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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume X by Robert Kerr

Part 8 out of 10

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200,000 dollars on board. Also, that they had left signior Morel at
Payta, in a ship laden with dry goods, who was expected to sail shortly
for Lima; and that a stout French-built ship richly laden, and having a
bishop on board, was shortly expected at Payta. This is the common place
for refreshments, and is frequented by most ships from Lima or other
parts to windward, on their way to Panama or other ports on the western
coast of Mexico. On this information, we determined to spend as much
time as possible cruising off Payta, so as not to discover that we were
in these seas lest we should thereby hinder our other designs.

In pursuance of this plan, we took a galleon on the 1st April, of 500
tons burden, commanded by two brothers, Joseph and Juan Morel, laden
with dry goods and negroes; and next day we took another prize. We now
determined to make an attack on the town of _Guayaquil_; and on the 11th
April, in a grand consultation, this enterprize was fully resolved upon,
and a paper of instructions was drawn up for the guidance of the
officers who were to command, so that each might be taught and kept to
his duty. This enterprize was to be conducted by the three captains,
Rogers, Courtney, and Dover. Captain Dover was to command the van
division, consisting of seventy marines; Rogers the centre company, of
seventy-one men, mostly officers and sailors; and Courtney the
rear-guard, of seventy-three men; while Captain Dampier, with a reserve
of twenty-two men, was to bring up some pieces of cannon, to be employed
if necessary. Our force therefore on this occasion consisted of 238
men.[221] Captain Cooke was to remain in the Duchess with forty-two men,
and Captain Fry in the Duke with forty, our entire force being 320 men,
while we had about 266 prisoners in both ships, including Indians and
Negroes.

[Footnote 221: The enumeration in the text gives only 236 men.--E.]

Every thing being arranged, we bore in for Cape _Blanco_ on the 13th, of
which we had sight about noon, bearing E.S.E. ten leagues off. On the
15th in the morning we saw a ship near the shore, and having little
wind, the Duke's boat, commanded by Captain Fry, and that of the Duchess
by Captain Cooke, rowed directly for her, going off in such haste that
neither of them had the swivel guns commonly used in the boats, neither
had they their full complement of men, and only ten muskets and four
pistols, with not much powder and shot, and no water. They rowed very
hard for six leagues to get up with the ship, and on Mr Fry getting
near, she hoisted Spanish colours. We could plainly see that she was
French-built, and therefore concluded that it must be the ship we had
long looked for, which was to carry the bishop. Our ships being almost
out of sight, and the chase near the coast, making the best of her way
to run ashore in a sandy bay, we resolved to lay her on board, one of
our boats on each bow, I[222] being then on her weather quarter, and
Captain Fry on her lee. It was our intention to pretend that we were
friends, till we should get out of the way of her stern-chase guns; but
the Duke's men, conceiving the Spaniards were going to give us a
volley, poured in their shot. We then laid in our oars, and fell to with
our small arms. We kept up a constant fire for a long time, which was
returned by the Spaniards, who killed two of Captain Fry's men, and
wounded one of his and two of mine. One of the dead men was John Rogers,
our second lieutenant, and brother to Captain Woods Rogers, who had
behaved himself gallantly. Finding the enterprize too difficult, Captain
Fry drew off his boat, as I did soon after. Captain Fry then put some of
his men aboard my boat, giving us some powder and shot, and taking in
our wounded men, on which he stood away towards our ships, while I
resolved to keep the chase if possible from running on shore, and rather
than fail to clap her on board. Seeing our design, the enemy edged off
to sea, and we after them. Our ships came up apace, while we kept close
to the Spaniard, sometimes firing at him. At length the Duchess got up
and fired a shot or two, on which she struck, and we immediately
boarded. The men begged for quarter, and we promised them all civility.
This ship was of 270 tons, commanded by Don Joseph Arizabella, and had
come from Panama bound for Lima, where she was to have been fitted out
as a man of war, the captain having his commission on board for that
purpose. She had seventy negroes on board, with many passengers. The
loading was bale goods, with some things belonging to the bishop, and a
considerable quantity of pearls; but the bishop had been landed at Point
St Helena, whence he was to go by land to Guayaquil. Many of the
passengers were considerable merchants at Lima, and the briskest
Spaniards I ever saw. After the capture of this ship, Captain Cooke
remained on board, sending her captain and the rest of the prisoners to
the Duke and Duchess.

[Footnote 222: This particular action is related by Harris in the words
of Captain Cooke, who commanded the boat from the Duchess.--E.]

We now proceeded on our intended expedition against Guayaquil, sending
the _Beginning_ ahead to _Punta arena_, or Sandy Point, on the island of
Puna, to see if there was any force to oppose us; but she only found a
Spanish bark, quite empty, riding close under the point. She had been
sent to load salt, but her men had abandoned her on seeing us approach.
At five in the afternoon, our whole force intended for the attack upon
Guayaquil, being embarked in boats, rowed for that place; and at eleven
at night we could see a light in the town, on which we rowed as easy as
we could and in silence, for fear of being discovered; till we were
within a mile of the place. We then heard a sentinel call to another,
and after conversing for some time, bid him bring fire. Perceiving we
were now discovered, we rowed to the other side of the river, opposite
the town, whence we saw a fire lighted up at the place where the
centinels had talked, and soon after we could see lights all over the
town and at the water side, heard them ring the alarm bell, fire several
vollies, and saw a fire lighted on the hill where the beacon was kept,
all on purpose to give notice to the town and neighbourhood that we were
come into the river.

Our boats were now moored with grapplings, and so hot a dispute took
place among some of our officers, that they were heard on shore; but as
the Spaniards did not understand what they said, an English prisoner was
brought to the shore to interpret what they heard. By the time he came,
the dispute was over; but this Englishman afterwards joined us, and gave
us this account. We held a council in the stern sheets of one of our
boats, to consider whether we should land immediately or wait till
day-light; and, as the barks were not come up, in which were the
artillery and half of our men, and as we did not know the ground
sufficiently to act in the dark, it was agreed to wait till day, by
which time it was hoped the barks would join. We accordingly fell down
the river a short way, to meet our barks, hearing several musket shots
by the way. On the 23d April at day-break, we saw one of our barks at
anchor within a mile of the town, close under the shore, and the other
coming up the river with the tide of flood. We then rowed up to our
bark, which had fired the shots we heard in the night at some fishermen
passing by, whom they took.

All our force being now joined, we proceeded up the river, and sent a
flag of truce on shore, accompanied by Don Joseph Arizabella, the
governor of Puna, and another prisoner; and then towed up our barks over
against the town, where we came to an anchor. When Captain Arizabella
came with our flag of truce before the corregidor or mayor of
Guayaquill, he enquired our numbers, which the captain magnified, on
which the corregidore said we were boys, not men. To this the captain
answered, he would find them men, and brave ones too, for they had
fought him gallantly in their open boats, although he had slain the
brother of their commander and others; and therefore advised him to
agree for the ransom of the town, as even if he had 3000 men he would be
unable to withstand the English. To this the corregidore replied, _My
horse is ready_.

After bringing our barks to anchor, we went up the river after some
vessels, six of which we secured and brought to anchor beside our barks.
We also took possession of two new ships of about 400 tons burden each.
Soon after this, the governor came on board one of the prizes, to treat
for the ransom of the town and ships, but could not then agree, but
promised to meet the captains again at seven in the evening, but did not
keep his sword. This evening our boats took some canoes having silver on
board. On the 24th in the morning, the governor came off again to treat,
but no agreement could be made; and at four in the afternoon we landed
all our men in good order, when the Spaniards only fired one volley and
then fled. Our men pursued them to where their cannon were placed, which
they soon gained possession of, only one gunner, an Irishman, remaining
by them till he was wounded in four places, of which he soon afterwards
died. We marched through both towns in a compact body, driving the enemy
before us, and then placed three guards in the three churches, setting
fire to five or six houses which stood near to a wood into which the
Spaniards had fled, that they might not have the cover of these houses
to annoy our guard, which stood within pistol shot. All night they kept
firing at our sentinels from the woods, yet without doing us any harm.
Several parties also of horse and foot came out of the wood, as if to
attack us, but made no attempt. In the mean time, the pinnace belonging
to the Duchess, in which was Lieutenant Connely and twenty-two men, went
up the river, landed at every house near its banks, and brought away all
the plate and other articles of value they could find. In this service,
they had some skirmishing with the enemy, in which one of our men was
wounded.

On the 25th the enemy appeared numerous in the woods, whence they
sometimes came out and skirmished with our guards, in which one of our
men was wounded. We spent the afternoon in sending off provisions from
the town to our ships, and in disposing all things in readiness in case
of being attacked in the night, as the enemy appeared numerous about
the outskirts. For this reason, all the captains concentrated our whole
force at the main guard, where we had our cannon in readiness.
Messengers arrived with a flag of truce in the morning of the 26th, to
treat for ransoming the town, but could not agree; but in the afternoon
it was at length agreed to pay 30,000 dollars for its ransom, giving
three hostages, and we were to remain at Puna till they had time to
raise the sum, as the inhabitants had carried away their money, and
being so dispersed that it was impossible to collect the money while we
were there, even the inhabitants of the adjacent country having carried
off their valuable effects into the interior.

In the morning of the 27th, the hostages for the ransom were sent on
board one of our barks, together with a boatload of brandy; and, as
agreed upon with the Spaniards, we took down our union jack, hoisted a
flag of truce, and fired a signal gun, that the Spaniards might come
freely into the town, and that no hostilities should take place on
either side during the time we had agreed to wait for the money. The
purpose of admitting the Spanish inhabitants was to prevent the Indians
and Negroes from robbing; and I am apt to believe they had already
robbed as much as we had plundered, for we had taken many of them loaded
with goods, while going our rounds, which they confessed to have stolen;
and we were afterwards informed, that the inhabitants, in their hurry,
had given much plate and money to Negroes to carry out of town, which
they could never hear of afterwards.

The 29th in the morning we took a small Spanish bark, coming from
Cheripe to Guayaquil, on board of which were 330 bags of meal, and 140
arobas or hundred-weights of sugar, with some onions, quinces, and
pomegranates. This, with the six barks and two great ships ransomed with
the town of Guayaquil, made 14 prizes taken in the South Sea. The
plunder taken in Guayaquil, exclusive of the ransom, was very
considerable. We found 230 bags of flour, beans, peas, and rice; 15 jars
of oil, besides 160 jars of other liquor; some cordage, iron ware, and
nails; about four half jars of powder; about a ton of pitch and tar; 150
bales of dry goods; a few packs of indigo, cacao, and arnotto; about a
ton of loaf-sugar; a considerable parcel of clothes and other
necessaries, and to the value of about L1200 in plate, ear-rings, and
other trinkets; besides four pieces of cannon, and about 200 useless
muskets. We left abundance of goods in the town, besides liquors of all
sorts, and a variety of naval stores, and several warehouses full of
cacao. We left also several ships on the stocks, and two new ships still
unrigged, of above 400 tons each, which cost upwards of 80,000 crowns;
and we also restored four barks, leaving two others to bring down the
ransom. Thus it appears that the Spaniards had a good bargain; but the
agreed ransom, though small, was far better for us than to burn what we
could not carry away. The hostages informed us, that during our treaty
80,000 dollars belonging to the king had been sent out of the town,
besides plate, jewels, and other things of the greatest value. Hence it
is certain, if we had landed at the first, giving them no time at all,
that we had been much greater gainers, and might have made 200,000
dollars, in ready money, plate, and jewels. Yet Guayaquil had not been
so poor for forty years as now, there having been a great fire about a
year and half before we took it, in which the best part of the town was
burnt down, and had occasioned great expence for its rebuilding.

As it was, we thought ourselves well off, and great care was taken that
all concerned in the expedition should be satisfied, by which our people
were much gratified, and afterwards shewed great alacrity in executing
our other enterprizes. This is of the utmost consequence with
privateers; for, if the men have the smallest jealousy of being ill
treated in this respect, disputes arise which do infinitely more
mischief than the value of what can be got by such sinister practices.
Among all the men who landed in this enterprize, the only man who drank
a cup too much was one John Gabriel, a Dutchman, who served in the
company commanded by Captain Rogers. When we were evacuating the town,
he was missing, and was supposed to be either taken or slain. But he had
found some excellent brandy in the house where he was quartered, of
which he drank so liberally that he fell fast asleep on the floor, and
was in that condition when we evacuated the town. The master of the
house returned soon after, and found the Dutchman stretched out at full
length, and so dead asleep that he could hardly distinguish whether he
were living. Calling in some of his neighbours, and securing the
Dutchman's weapons, they set him on his feet, and with some difficulty
brought him to his senses, when he was not a little alarmed at finding
himself in such company. At length the Spaniard restored his arms, and
desired him to make all the haste he could after his comrades, who were
not yet embarked.

