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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume VI by Robert Kerr

Part 5 out of 11

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was taken, and the fleet arrived at Goa. Having visited some of the
forts, and issued the necessary orders, Gama sent three gallies from
Cochin to Calicut, as the subjects of the zamorin began to be
troublesome. One of these fought for three hours with fifty large
_paraos_ and lost three men; but on the coming up of the others, the
enemy were put to flight. The new viceroy had intended to execute
several important enterprises; but he soon fell sick, and finding his
end fast approaching, he appointed Lope Vaz de Sampayo to act as his
successor till Don Enrique de Menezes, then at Goa, who was next in
nomination by the king, might arrive. Vasco de Gama died on Christmas
eve 1524, having been only three months viceroy. He was of middle
stature, somewhat gross, and had a ruddy complexion. He had a natural
boldness for any great undertaking, and was well fitted for every thing
entrusted to him, as a sea captain, as discoverer, and as viceroy; being
patient of fatigue, prompt in the execution of justice, and terrible
when angry.

Immediately after the death of the viceroy, Lope Vaz de Sampayo
dispatched Francisco de Sa to Goa, to carry information to Don Enrique
de Menezes that he had succeeded to the government of Portuguese India.
Leaving De Sa to command in Goa, Menezes went immediately to Cochin to
assume his new situation; having first sent his nephew George Zelo with
a galliot and five armed paraos against a fleet which infested the
coast. Zelo met 38 vessels laden with spice commanded by _Cutiale_, four
of which were taken and the rest driven on shore. These four were
brought in barbarous triumph to Goa, having many of the enemies hung
upon the shrouds. The Canarin rowers carried thirty heads, in token of
the victory, and twelve prisoners alive, _who were given up to the boys
to be stoned to death_. Zelo had similar success afterwards against a
ship and nine paraos. He sailed after that to Cochin with his uncle,
who, being accidentally joined by George de Menezes, defeated 36 paraos
belonging to Diu, 17 of which were taken. When at Cananor be hanged a
Moor of quality, on which many of his relations left the city and took
to robbing on the river. But, with consent of the king of Cananor, Don
Enrique sent Hector de Sylveira against them with two gallies and a
brigantine, who destroyed four _towns_[176] and took all their cannon,
not without considerable difficulty. About the same time Christopher de
Brito went with fourteen row-boats and about an hundred men to scour the
coast of Canara, where he destroyed some of the Moors; but those of
Dabul sent two galliots and seven other vessels against him, with above
three hundred men. In the commencement of the engagement Brito was
slain; but his people exerted themselves so valiantly to revenge the
death of their commander, that after four hours hard fighting most of
the Moors were slain, and their commander and all the rest taken. The
Moorish captain died afterwards of his wounds at Goa, being first
converted to the Christian faith.

[Footnote 176: Perhaps instead of _towns_ we ought to read _tonys_, a
species of vessel then need by the inhabitants of the Malabar
coast.--E.]

The fort at Calicut was at this time much straitened by the Nayres, yet
the small garrison of fifty Portuguese maintained their post with much
honour. Don Enrique, to punish the hostilities of the Moors of Calicut,
fitted out fifty sail of vessels from Cochin, to which were added other
fifty belonging to the inhabitants of that city, twenty-seven of which
belonged to one individual named Arel de Porca[177]. With these vessels,
carrying 2000 soldiers, the governor arrived at Paniani, one of the
principal towns in the territory of Calicut, which was well fortified
and stored with cannon under the command of a Portuguese renegado.
Besides these fortifications on the land, the river was defended by a
number of armed vessels drawn up in order of battle. After a severe
contest, the fortifications of Paniani were carried, and the enemy fled
into the woods. The town and all the vessels in the fort were burnt.
Next day twelve ships were burnt in the port of Calicut, and several
more in some creeks near the town. The armament proceeded in the next
place to _Coulete_, which was fortified in a similar manner to Paniani,
with a prodigious number of artillery, an hundred and fifty armed ships,
and a garrison of 20,000 men. The Portuguese proceeded to the attack,
and after a long and obstinate contest, drove the enemy from their works
with great slaughter, and took fifty-three vessels, most of which were
laden with pepper, with the loss of fifty-four Portuguese killed and
many wounded. The other vessels belonging to the enemy, being much
shattered in the engagement, were all burnt, and the town was destroyed.

[Footnote 177: These hundred vessels were probably _paraos_, or small
native craft, considering that they only carried 2000 soldiers, only at
the rate of 20 for each vessel--E.]

Shortly after this, the zamorin of Calicut besieged the Portuguese fort
at that place with an army of 12,000 men, and surrounded it with a broad
and deep trench. Don Juan de Lima commanded in the fort with 300 men,
and did every thing in his power to obstruct the besiegers in the
construction of their lines; but they were at length finished and
planted with a vast number of cannon, some of which were so large as to
carry balls of two spans diameter. On receiving advice of this siege,
Don Enrique sent a reinforcement of 150 men in two caravels commanded by
Christopher Jusarte and Duarte Fonseca. They succeeded in forcing their
way into the fort in spite of a violent opposition by sea and land.
Immediately afterwards, the enemy endeavoured to take the fort by
escalade, but were repulsed with great slaughter. A farther
reinforcement of 500 men from Cochin being unable to reach Calicut, Don
Enrique went there with all the naval force he could collect, being
unwilling that his government should suffer the disgrace of allowing
this fortress to be taken by the enemy. Having thrown some strong
reinforcements into the fort, Don Enrique landed with the remainder of
his troops, after clearing the shore of the enemy, by means of his guns
assisted by grenadoes and other fireworks. All the intrenchments and
redoubts of the besiegers were successively carried, with prodigious
slaughter of the Moors and Nayres, of whom above 3000 were slain,
besides many others burnt in their wooden forts and bulwarks. In this
engagement Don George de Menezes made great slaughter of the enemy with
a two-handed sword; till losing his right hand, he took a smaller sword
in his left, and continued to fight with great valour.

Don Enrique remained master of the field, in which he encamped for some
days: But as the fort was not considered important in proportion to its
expence, it was stripped of every thing of value with great care and
privacy, and mines and trains laid to blow it up; after which the whole
army retired to the ships. On seeing the fort evacuated, the Moors
rushed in to plunder in vast numbers; but the mines suddenly taking
fire, blew up the whole fabric with a vast explosion, in which great
numbers of the enemy perished miserably.

In the year 1526, Hector de Sylveira went with a squadron to the Red
Sea, and on his way thither assaulted and took the city of Dhofur on the
coast of Yemen in lat. 17 deg. N. He then entered the Red Sea, where he
reduced the islands of Massua and Dallac to pay tribute; after, this he
went to _Arkiko_ on the coast of Abyssinia, where he received Don
Rodrigo de Lima who had been on an embassy to the king of Abyssinia, and
was there waiting for a passage along with an ambassador from _Prester
John_ to the king of Portugal.

In this same year 1526, a small vessel was sent from Ternate to discover
the islands of Celebes, which were said to abound in gold. The
discoverer easily found the islands but no gold. Being on his return to
the Moluccas, he was carried away by a storm to the eastward till he
lost his reckoning, and unexpectedly fell in with a large and beautiful
island, inhabited by a simple race of men who treated the Portuguese
with much civility. They were strong made and of a comely appearance,
with their complexion inclining to fair, having long lank hair and long
beards, and their clothing was of fine mats. Their food consisted
chiefly of roots, cocoa nuts, and figs. Their language was not
understood, but by signs they gave the Portuguese to understand that
there was gold in the mountains, but of which they made no use. They had
no knowledge of iron or any other metal. Leaving this island, which they
named after the pilot Diego Lopez Sequeira, they returned to Ternate,
after an absence of eight months.

Don Enrique de Menezes, died at Cananor about the end of January 1526,
in the thirtieth year of his age. He was a man of large stature, with a
pleasing countenance, just in all his actions, continent, free from
covetousness, a true patron of merit, and of the most unblemished
honour. During his government he refused uniformly to accept any of the
numerous presents offered him by the eastern princes; and conducted
himself with such perfect integrity in every transaction, that at his
death his whole treasure amounted only to thirteen rials and a half; and
he had even expended the whole of his patrimonial estate during the
short continuance of his government of Portuguese India, chiefly in
rewarding the merits of his officers.

SECTION VII.

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from_ 1526 _to_
1538.

At his death in January 1526, Don Enrique de Menezes left a paper sealed
up, by which the succession to him in the government was to be
regulated, in case the person nominated for that purpose by the king
should happen to be absent. That paper was lost, yet it was known that
he had named Francisco de Sa, then commanding in Goa, as his provisional
successor. The second royal nomination was now opened, in which Pedro de
Mascarenas was appointed successor to Don Enrique; but Mascarenas
commanded at Malacca, which was at a great distance, and the season of
the year did not admit of that navigation. On opening the third patent,
Lope Vaz de Sampayo was the person there named, who was accordingly
invested in the government, having, engaged on oath to resign to
Mascarenas on the arrival of that officer from Malacca.

At this time George Zelo and Pedro de Faria blockaded the port of
Cananor, in which lay a fleet belonging to the zamorin. Sampayo
immediately sent orders to Antonio de Sylveria and Christopher de Souza,
then at Goa, to join the other two officers at Cananor to prevent the
escape of the enemy, and went in person with seven ships and a
considerable land force to endeavour to destroy them. _Cutiale_, the
admiral of this fleet belonging to the zamorin, used every effort to
defend himself, both by disposing his ships in formidable order, and by
intrenchments and batteries on shore, where he had a land force of
10,000 men. Having made proper dispositions, Sampayo landed with about
1300 soldiers, leaving orders with Pedro de Faria to set the _paraos_
belonging to the enemy on fire. The trenches of the enemy were carried
after an obstinate resistance, and with great slaughter of the Moors,
and seventy paraos were destroyed. By this signal victory, above eighty
brass cannon were gained; but Sampayo spared the town, as it belonged to
the king of Narsinga, with whom the Portuguese were then in peace.

Having dispatched several officers on command to different places,
Sampayo sailed for Ormuz with five ships and 300 men. In his way thither
he reduced the towns of Kalayat and Muscat, which had revolted owing to
the exactions of Diego de Melo. His only transaction at Ormuz was to
compose some differences that had arisen between Melo and Reis Xarafo,
to receive the tribute due by the king of Ormuz, and to take along with
him the ambassador whom George de Lima had brought from Abyssinia. From
Ormuz, Sampayo dispatched Hector de Sylveira to cruise off Diu, on
purpose to intercept the ships of the Red Sea that traded with Cambaya,
of which three were taken. Sylveira then went to Diu, where he remained
a long time at the request of Malek Saca, who made use of him to, secure
himself against the tyranny of the king of Cambaya.

Reis Soliman, the Turk who killed Mir Husseyn at Juddah, as formerly
related, recovered the favour of Sultan Selim who had conquered Egypt
from the Mamelukes, having acquired the favour of that prince by
delivering up to him the city of Juddah which he had gained in the
service of the Soldan, and by means of a considerable present: for even
princes, though they have no need of receiving gifts, are apt to be won
like other men by their means; and as Soliman promised to perform
wonders in India for his service, Selim ordered twenty gallies and five
galleons which were then at Suez to be added to the fleet under Reis
Soliman. In the mean time Selim died at Cairo, and was succeeded by his
son Soliman, who sent that large reinforcement, under the command of
Hayraddin, to Reis Soliman, who was then fortifying the island of
Kamaran. Upon some disgust, Hayraddin killed Reis Soliman; and in his
turn was slain by Mustapha the nephew of Soliman. Mustapha, being afraid
of the consequences of this action, sailed from Kamaran with a small
number of vessels, the greater part of the fleet refusing to join him.
He went first to Aden and thence to Diu, where he put himself under the
protection of the king of Cambaya. An account of these revolutions in
the Turkish fleet, which had given great apprehensions to the Portuguese
in India, was carried to King John by Antonio Tenreyro over land, to the
great admiration of every one; being the first who had performed that
journey, till then thought impossible.

At this time Mascarenas, who waited in Malacca for the proper season of
sailing to Cochin to assume the government, went against Bintang with
twenty-one ships and 400 Portuguese soldiers, having likewise 600 Malays
commanded by Tuam Mahomet and Sinai rajah. Although the capital of
Bintang was well fortified and defended by 7000 men, Mascarenas
surmounted every opposition and took the place. Of the enemy 400 were
slain and 2000 made prisoners. A vast booty was made on this occasion,
among which were nearly 300 pieces of cannon, and the Portuguese lost
only three men in this glorious exploit. The king of Bitang died of
grief, and Mascarenas restored it to the lawful heir under vassalage to
Portugal, the former king having been an usurper.

The island of Sunda is divided on the south from Java by a very narrow
channel. It produces pale gold with abundance of pepper and provisions.
The natives are numerous but unwarlike, yet are curious in adorning
their arms. They worship idols, and often sell their children to supply
their necessities. The women are beautiful, those of the higher ranks
being chaste, contrary to what is usual in most parts of the world. They
have convents, as in Spain and Portugal, in which they reside while
virgins; and the married women kill themselves on the death of their
husbands. This were a good custom to shew their duty and affection, were
it not contrary to the law of nature, and therefore a barbarous error.
Enrique Leme happening to go there, drawn by the plenty and goodness of
its pepper, he was well received by the king of _Samiam_, who offered
ground for a fort, and to pay an yearly tribute of 351 quintals of
pepper, to purchase the friendship and support of the Portuguese against
the Moors, by whom he was much infested. But when Francisco de Sa came
to build the fort, he met with such opposition from the Moors that he
was obliged to return to Malacca.

