to decrease, then the cannon were drawn off from the posts of the enemy, and at last the men entirely disappeared; Adel Khan having abandoned the siege without coming to any accommodation, after a siege of ten months, in which he lost 12,000 men, 300 elephants, 4000 horses, and 6000 draught bullocks, partly by the sword and partly by the weather.

Exactly at the same time when Adel Khan invested Goa, Nizam al Mulk sat down before Chaul. Being suspicious of each other, the two sovereigns kept time exactly in their preparations, in the commencement of their march, and in all their subsequent operations. Farete Khan the general of Nizam al Mulk sat down before Chaul with 8000 horse, 20 elephants and 20,000 foot, on the last day of November 1570, breaking ground with a prodigious noise of warlike instruments of music. At this time Chaul was under the command of Luis Fereiyra de Andrada, an officer well deserving of such a charge, who long laboured under great want of almost every necessary for conducting the defence, supplying these defects by his own genius and the valour of his men, till reinforced by Don Francisco Mascarenhas, who brought him 500 men in four gallies and provisions. Desirous of distinguishing himself before the arrival of Nizam his sovereign, Farete Khan resolved upon giving an assault, in which he employed his elephants with castles on their backs, and with scythes tied to their trunks. The fight lasted three hours; but the Moors were repulsed with great slaughter, both by sea and land, and forced to retire to the church of Madre de Dios. Nothing remarkable happened after this till the commencement of the year 1571, when some Moors were observed gathering fruit in an orchard at a short distance from the garrison, on which Nuno Vello went out against them with only five soldiers and killed one of the Moors. Both parties were gradually increased till the enemy amounted to 6000 men, and the Portuguese to 200; but notwithstanding this disparity of force, the Portuguese drove that vast multitude to flight and slew 180 of them, only losing two of their own number.

In the beginning of January 1571, Nizam al Mulk came before Chaul with his whole army, now consisting of 34,000 horse, 100,000 infantry, 16,000 pioneers, 4000 smiths, masons, carpenters, and other trades, and of sundry different nations, as Turks, Chorassans, Persians, and Ethiopians, with 360 elephants, an infinite number of buffaloes and bullocks, and 40 pieces of cannon, mostly of prodigious size, some of which carried balls of 100, some of 200, and some even of 300 pounds weight. These cannon had all appropriate names, as the cruel, the butcher, the devourer, the furious, and the like[378]. Thus an army of 150,000 men sat down to besiege a town that was defended merely by a single wall, a fort not much larger than a house, and a handful of men. Farete Khan took up his quarters near the church of Madre de Dios with 7000 horse and 20 elephants; Agalas Khan in, the house of Juan Lopez with 6000 horse; Ximiri Khan between that and upper Chaul with 2000 horse; so that the city was beset from sea to sea. The Nizam encamped with the main body, of the army at the farther end of the town, where the ground was covered with tents for the space of two leagues; and 5000 horse were detached to ravage the district of Basseen.

[Footnote 378: These names are of course to be considered as translations of the native or Persian names. That named _the furious_ in the text, is called the _Orlando furioso_ in the translation of De Faria by Stevens; but it is not easy to guess how the subjects of the Nizam should have known any thing of that hero of Christian romance.–E.]

At the commencement of the siege the Portuguese garrison was a mere handful of men, and the works being very slight no particular posts were assigned, all acting wherever their services were most wanted. Soon afterwards, the news of the siege having spread abroad, many officers and gentlemen flocked thither with reinforcements, so that in a short time the garrison was augmented to 2000 men. It was then resolved to maintain particular points besides the general circuit of the walls. The monastery of St Francis was committed to the charge of Alexander de Sousa; Nunno Alvarez Pereyra was entrusted to defend some houses near the shore; those between the Misericordia and the church of St Dominic were confided to Gonzalo de Menezes; others in that neighbourhood to Nuno Vello Perreyra; and so in other places. In the mean while it was generally recommended at Goa that Chaul ought to be abandoned, but the viceroy thought otherwise, in which opinion he was only seconded by Ferdinand de Castellobranco, and he immediately sent succours under Ferdinand Tellez and Duarte de Lima. Before their arrival, Zimiri Khan, who had promised the Nizam that he would be the first person to enter Chaul, vigorously assaulted the ports of Henry De Betancour and Ferdinand de Miranda, who resisted him with great gallantry, and on receiving reinforcements repulsed him with the slaughter of 300 of his men, losing seven on their side.

The enemy erected a battery against the monastery of St Francis where the Portuguese had some cannon; and as the gunners on both sides used their utmost endeavour to burst or dismount the opposite guns, the bullets were sometimes seen to meet by the way. On the eve of St Sebastian, the Portuguese made a sally upon some houses which were occupied by the Moors, and slew a great number of them without the loss of one man. Enraged at this affront and the late repulse, the enemy made that same night an assault on the fort or monastery of St Francis with 5000 men, expecting to surprise the Portuguese, but were soon undeceived by losing many of their men. This assault lasted with great fury for five hours; and as the Portuguese suspected the enemy were undermining the wall, and could not see by reason of the darkness, one Christopher Curvo thrust himself several times out from a window, with a torch in one hand and a buckler in the other to discover if possible what they were doing. During this assault those in the town sent out assistance to the garrison in the monastery, though with much hazard. When morning broke and the assailants had retired, the monastery was all stuck full of arrows, and the dead bodies of 300 Moors were seen around its walls, while the defenders had not lost a single man. The enemy renewed the assault on this post for five successive days, and were every time repulsed by the Portuguese with vast slaughter, the garrison often sallying out and strewing the field with slain enemies. It was at length judged expedient to withdraw the men from this place into the town, lest its loss might occasion greater injury than its defence could do service. Seventeen of the Portuguese were here slain. One of these used to stand on a high place to notice when the enemy fired their cannon, and on one occasion said to the men below; “If these fellows should now fire _Raspadillo_, a cannon 18 feet long to which that name was given, it will send me to sup with Christ, to whom I commend my soul, for it points directly at me.” He had hardly spoken these words when he was torn in pieces by a ball from that very gun. On getting possession of the monastery of St Francis, the Moors fired a whole street in the town of Chaul, but on attempting to take post in some houses, they were driven out with the loss of 400 men. At this time Gonzalez de Camera went to Goa for reinforcements, as the garrison was much pressed, and brought a relief in two galleys.