On the 2d May, which was the day appointed for payment of the ransom, no
boat appeared, and we began to be uneasy for our money; but at length
the boat arrived, and brought us 22,000 dollars. We received the money,
and sent back a message that we proposed to sail from Puna next morning,
and should carry away the hostages, if the rest of the money were not
then sent. We staid however till the 6th, when Captain Courtney was
anxious to depart, lest we should be attacked by the French and Spanish
ships from Lima. I endeavoured in vain to convince him that we were in
no danger, as they could not by this time have received notice at Lima,
and have fitted out a force sufficient to attack us. We sailed however,
and came to anchor in the afternoon a few leagues from Point Arena. Next
morning, when we were preparing to sail, Mr Morel, a gentleman from Puna
related to our prisoners, and another gentleman from Guayaquil, brought
us 3500 dollars, in farther payment of our ransom. This put us into such
good humour, that we discharged all our prisoners except the Morels, the
three hostages, and three or four more. The gentleman from Guayaquil had
a gold chain and some other things of value, for which we sold him our
bark, the _Beginning_, having no farther use for her. We also gave
Captain Arizabella three negro women, and another to Mr Morel, and
returned their wearing apparel to most of our prisoners who were now
liberated, so that we parted good friends.

_Guayaquil_ is divided into two parts, called the old and new towns,
which together contain about 500 houses, and are joined by a long wooden
bridge for foot passengers, near half a mile long. It is situated in low
boggy ground, so dirty in winter that it is difficult to go from house
to house. There is but one regular street along the river side, leading
to the bridge, and from it along the old town. Besides this, there is a
handsome parade or square in front of the church of St Jago, but that
church is in ruins. Besides this, there are three other churches, St
Augustin, St Francis, and St Dominic; before which last is another
parade, and a half-moon battery fitted for mounting six guns, but there
were none while we were there. There is also a chapel, and there had
been a church dedicated to St Ignatius, belonging to the jesuits, but it
was burnt down in the great fire. These were all decently adorned with
altars, carved work, and pictures, and that dedicated to St Augustin had
an organ, but all their plate had been carried away by the priests and
students, who fled into the woods. Some of the houses were of brick,
particularly about the parades, and the rest of timber or split bamboos,
and some of them were decently furnished. Some of the inhabitants had
calashes, but I know not what use they could be of, all the
neighbourhood being so boggy that there was not road for them.

The boggy ground about Guayaquil was full of the largest toads I ever
saw, some being as big as an English two-penny loaf. The town was said
to contain 2000 inhabitants of all sorts, including Indians, Negroes,
and Mulattoes. An Englishman who joined us here, told us that, in the
preceding December, on occasion of a public rejoicing for the birth of
the prince of the Asturias, which lasted for three weeks, they had
mustered 1100 foot and 500 horse, all armed, which came from the
surrounding country, besides a much greater number unarmed, the greater
part of whom must have been Indians. Guayaquil is well situated for
trade and ship-building, being fourteen leagues from Point Arena and
seven from Puna, up a large river, into which fall several smaller ones,
and on which there are many villages and farms. The water of this river
is fresh for four leagues below the city, and all along its banks grow
great quantities of mangroves and _sarsaparillas_, and on account of
this last the water is thought salutary against the lues. But during
floods, when it brings down many poisonous plants from the mountains,
among which is the _manchinilla_ apple, it is not reckoned wholesome.
All birds that eat of this apple are sure to die, and we saw hundreds of
them dead, floating on the water.

The seasons here are very improperly denominated summer and winter. The
winter is reckoned from the beginning of December to the end of May, in
all which season it is sultry, hot, wet, and unhealthy. From the end of
May to the beginning of December, which they call summer, the weather is
serene, dry, and healthy, and not so violently hot as in what they
denominate winter. The cacao is ripe and mostly gathered between June
and August. Of the other fruits of this country, some are ripe and
others green during the whole course of the year. Guayaquil is the chief
city of a province of that name in the kingdom of Peru, governed by a
president with five or six orders of judges, forming a royal
_audiencia_, or chief court of judicature, and accountable only to the
viceroy in military affairs,[223] and every province has a government of
the same nature. The governors are appointed, or more properly purchase
their offices, at the court of Old Spain, and are for life or good
behaviour. If any one die or misbehave, the viceroy may name another
during his time, which ought only to be for five years; but he sometimes
gets those of his own placing confirmed by an order from Spain, by which
means he derives a considerable portion of his unknown profits. The late
viceroy of Peru continued in office fourteen years, several intended
successors having died on the way. Scarcely does the king of Spain live
in greater splendour than the viceroy does at Lima, where the chief
courts of judicature are held, to which appeals are brought from all the
courts and provinces of this extensive kingdom. I was told on good
authority that the last viceroy, who died about four years ago, left at
least eight millions of dollars to his widow and family, besides vast
sums given in charity during his life, and building many churches,
friaries, and nunneries. He left a better character than any viceroy had
done for an age past.

[Footnote 223: This province is now in the kingdom or viceroyalty of New
Granada, and audiencia of Quito.--E.]

The province of Guayaquil abounds in excellent timber of several kinds,
so that it is the chief place in all Peru for building and repairing
ships, of which there are seldom less than seven or eight on the stocks
here at one time. Its chief commodity is cacao, with which it supplies
most parts on the South Sea, and we were told it never exported less
than 30,000 _carguas_ yearly, and sometimes double that quantity, a
_cargua_ being eighty-one pounds weight, which only costs here two
dollars and a half. They have also a considerable trade in salt and
salt-fish, from Cape St Helena, which is mostly sent to Quito and other
places of the inland country. It exports also a vast quantity of timber
to Truxilo, Chana, Lima, and other places, where it is scarce. They
export also from hence rice and cotton, with some dried or jerked beef.
This province has no mines of gold or silver, but abounds in all sorts
of cattle, which are very cheap, especially on the island of Puna, where
we amply supplied ourselves. Their only grain is maiz, so that all their
wheat flour is brought from Truxilo, Cherisse, and other places to
windward, or to the south, as the wind blows here always from the south.
They procure several kinds of woollen cloth, among which, are very
strong and good bags, from Quito. Their wines, brandy, olives, oil, and
sugar, come from Piscola, Nasca, and other places to windward. All kinds
of European goods are brought from Panama, being brought there overland
from Portobello on the Gulf of Mexico; and the trade of this port is so
considerable as to employ forty sail every year, besides coasters. A
market is also held daily on bark logs, or boats, every day, on the
river before the town, containing every thing afforded by the interior
country in great plenty.

The other towns in the province are governed by lieutenants, or
deputies, appointed by the corregidore. Above half of these towns border
on the same river or its branches, so that their inhabitants can all
come to the capital in two tides, though some are many leagues distant.
_Porto Vaco_ was formerly the capital. In the whole province, the
Spaniards reckon 10,000 inhabitants, but I believe there are many more,
including all the mixed races between Spaniards, Indians, and negroes,
which they divide and subdivide into eleven denominations. Few of the
prisoners who fell into our hands were healthy or sound, and nearly half
of the native Spaniards applied to our doctors for remedies against the
French disease, which is so common here that it is reckoned no scandal.

On the 11th May, with a strong gale at S.S.W. we bore away for the
Gallepagos islands, being in a very sad condition; for we had upwards of
twenty men ill in the Duke, and near fifty in the Duchess, seized with a
malignant fever, contracted, as I suppose, at Guayaquil, where a
contagious disease had reigned a month or five weeks before we took it;
which swept away ten or twelve persons every day, so that all the
churches were filled, being their usual burying places, and they had to
dig a great deep hole close by the great church, where I kept guard, and
this hole was almost filled with putrefying bodies: and our lying so
long in that church, surrounded by such noisome scents, was enough to
infect us all. In twenty-four hours more we had fifty men down and the
Duchess upwards of seventy, and in the next twenty-four hours, ten more
fell sick in each ship. We discovered land on the 17th, and on the 18th,
at day-break, we were within four leagues of two large islands almost
joining each other, having passed that we first saw during the night. We
sent repeatedly ashore here in search of water, but could find none,
though the people went three or four miles up into the country, and
they reported that the island was nothing but loose rocks like cinders,
very rotten and heavy, and the earth so parched that it broke into holes
under their feet. This made me suppose there had been a volcano here;
and though there is much shrubby ground, with some green herbs, there
was not the smallest signs of water, neither was it possible for any to
be contained on such a surface. In short, we found these islands
completely to disappoint our expectations, and by no means to agree with
the descriptions of former voyagers. We had also the misfortune to lose
company of one of our barks, in which was Mr Hately, with five of our
men, two Spanish prisoners, and three negroes.[224]

[Footnote 224: Mr Hately, being unable to rejoin his companions, was
forced to land at Cape Passado in lat. 0 deg. 25' S. on the coast of
Guayaquil, where he and his people were barbarously used by a mixed race
between the Indians and negroes; but were rescued by a priest, and sent
to Lima, where he was kindly treated.--E.]

In a consultation on the 26th May, we resolved to proceed for the island
of Plata in quest of water, and then to come immediately off the coast
again, having information of two French ships, one of sixty and the
other of forty-six guns, together with a Spanish man of war, that would
soon be sent in search of us. It was also our intention to refit our
ships there, and not to go near the main, our ships being out of order,
and our men very weak and sickly, several of them having already died.
We accordingly sailed on the 27th, and in another conversation on the
30th, it was agreed to go first to _Gorgono_, to see if there were any
English ships there; and afterwards to sail for _Maugla_, Malaga, or
_Madulinar_,[225] where there are some Indians at enmity with the
Spaniards, who, as the pilots informed us, come seldom there, and were
not likely to procure any intelligence of us from thence. They told us
also, if we could induce the Indians to trade with us, we might have
hogs, fowls, plantains, bananas, and other refreshments.

[Footnote 225: The island of Gorgona is on the coast of New Granada, in
lat. 2 deg. 54' N. and long. 78 deg. 35' W.]

While on our course towards Gorgona, the Duchess took the _San Thoma de
Villa nova_ of ninety tons, having about forty people on board,
including eleven negro slaves, and but little European goods, except
some cloth and iron. Next day we made the island of _Gorgona_,[226] and
on the 8th of June our boats brought in another prize, a small bark of
fifteen tons belonging to a creek on the main. She was bound to
Guayaquil, having ten Spaniards and Indians on board, and some negroes,
but had very little cargo, except a small quantity of gold dust and a
large gold chain, together of about 500_l_. value, which were secured
aboard the Duchess. In a consultation, held on the 19th June, proceeding
upon information procured from our prisoners, it was resolved to proceed
to Malaga, at which there was an anchorage, where we proposed to leave
our ships, and to row up the river for the rich gold mines of Barbacore,
[_Barbaceas_][227] called also the mines of St Pean, from a village of
that name about two tides up the river. At that place we proposed to
seize canoes, as fitter than our boats for going up against the stream,
in which, at this season of the year, according to the information of an
old Spanish pilot, there are such strong freshes, that he did not expect
we should reach the mines in less than twelve days. But having
discoursed with several of the prisoners, we found the island of Malaga
an unsafe place for our ships, and besides, they represented the river
as so narrow, that the Indians would be able to assail us with poisoned
arrows, and the Spaniards might easily cut off our retreat, by felling
trees across from bank to bank. On this information, we held another
consultation, in which it was agreed to desist from this enterprize, and
we came accordingly back to Gorgona, in so very weak a condition that we
could hardly have defended ourselves, if attacked.

[Footnote 226: It is somewhat difficult to ascertain what island is here
meant. There are some islands at the mouth of the _Rio de Mira_, in lat.
1 deg. 38' N. on one of which is _Punta de Mangles_, or Cape Mangles,
resembling one of the names in the text; but from the context, the
island for which they were next bound appears to have been that now
called _Del Gallo_, in lat. 1 deg. 55' N. not above ten miles south from the
river they proposed to enter.--E.]

[Footnote 227: Barbacoas is one of the provinces of New Granada, having
a town of the same name in the _Rio Telemli_, which joins the _Rio
Patia.--E.]

We arrived at Gorgona on the 13th June, where we anchored in forty
fathoms, and resolved to careen our two ships in succession, beginning
with the Duchess. Our sick men were removed into the galleon, and the
sick officers to the French-built ship. We landed tents for the
cooper's and armourer's crews, and cleared a place for tents to
accommodate the sick on shore. All this was performed with so much
diligence, that by the 28th both ships were careened, caulked, rigged,
and restored fit for sea. On the 29th, we set up tents ashore for the
sick, who were already much recovered, though the Spaniards had
represented this island as unhealthy; yet by walking about on shore they
soon gathered strength enough to return to their duty. We here fitted
out the French-built ship, with twenty guns, putting Captain Cooke into
her, with a crew taken from the other two ships, resolving to carry her
home with us, and to employ her as a third cruizer while in these seas;
and this great work employed us from the 29th June to the 9th July,
calling her the _Marquis_. She had thirty-five men from the Duke and
twenty-six from the Duchess, making a crew of sixty-one British, to
which were added twenty negroes.