In the same year 1526, Martin Iniguez de Carchisano arrived in the port
of Kamafo in Tidore with a Spanish ship, one of six which had been sent
the year before from Spain to those parts which belonged of right to the
Portuguese. Don Garcia Enriquez, who then commanded at the Moluccas, on
learning the arrival of these Spaniards, and finding that they
occasioned the spice to rise in price, went in person to expel them, but
was obliged to retire with considerable damage from the Spanish cannon;
yet the Spanish ship afterwards sunk. At this time Don George de
Menezes, formerly mentioned as having lost his hand in the glorious
action at Calicut, arrived at the Moluccas, having discovered the island
of Borneo and many other islands by the way. Soon afterwards two ships
were sent to Borneo with presents for the king, among which was a piece
of tapestry adorned with figures of men. On seeing these, the ignorant
barbarian cried out _that they were enchanted men, who would kill him in
the night_; and no persuasions could convince him of his error, nor
would he receive the presents or permit the Portuguese to remain in his
port.

In the year 1527, it being understood at Cochin that Pedro de Mascarenas
was on his way from Malacca to assume the government, Lope Vaz de
Sampayo who acted _ad interim_, held a council of the principal
officers, at which it was resolved not to admit Mascarenas to that high
office. After this determination, Sampayo sailed for Goa, leaving
Alphonso Mexia to command at Cochin, with orders to execute the
resolutions of the council. On landing unarmed at Cochin, Mascarenas was
opposed and wounded by Mexia; and proceeding afterwards to Goa, be was
made prisoner and put in irons by order of Sampayo. These violent
proceedings had nearly occasioned a civil war among the Portuguese in
India; but at length, in the end of December 1527, Sampayo was confirmed
in the government, and Mascarenas went home to Portugal, where he was
appointed to the command of Azamor in Africa.

In the year 1528, Don Joan Deza was sent to cruise on the coast of
Calicut, where in several rencounters he took fifty vessels laden with
various commodities. He burnt the town of Mangalore; and falling in with
the fleet of Calicut, consisting of seventy paraos well manned and armed
under the command of the _Chinese_ admiral Cutiale, Deza took most of
them killing 1500 Moors, and taking nearly as many prisoners, among whom
was Cutiale.

Antonio Miranda de Azevedo was sent in the end of January 1528 to the
Red Sea, with twenty ships and above 1000 soldiers, to endeavour to burn
the Turkish gallies in the port of Kamaran which had formerly belonged
to Reis Soliman. After taking some prizes by the way, be met with
Enrique de Macedo in the mouth of the Red Sea, who had engaged a large
Turkish galleon. The Turks had boarded him, and threw a burning dart
which stuck in his main-sail and began to set it on fire; but in
consequence of a strong gust of wind shaking the sail, the dart fell
back into the Turkish vessel, where it set fire to the powder and the
ship and all her crew were blown up. Several other valuable ships
belonging to the Moors were taken, but the main object of this
expedition completely failed, as the wind did not allow the fleet to get
up the Red Sea to Kamaran.

In consequence of the civil discord among the Portuguese, the Moors had
been enabled to annoy their trade in different parts: And as Lope Vaz
understood that a successor to the government was on his way from
Portugal, he prepared to be revenged on the Moors, wishing to deliver up
the government in prosperity, by clearing the sea from pirates. With
this view he fitted out eighteen ships at Cochin, with which he
encountered 130 armed paraos at Cananor; and as the wind did not allow
his large ships to get into action, he went against that numerous fleet
with only thirteen paraos. Even with this disproportionate force he did
considerable damage to the Malabar fleet. On seeing two paraos coming
from Cananor to the aid of Sampayo, and that the large Portuguese ships
were enabled to make sail by means of a breeze springing up, the
Malabars fled as fast as possible. In the pursuit eighteen of them were
sunk and twenty-two taken, in which were fifty pieces of cannon. Eight
hundred of the enemy were slain, and many made prisoners. Those that
fled, and others who joined them, fell afterwards into a snare near
Cochin.

With the same fleet, Sampayo went immediately in search of _Arel_, lord
of _Porca_. In this expedition, Simon de Melo burnt twenty-six ships
belonging to the enemy, and set the town of _Chatua_ on fire. Afterwards
with a thousand men he assaulted Porca; and though Arel was not there at
the time, the inhabitants made a brave but unavailing defence, as the
place was taken, plundered, and destroyed. At this place the wife of
Arel was taken, with a great spoil in gold, silver, jewels, silks, and
other valuables, and thirteen considerable vessels. On his return to
Cochin, as his successor was not yet arrived, Sampayo went back to
Cananor, whence he dispatched his nephew Simon de Melo against _Marabia_
and Mount _Dely_, both of which places were taken, plundered, and,
destroyed, with many piratical paraos. About this time, the king of
Cambaya fitted out a fleet of eighty barks, under the command of a
valiant Moor named _Alexiath_, who did much injury to the subjects of
Nizam-al-mulk, and to the Portuguese trade at Chaul, in consequence of
which aid was demanded from Sampayo by both. Sampayo accordingly set
sail with forty vessels of different kinds, in which were 1000
Portuguese soldiers, besides a considerable force of armed natives. In
this expedition Hector de Sylveira commanded the small vessels that
rowed[178], while Sampayo took charge of the sailing vessels. On
arriving at Chaul, Sampayo sent eighty Portuguese to the assistance of
Nizam-al-Mulk, under the command of Juan de Avelar, and then sailed for
Diu, as he understood the eighty barks of Cambaya were gone thither. Off
Bombay that fleet belonging to Cambaya of which he was in search was
descried, on which part of the ships were detached to secure the
entrance of the river Bandora, to prevent the enemy from escaping, while
Sylveira with his brigantines or row-boats bore down upon Alexiath.
After a furious cannonade, the Portuguese gallantly boarded the enemy,
and Alexiath fled with seven only of his barks, all the rest being
taken. Of the 73 vessels captured on this occasion, 33 were found
serviceable and were retained, all the rest being set on fire. In this
glorious exploit, a vast number of prisoners, much artillery, and
abundance of ammunition were taken, and the Portuguese did not lose one
man.

[Footnote 178: Such is the expression in the translation of the
Portuguese Asia by Stevens. They were probably Malabar vessels, which in
the early writers are named paraos, tonys, and caturs, and might perhaps
be called row-boats.--E]

Juan de Avelar, who had been detached with eighty Portuguese to the
assistance of Nizam-al-Mulk against the king of Cambaya, acquired great
honour in that service by his gallantry. Assisted by 1000 of the native
subjects of Nizam-al-Mulk, he scaled a fort belonging to the king of
Cambaya, till then thought impregnable, being the first who entered; and
having slain all the defendants, he delivered it up to the Nizam.

It was now about the beginning of the year 1529. Lope Vaz de Sampayo was
much elated by the last-mentioned success against the fleet of Cambaya,
and believed that in the present state of dismay Diu would surrender on
the first summons: He was therefore eager to have gone against that
place, but as all his captains except Sylveira were of a contrary
opinion, he was obliged to lay aside that intention and to return to
Goa, leaving the valiant Hector with twenty-two row-boats to cruise
against the pirates in the north. In the south, or on the Malabar coast,
Antonio de Miranda was employed in similar service, where, he destroyed
twelve paraos. Being joined by six brigantines and a galley, with 100
chosen men, commanded by Christopher de Melo, the united squadron took a
very large ship laden with pepper in the river _Chale_, though defended
by numerous artillery and 800 men. Near _Monte-Hermosa_, they defeated
50 sail of vessels belonging to Calicut, taking three paraos with a
considerable number of cannon and many men. Hector de Sylveira, who had
been left on the coast of Cambaya, did much damage to the enemy. Going
up the river _Nagotana_ of _Bazain_, he landed and burnt six towns
belonging to the king of Cambaya. The commander of _Nagotana_ took the
field against him with five hundred horse and a large force of infantry,
endeavouring to intercept Sylveira on his way to reimbark. An engagement
took place, in which the enemy were repulsed with some loss, and
Sylveira was enabled to embark. Going afterwards to _Bazain_, on a
river, of the same name, he found that place well fortified and defended
by a considerable number of cannon. He entered the river however during
the night, and next morning stormed the fortifications of Bazain,
killing many of the defendents. After this success, he was unexpectedly
attacked by Alexiath at the head of 3500 men; but he bravely repelled
and defeated that vastly superior force with great slaughter, after
which he plundered and burnt the city of Bazuin. Terrified by these
exploits, the lord of the great city of Tana, not far distant,
submitted to become tributary to Portugal, and Sylveira retired to
Chaul.

While these things were doing on the coast of Hindostan, Simon de Sousa
Galvam, on his way to the Moluccas in a galley with seventy men was
driven by a storm to take shelter, in the port of Acheen. Several
vessels flocked immediately about him, on pretence of giving assistance,
but the natives were no sooner on board than they fell upon the seventy
Portuguese, with all kinds of weapons. Recovering from their first
surprise, the Portuguese bravely drove the enemy from their ship,
although not more than twenty were left that could stand to their arms.
The king of Acheen gave orders to his admiral to attack the Portuguese
galley next morning; when, after a desperate resistance, most of the
Portuguese were slain and Galvam among them; only those being spared who
were so severely wounded as to be unable to resist. Don George de
Menezes, who commanded at the Moluccas, sent a party to Tidore against
the Spaniards; but on the rout of that party, Menezes collected a
considerable allied force, consisting of the people of Ternate, the
_Sangages_, and the subjects of Cachil Daroez king of _Bacham_. With
these and a small number of Portuguese, Menezes landed in Tidore, where
he defeated the Spaniards and troops of Tidore, obliging the former to
retire into their fort after losing six men, two of whom were slain and
four taken. Menezes then assaulted and took the city of Tidore, which he
plundered and burnt; after which he invested the Spanish fort, and
summoned Ferdinando de la Torre the Spanish commander to surrender.
Being unable to resist, the Spanish captain agreed to evacuate Tidore,
retiring to the city of Comafo, and engaging to commit no hostilities
upon the Portuguese or their allies, and not to trade to any of the
islands producing cloves. After this the king of Tidore was made
tributary to the Portuguese, and Menezes returned victorious to Ternate.

During his absence, _Bohaat_ king of Tidore had died, not without
suspicion of having been poisoned by _Cachil Daroez_, and was succeeded
by his brother _Cachil Daialo_. The new king being suspicious of _Cachil
Vaiaco_, fled to the fort; but afraid that Menezes might give him up to
his enemy, threw himself from a window. All Ternate now mutinied against
Menezes; and as he imagined that _Cachil Vaideca_, a noble of Tidore,
had caused the death of a Chinese sow belonging to him, he imprisoned
that nobleman, after which he set him free, having first anointed his
face with bacon, which among that people is reckoned a most heinous
affront. Not contented with this violence, he sent to rob the houses of
the _Moors_ of their provisions, and became suddenly most outrageous and
tyrannical. The _Moors_ stood upon their defence, and treated some of
the Portuguese as they now deserved. Menezes seized the chief magistrate
of the town of _Tabona_ and two other persons of note. These two he set
at liberty after cutting off their hands; but he let loose two fierce
dogs against the magistrate, which tore him in pieces. Becoming odious
to all by these cruelties, _Cachil Daroez_ stirred up the natives to
expel the Portuguese; but being made prisoner, Menezes caused him to be
beheaded. Terrified by this tyranny, the inhabitants of Ternate fled to
other places, the city becoming entirely deserted. Don George de Menezes
was afterwards sent a prisoner to India for these enormities, whence he
was sent to Portugal, where he was condemned to banishment. Any reward
was too small for his former services, and this punishment was too
slight for his present offences.

Nuno de Cuna, appointed governor-general of India, arrived in May 1529
at Ormuz. Setting out too late from Lisbon in the year before with
eleven ships, he had a tedious voyage. One of his ships was lost near
Cape Verd, when 150 men perished. After passing the line, the fleet was
dispersed in a violent storm. Nuno put in at the port of St Jago in
Madagascar, where he found a naked Portuguese soldier, who had belonged
to one of two ships commanded by Lacerda and Abreu, which were cast away
in 1527 at this place. The people fortified themselves there, in hopes
that some ships passing that way might take them up. After waiting a
year, one ship passed but could not come to their assistance; and being
no longer able to subsist at that place, they marched up the country in
two bodies to seek their fortunes, leaving this man behind sick. In
consequence of intelligence of these events sent home to Portugal by
Nuno, Duarte and Diego de Fonseca were sent out in search of these men.
Duarte perished in Madagascar; and Diego found only four Portuguese and
one Frenchman, who had belonged to three French ships that were cast
away on that island. These men said that many of their companions were
still alive in the interior, but they could not be got at. From these it
was thought had sprung a people that wore found in Madagascar about
eighty years afterwards. This people alleged that a Portuguese captain,
having suffered shipwreck on the coast, had conquered a district of the
island over which he became sovereign; and all his men taking wives from
among the natives, had left numerous issue, who had erred much in
matters of faith. _Great indeed must have been their errors, to have
been discovered by the atheistical Hollanders!_ Doubtless these people
did not descend from that shipwreck only, but might have sprung likewise
from the first discoverers, _who were never heard of_, and among others
from three ships that sailed from Cochin in 1530 along with Francisco de
Albuquerque.

While Nuno was at Madagascar, his own ship perished in a storm. The men
were saved in the other two ships, but much goods and arms were lost.
Sailing thence to Zanzibar, he landed 200 of his men who were sick,
under the care of Alexius de Sousa Chichorro, with orders to go to
Melinda when the people were recovered. Being unable to continue his
voyage to India, on account of the trade wind being adverse, he
determined upon taking revenge upon the king of Mombaza, who infested
those of Melinda and Zanzibar from hatred to the Portuguese. If
successful, he proposed to have raised _Munho Mahomet_ to the throne,
who was son to him who had received De Gama on his first voyage with so
much kindness. Mahomet however objected to this honour, saying, "That he
was not deserving of the crown, being born of a Kafr slave: But if Nuno
wished to reward the friendship of his father, he might confer the crown
on his brother _Cide Bubac_, a younger son of his father by a legitimate
wife, and who was therefore of the royal blood of the kings of Quiloa."
Nuno set off on this expedition with 800 men, accompanied by Mahomet and
Bubac, each of whom had sixty followers. On the way he was joined by the
sheikh of _Otonda_, a neighbouring town, who offered to accompany him
with a well appointed vessel. This prince had silver chains on his legs,
which he wore as a memorial of having been wrongfully imprisoned by the
king of Mombaza, and had sworn never to take them off till revenged,
having been so used merely because he had shewn friendship to the
Portuguese.