About this period the 5000 men that had been detached by the Nizam to ravage the district of Basseen attempted to get possession of some of the Portuguese garrisons. Being beaten off at Azarim and Daman, they invested Caranja, a small work between Chaul and Daman on the water-side, and almost an island, as it is surrounded by several small brooks. It was at this time commanded by Stephen Perestrello with a garrison of only 40 men, but was reinforced on the reappearance of the enemy by Emanuel de Melo with 30 more. With this small band of only 70 soldiers, Perestrello sallied out against the enemy, and with such success, that after covering the little island with dead bodies, the rest fled leaving their cannon, and a considerable quantity of ammunition and provisions.

In the mean time the Moors continued to batter Chaul without intermission for a whole month with 70 pieces of large cannon, every day expending against its weak defences at least 160 balls. This tremendous cannonade did much damage to the houses of the town, in which many of the brave defenders were slain. On one occasion six persons who were eating together were destroyed by a single ball. This furious battery was commenced against the bastion of the holy cross, and was carried on for a considerable way along the defences of that front of the town, levelling every thing with the ground. The besieged used every precaution to shelter themselves by digging trenches; but the hostile gunners were so expert[379] that they elevated their guns and made their balls plunge among those who considered themselves in safety. Observing that one of the enemies batteries beyond the church of St Dominic never ceased its destructive fire, Perestrello detached 120 men under Alexander de Sousa and Augustino Nunnez, who drove the enemy after a vigorous resistance from the battery with great slaughter, and set their works on fire, and levelled them with the ground, without sustaining any loss. Among the arms taken in this successful sortie was a cymeter inscribed, Jesus save me.

[Footnote 379: To expert modern gunners it would be an easy matter so discharge as many balls in _one day_, as were expended in this siege in a whole month. De Faria mentions that an expedient was fallen upon by which the danger from the plunging fire was avoided, but gives us no intimation of its nature.–E.]

Having ruined the defences of the town, the enemy attacked several large houses in which they endeavoured to establish themselves, but were repulsed from some of these with considerable loss, while the defenders lost but one man. On attacking the house of Hector de Sampayio, which was undermined by the Portuguese with the intention of blowing it up when occupied by the enemy, some fire accidentally communicated to the mine during the conflict, and blew it up while still occupied by the Portuguese, by which 42 of their soldiers were destroyed, and without injury to the Moors, who planted their colours on the ruins. Ximiri Khan made an assault by night with 600 men upon the bastion of the holy cross, in which Ferdinand Pereyra was posted with 30 men, who was reinforced by Henry de Betancourt with a few more. The assailants were beaten off and five of their colours taken which they had planted on the work. In this action Betancourt fought with his left hand, having previously lost the right; and Dominic del Alama, being lame, caused himself to be brought out in a chair. April 1571 was now begun, and the enemy were employed in constructing new works as if determined to continue the siege all winter. Alexander de Sousa and Gonzalo de Menezes were appointed to head a sally upon these new works, but their men ran out without orders to the number of 200, and made a furious assault upon the enemy, whom they drove from the works after killing fifty of them and losing a few of their own number. The two commanders hastened to join their men, and then directed them to destroy the works they had so gallantly won. Perplexed with so many losses, the Nizam made a general assault under night with his whole army, attacking all the posts at one time, every one of which almost they penetrated; but the garrison exerted themselves with so much vigour that they drove the Moors from every point of attack, and in the morning above 500 of the enemy were found slain in and about the ruined defences, while the Portuguese had only lost four or five men. About this time the defenders received a reinforcement of above 200 men from Goa, Diu, and Basseen, with a large supply of ammunition and provisions; but at this time they were much afflicted by a troublesome though not mortal disease, by which they became swelled all over so as to lose the use of their limbs.

Having ineffectually endeavoured to stir up enemies against the Portuguese in Cambaya on purpose to prevent relief being sent to the brave defenders of Chaul, the Nizam used every effort to bring his arduous enterprize to a favourable conclusion. The house of Nuno Alvarez Pereyra being used as a strong-hold by the Portuguese, was battered during forty-two days by the enemy, who then assaulted it with 5000 men. At first the defenders of this post were only forty in number, but twenty more came to their assistance immediately, and several others afterwards. The Moors were repulsed with the loss of 50 men, while the Portuguese only lost one. The house of Nuno Vello was battered for thirty days and assaulted with the same success, only the Portuguese lest ten men in its defence. Judging it no longer expedient to defend this house, it was undermined and evacuated, on which the enemy hastened to take possession and it was blown up, doing considerable execution among the enemy, but not so much as was expected. The summer was now almost spent; above 6000 cannon-balls had been thrown into the town, some of which were of prodigious size, and the Nizam seemed determined to continue the siege during the winter. About 200 Portuguese, appalled by the dangers of the siege, had already, deserted; but instead of them 300 men had come from Goa, so that the garrison was even stronger than before. On the 11th of April, Gonzalez de Camara made a sortie upon 500 Moors in an orchard, only fifty of whom escaped.

Fortune could not be always favourable to the besieged. By a chance ball from the enemy, one of the galleys which brought relief was sunk downright with 40 men and goods to the value of 40,000 ducats. But, next day, Ferdinand Tellez made a sally with 400 men, and gained a victory equal to that of Gonzalez de Camara, and brought away one piece of cannon with some ammunition, arms, and other booty. This action was seen by the Nizam in person, who mounted his horse and threatened to join in it in person, for which purpose he seized a lance, which he soon changed for a whip, with which he threatened to chastise his men, and upbraided them as cowards. The Portuguese were now so inured to danger that nothing could terrify them, and they seemed to court death instead of shunning it on all occasions. Some of them being employed to level some works from which the enemy had been driven near the monastery of St Francis, and being more handy at the sword than the spade, drew upon themselves a large party of the enemy of whom they slew above 200, yet not without some loss on their side. About this time Farete Khan, one of the Nizams generals, made some overtures towards peace, but without any apparent authority from his sovereign, who caused him to be arrested on suspicion of being corrupted by the Portuguese, though assuredly he had secret orders for what he had done. Indeed it was not wonderful that the Nizam should be desirous of peace, as he had now lain seven months before Chaul to no purpose, and had lost many thousand men; neither was it strange in the Portuguese to have the same wish, as they had lost 400 men besides Indians.