Our next care was to get rid of our prisoners, who were a great burden
to us, and we resolved therefore to set them on shore, after trying
every possible method to engage them in a scheme for trading with us.
For this purpose I proposed going to Panama, to remain six days near
that place, till they should bring the money we could agree for, as the
price of our prize goods; and to this the two Morels and Don Antonio
agreed, provided we would take 60,000 dollars for the whole. I then
proposed to give them up the galleon and all the goods and negroes, if
they would give us 120,000 dollars for the whole. They told us that
trading in these seas with strangers, especially the English and Dutch,
was so rigidly prohibited, that they would have to give more than the
original cost in bribes, to procure licence to deal with us, and could
not therefore assure us of payment, unless we agreed to take a low
price. Finding it therefore not worth while to waste time, and knowing
we should run much risk in treating with them, we at length resolved to
set them all ashore, hoping the Morels and Don Antonio would get money
for us, to prevent us from burning the ships we could not conveniently
carry away. At parting, I made them sensible that we had treated them
like generous enemies, and said we would sell them good bargains for
what money they might be able to bring us in ten days, after which we
should burn or carry away all that was not then disposed of. We
accordingly landed seventy-two prisoners on the 10th July. On the 16th
the Morels came off with what money they had been able to procure, and
bought some of our goods, behaving with much honour, and putting great
confidence in us. On the 18th, a negro belonging to the Duchess was
bitten by a small brown speckled snake, and died in twelve hours. There
are many snakes in this island of Gorgona, and I saw one above three
yards long, and as thick as my leg. The same morning the Mr Morels went
off a second time in our bark for money; and this day one of the same
kind of snakes that killed our negro was found on the forecastle of the
Duke, having crawled up the cable, as we supposed, as they were often
seen in the water.

On the 2d of August we were like to have had a mutiny, for the steward
informed me that he understood many of the men had entered into a secret
agreement, and he had heard some ringleaders boasting that sixty men had
already signed the paper, but knew not the nature of their design. I
immediately convened the officers in the cabin, where we armed
ourselves, and soon secured four of the principal mutineers, putting the
fellow who wrote the paper in irons. By this time all the people were on
deck, and we had got their paper from those we had in custody; the
purport of it being to refuse accepting the intended distribution of
plunder, and not to move from this place, till they had what they termed
justice done them. Not knowing how far this mutiny might have been
concerted with the people of the other ships, we agreed to discharge
those in confinement, on asking pardon, and faithfully promising never
to be guilty of the like again.

We sailed from Gorgona on the 11th August, and as our ships were now
rather thinly manned, I engaged thirty-two of our negro prisoners to
join our company, placing Michael Kendall, a free Jamaica negro, who had
deserted to us from the Spaniards, as their leader, and charging him to
exercise them in the use of arms. At the same time I supplied them with
clothes, desiring them to consider themselves now as Englishmen, and no
longer slaves to the Spaniards. After this we stood over to the bay of
_Jecames_, [Atacames,] where the Indians are free; and with much ado
entered into trade with them, by the help of a priest. We sent them
three large wooden saints to adorn their church, which they took as a
great present; and I sent a feathered cap to the wife of the chief which
was well accepted. We here sold some of our prize goods to good account,
so that we had provisions very cheap. We sailed from hence on the 1st
September, intending for the Gallapagos, and on the 8th we made one of
these islands.

Next day we came to anchor in about thirty fathoms; and in the evening
our boats brought us off a lading of excellent turtle, having sent our
yawl and several men ashore previously to turn over these creatures in
the night; but to no purpose, as we afterwards found they only came
ashore in the day. The island off which we lay was high, rocky, and
barren, with some low land next the sea, but now water was to be found,
like those we had seen formerly. On the 12th the Duchess, which lay at
anchor a good distance from us, had got about 150 land and
sea-tortoises, but not generally so large as ours; while we had 120
turtles, but no land-tortoises as yet. The Marquis had the worst luck.
On the 13th, I sent our pinnace to the place where the Duchess got
land-tortoises, which returned at night with thirty-seven, and some salt
they had found in a pond; and our yawl brought us twenty sea-turtles, so
that we were now well provided. Some of the largest land-tortoises
weighed 100 pounds; and the largest sea-turtles were upwards of 400
pounds weight. The land-tortoises laid eggs on our deck; and our men
brought many of them from the land, pure white, and as large as a
goose's egg, with a strong thick shell, exactly round.

These are the ugliest creatures that can well be imagined, the
back-shell being not unlike the top of an old hackney-coach, as black as
jet, and covered with a rough shrivelled skin. The neck and legs are
long, and as big as a man's wrist, and they have club-feet as large as a
fist, shaped much like those of an elephant, having five knobs, or thick
nails, on each fore-foot, and only four on the hind-feet. The head is
small, with a visage like that of a snake; and when first surprised they
shrink up their head, neck, and legs under their shell. Some of our men
affirmed that they saw some of these about four feet high, and of vast
size; and that two men mounted on the back of one of these, whom it
easily carried at its usual slow pace, not appearing to regard their
weight. They supposed this one could not weigh less than 700 pounds. The
Spaniards say that there are no others in these seas, except at the
Gallapagos, but they are common in Brazil.

The 15th, being under sail with a fine breeze, we agreed to lay to till
midnight. The 16th, seeing many islands and rocks to the westwards, we
agreed to bear away, not caring to encumber ourselves among them during
the night; but by six in the evening, from the mast-head, we could see
so many low rocks, almost joining from island to island, that we seemed
land-locked for more than three parts of the compass, and no way open
except the S.W. whence we came. We resolved therefore to return that
way, making short trips all night, and continually sounding, for fear of
shoals, having from forty to sixty fathoms. The 18th and 19th we saw
several more islands, one of them very large, which we supposed to be
near the equator. At noon of the 19th we had an observation, making our
latitude 2 deg. 2' N. We saw in all at least fifty islands, some of which we
searched, and others we viewed from a distance, but none had the least
appearance of fresh water.[228] Signior Morel told me that a Spanish
man-of-war had been to an island in lat. 1 deg. 20' or 30' S. 140 Spanish
leagues west from the island of _Plata_, and to which they gave the name
of _Santa Maria del Aguada_, a pleasant island with a good road, full of
wood, and having plenty of water, with turtle and sea-tortoises in
abundance. This I believe to have been the same island in which Davis
the buccaneer recruited; and all the light he has left by which to find
it again, is, that it is to the west of the islands he was at with the
other buccaneers, which must be those we were twice at. We had no
occasion to look out for this island on the present trip, though I
believe it might easily have been found without farther directions. In
these islands there are many kinds of sea-fowl, and some land-birds,
particularly hawks and turtle-doves, both so very tame that we often
knocked them down with sticks. I saw no kind of beasts, but there are
guanas in abundance, and land-tortoises almost on every island, besides
vast numbers of turtles or sea-tortoises. It is very strange how the
land-tortoises have got here, as there are none on the main, and they
could not have come of themselves. Some of these islands are the haunts
of seals, but not in such numbers as at Juan Fernandez, neither is their
fur so good. A very large one made at me three several times, and if I
had not happened to have a pike-staff headed with iron, he might have
killed me. I was on the level sand when he came open-mouthed at me from
the water, as fierce and quick as an angry dog let loose. All the three
times he made at me, I struck the pike into his breast, which at last
forced him to retire into the water, snarling with an ugly noise, and
shewing his long teeth. This animal was as big as a large bear.

[Footnote 228: In Cowley's voyage, formerly given, one of these
islands, which he calls the Duke of York's Island, is said to have
abundance of wood and water, but none to be had in any of the rest.
Perhaps the Duke of York's Island of Cowley, and Santa Maria del Aguada
of Morel, may be the same.--E.]

On the 1st October we made the main-land of Mexico, which Captain
Dampier immediately recognized as near the place where he had attacked
the lesser Manilla ship in the St George. Our men began again to fall
sick, and two of them dropped down on the deck in a kind of scorbutic
appoplexy, but recovered on being let blood. The 2d we made _Cape
Corientes_, on the coast of Mexico, in lat. 20 deg. 25' N. which we knew by
our charts. Captain Dampier had been here, but it was a long time ago,
and he did not seem to remember much of the matter; yet when he came to
land at different places, he very readily recollected them. Our purpose
now was to look for the islands called _Tres Marias_, to procure some
refreshments, but found this somewhat difficult, being very uncertain as
to their true situation. In the afternoon of the 4th, Cape Corientes
bore E.N.E. about ten leagues, and next morning, being fine clear
weather, we discovered two islands at the distance of about fourteen
leagues, one bearing N. by W. and the other N. by E. At noon we had an
observation, and found our latitude 20 deg. 45' N.

The sight of these islands was very satisfactory, for though our men had
their fill of land and sea-turtle, which kept them from the scurvy, they
were but weak, as that is but a faint food, except they had enough of
bread or flour to eat with it; whereas they only had a pound and a
quarter of bread or flour to five men per day, on purpose to husband our
stock till we came to live entirely on salt-meat, when we should be
under the necessity to allow more. On the 6th I sent a pinnace to the
eastern island, to look if there were any good road, or convenience for
wooding and watering; but the officer reported that the island had foul
ground for near half a mile from the shore, with bad anchorage and worse
landing; and though there was abundance of wood, no water was to be had.
This was bad news for us, as our water began to grow scarce. We now bore
up for the middle island, which Captain Dampier believed he had been at
when he sailed with Captain Swan, and on which occasion they found
water. On the 8th our boat returned from the middle island, they and the
boat of the Duchess having landed at several places on the S.E. side of
the island, where was plenty of good water. They saw no signs of any
people having been there lately, but found a human skull on the ground.
This was supposed to have belonged to one of two Indian chiefs, who were
left there by Captain Swan, about twenty-three years before, as Dampier
told us: for victuals being scarce with these buccaneers, they would not
carry the poor Indians any farther, after they had served their turns,
but left them to starve on this desolate island. The Marquis and bark
having separated from us, we kept a light up all night, and made a fire
on the island, that they might see where to find us at anchor; but not
seeing them next morning at day-break, I proposed to have gone in search
of them; but Captain Courtney and the rest made light of the matter,
believing they might soon come in without assistance, which they
afterwards did.

The supply of cattle, hogs, and plantains we procured at Atacames lasted
us to the Gallapagos, and we had fed on turtle ever since till the last
two days, which was a great refreshment to our men, and husbanded our
stock of European provisions. On the 9th, I sent an officer to view the
other side of the island, who told me, on his return, it was much better
than where we were, having several sandy bays, on which he had seen the
tracks of turtle. On this intelligence I sent the boat back in the
evening; and it came back next morning with a full load of turtle,
leaving another load ready turned; and, what was of much more
consequence, they found good water; whereas that we had gotten hitherto
purged the men excessively. As we wooded, watered, and furnished
ourselves with fresh provisions here, and as these islands are little
known, some account of them may be acceptable.

The _Tres Marias_, or Three Marias, off the western coast of
Guadalaxara, in the kingdom of Mexico, are in a range stretching from
S.E. to N.W. of about forty-five English miles in length. The largest
island is the N.W. which appeared a high double land, and above five
leagues in length: the middle island about three leagues; and the
south-eastermost hardly two leagues. There also are high lands, full of
trees; and near the least island there are two or three small broken
white islets, one of which was so like a ship under sail, that we gave
the signal for a chase. The S.E. end of the island is in lat. 21 deg. 10' N.
long. 105 deg. 56' W. and the N.W. point of the N. island is in lat. 21 deg. 40'
N. long. 106 deg. 26' W. the distance from each being about two marine
leagues. These islands have abundance of parrots of different sorts,
with pigeons and other land-birds, of which we killed great numbers.
There were also many excellent hares, but much smaller than ours. We saw
likewise abundance of guanas, and some racoons, which barked and snarled
at us like dogs, but were easily beaten off with sticks. The water is
more worthy of remark than any other thing we saw here, as we only found
two good springs, which ran in large streams; the others being bitter
and disagreeable, proceeding, as I suppose, from being impregnated by
shrubs or roots growing in the water, or from some mineral.

The turtle we found here are of a different sort from any I had ever
seen, though very good. Though it is ordinarily believed that there are
only three sorts of sea-turtles, yet we have seen six or seven sorts at
different times, and our people have eaten of them all, except the very
large _whooping_ or _loggerhead_ kind, which are found in great plenty
in Brazil, some of them above 500 pounds weight. We did not eat of
these, because at that time our provisions were plentiful. At the
Gallapagos, both males and females were observed to come on shore only
in the day time, quite different from what I had heard of them at other
places; whereas all we caught here were by turning them over in the
night, when the females come on shore to lay their eggs and bury them in
the dry sand. One of these whom we caught had 800 eggs in her belly, 150
of which were skinned over and ready for being extruded at once. Some
authors alledge that these eggs are six weeks in hatching, which I can
hardly credit, as the sun makes the sand in which they are deposited
excessively hot, and they are only covered by a very thin film or skin,
instead of a shell. In order to ascertain this point, I made some of our
men ashore watch one carefully, and mark the place and time of laying
her eggs. In less than twelve hours they found the eggs addled, and in
about twelve hours more they had young ones completely formed and alive.
Had we remained some time longer, I might have thoroughly satisfied
myself and others, respecting the quick production of tortoises; for I
am apt to credit the report of several of our men, who asserted that
having found eggs in the sand, and looked for them three days afterwards
in the same place, they then found nothing but films; which shews that
the young ones are hatched in that time. They assured me also that they
had seen the young brood run out of the sand every day, making directly
in great numbers for the sea.