Having been apprized of the intended attack, the king of Mombaza had
provided for his defence, by planting cannons on a fort or bulwark at
the mouth of the river, and brought 600 expert archers into the city.
Though opposed by a heavy cannonade from the bulwark, Nuno forced his
way up the river and anchored in the evening close to the city, whence
the archers shot continual flights of arrows into the ships, and were
answered by the Portuguese cannon. Next morning early the troops were
landed under Pedro Vaz, brother to Nuno, who carried all before him, and
planted the Portuguese colours, after killing many of the Moors and
driving the rest from the city, without losing a single Portuguese
soldier. To secure and repeople the city, Nuno sent for a nephew of the
king of Melinda, who came with 500 men, many of whom were of some rank;
and these were followed by the prince of Montangue with 200 more. Many
likewise of the former inhabitants came in and submitted, so that the
island began to reassume an appearance of prosperity. The expelled king,
sensible of the desperate situation of affairs, sent one of his
principal men to propose an accommodation, offering to pay a ransom to
preserve his city from destruction, and to become tributary. An
agreement was accordingly entered into to this effect, and the king
began to make the stipulated payments; but finding sickness to prevail
among the Portuguese of whom two hundred soon died, and many more were
incapacitated from service, he began to fall off from the completion of
the agreement, and as the prince of Melinda durst not undertake to
defend the place without a considerable force of Portuguese, Nuno
destroyed the city by fire and returned to Melinda, carrying with him
those he had formerly left sick at Zanzibar. Leaving Melinda, he left 80
of his men there sick, to be carried to India on their recovery by
Tristan Homem: who afterwards defended Melinda with these men against
the king of Mombaza, who endeavoured to revenge himself there for the
injury he had sustained from the Portuguese.

It has been formerly mentioned that Nuno de Cuna arrived at Ormuz in May
1529, into which he made a formal and pompous entry, to the great
admiration of the natives. He immediately issued a proclamation at that
place and its dependencies, "That all who had cause of complaint against
the Portuguese should appear before him for redress." Many complainers
accordingly came forwards, and the offenders were obliged to make
restitution, to the great astonishment and satisfaction of the Moors,
who had not been accustomed to see justice executed on their behalf. He
found that _Reis Xarafo_; great _guazil_[179] or rather arch tyrant over
the king and people of Ormuz, though restored to that situation by
Sampayo, was by no means clear of the great crimes he had been formerly
accused of, particularly of rapine and murder. On a representation of
this to the king of Portugal, Manuel de Macedo had orders to bring him
prisoner to Lisbon, and accordingly had him arrested by the assistance
of Nuno, who waited upon the king of Ormuz to justify this procedure.
The king readily acquiesced, and presented the governor with a rich
present of jewels and cloth of gold, together with a fine horse richly
caparisoned in the Persian manner. As the reigning king was implicated
in the murder of his predecessor Mahomet, Nuno imposed upon him a fine
of 40,000 Xerephines, in addition to the tribute of 60,000 which he had
to pay yearly; that crime being used as a pretence to overburthen him
with a tribute equal to a third part of the yearly revenue of
Ormuz[180]. Xarafo, or Ashraf, was sent to Portugal with examinations
respecting the crimes laid to his charge; but he carried such riches
along with him, that he was not only able to purchase a remission of
punishment, but was actually reinstated in his former employment. While
Nuno still remained at Ormuz, Tavarez de Sousa came there, who had been
with forty men to assist the king of _Basrah_ against the lord of
_Gizaira_[181]; having been the first Portuguese who went up the rivers
Tigris and Euphrates. Basrah or Bazora, in about the lat. of 30 deg. N. is
about 30 leagues from the mouth of the great river Euphrates, and
received its name in commemoration of the more ancient city of Basrah,
eight leagues higher up, the ruins of which are said by eye-witnesses to
be twice as extensive as the city of Grand Cairo. The island of Gizaira,
or Jazirat, is formed by the two rivers Tigris and Euphrates, being
about 40 leagues in circumference, and is said to contain 40,000
archers. The river Tigris rises among the _Curds_ in the greater
Armenia, and the springs of the Euphrates are in Turkomania. The king
of Basrah received Sousa with much state, and appeared greatly satisfied
at his assistance. Sousa accompanied him on his expedition against the
lord of Jazirat, the infantry of Basrah amounting to 5000 men, 600 of
whom carried firelocks, were conveyed up the river in 200 _dalacs_ or
large boats, accompanied by seven vessels full of Turks with a
considerable number of cannon. The king went along with his infantry by
water, while his nephew marched by land at the head of 3000 horse. The
king established his camp on the right or Arabian side of the river,
opposite to the encampment of the lord of Jazirat, who was, posted on
the island with 12,000 men. By order of the king of Basrah, Sousa wrote
to the lord of Jazirat, saying that he was sent by the Portuguese
commander of Ormuz, either to make peace between the contending parties
on reasonable terms, or in case of refusal to take part with the king of
Basrah. The king of Jazirat made answer, that as this was the first
request of the captain of Ormuz, and as Sousa was the first Portuguese
who had come into these parts, he agreed to comply with the terms
demanded, which were merely the restoration of certain forts belonging
to the king of Basrah which he had taken possession of. Persons were
accordingly appointed on both sides to treat for an accommodation, which
was satisfactorily concluded. But the king of Basrah now refused to
perform what he had promised to Sousa for his aid; which was to deliver
up the seven Turkish vessels, and not to admit any more of that nation
into his dominions, because enemies of the Portuguese. Enraged at this
breach of compact Sousa after embarking with his men, took one of the
large barks belonging to Basrah, after which he landed with thirty-six
of his men and burnt a town of 300 houses on the Arabian side of the
river, and a smaller one on the Persian side.

[Footnote 179: In Astley, I. 80, this person is named Reis or _Raez
Ashraf, Wazir_ or Visier of Ormuz. The strange title in the text, _great
guazil_, is probably a translation of _Alguazil mayor_, giving a
Portuguese or rather a Spanish denomination to an Arab officer.--E.]

[Footnote 180: On a former occasion, the Xerephine was stated as equal
in value to 3s. 9d. Hence the total revenue of Ormuz was only about
L.83,750 yearly: The tribute to Portugal L.11,250; and the fine L.7500.
It is true that the value of money was then much greater than now, and
these sums for comparison with our present money of account may perhaps
be fairly rated at L.837,500, L.112,500 and L.75,000 respectively, or
_ten_ times their numerical amount in 1529.--E.]

[Footnote 181: Called Jazirat by the Editor of Astleys Collection.]

In reward to Sousa for his gallantry, Nuno gave him the command in the
Persian Gulf, and sent him to Bahrayn at the request of the king of
Ormuz, to reduce Reis Barbadim who had revolted. But as Sousa had not a
sufficient force for this purpose, Simon de Cuna was sent there with
eight vessels and 400 men, besides a native force in the barks of the
country. Joining Sousa, the fort of Bahrayn was battered for three days;
but powder running short, they had to send to Ormuz for a supply, and in
the mean time the Portuguese sickened so fast, owing to the
unhealthiness of the climate that above an hundred of them died, and
even the Persian soldiers belonging to Ormuz, though accustomed to the
climate, were in very little better condition, insomuch that they had to
give up the siege and return to Ormuz, where Simon de Sousa died.

In the mean time Nuno de Cuna, leaving Ormuz, arrived at Goa in the
latter end of October 1529, where he found four ships just arrived from
Lisbon after a prosperous voyage with a reinforcement of 1500 men all in
perfect health, not having lost a man by the way except one captain.
Nuno made a solemn entry into the city, where he found a powerful fleet
of 140 vessels, which had all been provided by the former governor, Lope
Vaz de Sampayo. The most considerable of these were six galleons, eight
royal gallies, six caravels, and fourteen galliots, all well provided
with cannon and military stores; for though Sampayo had usurped the
government, he had conducted it better than many of those who had
received regular appointments. Finding it necessary to proceed to
Cochin, to dispatch the homeward trade, he stopped at Cananor, where
Sampayo then was, who came on board and resigned the government with the
usual solemnities. Sampayo was inclined to have landed again at Cananor,
but Nuno ordered him to go along with him to Cochin, and published a
proclamation that all who had been wronged by Sampayo might repair to
the new governor, who would do them justice. Sampayo complained of this
as a libel against him, as those who had complaints to make needed not
to be invited by sound of trumpet. On arriving at Cochin, Nuno ordered
Sampayo to be imprisoned and an inventory to be taken of all his
effects, all of which were directed to be deposited in safe custody and
sent to Lisbon, to be there delivered as the king might direct. On being
taken into custody, Sampayo desired the officer to say to Nuno, "I
imprisoned others, you imprison me, and there will come one who will
imprison you." To this message Nuno answered, "Doubtless I may be
imprisoned; but the difference between us will be, that Sampayo deserves
it, and I shall not." Neither was Sampayo wrong, as Nuno had certainly
been taken into custody in Portugal on his return if he had not died by
the way. Sampayo was treated with much and improper severity: the worst
ship in the fleet being appointed for him, with only two servants, and
barely as much of his own wealth as sufficed for the expence of his
voyage.

On his arrival at the Tercera islands an officer was in waiting to put
Sampayo in irons, with which he landed at Lisbon and was carried to a
dungeon in the castle, in which was confined at the same time Reis
Xarafo the visier of Ormuz. After two years confinement, the chief crime
alleged against him being his unjust proceedings in regard to Pedro de
Mascarenas, the duke of Braganza took pity on the misfortunes of this
brave gentleman, and prevailed on the king to give him a hearing in
council. Accordingly, the king being seated in council surrounded by the
judges, Sampayo was brought before him, having his face covered by a
long and thick white beard, and with such tokens of misery which he had
endured in almost three years imprisonment, counting from his arrest in
India, that even Mascarenas or any other of his enemies might have
thought themselves sufficiently revenged. Being put to the bar, after
receiving the kings permission, he made a copious and comprehensive
speech with an undaunted countenance, in his justification. After
enumerating the services of his ancestors and immediate progenitors to
the crown, he particularized his own from his early youth to the period
of his imprisonment, and commented upon the injuries which had been
since done to him. He exposed the malice of his accusers, and justified
his own proceedings. By many apt examples of others who had been guilty
even of greater crimes than those of which he was accused, and who had
been pardoned in consideration of their services, he drew a parallel
between himself and these persons, and concluded by throwing himself
entirely on the justice and mercy of his majesty; from one or other of
which he trusted to receive a discharge, and hoped to have more cause of
thankfulness for the future, than he had of complaint till then of the
hard usage he had been subjected to.

Having listened to him attentively, the king examined him in regard to
each separate article of his impeachment, forty-three in all, to every
one of which he gave apt answers. The principal article alleged against
him related to Pedro Mascarenas, all the others being such as would
never have been thought of except to fill up the measure of accusation.
Being carried back to the castle, he sent in his defence in writing, as
is usual in such cases. In the end, he was sentenced to forfeit all his
allowances as governor; to pay Mascarenas a compensation of 10,000
ducats; and to be banished into Africa. He contrived however to get into
Spain, where he disnaturalized himself, as had been done by the famous
Magellan; and wrote a letter from Badajos to the king, in which he
affirmed that his sentence was unjust, and declared his resolution to
try, by changing his country, to better his fortune and restore his
honour. In consequence of this he was restored to his country.

We must now return to the affairs of India, where Diego Sylveira reduced
the people of Calicut to such straits that the zamorin was constrained
to sue to Nuno de Cuna for peace. This was granted on certain terms,
part of which the zamorin was willing to accept, but rejected the rest;
on which Sylveira reduced the city to extreme distress, by intercepting
all provisions. Some relief was received however from Cananor, and Simon
de Sousa being driven in his brigantine on shore, was blown up while
bravely defending himself against the Moors.

Malek Saca[182] being expelled from Diu, found it expedient for
compassing his ends with the king of Cambaya, to employ similar
artifices with Nuno de Cuna as had been formerly practised with Hector
de Sylveira, by offering to deliver up the city to him. Accordingly he
wrote to Nuno, that although he could not now deliver up Diu, he would
assist him to reduce it; and as it was convenient that a meeting should
take place between the governor and Malek Saca, Nuno sent him a safe
conduct, and ships to transport him and his retinue, commanded by Gaspar
Paez, who had formerly been known to Malek Saca at Diu. On this occasion
Malek Saca granted every condition required, not meaning to perform any,
and made use of this sham alliance to get himself restored to the favour
of the king of Cambaya, putting off Paez with various artifices, under
pretence that the safe conduct was not securely expressed, and that
there were too few ships. In revenge of this deceit, Paez was only able
to burn nine small barks belonging to Malek Saca. Being much enraged at
the duplicity of Malek, Nuno began to make preparations for the
reduction of Diu. In the mean time, he visited and conciliated the rajah
of Cochin, who had been much displeased with the conduct of Lope Vaz
Sampayo and Alfonso Mexia. He went next to Goa, whence he visited the
king at _Chale_, and satisfied him in all things. About the middle of
February 1530 he came to Cananor, the king of which place he gratified
by conforming to the ceremonials of his court; and being offered a
present of jewels, he accepted them lest he should affront that prince,
but delivered them over to the officers of the revenue, as belonging to
the king of Portugal.

[Footnote 182: He is stated on a former occasion to have been the son of
Malek Azz.--E.]