When the siege had continued to the beginning of June the attacks and batteries were carried on by both sides with as much obstinacy and vigour as if then only begun. The house of Nunno Alvarez was at this time taken by the enemy through the carelessness of the defenders, and on an attempt to recover it 20 of the Portuguese lost their lives without doing much injury to the enemy. The Moors in the next place got possession of the monastery of St Dominic, but not without a heavy loss; and then gained the house of Gonzalo de Menezes, in which the Portuguese suffered severely. The hostile batteries kept up a constant fire from the end of May to the end of June, as the Nizam had resolved to make a breach fit for the whole army to try its fortune in a general assault. On the 28th of June, every thing being in readiness, the Nizams whole army was drawn out for the assault, all his elephants appearing in the front with castles on their backs full of armed men. While the whole army stood in expectation of the signal of assault, an officer of note belonging to the enemy was slain by a random shot from one of the Portuguese cannon, which the Nizam considered as an evil omen, and ordered the attack to be deferred till next day. On this occasion six of the garrison ventured beyond the works and drew a multitude of the enemy within reach of the Portuguese fire, which was so well bestowed that 118 of the enemy were slain and 500 wounded, without any loss on the side of the defenders.

About noon on the 29th of June 1571, the Nizam gave the signal of assault, when the whole of his men and elephants moved forwards with horrible cries and a prodigious noise of warlike instruments. The Portuguese were drawn up in their several posts to defend the ruined works, and Don Francisco Mascarenhas, the commander in chief[380], placed himself opposite the Nizam with a body of reserve to relieve the posts wherever he might see necessary. The day was darkened with smoke, and alternately lighted up with flames. The slaughter and confusion was great on both sides. Some of the colours of the enemy were planted on the works, but were soon taken or thrown down along with those who had set them up. The elephants were made drunk by the nayres who conducted them that they might be the fiercer; but being burnt and wounded, many of them ran madly about the field. One that was much valued by the Nizam, having his housings all in flames, plunged into the sea and swam over the bar, where he was killed by a cannon ball from one of the Portuguese vessels. The Moors continued the assault till night, unable to gain possession of any of the works, and then drew off, after losing above 3000 men, among whom were many officers of note. On the side of the Portuguese eight gentleman were slain and a small number of private soldiers.

[Footnote 380: At the commencement of this siege, according to De Faria, Luis Ferreyra de Andrada commanded in Chaul; and Mascarenhas is said to have brought a reinforcement of 600 men; it would now appear that he had assumed the command.–E.]

Next day the Moors asked leave to bury their dead, and a truce was granted for that purpose. While employed in removing their dead, some of the Moors asked the Portuguese, _What woman it was that went before them in the fight, and if she were alive?_ One of the Portuguese answered, _Certainly she was alive for she was immortal!_ On this the Moors observed that it must have been the _Lady Marian_, for so they call the blessed Virgin. Many of them declared that they saw her at the house of Lorenzo de Brito, and that she was so bright that she blinded them. Some of them even went to see her image in the churches of Chaul, where they were converted and remained in the town. The Nizam was now seriously disposed for peace, and the Portuguese commander equally so, yet neither wished to make the first overture. At length however advances were made and a treaty set on foot. Farete Khan and Azaf Khan were commissioners from the Nizam, while Pedro de Silva and Antonio de Teyva were deputed by the Portuguese commander in chief, and Francisco Mascarenhas by the captain of the city. Accordingly a league offensive and defensive was concluded in the name of the Nizam and the king of Portugal, which was celebrated by great rejoicings on both sides and the interchange of rich presents. This however might easily have been accomplished without the effusion of so much blood. The Nizam now raised his camp and returned to his own dominions.

The zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the contracting parties in this extensive confederacy for driving the Portuguese from India, performed his part of the agreement very coldly. After Goa and Chaul had been besieged for near a month, instead of sending his fleet to sea according to his engagements, he sent to treat with the viceroy for a separate peace, either on purpose to mislead him, or in expectation of gaining some advantages for himself in the present emergency. Few princes follow the dictates of honour, when it interferes with their interest. When this affair was laid before the council at Goa, it was their unanimous opinion to agree to peace with the zamorin even on hard terms; but the viceroy was determined to lose all or nothing, and declared he would make no peace unless on such terms as he could expect when in the most flourishing condition. Finding his designs fail, the zamorin sent out a fleet about the end of February under the command of _Catiproca_, who made his appearance before Chaul with 21 sail, having on board a large land force, of which above 1000 were armed with firelocks. Though the harbour of Chaul was then occupied by a considerable number of Portuguese galleys and galliots, Catiproca and his fleet entered the harbour under night without opposition. The Nizam was much pleased with the arrival of this naval force, and having ordered a great number of his small vessels named _calemutes_ to join the Malabar fleet, he prevailed on Catiproca to attack the Portuguese ships, which were commanded by Lionel de Sousa. They accordingly made the attempt, but were so warmly received by De Sousa and his gallies as to be beat off with considerable loss. The Nizam, who had witnessed this naval battle from an adjoining eminence, used every argument to prevail upon Catiproca to make another attempt, but to no purpose; for after remaining twenty days in the harbour, he stole away one night, and got away as fortunately as he had got in.

While on his return, Catiproca was applied to by the queen of Mangalore to assist her in surprizing the Portuguese fort at that place, which she alleged might be easily taken. Catiproca agreed to this, in hopes of regaining the reputation he had lost at Chaul. He accordingly landed his men secretly, and made an attempt under night to scale the walls. While his men were mounting the ladders some servants of Antonio Pereyra, who commanded in that fort, were awakened by the noise, and seeing the enemy on the ladders threw out of a window the first thing that came to hand, which happened to be a chest of silver; with which they beat down those who were on the ladder. Pereyra waking with the noise, threw down those who had mounted, and the rest fled carrying his chest of silver on board their ships. While passing Cananor, Don Diego de Menezes fell upon the Malabar squadron, which he totally routed and drove up the river Tiracole, where every one of the ships were taken or destroyed, the admiral Catiproca slain, his nephew Cutiale made prisoner, and the chest of money belonging to Pereyra recovered.

Even by the fitting out of this unfortunate fleet, the zamorin did not fulfil the conditions of the confederacy against the Portuguese, as each of the high contracting parties had engaged to undertake some considerable enterprize against them in person; but he had been hitherto deterred by the presence of Diego de Menezes with a squadron in their seas, who burned several of his maritime towns and took many of his ships. Towards the end of June 1571, Diego de Menezes having withdrawn from the coast with his squadron, and when Adel Khan and the Nizam were both about to desist from their enterprises upon Goa and Chaul, the zamorin took the field with an army of 100,000 men, most of them armed with firelocks, with which he invested the fort of _Chale_ about two leagues from Calicut, which was then under the command of Don George de Castro. Having planted forty pieces of brass cannon against the fort and straitly invested it with his numerous army so as to shut out all apparent hope of relief, a small reinforcement under Noronha was unable to penetrate; but soon afterwards Francisco Pereyra succeeded by an effort of astonishing bravery to force his way into Chale with a few men.