There were few fish about the shores of this island, these being of the
ordinary sorts usually met with in these seas; but the abundance of
turtle at this time amply made up for this defect. The chief officers
fed here deliciously, being scarcely ever without hares, turtle-doves,
pigeons, and parrots of various colours and sizes, many of which had
white or red heads, with tufts of feathers on their crowns. We found
good anchorage at this middle island, and gradual soundings from
twenty-four to four fathoms close by the shore; and between this and the
least or southern island the depth was about the same as where we were,
having no shoal between but what was visible, as a rock lay off the S.W.
point and a shoal off the N.E. point of the same, with another at a
great distance from that point of the least island, but neither were
above half a mile from the shore.

Sailing from these islands, we saw land on the 1st November, which
proved to be the point of California, or that headland called Cape St
Ducas. It was now necessary to put in execution the rules we had
formerly laid down for cruizing, as also to settle our regulations about
plunder. Accordingly, my station was to be the outermost in the Duke,
the Duchess in the middle, and the Marquis nearest the shore; the
nearest ship to be at the least six leagues, and nine at the most from
shore, and the bark to ply between ship and ship, carrying advice. By
this means we could spread out fifteen leagues, and might see any thing
that passed in the day within twenty leagues of the shore; and to
prevent any ships passing in the night, we were to ply to windward all
day, and to drive to leeward all night. On the 5th November, the Duchess
went nearest shore, and the Marquis took the middle station. We were
much encouraged by considering that in this very place, and about the
same time of the year, Sir Thomas Candish took the Manilla ship.

On the 16th we sent our bark to look for fresh water on the main, and
next morning she returned to us, reporting that they had seen wild
Indians, who paddled to them on bark-logs. These Indians were fearful of
coming near our people at first, but were soon prevailed upon to accept
a knife or two and some baize, for which they gave in return two
bladders of water, two live foxes, and a deer skin. Till now, we thought
that the Spaniards had missionaries among these people, but finding them
quite naked, with no appearance of any European commodities, nor a
single word of the Spanish language, we concluded that they were quite
savage, and we dispatched the bark and a boat a second time, in hopes of
procuring some refreshments, with some trifles to distribute among the
natives. On the 19th our men returned, having become very familiar with
the Californians, who were the poorest wretches that could be imagined,
and had no manner of refreshments whatever to afford us. They brought
off some Indian knives made of sharks teeth, and a few other
curiosities, which I preserved to shew what shifts may be made. It was
now the 9th of December, near a month after the time when the Manilla
ships generally fall in with this coast, and we were much embarrassed by
the impossibility of procuring any intelligence respecting them. On
examining our provisions, we found only bread on board for seventy days,
even at our present short allowance, and it would require not less than
fifty days for our run across the Pacific to Guam, one of the Ladrones;
wherefore we resolved to continue our cruize here no longer than other
eight days. Being in want of water also, it was agreed upon that the
Marquis should go first into a harbour for that necessary article, while
the Duke and Duchess continued on the look-out, and then these other
ships to do the same in succession.

On the 21st December, while bearing up for the port in which was the
Marquis, the man at the mast-head, about nine in the morning, gave
notice that he saw a sail besides the Duchess and bark, seeming about
seven leagues from us. We immediately hoisted our ensign, and bore for
the strange sail, as did the Duchess; and as it fell calm, I sent the
pinnace to endeavour to make out what she was. All the rest of the day
we had very little wind, so that we made hardly any way, and as our boat
did not return we remained in much anxiety, not knowing whether the ship
in sight were our consort the Marquis, or the Manilla ship. In this
uncertainty, I sent Mr Fry in our yawl to the Duchess, to endeavour to
learn what this ship was, and as soon as the yawl was gone I hoisted
French colours and fired a gun, which the stranger answered, and in some
measure cleared our doubts. Mr Fry soon returned, bringing the joyful
news that the ship in sight really was the Manilla galleon for which we
had waited so long, and of which we were now almost in despair of
meeting. This revived our courage, and every one actively prepared for
the engagement; all our melancholy reflections on the shortness of our
provisions for the run to Guam being now dispelled, and nothing now
occupied our thoughts but of our being masters of the mighty treasure
supposed to be on board this ship, while every moment seemed an hour
till we could get up with her. We gave orders for the two pinnaces to
keep with her all night, shewing false fires from time to time, that we
might know whereabout they and the chase were; and it was agreed, if
the Duke and Duchess could get up with her together, that we should
board her at once. Before night we had made a clear ship, and had every
thing in readiness for action at day-light; and all night long we kept a
sharp look-out for the boats false fires, which we frequently saw and
answered.

At day-break of the 22d December, 1709, we saw the chase about a league
from us on our weather bow, the Duchess being a-head of her to leeward
about half a league. About six a.m. our boat came aboard, having kept
very near the chase all night without receiving any damage, and told us
that the Duchess passed the chase in the night, at which time the chase
fired two shots at her, which were not returned. Having no wind, we got
out eight sweeps, with which we rowed for near an hour, when there
sprung up a small breeze. I ordered a large kettle of chocolate to be
prepared for the ship's company, having no spirituous liquor to give
them, and then went to prayers; but were disturbed before these were
finished, by the enemy firing at us. To deter as from attempting to
board, they had barrels hung at their yard arms, which resembled barrels
of powder. About eight a.m. we began to engage by ourselves, for the
Duchess being still at leeward, had not been able to get up, as there
was very little wind. At first the enemy fired at us with their
stern-chase guns, which we returned with those on our bows, till at
length we got close on board each other, when we gave her several
broadsides, plying our small arms very briskly; which last the enemy
returned as thick for a time, but did not fire their great guns half so
fast as we. After some time, we shot a little a-head, laying the enemy
athwart hawse close aboard, and plied her so warmly that she soon
lowered her colours two-thirds down. By this time the Duchess had got
up, and fired about five guns with a volley of small arms; but as the
enemy had submitted she made no return.

We now sent our pinnace on board the prize, and brought away the captain
and other officers; from whom we learnt that a larger ship had come from
Manilla along with them, having forty-six brass guns and as many
swivels, but they had parted company with her about three months before,
and supposed she had got to Acapulco by this time, as she sailed better
than this ship. Our prize had the following high-sounding name _Nostra
Senoria de la Incarnacion Disenganio_, commanded by the Chevalier Jean
Pichberty, a Frenchman. She had twenty guns and twenty pattereroes, with
193 men, of whom nine were killed, ten wounded, and several sore
scorched with gun-powder. We engaged her three glasses, in which time
only I and another were wounded. I was shot through the left cheek, the
bullet carrying away great part of my upper jaw and several of my teeth,
part of which dropt on the deck, where I fell. The other was William
Powell, an Irish landman, who was slightly wounded in the buttock. After
my wound, I was forced to write my orders, both to prevent the loss of
blood, and because speaking gave me great pain. We received little
damage in our rigging during the engagement, except that a shot disabled
our mizen-mast. On the 23d, after we had put our ship to rights, we
stood in for the harbour where the Marquis was, distant about four
leagues to the N.E. sending our surgeons on board the prize to dress her
wounded men. We same to anchor in the harbour about four p.m. where we
received the compliments of all on board the Marquis on our sudden and
almost unlooked-for success, which gave us all much satisfaction. We
found that ship in good condition and ready to sail, and all on board
her in high spirits, eager for action. At eight the same evening we held
a consultation on two important points: _first_, what we should do with
our hostages; and, _secondly_, how we should act in regard to the other
Manilla ship, which we still thought there was a strong probability of
our taking, if we could remain here a little longer. As the hostages
from Guayaquil, and the Chevalier Pichberty, brother to the famous
Monsieur du Cass, appeared to be men of strict honour, we thought it was
best to make the best terms we possibly could with them, and then set
them at liberty. We had more difficulty in settling the other point in
discussion, as to the mode of attacking the other Manilla ship. I was
desirous of going out along with the Marquis on that service; but as
some reflections had been cast on the Duchess for not engaging our late
prize so soon as it was thought she might have done, Captain Courtney
was absolutely bent on going out with his own ship and the Marquis, and
having a majority in the committee, my proposal was overruled, and we in
the Duke were reluctantly constrained to remain in harbour. It was
agreed, however, that we should put ten of our best hands on board the
Duchess, the better to enable her to engage the great Manilla ship, if
she were fallen in with; and she and the Marquis sailed on
Christmas-day. As soon as they were gone, we put part of the goods from
our bark into the prize, in order to send away our prisoners in the
bark; and as there were still due 4000 dollars of the Guayaquil ransom,
we agreed to sell them the bark and her remaining cargo for 2000
dollars, taking the Chevalier de Pichberty's bill for 6000 dollars,
payable in London, which he readily gave us, together with an
acknowledgment under his hand that we had given him a good bargain. This
matter being settled, we had only to look to our own safety while our
consorts were out on their cruize for the Manilla ship. We posted two
centinels on a hill, whence they had a clear view of the sea, with
instructions to give us notice by a signal whenever they saw three ships
in the offing, that we might have time to secure our prisoners, and to
get out to the assistance of our consorts, as we expected they might
have hot work, this other Manilla ship being much stronger and better
manned than the one we had taken, and better provided in all respects.

On the afternoon of the 26th, our sentries made the appointed signal of
seeing three ships; on which we immediately put all our prisoners into
the bark, from which we removed her sails, and took away all our men,
except two lieutenants and twenty-two men, whom we left to look after
our prize and the prisoners. As the prisoners, though 170 in number,
were secured in the bark, without sails, arms, rudder, or boat, and
moored near a mile distant from our prize, there were more than
sufficient for guarding them and giving them provisions and drink during
our absence. This being arranged, we immediately weighed and stood to
sea, in order to assist our consorts in attacking the great ship.
Captain Dover thought proper to go on board the prize, instead of one of
our lieutenants, whom he sent to me. I was still in a very weak
condition, my head and throat being very much swelled, so that I spoke
with great pain, and not loud enough to be heard at any distance;
insomuch that all the chief officers and our surgeons wished me to
remain in the prize, but I would not consent. We got under sail about
seven p.m. and saw lights several times in the night, which we supposed
to be false fires in the boats of our consorts. In the morning of the
27th at day-break, we saw three sail to windward, but so far distant
that it was nine o'clock before we could make out which were our
consorts and which the chase. At this time we could see the Duchess and
the chase near together, and the Marquis standing to them with all the
sail she could carry. We also made all the sail we could, but being
three or four leagues to leeward, and having a very scant wind, we made
little way. At noon they bore S.E. from us, being still three leagues
right to windward. In the afternoon we observed the Marquis get up with
the chase, and engage her pretty briskly; but soon fell to leeward out
of cannon shot, where she lay a considerable time, which made us
conclude that she was somehow disabled.

I sent away my pinnace well manned, with orders to dog the chase all
night, making signals with false fires that she might not escape us; but
before our boat could get up to them, the Marquis made sail again
towards the chase, and went to it again briskly for more than four
glasses. At this time we saw the Duchess steer ahead to windward, clear
of the enemy, as I supposed to stop her leaks or repair her rigging.
Meanwhile the Marquis kept the enemy in play, till the Duchess again
bore down, when each fired a broadside or two, and left off because it
grew dark. They then bore south of us in the Duke, which was right to
windward, distant about two leagues; and about midnight our boat came to
us, having made false fires, which we answered. Our people had been on
board both the Duchess and Marquis, the former of which had her foremast
much disabled, the ring of an anchor shot away, one man killed and
several wounded, having also received several shots in her upper works
and one in her powder-room, but all stopt. The Duchess had engaged the
enemy by herself the night before, which was what we took to be false
fires, being too distant to hear the guns. At that time they could
perceive the enemy to be in great disorder, her guns not being all
mounted, and neither her nettings nor close quarters in order; so that,
if it had been my good fortune in the Duke to have gone with the
Duchess, we all believed we might then have carried this great ship by
boarding; or, if the Duchess had taken most of the men out of the
Marquis, which did not sail well enough to come up to her assistance in
time, she alone might have taken her by boarding at once, before the
Spaniards had experienced our strength, and become afterwards so well
provided as encouraged them to be driving, giving us every opportunity
to board them if we pleased.

Captain Cooke sent me word that he had nearly fired away all his powder
and shot, but had escaped well in masts, rigging, and men; wherefore I
sent him three barrels of powder and a proportion of shot; and I also
sent Lieutenant Fry to consult with our consorts how we might best
engage the enemy next morning. All this day and the ensuing night the
chase made signals to us in the Duke, thinking us her consort, which we
had already taken; and after dark she edged down towards us, otherwise I
should not have been up with her next day, having very little wind and
that against us. In the morning of the 28th, as soon as it was day, the
wind veered at once, on which we put our ship about, and the chase fired
first upon the Duchess, which was nearest her in consequence of the
change of wind. The Duchess returned the fire briskly; and we in the
Duke stood as near as we possibly could, firing our guns as we could
bring them to bear upon the enemy. At this time the Duchess was athwart
her hawse, firing very fast, and such of her shot as missed the enemy
flew over us and between our masts, so that we ran the risk of receiving
more harm from the Duchess than the enemy, if we had lain on her quarter
and across her stern, which was my intention. We therefore took our
station close along side, board and board, where we kept plying her with
round shot only, using neither barshot nor grape, as her sides were too
thick for these, and no men appeared in sight.