At this time a rich merchant of Mangalore did great injury to the
Portuguese, as he favoured the zamorin of Calicut though living in the
dominions of the king of Narsinga who was in friendship with the
Portuguese. Diego de Sylveira was ordered to punish that man, and went
accordingly against him with a force of 450 men and sixteen vessels. He
accordingly entered the river of Mangalore, where he was opposed by a
great number of ships belonging to the Moorish merchant, which were put
to flight after a short contest. Sylveira then landed with 240 men and
entered the town without opposition, after which he took the fort whence
the merchant endeavoured to escape, but was slain by a musquet-ball. A
vast booty fell into the hands of the Portuguese, but Sylveira ordered
it all to be burnt, lest he might endanger his ships by overloading
them. As winter was coming on Sylveira dismissed half of his fleet, yet
afterwards had occasion for them all, as he soon after encountered _Pati
Marcar_, a commander belonging to Calicut, who was going to Mangalore
with sixty paraos. The weather prevented him from fighting at that time;
but Sylveira waited the return of the Calicut fleet, to which he gave
battle off Mount Dely, and sank six paraos, after which he returned to
Cochin. In the same year 1530, Antonio de Sylveira commanded on the
coast of Cambaya with fifty-one sail of vessels, three of which were
gallies and two galliots, in which were 900 Portuguese soldiers. With
this force he went up the river Taptee where he burnt Surat and Reyner,
the chiefest towns in that part of India. Surat on one side of the river
contained 10,000 families, mostly Banians[183] and handicrafts of no
courage; while Reyner on the other side of the river had six thousand
houses inhabited by a warlike race, and was well fortified. On sounding,
the river was found too shallow for the larger vessels, which were left
off the bar under the command of Francisco de Vasconcelles; while with
the smaller, Sylveira went up the river about four miles to Surat. He
there found 300 horse and nearly 10,000 foot drawn up to oppose his
landing, all well armed with bows and firelocks; but after one discharge
this vast multitude fled in dismay without waiting an attack. The city
of Surat was then entered without farther resistance, and being
plundered of every thing worth carrying off was set on fire with some
ships that were in its arsenal. The city of Reyner stood a little higher
up on the other side, and was inhabited by the _Nayteas Moors_, a race
of more courage and policy than the Banians; yet they fled almost at the
first fire, leaving all their property to the Portuguese, who had all
been enriched if they had been able to carry away the whole plunder.
Having removed all that their ships could carry, the town was set on
fire, together with twenty ships and many small vessels. In both actions
Emanuel de Sousa was conspicuously valiant, being the first to land with
much danger, especially in the latter, where he was opposed by a
numerous artillery. On returning to the mouth of the river, Sylveira
found, that Vasconcelles had taken six vessels bound with provisions for
Diu. After this, Antonio de Sylveira destroyed the towns of Daman and
Agazem on the coast, at the latter of which places 300 vessels belonging
to the enemy were burnt.

[Footnote 183: Called Bancanes in the text of De Faria; perhaps an error
of the press for Banianes or Banzanes.--E.]

On the 21st of January 1530, Hector de Sylveira sailed from Goa for the
Red Sea with ten ships and 600 men. Spreading his fleet across the mouth
of that sea, that no enemy might escape, several rich ships were
captured. Appearing afterwards before _Aden_, Hector induced the sheikh
of that place to submit to the crown of Portugal, and to an yearly
tribute of 12,000 Xerephines. The sheikh of _Zael_, who had only a short
time before accompanied _Mustapha_, a Turkish captain, with 20,000 men
to make war upon Aden, submitted to similar terms.

Having completed his preparations for the expedition against Diu, Nuno
de Cuna sailed early in the year 1531 with a great fleet and army for
that place. In a general review at the Island of Bombay, the fleet
consisted of above 400 sail of all kinds of vessels, many of which were
large, more indifferent, and most of them small; some being only
_sutlers_, fitted out by the natives for private gain. On board this
fleet were 3600 soldiers and 1450 seamen all Portuguese, besides above
2000 Canara and Malabar soldiers, 8000 slaves, and about 5000 native
seamen. Landing at Daman, a fort belonging to the king of Cairibaya,
which was immediately evacuated by the Moors, advice was brought that
the Arabs, Turks, and others, to the number of 2000 men, had fortified
themselves in the Island of _Beth,_ seven leagues from Diu. This place
was so strong by art and nature, environed with rocks and
fortifications, that Nuno gave no credit to the accounts respecting it
till convinced by inspection. Coming before Beth on the 7th of February,
he summoned the garrison to surrender; but many of them shaved their
heads, as devoting themselves to death or victory, which they call
making themselves _amoucos[184]._ The commandant of the barbarians gave
a brutal example of determined and savage resolution, by throwing his
wife, son, and goods into a fire made on purpose, in which they were all
consumed; that if the Portuguese succeeded in the enterprise, they might
only gain a heap of ashes. His example was followed by others. Being
resolved to carry this place, Nuno made dispositions for an assault,
dividing his force into six bodies, which were ordered to attack in six
different places at the same time. After a desperate conflict the place
was taken, in which 1800 of the enemy were slain, and sixty cannons
taken.

[Footnote 184: Corruptly called by the British in India running a
muck.--E.]

Departing from Beth, Nuno appeared with his powerful armament before
Diu. This city is built upon rocks, and is entirely encompassed by rocks
and water. The entrance into the river or haven was shut up by massy
chains suspended upon vessels, behind which eighty vessels were drawn up
full of archers and musqueteers to defend the passage. The garrison
consisted of 10,000 men, with a prodigious number of cannon. On the 16th
of February, the signal was given for the attack, but after fighting the
whole day without gaining any advantage, and having suffered some loss,
it was determined in a council of war to desist from the enterprise as.
impracticable. It was agreed by all, that if so much time had not been
fruitlessly employed in the capture of Beth, Diu must have fallen; as it
had been reinforced only three, days before the arrival of the
Portuguese by a Turk named Mustapha, who was the principal cause of its
brave and effectual resistance. Nuno returned with the principal part of
his fleet and army to Goa, where he arrived on the 15th of March,
leaving Antonio de Saldanna with 60 vessels in the Bay of Cambaya to
annoy the enemy.

After the departure of the Portuguese fleet, Mustapha presented himself
before _Badur_ king of Cambaya, who received him honourably, giving him
the command of _Baroach_ in the Bay of Cambaya, with the title of
Rumi-khan. He was called Kami, as having been born in Greece; as the
Moors of India, being ignorant of the divisions of the European
provinces, call the whole of Thrace, Greece, Sclavonia, and the adjacent
countries by the general name of _Rum,_ and the inhabitants _Rumi_
though that term ought only to be applied to Thrace, the modern
_Romania._ The _Turks_ and _Rumes_ are different nations; the former
being originally from Turkistan, and the natives of Greece and Thrace
consider themselves as of more honourable descent than the Turks[185].
The tide of _Khan_ now bestowed on Mustapha is a dignity among the
Tartars equivalent to that of _Duke_ in Europe, and is bestowed in the
east on persons of distinguished merit.

[Footnote 185: On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentioned
as universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of the
Romans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the province
of Romania or Thrace.--E.]

Antonio de Saldanna, who was left in command of the sea of Cambaya, with
60 vessels and 1500 men, took and burnt the town of _Madrefavat,_[186]
five leagues from Diu towards Beth. He then went against Gogo,
twenty-four leagues farther, formerly a strong and populous place of
great trade. There were fifteen of the largest paraos belonging to
Calicut at that time in the port laden with spice, which took shelter in
a creek, and were followed by Saldanna with 800 men in the smaller
vessels. Finding it necessary to land, he was opposed by 300 horse and
800 foot that came to defend the Makbars; but after a sharp encounter,
in which 200 of the enemy were slain, they were constrained to abandon
the vessels, which were all burnt; after which Saldanna destroyed the
town of Gogo and eight ships that were in the port He afterwards
destroyed the towns of Belsa, Tarapor, Mail, Kelme, and Agasim, and
lastly Surat, which was beginning to revive from its former destruction.
Having thus ravaged the coast of Cambaya, he returned to Goa. About this
time a brother of the king of Cambaya, who was rightful heir to that
crown, came into the hands of Nuno; who expected through his means to
obtain what had been so long desired, the possession of Diu, and the
command of the trade of Cambaya.

[Footnote 185: On a former occasion, the name of Kami has been mentioned
as universally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of the
Romans. DeFaria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the province
of Romania or Thrace.--E.]

[Footnote 186: Perhaps that now called Jaffrabad.--E.]

About this time the Portuguese cruisers had taken twenty-seven ships
belonging to the zamorin, all richly laden. Being perplexed by the great
losses he was continually sustaining through the Portuguese superiority
at sea, the sovereign of Calicut made overtures towards an
accommodation; and in a treaty of peace gave permission to the
governor-general to build a fort in the island of _Chale_, in a river
that falls into the sea about three leagues from Calicut, which is
navigable by boats all the way to the foot of the _Gaut_ mountains.
_Urinama_, a heathen, was at this time rajah of _Chale_, and both he and
the neighbouring rajah of Tanore, who were subjects to the zamorin, were
anxious to throw off their subjection to that prince, and to enter into
alliance with the Portuguese, in hopes of becoming rich by participating
in their trade. Immediately upon procuring the consent of the zamorin to
construct the fort, Nuno set out from Goa with 150 sail of vessels, in
which were 3000 Portuguese troops and 1000 native _Lascarines_. So much
diligence was used in carrying on the work, even the gentlemen
participating in the labour, that in twenty-six days it was in a
defensible situation, being surrounded by a rampart nine feet thick and
of sufficient height, strengthened by towers and bastions or bulwarks at
proper places. Within the fort a church was built, together with a house
for the commander, barracks for the soldiers, and store-houses for
trade. Diego de Pereira, who had negotiated the treaty with the zamorin,
was left in command of this new fortress, with a garrison of 250 men;
and Manuel de Sousa had orders to secure its safety by sea, with a
squadron of twenty-two vessels. The zamorin soon repented of having
allowed this fort to be built in his dominions, and used ineffectual
endeavours to induce the rajah of Chale, Caramanlii, and Tanore to break
with the Portuguese, even going to war against them, but to no purpose.

About the end of February 1532, Emanuel de Vasconcelles was sent to the
Red Sea with two galliots and several brigantines to cruise against the
Turks. Off Xael he captured several Turkish vessels, among which, was a
large ship, named _Cufturca,_ which was sent to Muscat. The king of
Xael, fearful of danger, made his peace with Vasconcelles. Soon
afterwards Antonio de Saldanna arrived with ten ships to take the
command in the Red Sea, who was dissatisfied with the terms entered into
with the sheikh of Xael, on which that prince sent all the valuables
belonging to the town, together with the women and children into the
interior, that he might provide for defence; but being obliged to quit
the Red Sea on account of the weather, Saldanna sailed first to Muscat
and thence to Diu, where he took several vessels belonging to the enemy,
among which was one in which he got above 60,000 Venetian chequins.
About the same time Diego de Sylveira plundered and burnt Puttun, a city
twelve leagues from Diu, and destroyed four ships that were in the
harbour. He acted in a similar manner at Pate and Mangalore and other
places, and returned to Goa with above 4000 slaves and an infinite
booty.

All this encouraged Nuno de Cuna to continue hostilities against Diu and
the king of Cambaya, in hopes of constraining him to allow of the
construction of a fort in that city. _Malek Tocam_[187], lord of Diu,
was then fortifying the city of Basseen, and as that place might prove
injurious to the designs of Nuno against Cambaya, he determined to
destroy it. For this purpose he fitted out a fleet of 150 vessels, in
which he embarked with 3000 Portuguese soldiers and 200 native Canarins.
Tocam on hearing of this expedition, left a garrison of 12,000 men in
Basseen and retired to Diu. Despising the danger of attacking such
superior numbers, Nuno landed his troops and took Basseen by assault, in
which action 600 of the enemy were slain, and only eight or nine on the
side of the Portuguese. Having ravaged the surrounding country and razed
the fortifications of Basseen, Emanuel de Albuquerque was sent with
twelve vessels and 300 men to destroy the fort of Daman, which he was
unable to accomplish. He burnt however all the towns upon the coast from
_Basseen_ to _Tarapor_, and reduced _Tanua_, _Bandora_, _Maii_, and
_Bombay_ to become tributary. About this time orders were sent from
Portugal that all the commanders of forts in India should make oath of
obedience to the governor-general, whence it appears that till then they
were in a great measure independent.

[Footnote 187: The lord of Diu only a little before was named Malek
_Saca_; but De Faria gives no intimation of any revolution, except by
change of name. Yet from the sequel it is evident this person was the
son of Malek Azz.--E.]

About this time Malek Tocam, lord of Diu, desired Nuno to send a proper
person to him with whom he might treat of an important affair, he being
at that time apprehensive that the king of Cambaya meant to deprive him
of his government. Vasco de Cuna was accordingly sent on this embassy,
with instructions to procure the surrender of Diu, but was unsuccessful.
At the same time Tristan de Ga pressed the king of Cambaya to allow of
building a fort at Diu, and Badur expressed a desire of conferring with
the governor-general on the subject, though his real design was to kill
him rather than grant permission to build a fort. Nuno went accordingly
to Diu with a fleet of 100 sail and 2000 Portuguese troops; but the king
who was then at Diu delayed the interview on various pretences, and
desired Nuno to send some of his principal captains to wait upon him.
They went accordingly richly dressed and were splendidly received. While
in discourse with the king, Emanuel de Macedo took the liberty, yet in a
respectful manner, to say "That he wondered much his majesty should
deprive Malek Tocam of the government of the city, who had not only
served him faithfully, but was the son of one who had performed many
signal services and had long enjoyed his favour, and that he should
bestow the command on _Mustapha Rumi Khan_, whose principal merit was
disloyalty to the _Grand Turk_, his natural prince." He added, that if
Mustapha denied this, he challenged him to combat, either hand to hand,
or in any other manner he might think fit. _Rumi Khan_ was present, but
made no answer, till the king looking angrily at him, he said his
silence proceeded from contempt. Macedo repeated the challenge, and the
Turk, no longer able to shun it with a good grace, agreed to fight him
at sea. But this challenge took no effect, as the parties could not
agree upon the terms of combat. Being unable to come to any agreement
with the king of Cambaya, Nuno de Cuna entered into a league with
_Humayun_[188] padishah, or emperor of the Moguls, and returned to Goa,
dispatching several of his captains with squadrons to different places.

