Full Text Archive logoFull Text Archive — Free Classic E-books

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume IX. by Robert Kerr

Part 9 out of 12

Adobe PDF icon
Download this document as a .pdf
File size: 1.4 MB
What's this? light bulb idea Many people prefer to read off-line or to print out text and read from the real printed page. Others want to carry documents around with them on their mobile phones and read while they are on the move. We have created .pdf files of all out documents to accommodate all these groups of people. We recommend that you download .pdfs onto your mobile phone when it is connected to a WiFi connection for reading off-line.

use only in moderation, to satisfy nature, not to please their
appetites, hating gluttony, and esteeming drunkenness a sin, as it
really is, or a second madness; and indeed their language has only one
word, mest, for a drunkard and a madman.

[Footnote 238: This device for measuring time is the same with the
_clepsydra_, or water-clocks, of the ancients.--_Purch._]

They keep yearly a solemn feast, or Lent, which they call _Ram jan_,
[Ramadan] about the month of August, which continues a whole moon;
during which time, those who are strict in their religious observances,
avoid the embraces of their women, and abstain from meat or drink so
long as the sun is above the horizon, but eat after it sets, at their
pleasure. Towards the close of this Lent, or ramadan, they consecrate
one day of mourning, in memory of their departed friends; on which
occasions, I have seen many of the meaner people making bitter
lamentations. Besides this ordinary and stated time of sadness, many
foolish women are in use, oft times in the year, so long as they
survive, to water the graves of their husbands or children with the
tears of affectionate regret. On the night succeeding the day of general
mourning, they light up innumerable lamps, and other lights, which they
set on the sides and tops of their houses, and all other most
conspicuous places, taking no food till these are burnt out. When the
ramadan is entirely ended, the most devout Mahometans assemble at some
noted mosque, where some portion of the _Alcoran_ is publicly read; this
being their holy book, like our Bible, which they never touch without
some mark of reverence. They keep a festival in November, which they
call _Buccaree_, signifying the _ram-feast_; on which occasion they kill
and roast a ram, in memory, as they say, of the ram which redeemed
Ishmael, when about to be sacrificed by his father Abraham. They have
many other feasts or holidays consecrated to Mahomet, and their
_pieres_, or pretended saints.

They have the books of Moses, whom they name _Moosa curym Alla_, the
righteous of God. Abraham they call _Ibrahim calim Alla_, the faithful
of God. Thus Ishmael is called the true sacrifice of God; David is named
_Dahoode_, the prophet of God; Solomon is _Seliman_, the wisdom of God,
and so forth; all neatly expressed, as the former instances, in short
Arabic epithets. In honour of these our scripture worthies, they
frequently sing songs or ditties of praise; and, besides, all of them,
except those of the ruder sort, when at any time they happen to mention
our Saviour, always call him _Hazaret Eesa_, the Lord Jesus; and ever
speak of him with respect and reverence, saying, that he was a good and
just man, who lived without sin, and did greater miracles than were ever
performed before or since. They even call him _Rhahew Alla_, which
signifies the breath of God, but cannot conceive how he could be the
Son of God, and therefore deny that. Yet the Mahometans look upon us as
unclean, and will neither eat with us, nor of any thing that is cooked
in our vessels.

There are many men among the Mahometans called _Dervises_, who
relinquish the world, and spend their days in solitude, expecting a
recompence in a better life. The strict and severe penances these men
voluntarily endure, far exceed all those so much boasted of by the
Romanist monks. Some of these live alone on the tops of hills, remote
from all society, spending their lives in contemplation, and will rather
die of famine than move from their cells, being relieved from devotion
by those who dwell nearest them. Some again impose long fasts upon
themselves, till nature be almost exhausted. Many of those whom they
call religious men, wear no garments beyond a mere clout to cover their
shame, and beg for all their provisions, like the mendicant friars of
Europe. These men usually dwell about the outskirts of the cities and
towns, like the man mentioned by our blessed Saviour at the city of the
_Gadarens_, who had devils, and wore no clothes, neither abode in any
house, but dwelt among the tombs. They make little fires during the day,
sleeping at night among the warm ashes, with which they besmear their
bodies. These men never suffer a razor to come upon their heads, and
some of them let their nails grow like to bird's claws, as it is written
of Nebuchadnezzar, when driven out from among the society of men. There
is also a sort of men among them called _mendee_, who often cut and
slash their flesh with knives, like the priests of Baal. I have seen
others, who, from supposed devotion, put such massy fetters of iron on
their legs, that they are hardly able to move, yet walk in that manner
many miles upon pilgrimages, barefooted, upon the parching ground, to
visit the sepulchres of their deluding saints; thus, _tantum religio
potuit suadere malorum_, taking more pains to go to hell than any
Christian that I know does to attain heaven. These do not marry. Such
Mahometans as choose to marry, are allowed four wives by the law of
Mahomet, but they keep as many concubines as they can maintain. The
priests content themselves with one wife.