She lay driving, as we did also close aboard of her, the enemy keeping
to their close quarters, so that we never fired our small arms unless
when we saw a man appear, or a port open, and then we fired as quick as
possible. We continued thus for four glasses, about which time we
received a shot in our main-mast which much disabled it. Soon after
this, the Duchess and we, still both firing, came back close under the
enemy, and had like to have fallen on board of her, so that we could
make little use of our guns. We then fell astern in our birth alongside,
and at this time the enemy threw a fire-ball into the Duke from one of
her tops, which blew up a chest of loaded arms and cartouch-boxes on our
quarter-deck, and several cartridges in our steerage, by which Mr
Vanburgh, the agent of our owners, and a Dutchman, were very much burnt;
and it might have done us much more damage if it had not been soon
extinguished. After getting clear, the Duchess stood in for the shore,
where she lay braced to, mending her rigging. The Marquis fired several
shots, but to little purpose, as her guns were small. We continued close
aboard for some time after the Duchess drew off; till at last we
received a second shot in our main-mast, not far from the other, which
rent it miserably; insomuch that the mast settled towards the wound, and
threatened to come by the board. Our rigging also being much shattered,
we sheered off and brought to, making a signal to our consorts for a
consultation; and in the interim got ordinary fishes up to support our
main-mast as well as we could.

Captains Courtney and Cooke, with other officers, came aboard the Duke,
in obedience to the signal, when we took the condition of our three
ships into consideration. Their masts and rigging were much damaged, and
we had no means of procuring any repairs. If we again engaged the enemy,
we could not propose to do any more than we had done already, which
evidently had not done her much harm, as we could perceive that few of
our shots penetrated her sides to any purpose, and our small arms
availed still less, as not one of their men were to be seen above board.
Our main-mast was so badly wounded that the least additional injury
would bring it down, and the fore-mast of the Duchess was in as bad a
state. The fall of these masts might bring down others, and we should
then lie perfect butts for the enemy to batter at, and his heavy guns
might easily sink us. If we should attempt to carry her by boarding, we
must necessarily run the risk of losing many of our men, with little
prospect of success, as they had above treble our number to oppose us,
not having now in all our three ships above 120 men fit for boarding,
and these weak, as we had been long short of provisions. If, therefore,
we attempted to board and were beaten off, leaving any of our men
behind, the enemy would learn our strength, or weakness rather, and
might go to the harbour and retake our prize, in spite of every thing we
could do to hinder. Our ammunition also was now very short, and we had
only, enough to engage for a few glasses longer. All these circumstances
being duly considered, together with the difficulty of procuring masts,
and the time and provisions we must spend before we could get them
fitted we resolved to desist from any farther attempt upon the enemy,
since our battering her signified little, and we had not sufficient
strength to carry her by boarding. We determined therefore to keep her
company till night, and then to lose her, after which to make the best
of our way to the harbour where we had left our prize, to secure her.

We had engaged this ship first and last about seven glasses, during
which we in the Duke had eleven men wounded, three of whom were scorched
with gun-powder. I was again unfortunately wounded by a splinter in my
left foot, just before the arms chest was blown up on the quarter-deck;
and so severely that I had to lie on my back in great pain, being unable
to stand. Part of my heel-bone was struck out, and all the foot just
under the ankle cut above half through, my wound bleeding very much
before it could be stopped and dressed, by which I was much weakened. In
the Duchess above twenty men were killed and wounded, one of the slain
and three of the wounded belonging to my ship, which had been lent when
I was left in the harbour. The Marquis had none killed or wounded, but
two of her men were scorched by gun-powder. The enemy was the
_Vigoniae_, a brave and lofty new ship, admiral of Manilla, and this her
first voyage. She was calculated to carry 60 guns, and had above 40
mounted, with as many pattereroes, all brass, and, as we were informed,
had a complement of 450 men, of whom 150 were Europeans, besides
passengers. We were told also that several of her crew had formerly been
pirates, who had all their wealth on board, and were resolved to defend
it to the last extremity. The gunner was said to be a very expert man,
and had provided extraordinarily for defence, which enabled them to make
a desperate resistance; and they had filled all her sides between the
guns with bales of soft goods, to secure the men.

During the whole action she kept the Spanish flag flying at her
mast-head. We could observe that we had shattered her sails and rigging
very much, and had slain two men in her tops, besides bringing down her
mizen-yard; but this was all the visible damage we had done them, though
we certainly placed 500 round shot in her hull, which were six-pounders.
These large ships are built at Manilla of excellent timber, which does
not splinter, and their sides are much thicker and stronger than those
of the ships built in Europe. Thus ended our attempt on the biggest
Manilla ship, which I have heard related in so many ways at home, that I
have thought it necessary to give a very particular account of the
action, as I find it set down in my journal. Generally speaking, the
ships from Manilla are much richer than the prize we had taken; for she
had waited a long time for the Chinese junks to bring silks, which not
arriving, she came away with her cargo made out by means of abundance of
coarse goods. Several of the prisoners assured me that a Manilla ship
was commonly worth ten millions of dollars; so that, if it had not been
for the accidental non-arrival of the junks from China that season, we
had gotten an extraordinarily rich prize. After my return to Europe, I
met a sailor in Holland who had been in the large ship when we engaged
her, and who communicated to me a reason why we could not have taken her
at all events. Her gunner kept constantly in the powder-room, and
declared that he had taken the sacrament to blow up the ship if we had
boarded her, which accordingly made the men exceedingly resolute in her
defence. I the more readily gave credit to what this man told me, as he
gave a regular and circumstantial account of the engagement, conformable
to what I have given from my journal.

It is hardly to be doubted that we might have set this great ship on
fire, by converting one of our ships into a fireship for that purpose:
But this was objected to by all our officers, because we had goods of
value on board all our ships. The enemy on this occasion was the better
provided for us, having heard at Manilla, through our British
settlements in India, that two small ships had been fitted out at
Bristol for an expedition into the South Sea, and of which Captain
Dampier was pilot. On this account it was that they had so many
Europeans on board the great ship, most of whom had all their wealth
along with them, for which they would fight to the utmost; and it having
been agreed to pay no freight on the gun-decks, they had filled up all
the spaces between the guns with bales of goods, to secure the men. The
two ships were to have joined at Cape Lucas, expecting to meet us off
Cape Corientes or Navidad.

We returned again into our port on the coast of California on the 1st
January, 1710, and being resolved to make as quick dispatch as possible
for our passage to the East Indies, we immediately parted with our
prisoners, giving them the bark with a sufficiency of water and
provisions to carry them to Acapulco. We then occupied ourselves to the
7th in refitting and laying in a stock of wood and water; and had much
satisfaction in finding as much bread in our prize as might serve for
our long run to Guam, with the aid of the scanty remains of our old
stock. After a long disputatious negotiation, it was settled that Mr Fry
and Mr Stratton were to take charge of our prize, which we named the
Bachelor, though under Captain Dover, but they were not to be
contradicted by him in the business, as his business was to see that
nothing was done in her contrary to the interest of our owners and ships
companies, he being in the nature of agent, only with the title of chief
captain. At the same time, we put on board of this ship 35 men from the
Duke, 25 from the Duchess, and 13 from the Marquis, making in all 73
men, which, with 36 Manilla Indians, called _Las-Cars_, and some other
prisoners we still had remaining, made up her complement to 115 men.

SECTION III

_Sequel of the Voyage, from California, by Way of the East Indies, to
England_.

WE weighed anchor on the 10th January, 1710, from Porta Leguro, on the
coast of California, but were becalmed under the shore till the
afternoon of the 12th, when a breeze sprang up which soon carried us out
of sight of land. Being very slenderly provided, we were forced to allow
only a pound and a half of flour, and one small piece of beef, to five
men in a mess, together with three pints of water a man, for twenty-four
hours, to serve both as drink and for dressing their victuals. We also
lowered ten of our guns into the hold, to ease our ship. On the 16th the
Bachelor made a signal that she could spare us some additional bread,
having discovered a considerable store of bread and sweet-meats, though
very little flesh meat. Accordingly, we in the Duke had a thousand
weight of bread for our share, the Duchess had as much, and the Marquis
five hundred weight; and in return we sent them two casks of flour, one
of English beef; and one of pork, as they had only left forty-five days
provisions of flesh. We now agreed to proceed in a W.S.W. course till we
reached the latitude of 13 deg. N. and to keep in that parallel till we
should make the island of Guam, being informed by our Spanish pilot that
the parallel of 14 deg. was dangerous, by reason of certain islands and
shoals, on which a Spanish ship had been lost some time ago.

On the 11th March we had sight both of _Guam_ and _Serpana,_ the former
bearing W.S.W. five leagues off, and the latter N.N.W. seven leagues.
The Spaniards say there is a great shoal between these islands, but
nearest to Serpana. While running along the shore of Guam there came
several flying proas to look at us, but run past with great swiftness,
and none of the people would venture on board. The necessity of our
stopping at this island for a supply of provisions was very great, our
sea store being almost exhausted, and what remained being in a very
ordinary condition, especially our bread and flour, of which we had not
enough for fourteen days, even at the shortest allowance. In order to
procure provisions readily, we endeavoured to get some of the natives on
board from the proas, that we might detain them as hostages, in case of
having to send any of our men to the governor. While turning into the
harbour under Spanish colours, one of the proas came under our stern, in
which were two Spaniards, who came on board in consequence of being
assured that we were friends. Soon after we sent a respectful letter to
the governor, to which we next day received a civil answer, and a
generous offer of any thing we needed that the island could supply.
Several of our officers went ashore to wait upon the governor on the
16th, and were well received and elegantly entertained; making the
governor a present of two negro boys dressed in rich liveries, twenty
yards of scarlet cloth, and six pieces of cambric, with which he seemed
to be much pleased, and promised in return to give us every assistance
in his power.

Next day, accordingly, we had a large supply of provisions, our share in
the Duke being about sixty hogs, ninety-nine fowls, twenty-four baskets
of maize, fourteen bags of rice, forty-two baskets of yams, and 800
cocoa-nuts. We afterwards got some bullocks, fourteen to each ship,
being small lean cattle, yet gladly accepted, to which were afterwards
added two cows and two calves to each ship; and we made a handsome
present to the deputy governor, who was very active in getting our
provisions collected. Leaving Guam, we proposed to go for some way
directly west, to clear some islands that were in the way, and then to
steer for the S.E. part of Min-danao, and from thence the nearest way to
Ternate. In the afternoon of the 14th April we made land, which bore
from us W.N.W. ten leagues, and which we supposed to be the N.E. part of
Celebes. This day we saw three water-spouts, one of which had like to
have fallen on board the Marquis, but the Duchess broke it before it
reached her by firing two guns. On the 18th May, we passed through
between the high land of New Guinea and the island of Gilolo, and on the
20th we made another high island which we took to be Ceram, yet,
notwithstanding the skill and experience of Captain Dampier, we were at
a loss to know whether it were Ceram or Bouro. On the 24th, at noon, we
made our latitude 4 deg. 30' S. and estimated our longitude at 237 deg. 29' W.
from London, and being in the latitude of the southern part of
Bouro,[229] we imputed our not seeing it to the currents setting us to
the westwards. We designed to have touched at Amboina for refreshments,
but the S.E. monsoon was already set in, and we were out of hope of
being able to reach that place. In a consultation on the 25th, we
resolved not to spend time in searching for Bouro, and also to desist
from attempting to go to Amboina, and to make the best of our way for
the Straits of Bouton, where we hoped to get sufficient provisions to
carry us to Batavia. We got into a fine large bay in Bouton, where we
sent our pinnace on shore, which brought off some cocoa nuts, reporting
there were plenty to be had, and that the Malay inhabitants seemed
friendly.

[Footnote 229: The south part of Bouro is only in lat. 3 deg. 50' S. and
about 283 deg. W. from Greenwich, or London.--E.]

Up this bay we saw several houses and boats, and many of the Malay
natives walking about on the beach. We here sent our boats for
provisions and pilots while the ships turned up the bay nearer to the
town. On sounding frequently we could find no ground, but the natives
told us of a bank opposite the town on which we might anchor. In the
meantime abundance of people came off to us, bringing wheat, cocoa-nuts,
yams, potatoes, papaws, hens, and several other kinds of birds, to truck
for cloths, knives, scissars, and toys. These people were to appearance
very civil, being Mahometans of middle stature and dark tawny
complexions, but their women somewhat clearer than the men. The men that
came off were all naked, except a cloth round their middles, but some of
the better sort had a sort of loose waistcoat, and a piece of linen
rolled round their heads, with a cap of palm leaves to keep off the
scorching rays of the sun. Along the shore we saw several weirs for
catching fish. In turning up, the prize lost ground considerably, as the
current was strong against us, wherefore the Duchess fired a gun in the
evening to recall us and the Marquis, and which we ran out and drove all
night. The names of these two islands forming this bay are _Cambava_ and
_Waushut_, being in lat. 5 deg. 13' S. and long 238 deg. W. from London.[230]
Being much in want of water and provisions, we made another effort to
get back to this bay; and on the 30th, a proa came to us from the king
of Bouton, having a noble on board without either shoes or stockings,
and a pilot to carry us up to the town. He brought each commander a
piece of striped Bouton cloth, a bottle of arrack, some baskets of rice,
and other articles, as presents from the king; yet the first thing he
said on coming aboard, was to ask us how we durst venture to come here
to anchor, without first having leave from the great king of Bouton?