[Footnote 188: In De Faria called _Omaum Patxath_, king of the
Moguls.--E.]

At this time, _Cunale Marcar_, a bold pirate, scoured the seas about
Calicut with eight vessels well equipped and full of men. One night off
Cape Comorin he surprised a Portuguese brigantine at anchor, in which
were twenty-one Portuguese, all so fast asleep that they were bound
before they waked. He caused their heads to be bruised to pieces, to
punish them for daring to sleep while he was at sea, _a merry cruelty_.
From thence _Cunale_ went to Negapatnam on the coast of Coromandel,
where there were forty Portuguese, who defended themselves to no
purpose, as the degar or governor of that place agreed with Cunale to
rob them. Khojah Marcar, though a relation of Cunale, used his
endeavours to deliver the Portuguese from this danger, by instilling
mutual jealousy into the Degar and Cunale, who however took some
Portuguese vessels then in the river at Negapatnam, and shot eight of
their men. Antonio de Silva was sent against him from Cochin with 200
musqueteers in fifteen small vessels, on which Cunale took refuge in a
bay on the coast called _Canamnera_, where he fortified himself. But
Antonio forced him to make his escape in the habit of a beggar to
Calicut, leaving his vessels and cannon, with which Antonio returned to
Cochin.

In 1534 Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Portuguese admiral in India, took the
fort of Daman; and Badur king of Cambaya, fearing still greater losses,
and finding his trade completely interrupted, made peace with Nuno, on
the following conditions. The fort of Basseen with all its dependencies
was ceded to the crown of Portugal: All ships bound from the kingdom of
Cambaya for the Red Sea, were to come in the first place to Basseen, and
to touch there on their return, paying certain duties to the crown of
Portugal: No ships belonging to Cambaya were to trade to any other parts
without licence from the Portuguese government: No ships of war were to
be built in any of the ports belonging to Cambaya: The king of Cambaya
was on no account to give any assistance to the _Rumes_ or Turks. There
were other articles in favour of the king of Cambaya, to render the
harshness of these more palatable; and even these were afterwards
moderated when he gave permission for building a fort at Diu.

The kingdom of Guzerat, commonly called Cambaya from the name of its
metropolis, extends from Cape _Jaquet_ or _Jigat_ in the west, to the
river _Nagotana_ near _Chaul_, within which limits there is a large and
deep bay or gulf having the same name with the capital, in which bay the
sea ebbs and flows with wonderful rapidity, insomuch that any ship that
is caught in this tremendous _bore_ certainly perishes. To avoid this
danger, there is always a man stationed on an eminence, who gives notice
with a horn when he sees the approach of this torrent. The distance
between Cape _Jigat_ and the river of Nagotana is above 200 leagues. On
the west Guzerat borders on the _Resbuti_ or _Rajputs_, a people
dwelling in a mountainous country.[189] On the north it joins with the
kingdom of _Chitor_[190]: On the east with that of _Pale_.[191] The
coast is covered by numerous towns and cities. It is watered by two
famous rivers, the _Taptii_ and _Tapei_[192] by many creeks that form
several islands. Guzerat is all plain, so that they generally travel in
waggons, as in Flanders, but lighter made, which are easily drawn by
oxen, smaller than those of Spain. The country breeds cattle in great
abundance, and plenty of provisions of all sorts. The natives are of
four different kinds. The first called _Baneanes Baganzariis_, feed
after our manner: The second called simply _Baneanes_[193], who eat of
nothing that hath life. Their priests are called _Vertias_, who are
clothed in white, and never change their apparel till it falls in
pieces. These live altogether on charity; and, like the children of
Israel in the desert, they never keep any thing for the next day. They
place their greatest hope of salvation in abstaining from killing any
creature whatever, and even use no light at night, lest any moth should
fly into the flame; and always carry a broom to sweep the ground they
tread on, that they may not trample any worm or insect to death. The
third race consists of the _Resbuti_ or _Rajputs_, who are good
soldiers, and to whom formerly the kingdom belonged. These people
acknowledge _one God in three persons, and worship the blessed Virgin_,
a doctrine which they have preserved ever since the time of the
apostles[194]. The fourth and last class of inhabitants are the
Mahometans called _Lauteas_, consisting both of strangers who have
conquered the country, and natives who have embraced that religion. The
inhabitants of Guzerat are very ingenious mechanics in works of silk,
gold, ivory, mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, crystal, ebony, and other
articles. They follow the rules of Pythagoras, killing no creature; but
rather buy all, though even venomous, from those who take them, on
purpose to set them free. They have even a set of men whose only
employment is to go about the towns and fields looking out for sick
beasts, which are tended with great care in hospitals built on purpose.
Yet in spite of all this charity to the brute creation, they are devoid
of human kindness, and will not reach out their hand to help a fellow
creature in the utmost need.

[Footnote 189: These mountains are in the middle of Guzerat, which they
pervade in a range of considerable length from N.E. to S.W.--E.]

[Footnote 190: More properly _Agimere_, in which is the town or city of
_Cheitore_, whence the name in the text.--E.]

[Footnote 191: Malwa, one of the kingdoms or _Soubahs_ of Hindostan is
to the east of Guzerat. The meaning of the name in the text is not
obvious.--E.]

[Footnote 192: The Taptee is evidently one of these, but it is hard to
say what river is meant by the other. Next to the Taptee on the north,
the great river Nerbuddah flows into the Gulf of Cambay, dividing the
two great Subahs of Malwa and Candeish. The Mahie divides Guzerat from
Malwa; and the Mehindry and Puddar pervade Guzerat; which is bounded on
the west by the Cagger, dividing it from the great sandy desert of
_Sinde_ or Jesselmere, and from Cutch.--E.]

[Footnote 193: _Banians_: It would much exceed the bounds of a note to
enter upon any explanation here of the Hindoo casts, which will be fully
illustrated in the sequel of this work.--E.]

[Footnote 194: It is most wonderful, that in the grossest, most
ridiculous, and most obscene of all idolatrous polytheism, the
Portuguese should have fancied any resemblance to the pure religion of
Christ! even under its idolatrous debasement of image worship, and the
invocation of legions of saints. The monstrous superstitions of the
bramins will be discussed in a future division of this work.--E.]

In the year of God 1292, or according to the Mahometan account the 700,
a pagan king named _Galacarna_ ruled in peace in Guzerat; but involved
the country in war to deprive his brother of the kingdom of _hampanel_
or _Champaneer_ which had been left him by their father. Galacarna
employed two generals in this war, one of whom named _Madana_ had to
wife one of the most beautiful women of the country, of the race of
_Padaminii_, who, besides their beauty, are said to have so sweet a
scent from their skin that they are esteemed beyond all other women. It
is said there are scarcely any of these women in Guzerat, but many in
Orissa. There is no mischief without a woman even with an ill savour,
how much more then for one of a good scent! King Galacarna fell in love
with the wife of Madana, and used every means to gain her but to no
purpose. But she being chaste, which was doubtless the sweet smell, gave
notice to her husband and brother of the dishonourable conduct of the
king; on which they called in _Shah Nasr Oddin_ king of Delhi, who
invaded the kingdom of Guzerat and slew Galacarna in battle; after which
he left his general Habed Shah to reduce the kingdom to subjection,
having in the first place rewarded the two brothers for their services,
and made the kings of _Mandou_ and _Cheitore_ tributary[195]. Shah Nasr
Oddin was soon afterwards killed by his nephew, and the kingdom of
Delhi was so much weakened by civil war, that Habed-shah revolted and
set himself up as king of Guzerat.

[Footnote 195: Probably Malwa and Agimere are here meant.--E.]

In 1330, _Hamet_ a Mahometan Tartar, who resided in the city of Cambay,
by the assistance of a number of Arabs, Persians, and _Rumes_ or Turks,
usurped a great part of Guzerat, then possessed by _Deosing-rao_. Ali
Khan succeeded Hamet, and left forty sons, three of whom became kings.
The eldest _Peru-shah_ succeeded in the kingdom of Guzerat. The second
_Azeide-khan_ got the kingdom of _Mandou_ or Malwa by his wife; and the
third named Ali-khan acquired the kingdom of _Agimere_ in the same
manner. Peru-shah followed the example of his father and grandfather in
securing his kingdom against foreign enemies, and built the city of Diu
in memory of a victory over a _Chinese_ fleet. Sultan Mahomet his son
succeeded, and reigned at the time when Vasco de Gama discovered India.
He left the kingdom to his son _Modafer_, as most worthy; but in
consequence of a civil war, Modafer was slain, and his youngest brother
_Mahomet Khan_ was raised to the throne. An elder brother _Latisa Khan_
aspired to the kingdom, but without success; and after a succession of
civil wars it fell to _Badur_, or _Behauder Khan_, who was king of
Guzerat at this period. The former king _Modafer_ divided the
possessions belonging to Malek Azz who was lord of Diu among his three
sons, which destination gave great displeasure to his own sons who
coveted these territories. But _Badur_ was chiefly dissatisfied, and
even poisoned his father _Modafer Khan_. After this parricide, he fled
to the king of Chitore, where he killed a person even in the presence of
the king at an entertainment, and fled to Delhi. He there professed
himself a _Calendar_ or religious person, to shun the punishment due to
his crimes. These Calendars go about loaded with iron chains and live
abstemiously; yet with all their outward shew of religious austerity,
they practice all manner of lewdness and wickedness in secret. They
enter into no town, but blow a horn on the out-skirts, that people may
bring them alms. Sometimes they go about in bands of two thousand or
more, laying the country under contributions.

After remaining some time among the Calendars, Badur got notice of the
distractions prevailing in Guzerat, and went there with his chains in
search of the crown, and acquired the favour of the people so strongly
by his pretended religious austerity, that he was proclaimed king. To
secure his ill-gotten power, he caused Madrem-al-Mulk to be flayed alive
for having raised his youngest brother Latisa Khan to the throne, and
put to death all his brothers. Being desirous to take off _Malek Saca_
lord of Diu, Saca fled, and was succeeded by his brother _Malek Tocam_.
In the year 1527, one Stephen Diaz Brigas, a Portuguese who had fled his
country for some crime, came to India as captain of a French ship with
forty Frenchmen, and putting into Diu was there made prisoner with all
his men, who were cruelly put to death by order of Badur.

While at Champaneer in 1527, ambassadors came from _Baber_, padishah or
emperor of Delhi, demanding homage and tribute for Guzerat, as part of
his dominions. At first Badur was disposed to have slain these unwelcome
messengers; but he dismissed them, saying that he would carry the answer
in person. He accordingly drew together an army of 100,000 men and 400
elephants, with a great train of artillery. But he was prevented from
carrying his designs into execution, in consequence of a great town
called _Doitabad_ being taken by Nizam-al-Mulk; and though he recovered
it, he met with great loss of men, chiefly by the weather, it being
winter, some of his men being slain by a shower of stones as large as
oranges[196]. Certain men came to Badur, from the kingdom of the
_Colii_[197], who demanded tribute; but he flayed them alive. In 1529,
Badur marched with 70,000 horse and 200,000 foot into the dominions of
Nizam-al-Mulk, where he did much damage. In the same year Baber padishah
of the Moguls of Delhi, marched with an army for the reduction of
Guzerat; but met with so much loss in a battle with the king of
_Cheitore_ in Agimere that he was forced to retire to Delhi.

[Footnote 196: The story in the text is difficultly intelligible. I am
apt to believe that the great army belonged to Baber, the Great Mogul,
designed for the reduction of Guzerat, but turned aside for the recovery
of _Dowlatabad_ in the Deccan, and that the shower of stones of the text
is to be understood of hail.--E.]

[Footnote 197: Who these were does not appear.--E.]

Badur invaded the kingdom of _Mandou_[198], and killed the king by
treachery. He then imprisoned all the kings sons, and distributed the
wives and daughters of the deceased king among his officers.
_Salahedin_, one of the principal officers of that kingdom fled to
_Raosinga_, a place almost impregnable by nature and art, but was
inveigled into the power of Badur and forced to turn Mahometan. Badur
then besieged the mountain fort of Raosinga, and commanded the women
belonging to Salahedin to come out; but they sent word that they would
not do so unless along with Salahedin, who was accordingly sent into the
fort for that purpose. His women, about 500 in number, exclaimed against
his becoming a Mahometan, saying they would rather be all burnt alive
than delivered to the enemy. Whereupon Salahedin, with 120 men who
guarded his _zenana_, slew them all upon a pile of wood, where they were
burnt with all his riches. After this Badur went against Chitore with an
army of 100,000 horse, an innumerable infantry, and 600 cannon, and
besieged Chitore for two months, at the end of which it surrendered. By
this conquest Badur was in possession of three considerable kingdoms.

[Footnote 198: Probably Malwa.--E.]