Advice being sent to the viceroy of the dangerous situation of Chale, Diego de Menezes was sent with 18 sail to carry supplies and reinforcements to the besieged. De Menezes got to Chale with great difficulty about the end of September, at which time the besieged were reduced to great extremity, having not above 70 men able to bear arms out of 600 persons then in the fort. The relief of the fort seemed impracticable, as the mouth of the harbour was very narrow, and was commanded on all sides by numbers of cannon on surrounding eminences. Diego resolved however to surmount all difficulties. A large ship was filled with sufficient provisions to serve the garrison for two months, and carried likewise fifty soldiers as a reinforcement. One galley preceded to clear the way and two others followed the large ship to defend her against the enemy. By this means, but with incredible difficulty and danger, the relief was thrown in, but it was found impossible to bring away the useless people from the fort as had been intended. Thus, by the valour and good fortune of the viceroy, this formidable confederacy was dissipated, which had threatened to subvert the Portuguese power in India, and their reputation was restored among the native princes.

SECTION VII.

_Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576._

At this period Sebastian king of Portugal made a great alteration in the government of the Portuguese possessions in the east, which he deemed too extensive to be under the management of one person. He divided them therefore into three separate governments, which were designated respectively, India, Monotmotapa, and Malacca. The first, or India, extended from Gape Guardafu, or the north-east extremity of Africa on the Indian ocean, to the island of Ceylon inclusive. The second, or Monomotapa, from Cape Corrientes to Cape Guardafu; and the third, or Malacca, from Pegu to China both inclusive. To the command of the first, or India, Don Antonio de Noronha was sent with the title of viceroy. Francisco de Barreto was appointed to Monomotapa, and Antonio Moniz Barreto to Malacca, both stiled governors. It will be necessary therefore to treat of these governments separately, though by this we must necessarily in some measure neglect the consideration of regular chronology in the distribution of events. We begin therefore with the viceroyalty of Noronha.

Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa in the beginning of September 1571, having lost 2000 men by sickness out of 4000 with whom he sailed from Lisbon. Don Luis de Ataine, who surrendered to him the sword of command, was a nobleman of great valour and military experience, and so free from avarice that instead of the vast riches which others brought from India to Portugal, he carried over four jars of water from the four famous rivers, the Indus, Ganges, Tigris, and Euphrates, which were long preserved in his castle of Peniche. After serving both in Europe and Africa, he went out to India, where at twenty-two years of age he was knighted on Mount Sinai by Don Stefano de Gama. Returning to Portugal, he went ambassador to the Emperor Charles V. and was present in the battle in which that emperor defeated the Lutherans under the Landgrave and the Duke of Saxony. He behaved so bravely in that battle, that the emperor offered to knight him; but having already received that honour on Mount Sinai, he could not again accept the offer, on which the emperor declared in public that he envied that honour beyond the victory he had just gained. On his return to Lisbon from administering the government of India with such high reputation, he was received with much honour by King Sebastian, yet was afterwards much slighted, as Pacheco had been formerly by King Emanuel, as will be seen afterwards, when appointed a second time to the viceroyalty.

The first attention of the new viceroy was bestowed for the relief of Chale, to which Diego de Menezes was sent with 1500 men; but he came too late, as the fort had been already surrendered to the zamorin upon conditions. This surrender had been made by the commander Don George de Castro, contrary to the opinion of the majority of his officers, overcome by the tears and entreaties of his wife and other ladies, forgetting that he who was now eighty years of age ought to have preferred an honourable death to a short and infamous addition to his life. Neither was this his only fault, for the provisions had lasted longer if he had not committed them to the care of his wife, who dissipated them among her slaves. Owing to this unforeseen event, Diego de Menezes could only conduct the people who had surrendered at Chale to Cochin. He then divided his fleet with Matthew de Albuquerque, and cleared the seas of pirates.

When Norhonha accepted the viceroyalty of India, now so much lessened by the division into three governments, his great aim was to acquire riches, as he was poor, and had several children. With this view he endeavoured to prevail on Antonio Moniz Barreto, the newly appointed governor of Malacca, to be satisfied with a smaller force than had been ordered for him on going to assume that government, alleging that India was not then in a condition to give what was promised; but Moniz refused to go unless supplied with the force agreed on, as the posture of Malacca was then too dangerous to admit of being governed by a person who considered his reputation, unless supported by a considerable force. Moniz therefore wrote home to Portugal, complaining against the viceroy, and malicious whispers are for the most part gratefully received by princes and ministers: and the Portuguese ministry, on the sole information of Moniz, committed the weakest act that ever was heard of, as will appear in the sequel: _Unhappy is that kingdom whose sovereign is a child._

About this time Akbar Shah,[381] emperor of the Moguls had acquired the sovereignty of Cambaya or Guzerat. Sultan Mahmud the heir of the late king had been left under the tuition of three great men, Ali Khan, Itimiti Khan, and Madrem-al-Mulk, each of whom envious of the others endeavoured to acquire the entire direction of the young king. He, considering himself in danger, fled from Madrem-al-Mulk to the protection of Itimiti Khan, the worst of all his guardians, who immediately offered to deliver up the king and kingdom to the great Mogul, on condition of being appointed viceroy or Soubah in reward of his treachery. Akbar accordingly marched to _Amedabad_, where the traitor delivered up to him the young king, and the Mogul was seated on the musnud or throne of Guzerat without drawing a sword. Not satisfied with this great acquisition, Akbar resolved to recover the town and districts of Basseen and Daman, which had formerly belonged to Cambaya, and were now possessed by the Portuguese; and as this intention became known to Luis de Almeyda who commanded at Daman, he sent notice to the viceroy, who immediately sent him succours and prepared to follow there in person, going accordingly from Goa about the end of December 1571, with nine gallies, five gallions, eight galliots, and ninety smaller vessels. On his arrival with this large armament in the river of Daman, the Mogul, who was encamped at the distance of two leagues from that place, was so much dismayed by the power and military reputation of the Portuguese, that he sent an ambassador to the viceroy to treat of peace. The viceroy received the Mogul ambassador in his gallery with great state, and after listening to his proposals sent Antonio Cabral along with him to Akbar, on which a peace was concluded to the satisfaction of both parties. The viceroy then returned to Goa, and the great Mogul settled the government of his new kingdom of Guzerat, cutting off the head of the traitor Itimiti Khan, a just reward of his villany.

[Footnote 381: Named by DeFaria, Gelalde Mamet Hecbar Taxa; probably a corruption of Gelal ‘oddin Mahomet Akbar Shah.–E.]