[Footnote 230: Cambaya, a considerable island to the W. of Bouton, is in
lat. 5 deg. 20' S. and long. 237 deg. 40' W. from Greenwich, nearly in the
situation pointed out in the text.--E.]

This proa brought us letters from our officers that had been sent to
wait upon the king, and to endeavour to procure provisions, which stated
that they had been well received, and that the town in which the king
resided was large and fortified, and had several great guns. We sent
back a present to the king by his messenger, and five guns were fired by
each of our ships at his departure, with which he seemed well pleased.
We wooded and watered at the island of _Sampo,_ and several proas came
off to us with fowls, maize, pompions, papaws, lemons, Guinea corn, and
other articles, which they trucked for knives, scissars, old clothes,
and the like. The people were civil, but sold every thing very dear; and
as our officers staid longer at the town than was intended, we began to
suspect they were detained, as the Mahometans are very treacherous. We
heard from them, however, every day; and on the 5th Mr Connely came
down, and told us there were four lasts of rice coming down from the
king, for which it had been agreed to pay 600 dollars, and that Mr
Vanburgh had been detained in security of payment. The rice came next
morning, and was distributed equally among our four ships, some great
men coming along with it to receive the money. At this time also we in
our turn detained a Portuguese who came from the king, till our boat
should be allowed to return; and after this, provisions became more
plentiful and cheaper.

The town of _Bouton_ is built on the acclivity of a hill, and on the top
of the hill is a fort surrounded by an old stone wall, on which some
guns and pattereroes are placed. The king and a considerable number of
people dwell in this fort, in which a market is held every day for the
sale of provisions. The king has five wives, besides several concubines,
being attended by four men carrying great canes with silver heads, who
are called _pury bassas,_ and who seem to manage all his affairs. His
majesty goes always bare-footed and bare-legged, being for the most part
clad like a Dutch skipper, with a sort of green gauze covering strewed
with spangles over his long black hair; but when he appears in state, he
wears a long calico gown over his jacket, and sits on a chair covered
with red cloth. He is always attended by a sergeant and six men armed
with match-locks; besides three others, one of whom wears a head-piece
and carries a large drawn scymitar, another has a shield, and a third a
large fan. Four slaves sit at his feet, one holding his betel box,
another a lighted match, the third his box of tobacco for smoking, and
the fourth a spitting bason. The petty kings and other great men sit on
his left hand and before him, every one attended by a slave, and they
chew betel or tobacco in his presence, sitting cross-legged, and when
they speak to him they lift their hands joined to their foreheads.

The town of Bouton is very populous, and beside it runs a fine river,
said to come from ten miles up the country. The tide ebbs and flows a
considerable way up this river, which has a bar at its mouth, so that
boats cannot go in or come out at low water. At least 1500 boats belong
to this river, fifty of which are war proas, armed with pattereroes, and
carrying forty or fifty men each. Fifty islands are said to be tributary
to this king, who sends his proas once a year to gather their stated
tribute, which consists in slaves, every island giving him ten
inhabitants out of every hundred. There is one mosque, in Boutan, which
is supplied with priests from Mocha, the people being Mahometans. They
are great admirers of music, their houses are built on posts, and their
current money is Dutch coins and Spanish dollars. On the 7th our pinnace
returned with Mr Vanburgh and all our people, having parted from his
majesty on friendly terms, but could not procure a pilot. We resolved,
however, not to stay any longer, but to trust to Providence for our
future preservation: wherefore we began to unmoor our ships, and
dismissed our Portuguese linguist.

Next day, the 8th June, we made three islands to the north of
_Salayer._ On the 10th our pinnace came up with a small vessel, the
people on board of which said they were bound for the Dutch factory of
Macasser on the S.W. coast of Celebes. The pinnace brought away the
master of this vessel, who engaged to pilot us through the Straits of
Salayer and all the way to Batavia, if we would keep it secret from the
Dutch, and he sent his vessel to lie in the narrowest part of the
passage between the islands, till such time as our ships came up. On the
14th we passed the island of Madura, and on the 17th we made the high
land of Cheribon, which bore S.W. from us. This morning we saw a great
ship right ahead, to which I sent our pinnace for news. She was a ship
of Batavia of 600 tons and fifty guns, plying to some of the Dutch
factories for timber. Her people told us that we were still thirty Dutch
leagues from Batavia, but there was no danger by the way, and they even
supplied us with a large chart, which proved of great use to us. Towards
noon we made the land, which was very low, but had regular soundings, by
which we knew how to sail in the night by means of the lead; in the
afternoon we saw the ships in the road of Batavia, being between thirty
and forty sail great and small; and at six in the evening we came to
anchor, in between six and seven fathoms, in the long-desired port of
Batavia, in lat 6 deg. 10' S. and long. 252 deg. 51' W. from London.[231] We had
here to alter our account of time, having lost almost a day in going
round the world so far in a western course.

[Footnote 231: The latitude in the text is sufficiently accurate, but
the longitude is about a degree short. It ought to have been 253 deg. 54' W.
from Greenwich--E.]

After coming in sight of Batavia, and more especially after some sloops
or small vessels had been aboard of us, I found that I was quite a
stranger to the dispositions and humours of our people, though I had
sailed so long with them. A few days before they were perpetually
quarrelling, and a disputed lump of sugar was quite sufficient to have
occasioned a dispute. But now, there was-nothing but hugging and shaking
of hands, blessing their good stars, and questioning if such a paradise
existed on earth; and all because they had arrack for eight-pence a
gallon, and sugar for a penny a pound. Yet next minute they were all by
the ears, disputing about who should put the ingredients together; for
the weather was so hot, and the ingredients so excessively cheap, that
a little labour was now a matter of great importance among them.

Soon after our arrival at Batavia we proceeded to refit our ships,
beginning with the Marquis; but on coming down to her bends, we found
both these and the stern and stern-port so rotten and worm-eaten, that
on a survey of carpenters she was found incapable of being rendered fit
for proceeding round the Cape of Good Hope, on which we had to hire a
vessel to take in her loading. We then applied ourselves to refit the
other ships, which we did at the island of Horn, not being allowed to do
so at _Onrust_, where the Dutch clean and careen all their ships. We
hove down the Duke and Duchess and Bachelor, the sheathing of which
ships were very much worm-eaten in several places. In heaving down, the
Duchess sprung her fore-mast, which we replaced by a new one. When the
ships were refitted, we returned to Batavia road, where we rigged three
of them, and sold the Marquis, after taking out all her goods and
stores, and distributing her officers and men into the others. During
our stay at Batavia, the weather was exceedingly hot, and many of our
officers and men fell sick, among whom I was one, the prevalent disease
being the flux, of which the master of the Duke and gunner of the
Duchess died, and several of our men. A young man belonging to the
Duchess, having ventured into the sea to swim, had both his legs snapped
off by a shark, and while endeavouring to take him on board, the shark
bit off the lower part of his belly. We were allowed free access to the
town and markets, yet found it difficult to procure salt-meat, so that
we had to kill bullocks for ourselves, and pickled the flesh, taking out
all the bones. Arrack, rice, and fowls were very cheap, and we bought
beef for two _stivers_, or two-pence a pound.

There are various descriptions of this famous city, yet, as what I have
to say may serve to exhibit a state of things as they were when we were
there, I flatter myself that the following succinct account may neither
be found useless nor disagreeable. The city of Batavia is situated on
the N.W. side of the famous island of Java, in lat. 5 deg. 50' S.[232]
During the whole year the east and west monsoons, or trade-winds, blow
along shore; besides which it is refreshed by the ordinary land and sea
breezes, which greatly cool the air, otherwise it would be intolerably
hot. The summer begins here in May, and continues till the end of
October, or beginning of November, during all which period there is a
constant breeze from the east, with a clear serene sky. The winter
commences in the end of October, or beginning of November, with
excessive rains, which sometimes continue for three or four days without
intermission. In December the west-wind blows with such violence as to
stop all navigation on the coast of Java. In February the weather is
changeable, with frequent sudden thunder-gusts. They begin to sow in
March; June is the pleasantest month; and in September they gather in
their rice, and cut the sugar-canes. In October they have abundance of
fruits and flowers, together with plants and herbs in great variety.
Around the city there is an extensive fenny plain, which has been
greatly improved and cultivated by the Dutch; but to the east it still
remains encumbered by woods and marshes. The city of Batavia is of a
square form, surrounded by a strong wall, on which are twenty-two
bastions, and has a river running through it into the sea. About the
year 1700 there was a great earthquake in Java, which overturned some
part of the mountains in the interior of the island, by which the course
of the river was altered; and since then the canals in Batavia and the
neighbourhood have not been nearly so commodious as formerly, nor has
the entrance of the river been so deep; and for want of a strong current
to keep it open, the Dutch have been obliged to employ a great machine
to preserve the navigation of the mouth of the river, so as to admit
small vessels into the canals which pervade the city. Batavia lies in a
bay in which there are seventeen or eighteen islands, which so
effectually protect it from the sea, that though large, the road is very
safe. The banks of the canals are raced on both sides with stone quays,
as far as the boom, which is shut up every night, and guarded by
soldiers. All the streets are in straight lines, most of them being,
above thirty feet broad on both sides, besides the canals, and they are
all paved with bricks next the houses. All the streets are well-built
and fully inhabited, fifteen of them having canals for small vessels,
communicating with the main river, and shut up by booms, at which they
pay certain tolls for admission; and these canals are crossed by
fifty-six bridges, mostly of stone. There are numerous country-seats
around the city, most of them neat and well contrived, with handsome
fruit and flower gardens, ornamented with fountains and statues; and
vast quantities of cocoa-nut trees planted in numerous groves, every
where afford delightful shade. Batavia has many fine buildings,
particularly the Cross-church, which is handsomely built of stone, and
very neatly fitted up within. There are two or three other churches for
the Dutch presbyterians, and two for the Portuguese catholics, who are a
mixed race, besides one church for the Malay protestants. In the centre
of the city is the town-house, handsomely built of brick in form of a
square, and two stories high. In this all the courts are held, and all
matters respecting the civil government of the city are determined.
There are also hospitals, speir-houses, and rasp-houses, as in
Amsterdam, with many other public buildings, not inferior to those of
most European cities.

[Footnote 232: The latitude of Batavia is 6 deg. 15' S. and its longitude
106 deg. 7' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

The Chinese are very numerous, and carry on the greatest trade here,
farming most of the excise and customs, being allowed to live according
to their own laws, and to exercise their idolatrous worship. They have a
chief of their own nation, who manages their affairs with the company,
by which they are allowed great privileges, having even a representative
in the council, who has a vote when any of their nation is tried for his
life. These high privileges are only allowed to such of the Chinese as
are domicilled here, all others being only permitted to remain six
months in the city, or on the island of Java. The Chinese have also a
large hospital for their sick and aged, and manage its funds so well,
that a destitute person of that nation is never to be seen on the
streets.

The Dutch women have here much greater privileges than in Holland, or
any where else; as on even slight occasions they can procure divorces
from their husbands, sharing the estate between them. A lawyer at this
place told me, that he has known, out of fifty-eight causes depending at
one time before the council-chamber, fifty-two of them for divorces.
Great numbers of native criminals are chained in pairs, and kept to hard
labour under a guard, in cleaning the canals and ditches of the city, or
in other public works. The castle of Batavia is quadrangular, having
four bastions connected by curtains, all faced with white stone, and
provided with watch-houses. Here the Dutch governor-general of India,
and most of the members of the council of the Indies reside, the
governor's palace being large, and well-built of brick. In this palace
is the council-chamber, with the secretary's office, and chamber of
accounts. The garrison usually consists of 1000 men; but the soldiers
are generally but poorly appointed, except the governor's guards, who
have large privileges, and make a fine appearance.

The governor-general lives in as great splendour as if he were a king,
being attended by a troop of horse-guards, and a company of halberdeers,
in uniforms of yellow sattin, richly adorned with silver-lace and
fringes, which attend his coach when he appears abroad. His lady also is
attended by guards and a splendid retinue. The governor is chosen only
for three years, from the twenty-four counsellors, called the _Radts_ of
India, twelve of whom must always reside in Batavia. Their soldiers are
well trained, and a company is always on duty at each of the gates of
the city and citadel; and there are between seven and eight thousand
disciplined Europeans in and about the city, who can be assembled in
readiness for action on a short warning.

Besides Europeans and Chinese, there are many Malays in Batavia, and
other strangers from almost every country in, India. The Javanese, or
ancient natives, are very numerous, and are said to be a proud barbarous
people. They are of dark complexions, with flat faces, thin, short,
black hair, large eyebrows, and prominent cheeks. The men are
strong-limbed, but the women small. The men wear a calico wrapper, three
or four times folded round their bodies; and the women are clothed from
their arm-pits to their knees. They usually have two or three wives,
besides concubines; and the Dutch say that they are much addicted to
lying and stealing. The Javans who inhabit the coast are mostly
Mahometans; but those living in the interior are still pagans. The women
are not so tawny as the men, and many of them are handsome; but they are
generally amorous, and unfaithful to their husbands, and are apt to deal
in poisoning, which they manage with much art.