At this time Tristan de Ga, as formerly mentioned, was at the court of
Badur on an embassy from Nuno de Cuna to treat of peace, but which
negociation was delayed by sundry accidents, and in particular by the
death of the Great Mogul, of whom Badur was in great fear. Through
covetousness Badur discontinued the pay of many of those leaders who had
served him with great fidelity in his late conquests, on which account
4000 men of note deserted from him to the Mogul. One of his officers
named Mujate Khan endeavoured to convince him of the dangerous effects
this conduct might have upon his affairs; in reward for which Badur sent
him on some frivolous pretence to Diu, and at the same time sent secret
orders to Melek Tocam to put him to death; but Tocam disdained to
execute the tyrannical order, and advised the faithful Mujate Khan to
save himself by flight. Instead of following this advice, Mujate
returned to Badur and prostrated himself at his feet, delivering up his
scymeter with these words, "If I have deserved death from you, I here
present you the traitor and the instrument of his punishment. Kill me,
therefore, that I may have the honour of dying by your hand: Yet the
faithful services of my grandfather, father, and self, have merited a
better reward." Badur, struck with his fidelity and attachment, received
him again to favour; but turned his rage against Melek Tocam for
revealing the secret orders with which he had been entrusted, and sent
Mustapha Rume Khan to Diu to put him to death. Malek Tocam got notice of
this at a country house in which he occasionally resided, whence he fled
from Rume Khan. After this Badur came to Diu which he reduced, having
arrived there at the same time with Nuno de Cuna, when the interview
between the governor and him was proposed; but which Badur only intended
as a feint to ward off the danger which he apprehended from the padishah
of the Moguls; meaning, if he could patch up an agreement with that
sovereign, to break with the Portuguese. But the Mogul recalled his
ambassadors and commenced war upon Bader, of which hereafter.

Those whom we name Moguls call themselves _Zagetai_, in the same manner
as the Spaniards call themselves Goths. Zagetai is the name of the
province which they inhabited in Great Tartary near Turkestan, and the
nobles do not permit themselves to be called Moguls. According to the
Persians, the Moguls are descended of Magog the grandson of Noah, from
whom they received the worship of the _one_ only God. Wandering through
many provinces, this nation established themselves in _Mogalia_ or
_Mongolia_, otherwise _Mogostan_, called Paropamissus by Ptolemy. At
this time they extend farther, and border upon the kingdom of _Horacam_
or _Chorassan_, called _Aria_, or _Here_ by that ancient geographer.
From the extreme north, the Moguls extend to the river _Geum_ or
_Jihon_, which runs through _Bohara_ or _Bucharia_, the ancient
_Bactria_, so named from its capital, the celebrated seat of learning
from the time of _Zoroaster_, and where _Avicenna_ acquired the
knowledge which made him so famous. _Bucharia_, or _Bactria_ borders
upon _Quiximir_ or _Cashmire_ and Mount _Caucasus_, which divides India
from the provinces of Tartary in the north. This kingdom of the Moguls
now reaches to the mountainous regions of _Parveti_ and _Bagous_ which
they call _Angou_ [199]. As in this dominion there ace great mountains,
so there are likewise very large and fruitful plains, watered by five
rivers which compose the Indus. These are the _Bet, Satinague, Chanao,
Rave_, and _Rea_[200]. The cities of this country are numerous and, the
men courageous.

[Footnote 199: De Faria becomes here unintelligible, unless he here
means the range of mountains which bound Hindostan, particularly on the
north-west, including Cashmir and Cabul; which seems probable as
immediately followed in the text by the _Punjab_, or country on the
_five rivers_ composing the Indus.--E.]

[Footnote 200: These rivers are so strangely perverted in their
orthography as hardly to be recognisable, and some of them not at all.
The true _Punjab_ or five rivers is entirely on the east of the Indus,
Sinde or Nilab. Its five rivers are the Behut or Hydaspes, Chunab or
Acesinas, Rauvee or Hydraotes, Setlege or Hesudrus, and a tributary
stream of the last named the Hyphasis by the ancients. These two last
are the Beyah and Setlege of the moderns. The Kameh and Comul run into
the Indus to the west of the Punjab--E.]

The Moguls are of the Mahometan religion, using the Turkish and Persian
languages. They are of fair complexions, and well made, but have, small
eyes like the Tartars and Chinese. Their nobility wear rich and gay
clothes, fashioned like those of the Persians, and have long beards.
Their military dress is very costly, their arms being splendidly gilt
and highly polished, and they are singularly expert in the use of the
bow. In battle they are brave and well disciplined and use artillery.
Their padishah is treated with wonderful majesty, seldom making his
appearance in public, and has a guard of 2000 horse, which is changed
quarterly. Both Moguls and Patans endeavoured to conquer India; but by
treachery and the event of war, the Patans and the kingdom of Delhi were
reduced by the Moguls at the time when Baber, the great-grandson of the
great Tamerlane was their padishah.

At the period to which we have now proceeded in our history of the
Portuguese in India, _Omaum_ or _Humayun_, the son of Baber, was
padishah of the Moguls, and declared war against Badur king of Guzerat;
who immediately sent an army of 20,000 horse and a vast multitude of
foot to ravage the frontiers of the enemy. Ingratitude never escapes
unpunished, as was exemplified on this occasion. _Crementii_ queen of
_Chitore_, who had formerly saved the life of Badur, and who in return
had deprived her of the kingdom of Chitore, was required by him to send
her son with all the men he could raise to assist him in the war against
Humayun. The queen required he would restore her other son, whom he kept
as an hostage, that she might not be deprived of both, and in the mean
time raised all the forces she was able. Not aware of her intentions,
Badur sent her son to Chitore, on which she immediately put herself
under the protection of Humayun. Badur immediately drew together an army
of 100,000 horse, 415,000 foot, 1000 cannon, 600 armed elephants, and
6000 carriages, with which he besieged Chitore, and battered its walls
with great fury. While engaged in this siege, he received information
that the army he had sent to ravage the country of the Moguls had been
defeated with the loss of 20,000 men. He at length got possession of
Chitore by policy more than force, after losing 15,000 men during the
siege; but the queen made her escape with all her family and wealth. He
repaired the fortifications of Chitore, in which he left _Minao Husseyn_
with a garrison of 12,000 men. He then marched to meet the army of the
Moguls, which was advancing through _Mandou_ or _Malwa_ in order to
relieve Chitore. On learning that Chitore had fallen, and that Badur was
intrenched with his army at Dozor, Humayun marched to that place and
took up a position with so much judgment that the army of Badur was
reduced to extremity for provisions. Being unable to extricate his army
from this state of difficulty, Badur fled with all speed to _Mandou_, or
_Mundu_ near the Nerbuddah on the southern frontier of Malwa,
accompanied by Mustapha Rumi Khan and a few Portuguese. His prodigious
army was utterly destroyed or dispersed, and his camp plundered by the
Moguls; he even escaping with difficulty from the pursuit of 10,000
Mogul horse.

Badur fortified himself in _Mundu_, giving the command of his remaining
force to Rumi Khan, who soon deserted to Humayun. The family and wealth
of Rumi Khan were at this time in the fortress of _Champaneer_, and both
Badur and Rumi Khan strove which of them should first be able to secure
that place, in which Badur had deposited one of his three tres, which
only in copper money was worth 30 millions[201], besides pearls,
precious stones, and other valuables. Badur got possession of
Champaneer, whence he immediately sent all the treasure, and the family
of Rumi Khan, under a strong escort to Diu; while he wasted the country
and destroyed all the artillery, that it might not fall into the hands
of Humayun, and even did the same at _Cambaya_ his own capital. Seeing
his women and riches in the hands of Badur, Rumi Khan obtained five
hundred horse from his new master, with which he pursued Badur so
expeditiously that he entered one of the gates of _Cambaya_ as Badur was
going out at the other. Finding himself so closely pursued, Badur left
the women and riches by the way, in hopes of stopping the pursuit, which
had the desired effect, as Rumi Khan immediately returned with them to
Champaneer, and Badur got safe to Diu, leaving his entire kingdom to
Humayun.

[Footnote 201: No intimation is given by De Faria of the denomination of
money here alluded to.--E.]

In this state of adversity, Badur at length consented to the erection of
a fort at Diu by the Portuguese. He had formerly given up Basseen to
them, to secure their friendship during his contest with Humayun, and
was now in hopes by their assistance to recover his dominions. Still
however his pride prompted him to temporize, and he sent an ambassador
to request assistance from the Turks to recover his territories. Hearing
that Humayun had taken Champaneer he gave himself up to despair and
resolved upon going to Mecca, to wait the answer of the grand Turk; but
his mother and friends dissuaded him, advising him to allow the
Portuguese to erect the fort at Diu, as by their aid his affairs might
be restored. He immediately sent notice to that effect to Martin Alfonso
de Sousa, then at Chaul, who communicated the event to Nuno de Cuna, and
went immediately to Diu at the request of Badur, arriving on the 21st of
September 1536. A league offensive and defensive was immediately entered
into between Badur and the Portuguese, in which the former treaty was
confirmed, except that the emporium of trade was to be transferred from
Basseen to Diu: The fort was to be built where and in what manner should
be judged best by the governor-general; and in the mean time a bulwark
or castle upon the sea, commanding the entrance of the port was to be
delivered up. There were many other articles, and among these that the
Portuguese were not to meddle with the kings revenues at Diu and other
places. The governor general on receiving notice of this treaty, came
immediately to Diu, where he was honourably received by Badur.

A Jew and an Armenian were immediately sent off to carry intelligence of
this event to Portugal [202]. At this time there was a person named
Diego Botello residing at Diu who was in disgrace with the king of
Portugal, on account of it being reported that he intended to go over
to the French in hopes of high promotion, as he was very conversant in
the affairs of India. Knowing how earnestly King _Joam_ had desired the
establishment of a fort at Diu, he resolved upon endeavouring to be the
first messenger of this news. For this purpose, having procured a copy
of the treaty and a draught of the intended fort, he embarked in a small
vessel, only sixteen feet and a half long, nine feet broad, and four
feet and a half deep, manned by his own slaves, with three Portuguese
and two others, giving out that he was going to Cambaya. But when out at
sea, he informed his companions that he meant in this frail bark to
traverse the prodigious extent of ocean between India and Portugal, and
prevailed upon those along with him to concur in his design. Being
reduced to unspeakable miseries, the slaves, who were the only mariners
on board, entered into a conspiracy to kill him, and even killed one of
his servants, but were all slain. Being now without seaman or pilot, he
held on his course and arrived at Lisbon to the astonishment of every
one. Botello was restored to the royal favour for this wonderful action,
but received no other reward, and the bark was immediately destroyed,
that it might not be known so small a vessel was capable of performing
so great a voyage.

[Footnote 202: Though not so expressed in the text, these messengers
were probably sent over land.--E.]

Nuno de Cuna lost no time in erecting the fort at Diu, the command of
which was given to Emanuel de Sousa with 900 Portuguese troops, the
ramparts being furnished with sixty pieces of great cannon. Badur soon
found the benefit of his alliance with the Portuguese, as Nizam-al-Mulk
at the instigation of Nuno made peace with and aided him against
Humayun; and a Portuguese force under Vasco Perez recovered for him a
considerable place towards the Indus named _Varivene_[203]. Garcia de Sa
and Antonio Galvam defended Basseen against the Moguls, who were
constrained to retreat from that place; and Mirza Mahmoud, nephew to
Badur, recovered many places on the frontiers from the Moguls. Being
thus prosperous, solely by the assistance of the Portuguese, 500 of whom
served in his army under the command of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Badur
repented of having allowed them to build a fort at Diu, and even began
to build a wall or fortification between the fort and the city, under
pretence of separating the Portuguese from the natives, to prevent
differences by too free communication. But after several strong
remonstrances this was desisted from.

[Footnote 203: Perhaps Warwama on the Gulf of Cutch.--E.]

In the year 1537, Badur became still more intent upon removing the
Portuguese from Diu, for which purpose he again sent to procure
assistance from the Turks, and in the mean time used his utmost
endeavours to take the fort and to destroy Nuno de Cuna, whom he invited
to Diu with that view. Though apprized of the treacherous designs of
Badur, De Cuna omitted to avail himself of an opportunity of securing
him while on a visit on board his ship, deferring it to a future
opportunity in a proposed conference in the fort. While Badur was going
on shore in his _katur_ or barge, Emanuel de Sousa the commandant of the
fort of Diu followed him in a barge and went on board the royal katur to
give the invitation from the governor-general. At this time another
Portuguese barge coming up hastily, Badur became suspicious of some evil
intention, and ordered his officers to kill De Sousa. One Diega de
Mosquita who had aided Badur in the late war and had acquired a perfect
knowledge of the language, understood what was said by Badur, whom he
immediately attacked and wounded, but De Sousa was slain by his
attendants. Upon this a bloody affray took place between the Portuguese
and the attendants on Badur, in which seven of the latter were slain.
Several other boats belonging to both parties came up, and Badur
attempted to escape in his barge to the city, but was stopped by a
cannon-shot which killed three of his rowers; on which he endeavoured to
escape by swimming, but being in danger of drowning he called out,
discovering who he was. Tristan de Payva reached out an oar for him to
take hold of, that he might get on board the boat; but a soldier struck
him on the face with a halberd, and then others, till he was slain. His
body sunk, and neither it nor the body of De Sousa could afterwards be
found for interment.