The king of Acheen was one of the Indian princes who had entered into the grand confederacy against the Portuguese, and had agreed to lay siege to Malacca, but did not execute his part of the league till about the middle of October 1571, when he appeared before Malacca with a fleet of near 100 sail, in which he had 7000 soldiers with a large train of artillery and a vast quantity of ammunition. Landing on the night of his arrival, he set fire to the town of _Iller_, which was saved from total destruction by a sudden and violent shower of rain. He next endeavoured to burn the Portuguese ships in the harbour; but failing in this and some minor enterprizes he sat down before the city, intending to take it by a regular siege, having been disappointed in his expectations of carrying it by a _coup de main_. At this time Malacca was in a miserable condition, excessively poor, having very few men and these unhealthy and dispirited, having suffered much by shipwreck, sickness, and scarcity of provisions, not without deserving, these calamities; for Malacca was then _the Portuguese Nineveh in India_, I know not if it be so now. In this deplorable situation, incessantly battered by the enemy, cut off from all supplies of provisions, Malacca had no adequate means and, hardly any hopes of defence. In this extremity Tristan Vaz accidentally entered the port with a single ship, in which he had been to Sunda for a cargo of pepper. Being earnestly intreated by the besieged to assist them, he agreed to do every thing in his power, though it seemed a rash attempt to engage a fleet of 100 sail with only ten vessels, nine of which were almost rotten and destitute of rigging. Among these he distributed 300 naked and hungry wretches; and though confident in his own valour, he trusted only in the mercy of God, and caused all his men to prepare for battle by confession, of which he set them the example.

He sailed from Malacca with this armament about the end of November 1571, and soon discovered the formidable fleet of the enemy in the river _Fermoso_. Giving the command of his own ship to Emanuel Ferreyra, Tristam Vaz de Vega went sword in hand into a galliot, to encourage his men to behave valiantly by exposing himself to the brunt of battle along with them. On the signal being given by a furious discharge of cannon, Tristan instantly boarded the admiral ship of the enemy, making great havock in her crew of 200 men and even carried away her ensign. Ferdinand Perez with only 13 men in a small vessel took a galley of the enemy. Ferdinand de Lemos ran down and sunk one of the enemies ships. Francisco de Lima having taken another set her on fire, that he might be at liberty to continue the fight. Emanuel Ferreyra sank three vessels, unrigged several others, and slew great numbers of the enemy. In short, every one fought admirably, and the whole hostile fleet fled, except four gallies and seven smaller vessels that were burnt or sunk. Seven hundred of the enemy were taken or slain, with the loss only of five men on the side of the victors. The Portuguese ships waited three days in the river to see if the enemy would return, and then carried the joyful news to Malacca, where it could hardly be believed[382].

[Footnote 382: Though not mentioned by De Faria, the king of Acheen appears to Jave raised the siege of Malacca after this naval victory.–E.]

Sometime in the year 1578, four ships arrived at Goa from Portugal, under the command of Francisco de Sousa, who immediately on landing went to the archbishop Don Gaspar, to whom he delivered a packet from the king. The royal orders contained in this packet were read by a cryer in the archiepiscopal church, and announced that Don Antonio de Noronha was deposed from the dignity of viceroy, to whom Antonio Moniz Barreto was immediately to succeed with the title of governor. By another order, Gonzalo Pereyra was appointed to the government of Malacca, in default of whom Don Leonis Pereyra was substituted, and accordingly succeeded as the other was dead.

Advice was now brought to Goa that Malacca was again in danger, as the king of Acheen was before it a second time, assisted by the queen of _Japara_. On this intelligence, Moniz desired Leonis Pereyra to set out for his government, and Leonis demanded of him to be supplied with the same force which Moniz had formerly required from Noronha; yet Moniz, without considering what he had himself wrote on that subject to the king, and that India was now free from danger, refused his request. Leonis, to leave the new governor no excuse for his conduct, would even have been satisfied with a much smaller force than that formerly required by Moniz, but even that was refused him, and he went away to Portugal refusing to assume the government of Malacca. About the end of this year 1573, orders came from Portugal for the trial and execution of Don George de Castro for surrendering Chale to the zamorin. He was accordingly beheaded publicly: Yet in the year following a commission was sent out from Portugal for employing him in another command.

Scarcely had India begun to enjoy some respite after the late troubles, when the queen of Japara sent her general Quiaidaman to besiege Malacca with 15,000 chosen natives of Java, in a fleet of 80 large galleons and above 220 smaller vessels. Tristan Vaz de Vega happened to be then at Malacca, and was chosen by common consent to assume the command, Francisco Enriquez the former commandant being dead. Tristan Vaz sent immediate notice to Goa of his danger; on which Moniz issued orders to all the neighbouring places to send succours, and began to fit out a fleet for its relief. In the mean time the Javanese army landed and besieged Malacca. Vaz sent Juan Pereyra and Martin Ferreyra with 150 men to drive the enemy from a post. After killing 70 of the enemy, they levelled the work and brought off seven pieces of cannon. Pereyra afterwards burnt 50 of their galleons, and destroyed some great engines which they had constructed for attacking a bastion. Two other officers in a sortie burnt the pallisades which the enemy had erected for straitening the garrison and defending their own quarters. After this, Pereyra going out of the river with the Portuguese vessels, besieged the besiegers, and at _Jor_ took a large quantity of provisions that were going to the Javanese army. Upon these repeated misfortunes, the Javanese embarked in great consternation, and withdrew under night; but were pursued by Pereyra, who cut off many of their vessels in the rear. Almost half of this great army perished by the sword or sickness in this siege, which lasted three months.

Hardly was the army of the queen of Japara gone from Malacca when the king of Acheen arrived before it with 40 gallies, and several ships and smaller vessels, to the number of 100 in all, with a great train of artillery. Tristan Vaz gave orders to Juan Pereyra in a galley, Bernardin de Silva in a caravel, and Ferdinand de Palares in a ship, having each 40 men, to go out of the harbour on purpose to protect a convoy of provisions then in its way to Malacca, of which the city was in great want. The fleet of the enemy immediately attacked them, and soon battered all three ships to pieces. Seventy-five of the Portuguese were slain or drowned on this occasion, forty were made prisoners, and only five saved themselves by swimming. Only 150 men now remained in. Malacca, of whom 100 were sick or aged. Being in want both of men and ammunition Tristan Vaz was under the necessity of remaining very quiet; but the enemy fearing he was preparing some stratagem against them, raised the siege in a panic of terror when they might easily have carried the city, after remaining before it from the beginning to the end of January 1575. The priests, women and children of the distressed city had implored the mercy of God with sighs and tears; and next to God, the city owed its safety to the courage of Tristan Vaz, and to his generosity likewise, as he spent above 20,000 ducats in its defence.