Batavia is very populous, but not above a sixth part of the inhabitants
are Dutch. The Chinese here are very numerous; and the Dutch acknowledge
that they are more industrious and acute traders than themselves. They
are much, encouraged, because of the great trade carried on by them, and
the great rents they pay for their shops, besides large taxes, and from
sixteen to thirty per cent. interest for money, which they frequently
borrow from the Dutch. I was told, that there were about 80,000 Chinese
in and about Batavia, who pay a capitation-tax of a dollar each per
month for liberty to wear their hair, which is not permitted in their
own country ever since the Tartar conquest. There generally come here
every year from China, fourteen or sixteen large flat-bottomed junks, of
from three to five hundred tons burden. The merchants come along with
their goods, which are lodged in different partitions in the vessels, as
in separate warehouses, for each of which they pay a certain price, and
not for the weight or measure of the cargo, as with us, so that each
merchant fills up his own division as they please. They come here with
the easterly monsoon, usually arriving in November or December, and go
away again for China in the beginning of June. By means of these junks
the Dutch have all kinds of Chinese commodities brought to them, and at
a cheaper rate than they could bring them in their own vessels.

Batavia is the metropolis of the Dutch trade and settlements in India,
and is well situated for the spice trade, which they have entirely in
their own hands. There are seldom less than twenty sail of Dutch ships
at Batavia, carrying from thirty to fifty and sixty guns each. Abraham
van Ribeck was governor-general when we were there. His predecessor, as
I was informed, had war with the natives of the island, who had like to
have ruined the settlement; but, by sowing divisions among the native
princes, he at length procured peace upon advantageous conditions. This
is one of the pleasantest cities I ever saw, being more populous than
Bristol, but not so large. They have schools for teaching all necessary
education, even for Latin and Greek, and have a printing-house. There
are many pleasant villas, or country seats, about the city; and the
adjacent country abounds in rice, sugar-plantations, gardens, and
orchards, with corn and sugar-mills, and mills for making gunpowder.
They have also begun to plant coffee, which thrives well, so that they
will shortly be able to load a ship or two; but I was told it is not so
good as what comes from Arabia.

We sailed from Batavia on the 11th October, 1710, and on the 19th came
to anchor in a bay about a league W. from Java head, and remained till
the 28th, laying in wood and water. The 15th December we made the land
of southern Africa, in lat 34 deg. 2' S. And on the 18th we anchored in
Table Bay in six fathoms, about a mile from shore. We remained here
till the 5th April, waiting to go home with the Dutch fleet, and on that
day fell down to Penguin Island, whence we sailed on the 5th for Europe.
On the 14th July we spoke a Dane bound for Ireland, who informed us that
a Dutch fleet of ten sail was cruizing for us off Shetland, which
squadron we joined next day. On the 28d we got sight of the coast of
Holland, and about eight p. m. came all safe to anchor in the Texel, in
six fathoms, about two miles off shore. In the afternoon of the 24th I
went up to Amsterdam, where I found letters from our owners, directing
us how to act as to our passage from thence home. On the 30th we got
some provisions from Amsterdam. On the 22d August we weighed from the
Texel, but the wind being contrary, had to return next morning. We
weighed again on the 30th, and on the 1st October came to anchor in the
Downs, and on the 14th of that month got safe to _Eriff_, where we ended
our long and fatiguing voyage.

* * * * *

It appears, by incidental information in Harris, I. 198, That the outfit
of this voyage did not exceed L14,000 or L15,000, and that its gross
profits amounted to L170,000, half of which belonged to the owners; so
that they had L85,000 to divide, or a clear profit of L466 13s. 4d. _per
centum,_ besides the value of the ships and stores.--E.

CHAPTER XI.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY CAPTAIN JOHN CLIPPERTON, IN 1719-1722.[233]

INTRODUCTION.

About the beginning of 1718, some English merchants resolved to fit out
two ships for a cruizing voyage to the South Sea, in hopes of having
equal success with the expedition under Woods Rogers, and provided two
fine ships, the Speedwell and Success, every way fit for the purpose.
But as the war which was expected between Great Britain and Spain did
not take place so soon as was expected, they applied for commissions
from the Emperor Charles VI. who was then at war with Philip V. King of
Spain. Captain George Shelvocke, who had served as a lieutenant in the
royal navy, was accordingly sent with the Speedwell to Ostend, there to
wait for the imperial commissions, and to receive certain Flemish
officers and seamen, together with as much wine and brandy as might
serve both ships during their long voyage, being cheaper there than in
England. This was in November 1718, and both to shew respect to the
imperial court, and to have the appearance of a German expedition, the
names of the ships were changed to the Prince Eugene and the Staremberg.

[Footnote 233: Harris, I. 184.]

Having taken on board six Flemish officers and ninety men, Captain
Shelvocke sailed from Ostend for the Downs, where the other ship had
waited for him some time. War having begun between Great Britain and
Spain, and finding that the Flemings and Englishmen did not agree, the
owners laid aside all thoughts of using the imperial commission, and to
send back all their Flemish officers and men to Flanders, with an
allowance of two months wages, and procured a commission from George I.
restoring the original names of their ships. The Speedwell carried
twenty-four guns and 106 men, and the Success thirty-six guns and 180
men; the former commanded by Captain George Shelvocke, who was to have
had the chief command in the expedition, and the other by Captain John
Clipperton, who had formerly sailed with Dampier as mate, and of whose
adventures after his separation from Dampier, an account has been
already given.

In consequence of some change of circumstances, perhaps owing to some
improper conduct when in Flanders, the proprietors now took the chief
command from Shelvocke, and conferred it upon Clipperton, a man of a
blunt, rough, and free-speaking disposition, but of a strict regard to
his duty and rigid honesty. Though somewhat passionate, he was soon
appeased, and ever ready to repair any injury he had done when heated
with anger, and had much justice and humanity in his nature. Under
Captain Shelvocke in the Speedwell, Simon Hately was appointed second
captain; he who had formerly lost company with Woods Rogers among the
Gallapagos islands, and had remained a considerable time prisoner among
the Spaniards.

The instructions for this voyage from the owners were, that they were to
proceed in the first place for Plymouth, whence they were to sail with
the first fair wind for Cape Horn or the Straits of Magellan, as was
found most convenient for their passage into the South Sea. They were
then to cruize on the coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico, and to
endeavour, if possible, to meet and capture the Manilla ship. To prevent
all disputes and disorders, they were enjoined to be careful above all
things not to separate from each other, and to undertake nothing of
importance without holding a council of officers, stating the question
to be debated in writing, and drawing up the resolution in writing, with
the reasons on which they were grounded, which were to be signed by all
the officers. All these precautions proved in a great measure useless,
as the expedition wore an unfortunate aspect from the very beginning.
The ships were forced to remain three months at Plymouth, waiting for a
wind; in which time every thing fell into confusion, and factions were
formed, in which the crews of both ships were involved, from the
captains down to the cabin boys. Captain Shelvocke highly resented the
affront offered him in being deprived of the chief command; and Captain
Clipperton, knowing the other's resentment, and being a boisterous man
of strong passions which he could not conceal, there was nothing but
debates and disputes. Every post carried complaints to the proprietors,
and brought down instructions, reproofs, and exhortations to concord. It
had been fortunate for the proprietors, if they had removed one or both
of the commanders; but every one had too much concern to retain his
friend in post, so that private views proved the cause of public
ruin.--_Harris_.

SECTION I.

_Narrative of the Voyage, from England to Juan Fernandez_.

Having at length a fair wind, the two ships sailed in company from
Plymouth on the 13th February, 1719. It singularly happened that the
Speedwell had still on board the whole stock of wine, brandy, and other
liquors, designed for the supply of both ships. On the 19th at night,
there arose a violent storm, and on the 20th the storm abated about two
in the afternoon, when Captain Clipperton in the Success made sail,
steering S. by E. while Captain Shelvocke in the Speedwell bore away
N.W. So that they never again saw each other, till they afterwards met
by mere accident in the South Sea.

Being now at sea without his consort, and very indifferently provided,
Captain Clipperton found himself under the necessity of using a
discretionary power of dispensing in some respect from his instructions;
but which freedom he rarely exercised, and then with the utmost caution.
In all essential points he carefully complied with the instructions,
constantly consulting with his officers, and doing his utmost to
prosecute his voyage with effect. The first place of rendezvous
appointed in case of separation was the Canaries, for which he sailed
with such expedition that he arrived there on the 6th of March. Having
taken in refreshments there, for which he had much occasion, as all his
liquors were in the Speedwell, Clipperton cruized on that station for
ten days, as directed by his instructions, but not meeting his consort,
he resolved to proceed to the next place appointed for that purpose, the
Cape de Verd islands.

The Canary Islands, or _Islands of Dogs_, so named by the Spaniards when
discovered by them in 1402, because they found here a great number of
these animals, were known to the ancients by the name of the Fortunate
Islands, because of their fertility and the excellent temperature of
their air. They are seven in number, Lancerota, Fuerteventura, Grand
Canary, Teneriffe, Geomero, Hiero or Ferro, and Palma. _Grand Canary_ is
far distant from the others, and contains 9000 inhabitants, being the
seat of the bishop, the inquisition, and the royal council which governs
all the seven islands. In Teneriffe is the famous mountain called
_Terraira,_ or the Peak of Teneriff, supposed to be the highest in the
world, and which may be distinctly seen at the distance of sixty
leagues. There is no reaching the top of this mountain except in July
and August, because covered at all other times with snow, which is never
to be seen at other places of that island, nor in the other six, at any
season of the year. It requires three days journey to reach the summit
of the peak, whence all the Canary islands may be seen, though some of
them are sixty leagues distant. _Hiero_ or _Ferro_ is one of the largest
islands in this group, but is very barren, and so dry that no fresh
water is to be found in it, except in some few places by the sea, very
troublesome and even dangerous to get it from. "But, to remedy this
inconvenience, Providence as supplied a most extraordinary substitute,
as there grows almost in every place a sort of tree of considerable
size, incomparably thick of branches and leaves, the latter being long
and narrow, always green and lively. This tree is always covered by a
little cloud hanging over it, which wets the leaves as if by a perpetual
dew, so that fine clear water continually trickles down from them into
little pails set below to catch it as it falls, and which is in such
abundant quantity as amply to supply the inhabitants and their
cattle."[234]

[Footnote 234: This strange story seems entirely fabulous.--E.]

These islands are generally fertile, and abound with all kinds of
provisions, as cattle, grain, honey, wax, sugar, cheese, and skins. The
wine of this country is strong and well-flavoured, and is exported to
most parts of the world; and the Spanish ships bound for America usually
stop at these islands to lay in a stock of provisions. About 100 leagues
to the west of these islands, mariners are said to have frequently seen
an island named _St Baranura,_ which they allege is all over green and
very pleasant, full of trees, and abounding in provisions, as also that
it is inhabited by Christians; but no person can tell what sect or
denomination they are of, nor what language they speak. The Spanish
inhabitants of the Canaries have often attempted to go there, but could
never find the way; whence some believe that it is only an illusion or
enchanted island, seen only at certain times. Others allege a better
reason, saying that it is small and almost always concealed by clouds,
and that ships are prevented from coming near it by the strength of the
currents. It is certain however, that there is such an island, and at
the distance from the Canaries already mentioned.[235]

[Footnote 235: This island of St Baranora, or St Brandon, is merely
imaginary.--E.]

Leaving Gomera on the 15th March, Clipperton came in sight of St
Vincent, one of the Cape de Verd islands, in the evening of the 21st,
and came to anchor in the bay next morning. He here found a French ship,
and the Diamond belonging to Bristol, taking in a cargo of asses for
Jamaica. Continuing here for ten days, in hopes of meeting the
Speedwell, but in vain, the crew of the Success became much
disheartened, so that Clipperton had much difficulty in persuading them
to persist in the enterprize. The _Cape de Verd islands,_ called _Salt
islands_ by the Dutch, derive their name from Cape de Verd on the coast
of Africa. The sea which surrounds them is covered by a green herb,
called _Sergalso_ or cresses by the Portuguese, resembling
water-cresses, and so thickly that hardly can the water be seen, neither
can ships make their way through it but with a stiff gale. This herb
produces berries, resembling white gooseberries, but entirely tasteless.
No one knows how this herb grows, as there is no ground or land about
the place where it is found floating on the water, neither can it be
supposed to come from the bottom, as the sea is very deep, and is in
many places quite unfathomable. This sea-weed begins to be seen in the
lat. of 34 deg. N. where it is so thick that it seems as if islands, but is
not to be met with in any other part of the ocean.