Most of the citizens of Diu were witness to this scene from the walls,
and when the intelligence of the kings death reached the city, the
inhabitants began to abandon it in such haste and confusion that many
were trampled to death in the throng, being afraid that the Portuguese
would plunder them. The governor-general soon restored confidence by a
public proclamation, and the inhabitants returned quietly to their
houses. He even entered the town unarmed, to reassure the inhabitants
and to restrain the avarice of his people, so that no disorder was
committed. De Sousa being slain, as before mentioned, De Cuna gave the
command of the fortress of Diu to his brother-in-law Antonio de Sylveira
Menezes, and his gallant conduct afterwards shewed that he was worthy of
the station. The queen-mother had retired to _Navanaguer_[204], and Nuno
sent a message of condolence for the death of her son, endeavouring to
demonstrate that it had been occasioned by his own fault; but she
refused to receive or listen to the message. The treasure found in the
palace of Diu in gold and silver was of small value, not exceeding
200,000 _pardaos_[205], but the quantity of ammunition was exceedingly
great. The number of brass cannon was prodigious, those of iron not
being deemed worthy of account. Among the brass ordnance were three
_basilisks_ of prodigious size, one of which was sent by De Cuna as a
curiosity to Lisbon, which was placed in the castle of St Julian at the
mouth of the Tagus, where it is known by the name of the _Gun of Diu_.
Among the papers belonging to Badur and his treasurer _Abd' el Cader_
letters were found from _Saf_ Khan, communicating the progress he had
made in his negociations for bringing the Turks upon the Portuguese, and
copies of others from the sheikhs of _Aden_ and _Xael_ to the same
purpose. Having collected these and other testimonies of the treachery
of the late king, Nuno caused _Khojah Zofar_, a man of great reputation
among the citizens both Mahometans and Gentiles, to convene a meeting of
the principal people, merchants, and _cazis_, or teachers of the
Mahometan law, to whom these letters and testimonials were produced, in
justification of the conduct of the Portuguese, and in proof of the
treacherous intentions of the late king. All the Moors and Pagans
acknowledged themselves satisfied by these documents, and accordingly
gave certificates to that effect in the Arabic and Persian languages,
which were signed by Khojah Zofar and all the leading people among the
Mahometans and Hindoos, which were communicated to the kings of the
Deccan, Narsinga, and Ormuz, and to all the sheikhs along the coast of
Arabia as far as Aden.

[Footnote 204: Probably Noanagur on the east side of the Gulf of
Cutch.--E.]

[Footnote 205: At 3s. 9d. each, worth L. 37,500 sterling.--E.]

For the greater security and satisfaction of the people, Nuno gave
orders that the Mahometans should enjoy the free exercise of their
religion, and that the laws and regulations established by Badur for the
government of the city and its dependencies should continue to be
executed, even continuing all the salaries and pensions granted by the
late king. Among these was a Moor of Bengal who, by _authentic_
information was 320 years old[206]. This man had two sons, one ninety
and the other only twelve years of age. He appeared to be only about
sixty, and it was said that his beard and teeth had fallen and been
renewed four or five times. He was rather under the middle size, and
neither fat nor lean. He pretended that before he was an hundred years
old, while herding cattle on the banks of a river, there appeared a man
to him clothed in a gray habit and girt with a cord, having wounds on
his hands and feet, who requested to be carried by him across the river
on his shoulders; which having done, this person said that as a reward
for his charity, he should retain all his faculties till he saw him
again. Going accordingly into one of the Portuguese churches in India,
this old man exclaimed on seeing the image of St Francis, This is he
whom I carried across the river so many years ago.

[Footnote 206: Perhaps an error of the press for 120.--E.]

Mir Mahomet Zaman, a descendant of the ancient kings of Guzerat, on
learning the death of Badur, went to condole with the queen-mother at
_Novanaguer_; but she, fearing he came to rob her, refused to see him
and even endeavoured to remove to another place. Offended at her
suspicions, Mahomet Zaman lay in wait for her with 2000 horse, and
robbed her of all her riches, amounting to above two millions of gold.
He then raised above 5000 horse, with which he seized Novanaguer, and
had himself proclaimed king of Guzerat. He then sent a messenger to Nuno
de Cuna, giving an account of the posture of his affairs and of his
title to the crown, desiring his assistance, in requital for which he
offered to cede to the Portuguese all the coast from Mangalore to
Beth[207], including the towns of Daman and Basseen with the royal
country house of Novanaguer, and other advantages. Nuno accepted these
offers, caused him to be proclaimed king in the mosque of Diu, and urged
him to raise forces and disperse the other pretenders. Fearing that this
advice was only given to deceive, Zaman procrastinated and took no
effectual steps to secure the crown to which he aspired, of which
misconduct he soon experienced the evil consequences; as the principal
people of Guzerat set Mahomet Khan, a nephew of the deceased Badur on
the Musnud, and made preparations to subdue Zaman. As Nuno was under the
necessity of leaving Diu early in 1538 to attend to the other affairs of
his extensive government, the Guzerat nobles in the interest of Mahomet
raised sixty thousand men, with which they marched against Zaman; and
having corrupted most of his officers, he was obliged to flee to Delhi,
where he was honourably received by the padishah of the Moguls, from
whom he received the kingdom of Bengal. The successful party in Guzerat
called Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu to account for the death
of Badur, and being satisfied on that head proposed a treaty of peace;
but as they peremptorily refused to accede to the condition conceded by
Zaman, the negociations were broken off.

[Footnote 207: This account if the matter is inexplicable. Mangalore is
on the coast of Malabar far to the south of Guzerat, Beth is not to be
found in any map of India in these parts, and Novanaguer or Noanagur is
at the other extremity of Guzerat on the Gulf of Cutch.--E.]

The most inveterate enemies of the Portuguese in India were the Moors
upon the coast between Chaul and Cape Comorin, a space of about 200
leagues, who had flocked thither in great numbers allured by the vast
and profitable trade in that part of India. About this time there lived
in Cochin a rich and powerful Moor named Pate Marcar, who being
irritated against the Portuguese for taking some of his vessels went to
reside in Calicut to have an opportunity of being revenged upon them by
the assistance of the zamorin, who furnished him with above 50 ships,
2000 men, and 400 pieces of cannon. With these he went to the assistance
of Madune Pandar who had revolted against his brother the king of Ceylon
who was the ally of the Portuguese. At Coulam Marcar attacked a large
Portuguese ship which was loading pepper, but was beat off after killing
the captain. In another port farther south he took a ship belonging to
the Portuguese and killed all her crew. Beyond Cape Comorin he destroyed
a town inhabited by native Christians. On hearing of these depredations,
Martin Alfonso went in 19 row-boats from Cochin in pursuit of Marcar,
whom he found in a creek where he offered him battle; but as Marcar
declined this, and Alfonso did not think his force sufficient to attack
him in that situation, he returned to Cochin for a reinforcement.
Setting out again with 28 row-boats and 400 men, Alfonso found Marcar
careening his vessels at a port or creek beyond Cape Comorin named
_Beadala_, where he gave the Moors a total defeat though they had
gathered a force of 7000 men to resist him. Alfonso took 23 barks, 400
cannon, 1500 firelocks, and many prisoners, and set free a considerable
number of Portuguese slaves, having lost 30 men in the action, chiefly
through the mistake of a signal. After this great victory, Alfonso went
over to Columbo in Ceylon, the king of which place was besieged by his
rebellious brother Madune Pandar, who at first believed the Portuguese
fleet to be that of Marcar coming to his assistance; but hearing of the
destruction of his ally, he raised the siege and made peace.

It is proper that we should give some account of the rich and fertile
kingdom of Bengal on the bay of that name, which receives the waters of
the famous river Ganges by two principal mouths and many subordinate
creeks. This river has its source in the mountains of Great Tartary,
whence it runs southwards near 600 leagues, dividing India into two
parts _infra et extra Gangem_, or on this side and the other side of the
Ganges. On the great eastern mouth of the Ganges stands the city of
_Chatigam_ or _Chittagong_, and on the western mouth the city of
_Satigam_[208]. On the east of the Ganges, which runs through the middle
of Bengal, _Caor, Camatii, Sirote, Codovascam, Cou,_ and _Tipora_ were
subject to that kingdom, but the two last uniting together had thrown
off the yoke. On the west of the river, the country of _Cospetir_, whose
plain is overflowed annually by the Ganges as the land of Egypt by the
Nile, had been conquered by the Patans. According to the Pagans, God
hath granted to the kingdom of Bengal an infinite multitude of infantry,
to Orixa abundance of elephants, to Bisnagar a people well skilled in
using the sword and buckler, to Delhi a prodigious number of towns, and
to _Cou_ innumerable horses. The kingdom of Bengal, reaching between the
latitudes of 22 deg. and 26 deg. 30' N. is well watered and exceedingly fertile,
producing abundance of fruit, with sugar and long pepper, great
quantities of cotton, which the inhabitants manufacture with much skill,
and has great abundance of cattle and poultry. The natives are heathens
of a pusillanimous character, yet false and treacherous; for it ally the
case that cowardice and treachery go together.

[Footnote 208: It is impossible even to guess what place is meant in the
text by Satigam, unless it may have some reference to the river
Sagar.--E.]

The king is universal heir to all his subjects. The capital city, named
_Gowro_, on the banks of the Ganges, is three leagues in length. It
contains 1,200,000 families, and is well fortified. The streets are
long, wide, and straight, with rows of trees to shelter the people from
the sun, and are sometimes so thronged with passengers that many are
trodden to death.

About fifty years before the discovery of India by the Portuguese, an
Arabian merchant who dwelt in Gowro became very rich and powerful, and
having defeated the king of Orixa in a great battle grew so much in
favour with the king of Bengal that he was made captain of his guards.
But, ungrateful to his benefactor, he killed the king and usurped the
kingdom, leaving it as an inheritance to the Moors who have since
possessed this rich and fertile kingdom. The succession to this kingdom
proceeds upon no rule of hereditary descent; but is often acquired by
slaves who kill their masters, and whosoever acquires the government,
were it only for three days, is looked upon as established by Providence
and Divine right. Hence during a period of forty years this kingdom had
been ruled by 13 successive princes. At the time when Martin Alfonso
Melo de Jusarte was prisoner in Bengal, Mahomet Shah was king and held
his court in Gowro with such state that there were 10,000 women in his
Zenana, yet was he in continual apprehension of being deposed. Martin
and the other Portuguese prisoners did signal service to Mahomet in his
wars with the Patans; and Martin and his followers obtained their
liberty through the means of one _Khojah Sabadim_, a rich Moor, who
engaged to procure liberty for the Portuguese to build a fort at
Chittagong, if Nuno de Cuna would carry him to Ormuz. Nano being eager
to acquire an establishment in Bengal, granted all that was asked, and
sent Martin Alfonso with 200 men in five vessels to Bengal, and to
secure the friendship of the king sent him a magnificent present.
Thirteen men who carried the present to Gowro, and thirty others who
accompanied Martin Alfonso to an entertainment at Chittagong were made
prisoners. On learning this event, Nuno sent Antonio de Silva with 350
men in nine vessels, to treat for the liberation of Martin Alfonso and
prisoners, by the assistance of Khojah Sabadim, to whose suggestions the
former unfortunate expedition was owing; and to secure the fidelity of
Sabadim, a ship belonging to him with a rich cargo was detained in
pledge. From Chittagong, Silva sent a messenger to Gowro with a letter
and a present; but as the answer was long in coming, Silva judged that
the king had detained his messenger along with the rest, on which he
rashly destroyed Chittagong and some other places; for which proceeding
the king confined the prisoners more rigidly than before. But his
necessities obliged him soon after to change his severity into kindness.

_Xerchan_, or _Shir Khan_, a general of note among the Moguls, being in
disgrace with the padisbah or Great Mogul, fled from Delhi to Bengal
accompanied by his brother Hedele Khan, and both of them rose to eminent
rank in the service of Mahomet. Being now at the head of a large army,
Shir Khan resolved to avenge upon Mahomet the murder of the former
infant king of Bengal; for which purpose he revolted with his army to
Humayun the Mogul padishah, and turned his arms against Mahomet. In his
distress, Mahomet consulted with Martin Alfonso how best to oppose the
arms of Shir Khan. By his advice, some vessels commanded by Portuguese
were stationed in the Ganges at a pass near the fort of _Gori_ where the
Ganges enters Bengal. These effectually barred the passage of Shir Khan
in that direction; but having discovered another ford, he advanced to
Gowro, which he invested with 40,000 horse, 200,000 foot, and 1500
elephants. Shir Khan likewise brought a fleet of 300 boats down the
river, to a place where Mahomet had 800 boats to oppose the enemy. At
this place Duarte de Brito did signal service in the sight of King
Mahomet, and among other things, accompanied by eight other Portuguese,
he took an elephant that was swimming across the river. The city of
Gowro being reduced to distress by the besiegers, Mahomet bought a
peace, and Shir Khan drew off with his army. Being now as he thought in
safety, Mahomet allowed Martin Alfonso to depart with the other
Portuguese, only retaining five as hostages for the assistance he had
been promised by Nuno.

Shir Khan returned soon afterwards to Gowro, which he took by assault,
obliging the king, who was wounded in the assault, to abandon the city.
Mahomet died of his wounds on his way to ask assistance from Humayun.
Shir Khan drew off from Gowro, where he acquired treasure to the amount
of 60 millions in gold. Humayun brought the dead body of King Mahomet to
Gowro, where he appointed his own brother-in-law Mir Mahomet Zaman to
the vacant kingdom, who had been lately driven from Guzerat. But on the
return of Humayun towards Delhi, Shir Khan returned to Gowro and drove
out Mahomet Zaman. Humayun then marched against Shir Khan with 100,000
horse and 150,000 foot, with above 200,000 followers. The two armies met
on the banks of the Ganges near the city of Kanoje when Shir Khan gained
so complete a victory that Humayun made his escape with only 25
attendants, and never stopt till he arrived at Lahore. Shir Khan treated
the women belonging to Humaynn with great respect, and restored them to
the padishah. Finding himself too weak for the conquest of Bengal,
Humayun determined upon endeavouring to reduce Guzerat; but abandoned in
his distress by his own Omrahs, he went into Persia, where the Sophi
supplied him with an army of 12,000 horse, to which he was enabled to
add 10,000 volunteers. With these allies, added to the troops that
continued to adhere to him, he invested Candahar, where his brother
Astarii Mirza had proclaimed himself king of Mogostan. The city was
taken and given up to the Persians. In the mean time Shir Khan made
himself formidable in Bengal, having an army of 400,000 horse. He took
the city of Calijor belonging to the Rajputs, meaning to plunder a vast
treasure contained in the temple at that place; but pointing a cannon to
kill an elephant belonging to the temple, the piece burst and killed
himself.