At this period Juan de Costa cruised upon the Malabar coast with two gallies and twenty-four other vessels. The town of Guipar near Bracalore being in rebellion, he landed there and set the town on fire after killing 1500 of the inhabitants. He likewise cut down the woods[383] in revenge for the rebellion of the natives. After this he destroyed an island belonging to the zamorin in the river of Chale, and ruined the city of Parapangulem belonging to the same sovereign, where the heir of the kingdom was slain with 200 of his followers. At _Capocate_ 300 of the natives were slain with the loss of two only of the Portuguese. The town of _Nilacharim_ near mount Dely was destroyed by fire. In the intervals between these exploits on the land, several vessels belonging to the enemy were taken, by which the fleet was supplied with slaves and provisions.

[Footnote 383: Probably the groves of cocoa-nut trees are here alluded to.–E.]

At this period, after long petty wars occasioned by the injustice and tyranny of the Portuguese, they were expelled from the Molucca islands, and their fort in the island of Ternate was forced to surrender to the king, who protested in presence of the Portuguese that he took possession of it in trust for the king of Portugal, and would deliver it up to any one having authority for that purpose as soon as the murder of his father was punished[384].

[Footnote 384: A great number of trifling incidents in the misgovernment and tyranny of the Portuguese in the Moluccas, have been omitted at this and other parts the history of Portuguese Asia in our version.–E.]

In the year 1576, Antonio Moniz Barreto was succeeded in the government of India by Don Diego de Menezes; but it may be proper to suspend for a time our account of the affairs of India, to give some account of the transactions in Monomotapa under the government of Francisco Barreto and his successor Vasco Fernandez Homeiri.

SECTION VIII.

_Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa, from 1569 to the end of that separate government[385]._

On the return of Francisco Barreto from the government of India in 1558, as formerly mentioned, he was appointed admiral of the gallies, in which employment he gained great honour in the memorable action of _Pennon_; and on his return to Lisbon, king Sebastian, who had determined upon making the division of the Portuguese governments in the east already mentioned, appointed Barreto to that of Monomotapa[386], with the additional title of _Conqueror of the Mines_. The great inducement for this enterprise was from the large quantities of gold said to be found in that country, and particularly at _Manica_ in the kingdom of _Mocaranga_. Francisco Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569, with three ships and 1000 soldiers. He might easily have had more men if the vessels could have contained them, as the reports of gold banished all idea of danger, and volunteers eagerly pressed forwards for the expedition, among whom were many gentlemen and veterans who had served in Africa.

[Footnote 385: In De Faria no dates are given of these transactions, except that Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569.–E.]

[Footnote 386: In modern geography the country called Monomotapa in the text is known by the name of Mocaranga, while Monomotapa is understood to be the title of the sovereign. It is sometimes called _Senna_ by the Portuguese, from the name of a fort possessed by them in the interior.–E.]

On his arrival at Mozambique, Barreto went to subdue the king of _Pate_, who had revolted against the Portuguese authority. In his instructions, Barreto was ordered to undertake nothing of importance without the advice and concurrence of Francisco do Monclaros, a Jesuit, which was the cause of the failure of this enterprise. It was a great error to subject a soldier to the authority of a priest, and a most presumptuous folly in the priest to undertake a commission so foreign to his profession. There were two roads to the mines, one of which was through the dominions of Monomotapa, and the other by way of Sofala. Barreto was disposed to have taken the latter, but Monclaros insisted upon the former, and carried his point against the unanimous votes of the council of war; so that the first step in this expedition led to its ruin. But before entering upon the narrative of events, it may be proper to give some account of the climate, quality, and extent of the country.

From Cape Delgado in lat. 10 deg. 1O’ S. to Mozambique in 14 deg. 50′, the coast is somewhat bent in the form of a bow, in which space are the islands of Pujaros, Amice, Mocoloe, Matembo, Querimba, Cabras, and others, with the rivers Paudagi, Menluanc, Mucutii, Mucululo, Situ, Habe, Xanga, Samoco, Veloso, Pinda, Quisimaluco and Quintagone, with the bays of Xanga and Fuego, and the sands of Pinda. From Mozambique in lat. 14 deg. 5O’ S. to the port or bay of Asuca in 21 deg. 8O’, the coast falls off to the westwards, opposite to the _Pracel de Sofala_ or great bank of _Pracel_, on the coast of Madagascar, the dangerous _Scylla_ and _Charibdis_ of those seas. On this coast are the rivers Mocambo, Angoxa, or Bayones, Mossige, Mojuncoale, Sangage, and others, with many islands, and the ports of Quilimane and Luabo; the rivers Tendanculo, Quiloe, Sabam, Bagoe, Miaue, and Sofala, with the opposite islands of Inbausato, Quiloane, Mambone, Molimon, and Quilamancohi. Between Cape Bosiqua or St Sebastian in lat. 21 deg. 40′ S. and Cape Corientes in 24 deg. S. is the great bay of Sauca, into which falls the river Inhamhane, where there is a great trade for ivory. From the frequent recurrence of the soft letters _L_ and _M_ in these names, it may be inferred that the language of that country is by no means harsh. From the mouth of the Cuama or Zambeze in the east, the empire of Monomotapa extends 250 leagues into the interior of Africa, being divided by the great river Zambeze, into which falls the _Chiri_ or _Chireira_, running through the country of _Bororo_[387], in which country are many other large rivers, on the banks of which dwell many kings, some of whom are independent, and others are subject to Monomotapa. The most powerful of the independent kings is he of Mongas, bordering on the Cuama or Zambeze, which falls into the sea by four mouths between Mozambique and Sofala. The first or most northerly of these mouths is that of _Quilimane_, ninety leagues from Mozambique; the second or Cuama is five leagues farther south; the third _Luabo_ five leagues lower; and the fourth named _Luabol_ five leagues more to the south. Between these mouths are three large and fertile islands; the middle one, named _Chingoma_, is sixty leagues in circumference. This great river is navigable for sixty leagues upwards to the town of _Sena_, inhabited by the Portuguese, and as much farther to _Tete_, another Portuguese colony [388]. The richest mines are those of _Massapa_, called _Anfur_[389], the _Ophir_ whence the queen of Sheba had the riches she carried to Jerusalem. In these mines it is said, that one lump of gold has been found worth 12,000 ducats, and another worth 40,000. The gold is not only found among the earth and stones, but even grows up within the bark of several trees as high as where the branches spread out to form the tops. The mines of Manchica and Butica are not much inferior to those of Massapa and Fura, and there are many others not so considerable. There are three fairs or markets which the Portuguese frequent for this trade of gold from the castle of _Tete_ on the river Zambeze. The first of these is _Luanze_, four days journey inland from that place [390]. The second is Bacuto [391] farther off; and the third _Massapa_ still farther [392]. At these fairs the gold is procured in exchange for coarse cloth, glass beads, and other articles of small value among us. A Portuguese officer, appointed by the commander of Mozambique, resides at Massapa with the permission of the emperor of Monomotapa, but under the express condition of not going into the country, under pain of death. He acts as judge of the differences that arise there. There are churches belonging to the Dominicans at Massapa, Bacuto, and Luanze. The origin, number, and chronology of the kings of Mohomotapa are not known, though it is believed there were kings here in the time of the queen of Sheba, and that they were subject to her, as she got her gold from thence. In the mountain of Anfur or Fura, near Massapa, there are the ruins of stately buildings, supposed to be those of palaces and castles. In process of time this great empire was divided into three kingdoms, called _Quiteve_, _Sabanda_, and _Chicanga_[393], which last is the most powerful, as possessing the mines of Manica, Butua, and others. It is believed that the negroes of Butua, in the kingdom of Chicanga, are those who bring gold to Angola, as these two countries are supposed to be only one hundred leagues distance from each other [394]. The country of Monomotapa produces rice and maize, and has plenty of cattle and poultry, the inhabitants addicting themselves to pasturage and tillage, and even cultivating gardens. It is divided into 25 kingdoms or provinces named Mongas, Baroe, Manica, Boese, Macingo, Remo, Chique, Chiria, Chidima, Boquizo, Inhanzo, Chiruvia, Condesaca, Daburia, Macurumbe, Mungussi, Antiovaza, Chove, Chungue, Dvia, Romba, Rassini, Chirao, Mocaranga and Remo-de-Beza.