The _Cape de Verd islands_, when first discovered by the Portuguese in
1572, were all desert and uninhabited, but they now inhabit several of
them. They are ten in number, St Jago, St Lucia, St Vincent, St Antonio,
St Nicolas, Ilha Blanca, Ilha de Sal, Ilha de Maio, Ilha de Fogo, and
Bonavista. They now afford plenty of rice, flour, Tartarian wheat,
oranges, lemons, citrons, bananas, ananas or pine-apples, ignames,
batatas, melons, cucumbers, pompions, garden and wild figs, and several
other sorts of fruits. They have vineyards also, which produce ripe
grapes twice a year; and have abundance of cattle, both great and small,
but especially goats. The capital city is St Jago, in the island of that
name, in which resides the governor who commands over all these islands
under the King of Portugal. It is also the residence of an archbishop,
whose see extends over all these islands, and over all the conquests of
the Portuguese on this side of the Cape of Good Hope. These islands
afford good convenience for ships on long voyages procuring a supply of
fresh water. On the east side of Maio there is a little river, and as
the island is uninhabited, there is nobody to hinder one from taking it:
There is also water to be had on St Antonio, where also good
refreshments may be had, of oranges, lemons, and other fruits; and the
Portuguese on this island are so few in number, that they cannot prevent
one from taking what they please.

May the 29th having an observation, Clipperton found his latitude to be
52 deg. 15' S. being then off Cape _Virgin Mary_, the northern point at the
eastern entrance into the straits of Magellan, distant from _Fuego_, one
of the Cape de Verd islands, 1580 leagues, the meridional distance being
36 deg. 4' W.[236] Next day they entered the straits. Proceeding onwards to
Queen Elizabeth's island, the pinnace was sent off to a fresh-water
river on the main, which was found frozen up. They saw large flocks of
geese and ducks at this place, but they were very shy. By some accident
the surgeon's mate was left ashore at this place by the boat, and when
brought on board next morning he was almost dead with the cold. They
remained some time at Queen Elizabeth's island, which is dry and mostly
barren, yet they found plenty of sallad herbs, which were of infinite
service, the crew being much afflicted by the scurvy. The principal herb
was _smallage_ of extraordinary size, which they eat raw, or boiled in
their broth, and of which they brought away a considerable quantity of
juice in bottles. On the 14th June, the empty water casks were sent
ashore to be filled, and the carpenters went to look out for a proper
piece of timber for a mizen-mast. They found abundance of wild fowl and
shell fish on shore, which were most welcome to all the company, as they
found their appetites to increase, while the necessity compelled the
enforcement of short allowance. They anchored on the 22d in a fine bay,
which they named _No-bottom Bay_, because of its great depth of water.
The trees here are lofty, and so loaded with snow as to be a most
astonishing sight. On the 29th there came to them a canoe in which were
two men, a woman, and a boy. These were of middle stature, with dark
complexions, broad, round faces, and low features, with low foreheads,
lank short black hair, and no clothing except a piece of skin to cover
their middles. The most extraordinary circumstance about them, was a
fine streak round their wrists of an azure colour. They seem to be very
jealous of their women, as they would on no account permit the woman who
was along with them to come on board. Clipperton ordered them bread and
cheese, and a dram of brandy, which last they refused to take, but they
eat the bread and cheese voraciously. They had a fire in the middle of
their canoe, which was made of the bark of trees sewed together, and
they brought with them some wild geese and ducks, which they exchanged
for knives. They had bows and arrows, together with some fishing tackle,
and went away after two hours stay, making signs that they would return.

[Footnote 236: The meridional distance between these two stations is 49 deg.
25' W. Mayo being in long. 28 deg. 15', and Cape Virgin Mary in long. 72 deg.
40' both W. from Greenwich.--E.]

Next day the pinnace went ashore, and returned in the evening with the
Indian canoe filled with large muscles, which our people bought from the
Indians, for knives, bread, and other trifles. In the beginning of July
the weather was very moderate. Clipperton found the savages in these
straits by no means so mischievous as they are usually represented, of
which they had two remarkable instances: As, on one occasion, one of the
crew was on shore two nights and a day, and was well used by the
natives; and, on another occasion, one of the natives being left
accidentally all night in the ship, the natives came for him next day
without fear; so that, if well treated, they do not seem to be
treacherous. In another canoe which came to the ship there were several
women, each having a necklace of five or six rows of small shining
shells, very nicely strung, resembling mother-of-pearl. All this time
the crew was very sickly, scarcely a day passing in which one or more
did not die, which was generally attributed to the want of something
comfortable to drink in this rigorous climate, all the liquors intended
for the voyage having been left in the Speedwell. The weather was
sometimes fair and moderate for two or three days together, but was
continually varying, and perhaps for two or three days following they
had continual snow, rain, and sleet, with frequent great flows of wind
that were intolerably sharp and piercing. William Pridham, the
master-gunner, died on the 7th July, and was buried ashore next day,
having a strong, plank with an inscription driven into the ground at the
head of his grave.

On the 20th July, Captain Mitchell and Lieutenant Davidson went in the
pinnace, furnished with all necessaries, in order to make a discovery of
a passage on the southern side of the straits, through which a French
tartan is said to have gone into the South Sea in May, 1713, and to
examine if there were any anchorage beyond Cape _Quad_. The pinnace
returned on the 29th, having found the passage, but so narrow that it
was deemed too hazardous. Their provisions falling short, they were
forced to return before they had satisfied themselves sufficiently; yet
they found several good bays for anchoring in, to the N.W. of Cape
_Quad_. They got a seal from some Indians, which they broiled and eat,
and said that it was as good as venison. On the 1st of August, Captain
Mitchell and three other officers went a second time to examine to look
for the new passage. But, after the strictest examination, they could
not find that it led into the South Sea, but only into an icy bay, and
at all events was too narrow for their ship. On the return of Captain
Mitchell, it was resolved to prosecute their way through the straits,
which they did with much difficulty, getting into the South Sea on the
18th of August, but in so weak and sickly a condition as to be utterly
incapable of attempting any enterprize for some time, having been long
on short allowance of only one piece of beef or pork to a mess of six
men. In pursuance, therefore, of his instructions, Captain Clipperton
bore away for the island of Juan Fernandez, the third and last appointed
place of rendezvous with the Speedwell.

The Success accordingly anchored at Juan Fernandez on the 7th September,
and search was made for any testimony of the Speedwell having been
there, but to no purpose. Captain Clipperton resolved, in compliance
with his instructions, to remain here, or cruizing in the neighbourhood,
for a month; and also had an inscription cut on a conspicuous tree
fronting the landing-place, to the following purport: "_Captain John----
W. Magee, 1719_." This William Magee was surgeon of the Success, and
well known to Captain Shelvocke and all his company; and Clipperton
omitted his own name in the inscription, because he had been formerly in
the South Sea, and had been long a prisoner among the Spaniards, for
which reason he did not wish to give them notice of his return into this
sea. The sick were all landed on the 8th, and every convenience afforded
by the island made use of to promote their recovery. The weather was
very changeable all the time of the Success continuing here, with much
rain, and some hard gales of wind. They took, however, a considerable
number of goats, which not only served them for present subsistence, but
enabled them to increase their sea store, as they had an opportunity of
salting a good many; for some French ships, that had been at the island,
had left a considerable quantity of salt ready made. They likewise
cleaned the ship's bottom, and took on board a supply of wood and water.
It was now evident that the Success would have to act singly in these
seas, as Clipperton was fully of opinion that the Speedwell was lost, or
at least gave out so among the company, to prevent them from continually
cursing Shelvocke for running away with their liquors, which some of the
sick men did with their dying breaths.

The beauty and fertility of this island, compared with the dangers and
difficulties unavoidable in the South Sea, tempted four of the men to
remain in the island, and they actually ran away into the mountains. As
it was very inconvenient to lose so many good hands, Captain Clipperton
took measures for recovering them, but ineffectually. At last, a
fortnight after their desertion, and only the day before the ship was to
leave the island, two of them were caught by the goat-hunters and
brought aboard. They confessed that they had been hard put to it for the
first five days, being forced to subsist entirely on the cabbage-trees,
which are here in great plenty; but having accidentally found some fire,
left by the goat-hunters, it served them in good stead, as it enabled
them to cook their victuals. That same evening they brought on board
all the goats-flesh they had salted, together with four casks of
seal-oil, and every thing else they had on shore. A cross was set up on
shore, at the foot of which a bottle was buried, containing a letter for
Captain Shelvocke, appointing another place of rendezvous, with certain
signals by which to know each other if they happened to meet at sea.

SECTION II.

_Proceedings of the Success in the South Seas_.

Clipperton left Juan Fernandez on the 7th October, leaving two men
behind, as successors to Governor Selkirk, but of whose adventures we
have no mention. He now steered his course to the northwards, till in
the parallel of Lima, where he proposed to commence operations, though
in a very indifferent condition, having lost thirty men since passing
the equator. On the 25th, being in the latitude of Lima, they captured a
snow of forty tons, laden with sand and rubbish for manure, on board of
which were seven Indians and two negroes, their master having been left
sick on shore. The only thing she contained worth taking were two jars
full of eggs, two jars of treacle, and two dollars. Next day they
captured a ship of 150 tons, laden with timber from Guayaquil, in which
were two friars, sixteen Indians, and four Negroes. On the 30th they
took a ship of 400 tons, bound from Panama to Lima, which had been taken
by Captain Rogers at Guayaquil ten years before. She had many passengers
on board, and a loading of considerable value. Another prize was taken
on the 2d of November, being a vessel of seventy tons, on board of which
was the Countess of _Laguna_ and several other passengers, with a great
sum of money, and 400 jars of wine and brandy, which was very
acceptable. Captain Clipperton desired the countess to inform him,
whether she thought proper to remain in the prize, or to accept of such
accommodations as he was able to give her in the Success. She chose to
continue in the prize, on which he sent an officer of marines with a
guard, to prevent her from being molested, and with strict orders not to
allow any person to enter her cabin, except her own domestics. He also
sent part of the wine and brandy on board the other prizes, for the use
of his seamen who had charge of them.

Although Captain Clipperton had now so many prizes, that above a third
of his company was detached to take charge of them, he was still as
eager to take more as if he had commanded a squadron of men of war,
instead of a single privateer weakly manned. On the 12th November, a
London-built pink of about 200 tons was discovered at some distance,
bound from Panama to Lima with a cargo of woad, of very little value to
Clipperton, yet he added this to the number of his prizes. The master of
this vessel, being a shrewd fellow, soon saw the error Clipperton had
fallen into, and resolved to turn it to his advantage. Guessing by the
number of prizes already attending the English ship, that he could not
spare many men to take possession of his ship, and having above a dozen
passengers, he directed them to hide themselves in the hold, along with
a Frenchman who served as boatswain, with orders to seize as many of the
English as went down below, assuring them that he with the ship's
company would be able to manage the rest. When this ship struck,
Clipperton sent Lieutenant Sergeantson with eight men to take possession
of her; who, on coming on board, ordered all he saw on deck into the
great cabin, at the door of which he placed a sentinel. Thinking every
thing was now secure, he ordered the topsails to be hoisted, in order to
stand down towards the Success; after which, the men went down into the
hold, to see what loading was in the ship. On this the concealed
passengers sallied out, knocked most of them down, and the boatswain
came behind Mr Sergeantson, whom he knocked down likewise, and then
bound all the Englishmen in the hold. In the mean time, the crew in the
great cabin, Spaniards, Indians, and Negroes, secured the sentinel.
Having thus recovered possession of the ship, the Spanish captain
resolved on getting ashore at all events, in which design he ran his
ship among the rocks, where he with his crew and prisoners were all in
considerable danger. He then ordered all the English prisoners to be
unbound, and all got safe on shore, after which Lieutenant Sergeantson
and his men were all sent prisoners to Lima.

The viceroy was so much pleased with this hardy action of the Spanish
shipmaster, that he ordered a new vessel to be built for him at
Guayaquil, ordering all the traders in Peru to be taxed for defraying
the expence, as a reward for the service rendered on this occasion to
the public, and an encouragement for others to behave in like manner. On
the arrival of the prisoners at Lima, they were all strictly examined,
when one of them gave a full account of every thing he knew,
particularly of the two men who remained on the island of Juan
Fernandez, and of the letter left in a bottle for the Speedwell, the
consort of the Success. On this information, a small vessel was fitted
out and sent to Juan Fernandez, with orders to fetch away the two men
and the bottle containing the signals, which was accordingly done.

Perceiving on the 20th November, that the last-taken, prize had been
recovered by her crew, as on making the signal to tack, she was seen to
make all possible sail towards the land, Captain Clipperton immediately
suspected what had happened; and finding it impossible to get up with
her, he began to consider what was best for him to do, to prevent the
bad effects which might reasonably be expected from her crew getting on
shore and communicating the alarm. Wherefore, he very prudently
determined to set all his Spanish prisoners at liberty, as well to save
provisions, which he could not very well spare, as that their good usage
from him might be speedily known, in hopes of the same being returned to
those of his men who had fallen into the hands of the Spaniards.

On the 24th we took another prize of about 200 tons, laden with timber
from Panama to Lima, having on board forty negroes and thirty Spaniards,
most of the last being passengers. On the 27th he came to anchor with
all his prizes at the island of Plata, where he began seriously to

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