The present formerly mentioned, which was sent by the king of Guzerat to
the Grand Turk to obtain his assistance, was delivered at
Constantinople, where at the same time arrived news of the kings death.
But the great value of the present demonstrated the vast riches of
India, and made the Turkish emperor desirous of acquiring a footing in
that country, whence he thought the Portuguese might be easily expelled,
and their possessions reduced under his dominion. In this enterprise he
was greatly encouraged by a Portuguese renegado at Constantinople, who
asserted that the Turkish power might easily supplant that of the
Portuguese in India. For this purpose, the Turkish emperor ordered a
fleet to be fitted out at Suez, the command of which was given to the
eunuch Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo. Solyman was a Greek janizary
born in the Morea, of an ugly countenance, short of stature, and had so
large a belly that he was more like a beast than a man, not being able
to rise up without the aid of four men. At this time he was eighty years
of age, and he obtained this command more by dint of his wealth than
merit, as he offered to be at the entire charge of the expedition. To
enable him to perform this, he put many rich men to death and seized
their wealth. Among others he strangled Mir Daud, king or _bey_ of the
Thebaid, and seized his treasure. It might be said therefore that this
fleet was equipped rather by the dead than the living. It consisted of
70 sail, most of them being large gallies, well stored with cannon,
ammunition, and provisions; on board of which he embarked 7000 soldiers,
part Turkish janizaries and part Mamelukes; besides a great number of
choice sailors and galley-slaves, many of the latter being taken from
the Venetian gallies then at Alexandria, which were seized in
consequence of a war breaking out between the Turks and the republic of
Venice.

Solyman, who was both a tyrant and a coward, set out from Suez on the
22d of June 1538, ordering four hundred of the soldiers to assist at the
oars, and as they resisted this order as contrary to their privileges,
he put two hundred of them to death. At Jiddah he endeavoured to take
the sheikh, but knowing his tyrannical character, he escaped into the
interior. At _Zabid_, after receiving a rich present, he put the sheikh
to death. He did the same thing at Aden; and arrived at Diu about the
beginning of September 1538, losing six of his vessels by the way.

When Badar king of Guzerat was killed, one _Khojah Zofar_ swam on shore
and was well received by the Portuguese, being the only one of the kings
retinue who was saved on that occasion. For some time he seemed grateful
for his safety; but at length fled without any apparent reason to the
new king of Guzerat, to whom he offered his services, and even
endeavoured to prevail upon him to expel the Portuguese from his
dominions, asserting that this might be easily done with the assistance
of the Turks. By his instigation, the king of Guzerat raised an army at
Champaneer of 5000 horse and 10,000 foot, to which Khojah Zofar added
3000 horse and 4000 foot in his own pay. Getting notice of these
preparations, Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu, used every
precaution to provide against a long and dangerous siege. Khojah Zofar
began the war by attacking the town of the _Rumes_[209] near Diu.
Francisco Pacheco defended himself bravely in a redoubt at the place,
with only fourteen Portuguese, till relieved by Sylveira, and Zofar was
forced to draw off his troops, being himself wounded. Immediately
afterwards Ali Khan, general of the Guzerat army, joined Zofar with all
the army, and Sylveira thought proper to evacuate all the posts beyond
Diu, that he might be able to maintain the city and fort; but some
vessels and guns were lost in the execution of these orders. In
consequence of these losses, and because there were many concealed
enemies in the city who only waited an opportunity of doing all the evil
in their power to the Portuguese, Sylveira deemed it expedient to
evacuate the city, giving his sole attention to the defence of the fort.
Ali Khan and Zofar immediately took possession of the city, and began to
fire upon the fort with their cannon. Lope de Sousa, who guarded the
wood and water belonging to the garrison, had several rencounters, in
which he slew many of the enemy without any loss on his side, except
being himself severely wounded.

[Footnote 209: This must have been some town or village inhabited by
Turks.--E.]

Hearing that the Turkish fleet was approaching, Sylveira sent immediate
notice of it to Nuno de Cuna, who prepared with great diligence to go in
person to relieve Diu. Michael Vaz was sent to sea by Sylveira to look
out for the enemy, and falling in with their fleet came so near on
purpose to examine their force that several of their shot reached his
vessel. He got off however, and carried the news to the governor of Goa.
The Turkish fleet came at length to anchor in the port of Diu, where it
was formidable not only to the small Portuguese garrison in the fort,
but to the Moors even who had long expected their arrival. Next day
Solyman landed 600 well armed janizaries, who immediately entered the
city and behaved with much insolence. Drawing near the fort, they killed
six Portuguese; but 300 musqueteers attacked them from the fort and
drove them away with the loss of fifty men. In consequence of a storm,
Solyman was obliged to remove his fleet to _Madrefavat_, as a safer
harbour, where he remained twenty days, during which time Sylveira was
diligently occupied in strengthening the fortifications of the castle,
planting his artillery on the ramparts, and assigning every one his
proper post for the ensuing siege. At the same time, the Turks assisted
by Zofar commenced operations against the fort, by constructing
batteries, and endeavouring to ruin the defences of a bulwark at the
entrance of the harbour, which they battered with their cannon. With
this view likewise, they built a wooden castle on a large bark, which,
they filled with combustibles, meaning to send it against the bulwark
to set it on fire. But Francisco de Gouvea, who commanded the small
naval force then at Diu, went against this floating castle under night,
and contrived to destroy it by fire. At this time likewise some relief
was sent to the fort by Nuno de Cuna, and the garrison was much elated
by the assurance of his intention of coming speedily in person to raise
the siege.

Returning from Madrefavat, Solyman commenced a heavy fire from his ships
against the sea bulwark in which Francisco de Gouvea commanded, but was
so well answered both from that work and the tower of St Thomas, that
one of his gallies was sunk and most of her men drowned. The greatest
harm suffered at this time by the Portuguese was from the bursting of
some of their own cannon, by which several men were killed. Two brothers
only were slain by the fire of the Turks. Zofar now so furiously
battered the bulwark in which Pacheco commanded, that it became
altogether indefensible, on which seven hundred janizaries assaulted it
and set up their colours on its ruined walls; but the Portuguese rallied
and dislodged them, killing an hundred and fifty of the enemy. The
assault of this bulwark was continued a whole day, and at night the
enemy were forced to retreat with much loss. Next day Pacheco deeming it
impossible to resist, surrendered upon promise of life and liberty to
himself and his men. Solyman did not perform the latter stipulation, but
he granted their lives for the present and clothed them in Turkish
habits. By one of these prisoners, Solyman sent a summons to Sylveira to
surrender, but the proposal was treated with contempt. Solyman now
planted his artillery against the fort, having among other cannon nine
pieces of vast size which carried balls of ninety pounds weight. His
artillery in all exceeded 130 pieces of different sizes, and his
batteries were continually guarded by 2000 Turks. This formidable train
began to play against the castle on the 4th of October 1538, and
continued without cessation for twenty days, doing great injury to the
defences of the fort, which could hardly do any injury in return to the
besiegers, neither could the garrison repair sufficiently the most
dangerous breaches, though they used every possible exertion for that
purpose. On the sixth day after the commencement of this violent
cannonade, perceiving that the bulwark commanded by Caspar de Sousa was
much damaged, the Turks endeavoured to carry it by assault, but were
repulsed with much slaughter, two only of the defenders being slain.
Every day there were assaults by the besiegers or sallies by the
garrison. In one of these Gonzalo Falcam lost his head; and Juan de
Fonseca being disabled by a severe wound of his right arm continued to
wield his lance with his left as if he had received no hurt. A youth of
only nineteen years old, named Joam Gallego, pursued a Moor into the sea
and slew him, and afterwards walked back deliberately to the fort
through showers of balls and bullets. Many singular acts of valour were
performed during this memorable siege.

At length many brave officers and men of the besiegers were slain,
powder began to wax short and provisions shorter. The relief expected
from Non Garcia Noronha, now come out as viceroy of India, was long in
making its appearance. The remaining garrison was much weakened by a
swelling in their gums, accompanied by their teeth becoming so loose
that they were unable to eat what little food remained in the stores.
Yet the brave garrison continued to fight in defence of their post, as
if even misery and famine were unable to conquer them. Even the women in
the fort exerted themselves like heroines. Donna Isabella de Vega, the
wife of Manuel de Vasconcelles, had been urged by her husband to go to
her father Francisco Ferram at Goa, lest the fort might be taken and she
might fall into the hands of the Turks; but she refused to leave him.
During the distress of the garrison, as many of the men were obliged to
work in repairing the works, this bold-spirited lady called together all
the women who were in the fort, and exhorted them to undertake this
labour, as by that means all the men would be enabled to stand to their
arms. The women consented to this proposal, and continued for the
remainder of the siege to perform this duty. She was even outdone by Ann
Fernandez, the wife of a physician, who used to visit the most dangerous
posts by night, and even appeared at the assault to encourage the
soldiers. Her son happening to be slain in one of the attacks, she
immediately drew away his body, and returned to the place of danger, and
when the fight ended she went and buried her son.

Perceiving that the Turks were undermining the bulwark which he
commanded, Gasper de Sousa made a sally with seventy men to prevent that
work and made a great slaughter of the enemy. When retreating he missed
two of his men and returned to rescue them; but being surrounded by the
enemy they cut the tendons of his hams, after which he fought upon his
knees till he was overpowered and slain. The mine was countermined; but
the continual labour to which the besieged were subjected became
insupportable, and they were utterly unable to repair the many breaches
in their works. At this conjuncture, four vessels arrived from the
viceroy Don Garcia, and landed only a reinforcement of twenty men.
Solyman was much concerned at this relief though small, and was
astonished the fort should hold out against so many assaults, more
especially as Zofar had assured him he might carry it in two. At the
beginning of the siege the garrison consisted of six hundred men, many
of whom were slain and several of the cannon belonging to the fort had
burst; yet Solyman began to lose confidence, and looked anxiously to the
sea, fearful of the Portuguese fleet which he had learnt was coming
against him. This induced him to press the siege more vigorously,
especially against the sea bulwark where Antonio de Sousa commanded,
which was furiously attacked by fifty barks, two of which were sunk by
the Portuguese cannon. The Turks made several attempts to scale this
bulwark, in all of which they were repulsed with great slaughter, yet
returned repeatedly to the charge with similar bad fortune. Sousa sent
off his wounded men from the rampart to have their wounds dressed. Among
these was a person named Fernando Ponteado, who waiting his turn heard
the noise of a fresh assault, and forgetting the dressing ran
immediately to his post where he received a fresh wound. Going back to
get dressed, a third assault recalled him before the surgeon had time to
attend to his wants, and he was a third time wounded, and at length
returned to get all his three wounds dressed at once.

By this time, out of the original garrison of 600 men, only 250 remained
that were able to stand to their arms. Solyman was almost in despair of
success, yet resolved to make a desperate effort to carry the place. In
hopes of putting Sylveira off his guard, and to take the place by
surprise, he sent twelve of his gallies to sea, as if he meant to raise
the siege; but Sylveira was not to be lulled into security, and
continued to exert the utmost vigilance to provide against every danger.
One night some noise was heard at the foot of the sea-wall of the
castle, where it appeared that the enemy were applying great numbers of
scaling ladders. Every effort was made to oppose them during the
darkness of the night, and when morning broke, the place was seen beset
all round by at least 14,000 men. The cannon of the fort was immediately
directed against the assailants, and the garrison mounted the walls in
every part, but chiefly near the governors house where the defences were
weakest, but where Sylveira had placed such people as he could most
rely upon. Being repulsed from thence with great slaughter, the enemy
made an attempt on an adjoining bulwark, where Gouvea commanded, and
poured in prodigious showers of bullets and arrows. Fourteen gallies
came up against this bulwark, which they battered with their cannon; but
Gouvea obliged them to draw off, having sunk two of the gallies and
killed many of their crews. At length 200 Turks forced their way into
the bulwark and planted their colours on its rampart. Scarcely thirty
Portuguese remained to oppose them, yet they charged the enemy with
great fury, who were so thick that every shot told, and they were driven
out with much loss. Fresh men succeeded and regained the bulwark, on
which they planted four standards. Many Portuguese who were wounded and
burnt by the fireworks of the enemy ran and dipped themselves in jars of
salt water, where seeking ease they perished in dreadful torment.

Sylveira went continually from place to place, encouraging all to do
their duty manfully and supplying reinforcements where most needed. The
enemy had much the better in the second assault on the bulwark commanded
by Gouvea, on which several gentlemen rushed upon them. At this time,
one Joam Rodrigues, a strongman of great bravery, ran forward with a
barrel of powder on his shoulder, calling out to clear the way, as he
carried his own death and that of many. He threw the barrel among the
enemy, which exploded and blew up above an hundred of them, yet
Rodriques came off unhurt, and performed other memorable deeds, so that
he merited the highest honours and rewards of those that were gained in
this siege. By other fireworks the four ensigns who set up the colours
were burnt to death, and two others who went to succeed them were slain.
Being again driven from the bulwark, the enemy made a third assault: But
their commander being slain, who was son-in-law to Khojah Zofar, his men
were dismayed and took to flight. These reiterated assaults lasted four
hours, during which a small number of exhausted Portuguese had to
withstand vast numbers of fresh enemies. At length, having 500 men slain
and 1000 wounded, the enemy retired; while on the side of the Portuguese
fourteen were killed, and 200 were disabled from wounds. Only forty
remained who were able to wield their arms, insomuch that no hope
remained of being able to withstand a fresh attack. The walls were
shattered and ruined in every part: No powder remained: In fact nothing
remained but the invincible courage of Sylveira, who still encouraged
the remnant of his brave garrison to persist in their defence. Not
knowing the desperate state to which the fort was reduced, and dismayed
by the bad success of all his efforts, Solyman raised the siege and set
sail with all his fleet on the 5th of November.

When Sylveira saw the Turkish fleet weigh anchor and depart he thought
it was merely a feint preparatory for another assault, for which reason
he posted the forty men who still remained of his garrison, determined
to resist to the last man. He even made some of the wounded men be
brought to the walls, on purpose to make a shew of a greater number than

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