[Footnote 387: According to modern maps, the Zambeze divides the empire of Mocaranga, the sovereign of which is called Monomotapa, from the empire of the Bororos; and the river Chireira or Manzara on the south of the Zambeze, which it joins, is entirely confined to the country of Mocaranga.–E.]

[Footnote 388: Sena is 220 English miles from the sea; Tete is 260 miles higher up: so that this great river is navigable for 480 miles, probably for small vessels only.–E.]

[Footnote 389: Massapa is the name of a Portuguese fort or settlement on the river _Mocaras_, a branch of the _Chireira_, in the interior of Mocaranga. Anfur or Fura is a mountain about 100 miles from Massapa, said to contain rich gold mines.–E.]

[Footnote 390: Luanze is about 100 miles south from Tete, on one of the branches of the Chireira.–E.]

[Footnote 391: Bacuto is 40 miles south of Luanze.–E.]

[Footnote 392: Massapa is about 45 miles S.S.W. from Buento or Bacuto, or 170 miles in that direction from Tete.–E]

[Footnote 393: Quiteve is that kingdom or province of Mocaranga, now named Sofala from the river of that name by which it is pervaded. Sabanda is probably the kingdom or province of Sabia, on the river of that name, the southern province of Mocaranga. Chicanga is what is now called Manica, the south-west province of Mocaranga, the king or chief of which province is named Chicanga.–E.]

[Footnote 394: The Butua of the text is probably the kingdom of Abutua of modern maps, in the interior of Africa, directly west from the northern part of Mocaranga. The distance between Abutua and the eastern confines of Benguela, one of the provinces of Angola or Congo, is about 800 or 900 miles.–E.]

The emperor [395] has a large wooden palace, the three chief apartments of which are, one for himself, another for his wife, and the third for his menial servants. It has three doors opening into a large court, one appropriated for the queen and her attendants, one for the king and the servants attached to his person, and the third for the two head cooks, who are great men and relations of the king, and for the under-cooks who are all men of quality below twenty years of age, as none so young are supposed to have any commerce with women, or otherwise they are severely punished. After serving in the palace, these young men are preferred to high employments.

[Footnote 395: The chief of Mocaranga is named Monomotapa, which latter is often used as the name of the country. His residence is said to be at Zimbao near the northern frontiers, between the Portuguese forts of Sena and Tete.–E.]

The servants within the palace, and those without, are commanded by two captains or high officers, resembling the _Alcalde de los Douzeles_, or governor of the noble youths, formerly at the court of Spain. The principal officers of the crown are, the _Ningomoaxa_ or governor of the kingdom, _Mocomoaxa_ or captain-general, _Ambuya_ or high steward, whose office it is to procure a successor, when the _Mazarira_ or principal wife of the king dies, who must always be chosen from among the sisters or nearest relations of the king. The next great officer is the _Inbantovo_ or chief musician, who has many musicians under his charge; the _Nurucao_, or captain, of the vanguard; _Bucurumo_, which signifies the king’s right hand; _Magande_, or the chief conjurer; _Netambe_, or chief apothecary, who has charge of the ointments and utensils for sorcery; and lastly, the _Nehono_ or chief porter. All these offices are discharged by great lords. They use no delicacy in cookery, having all their meats roasted or boiled; and they eat of such articles as are used by the Europeans, with the addition of rats and mice, which they reckon delicacies, as we do partridges and rabbits.

The king has many wives, nine of whom only are reckoned queens, and are all his sisters or near relations; the rest being the daughters of noblemen. The chief wife is called _Mazarira_, or the mother of the Portuguese, who frequently make presents to her, as she solicits their affairs with the king, and he sends no messengers to them but accompanied by some of her servants. The second queen is called _Inahanda_, who solicits for the Moors. The others _Nabuiza_, _Nemangore_, _Nizingoapangi_, _Navembo_, _Nemongoro_, _Nessani_, and _Necarunda_. Every one of these lives apart in as great state as the king, having certain revenues and districts appointed for their expenses. When any of these die, another is appointed to her place and name, and they have all the power of rewards and punishments, as well as the king. Sometimes he goes to them, and, at other times they come to him; all of them having many female attendants, whom the king makes use of when he thinks proper.

The principal nation of Monomotapa is called the _Moearangi_, and of which the emperor is a native. They are by no means warlike, and their only weapons are bows, arrows, and javelins. In regard to religion, they acknowledge one only God, and believe in a devil or evil spirit, called _Muzuco_, but they have no idols. They believe that their deceased kings go to heaven, and invoke these under the appellation of _Musimos_, as the saints are invoked by the catholics. Having no letters, their only knowledge of past events is preserved by tradition. The lame and blind are called the king’s poor, because they are charitably maintained by him; and when any of these travel, the towns through which they pass are obliged to maintain them and furnish them with guides from place to place, an excellent example for Christians. The months are divided into three weeks of ten days each, and have several festivals. The first day of each month is the festival of the new moon; and the fourth and fifth day of every week are kept as festivals. On these days all the natives dress in their best apparel, and the king gives public audience to all who present themselves, on which occasion he holds a truncheon about three quarters of a yard long in each hand, using them to lean upon. Those who speak to him prostrate themselves on the ground, and his audience lasts from morning till evening. When the king is indisposed, the _Ningomoaxa_, or governor of the kingdom, stands in his place. No one must speak to the king, or even go to the palace, on the eighth day of the moon, as that day is reckoned unlucky. On the day of the new moon, the king runs about the palace with two javelins in his hand, as if fighting, all the great men being present at this pastime. When this is ended, a pot full of maize, boiled whole, is brought in, which the king scatters about, desiring the nobles to eat, and every one strives to gather most to please him, and eat it greedily as if it were the most savoury dainty. Their greatest festival is held on the new moon in May, which they call _Chuavo_. On this day all the great men of the empire, who are very numerous, resort to court, where they run about with javelins in their hand, as in a mock fight. This sport lasts the whole day, at the end of which the king withdraws, and is not seen for eight days afterwards, during all which time the drums beat incessantly. He then reappears on the ninth day, and orders the noble for whom he has least affection to be slain, as a sacrifice to his ancestors, or the _Muzimos_. When this is done, the drums cease, and every one goes home. The _Mumbos_[396] eat human flesh, which is publicly sold in the shambles. This may suffice for the customs of the natives in the empire of Monomotapa, as it would be endless to recount the whole.

[Footnote 396: This savage race are said to inhabit on the north western frontiers of Mocaranga.–E.]

After some stay at Mozambique, Barreto set out on his expedition for the mines of Monomotapa, with men, horses, camels, and other necessaries for war, and with proper tools for working the mines which he expected to conquer. He sailed up the river _Cuama_, called _Rio de los buenos Sennales_, or river of Good Signs; by the first discoverers, and came to _Sena_ or the fort of _St Marzalis_, according to the desire of father Monclaros; whence he proceeded to the town of _Inaparapala_, near which is another town belonging to the Moors, who, being always professed enemies to the Christians, began to thwart the designs of the Portuguese as they had formerly done in India. They even attempted to poison the Portuguese army, and some of the men and horses actually died in consequence; but the cause being discovered by one of the Moors, they were all put to the sword, their chiefs being blown from the mouths of cannon, the informer only being pardoned. After this Barreto sent an embassy to the king, desiring permission to march against the chief of the _Mongas_, who was then in rebellion, and from thence to continue his march to the mines of _Butua_ and _Mancica_. The first of these requests was a piece of flattery to obtain leave for the other, as the province of the Mongas lay between Sena and the mines, and it was necessary to march thither by force of arms. The king gave his consent to both requests, and even offered to send 100,000 of his own men along with the Portuguese; but Barreto declined any assistance, wishing to have the whole honour of the war to himself, and thinking by that means to gain favour with the king. He accordingly marched with 23 horse and 560 foot armed with muskets; and after a march of ten days, mostly along the rapid river Zambeze, in which the troops suffered excessively from hunger and thirst, the enemy were descried covering the hills and vallies with armed men. Though the multitude of the enemy was so great that the extremity of their army could not be seen, Barreto marched on giving the command of the van to Vasco Fernandez Homem, while he led the rear in person, the baggage and a few field pieces being in the centre. On coming up to engage the cannon were removed to the front and flanks.

The enemy were drawn up in the form of a crescent; and as the Portuguese marched to the charge, an old woman came forward to meet them scattering some powder towards them, having persuaded the enemy that she alone would gain the victory by virtue of that powder. Barreto understood the meaning of this superstitious act, having seen similar things in India, and gave orders to level a field piece at the notorious witch, which was so well pointed that she was blown to atoms, at which the _Kafrs_ were astonished, as they believed her immortal. The enemy however advanced, but without any order, either from ignorance or because they relied on their immense numbers, and discharged clouds of arrows and darts against the Portuguese; but finding that the musqueteers slew them by hundreds at every discharge, they took to flight, and great numbers of them were slain in the pursuit. Barreto continued his march for the city of the Mongas, and was opposed by another multitude similar to the former which was put to flight with equal facility, above 6000 of the Kafrs being slain with the loss of only two Portuguese soldiers. The city was abandoned by the enemy and taken possession of by Barreto without opposition, at which he entrenched his small army. Next morning a multitude of Kafrs as large as either of the former appeared to assail the Portuguese; but being again routed with prodigious slaughter, a messenger arrived to beg for peace. Barreto answered that he would wait upon the king, when all matters might be adjusted. He accordingly marched next day, and having encamped in a convenient place, a new embassy came from the king to solicit peace. While the Kafr ambassadors were conferring with Barreto, one of the camels belonging to the Portuguese happened to break loose and came up to where Barreto was, who stopped it till those who were seeking for it came up. The Kafr ambassadors had never before seen a camel, and were astonished to see it come up to the governor, at whom they asked many questions concerning the strange animal. Taking advantage of their ignorance and credulity, Barreto told them that those animals fed only on human flesh, devouring all that were slain in battle; and that this camel had come to him from the rest to desire that he would not make peace as they would then have no food. Astonished at this intelligence, they intreated him to desire the camels to be satisfied with good beef, and they would immediately supply him with great numbers of cattle. He granted their request and marched on, still in much distress for provisions.

At this time news was brought of some transactions at Mozambique which rendered his presence there necessary, on which he assigned the command of the army to Vasco Fermandez Homem, and departed for Mozambique. Antonio Pereyra Brandam had committed certain crimes at the Moluccas, for which on his return to Portugal he was banished into Africa, on which he requested Barreto to take him to Mozambique, which he did accordingly, and even gave him the command of the fort at that place. Though eighty years of age, Brandam wished to secure himself in the command of the fort by sending false informations to the king against Barreto his benefactor. By some means these papers were intercepted and sent to Barreto, who on his arrival at Mozambique immediately shewed them to Brandam, who fell on his knees and asked pardon in the most humble manner. Barreto forgave him, but deprived him of the command over the fort at Mozambique, which he committed to the charge of Lorenzo Godino, and returned to prosecute the expedition in Monomotapa.