Notwithstanding their polygamy, such is the violent jealousy of these
lustful Mahometans, that they will scarcely allow even the fathers and
brothers of their beloved wives or concubines to converse with them,
except in their own presence. Owing to this restraint, it has become
odious for such women as have the reputation of virtue, to be seen at
any time by strangers. If any of them dishonour their husbands beds, or,
being unmarried, are found incontinent, even their own brothers will put
them to death rather than they should escape punishment; and for such
unnatural actions they shall be commended, rather than called in
question. Yet is there full toleration for harlots, who are as little
ashamed of receiving visits as the men are of frequenting their houses.
The women of any fashion are waited upon by eunuchs instead of
women-servants; and these eunuchs are deprived in their youth of every
thing that can provoke jealousy. Their marriages are solemnised in great
pomp. After the molah has joined their hands, with certain ceremonies
and words of benediction, they begin their revels at the first watch of
the night. Whether the man be poor or rich, he mounts on horseback,
attended by his friends, having many _oressets_, or great lights,
carried before him, and accompanied by drums, and wind-instruments of
music, and various pageantry. The woman follows with her friends, in
covered coaches. And having thus paraded through the principal places of
the city or town, they return home and partake of a banquet, the men and
women being in separate apartments. They are mostly married at the age
of twelve or thirteen, the matches being made by their mothers.

Sec.4. _Of the Sects, Opinions, Rites, Priests, and other Circumstances of
the Hindoo Religion; with other Observations_.

The Hindoos[239] are distributed into eighty and four several sects, all
of which differ materially in opinions. This has often filled me with
wonder; but I know that they are all deluded by Satan, who is the father
of division. Their illiterate priests are called _Bramins_, being the
same with the _Brachmanni_ of the ancients; and, for aught I could
learn, are so sottishly ignorant and unsteady, that they know not what
they believe. They have little round-built temples, which they call
_pagodas_, in which are images in most monstrous shapes, which they
worship. Some of them dream, of Elysian fields, to which their souls
pass over a Styx or Acheron, and there assume new bodies. Others hold
that ere long, this world shall have an end, after which they shall live
here again, upon a new earth. They talk of four books which were sent
them about 6000 years ago by their prophet _Ram_, two of which were
sealed up and might not be opened, the other two being read by the
Bramins only. They say that there are seven orbs, above which is the
seat of God; and they hold that God knoweth not of petty things, or, if
he doth, regardeth them not. They circumscribe God in place or
dimensions, alleging that he may be seen, but far off as in a mist, and
not near or clearly. They believe in the existence of devils or evil
spirits; but that they are so bound in chains, as to be incapable of
doing hurt. They call man Adam, from the first man of that name; whose
wife, as they say, when tempted with the forbidden fruit, swallowed it
down; but, as her husband was about to do the same, it was stopped in
his throat by the hand of God: Whence men have a protuberance in that
part, which we call the _pomum adami_, which women have not.

[Footnote 239: By Terry, the Hindoos are uniformly denominated the
_Gentiles_, a word of vague and general meaning, merely signifying
idolaters, or unbelievers, literally the nations, as contradistinguished
from the Jews. By some authors, the natives of Hindoostan are called
Gentoos, a word of uncertain origin. The term of Hindoo seems the more
appropriate name; at least it has now become universal.--E.]

As anciently among the Jews, the priesthood is hereditary with this
people; every son of a Bramin being a priest, and marries with the
daughter of a Bramin. So also among all the Hindoos, the men take their
wives among the daughters of those who are of the same tribe, sect, and
occupation, with their own fathers. Thus the son of a merchant marries a
merchant's daughter, and every man's son that lives by his labour,
marries the daughter of one of the same profession with himself, so that
they never advance themselves to higher situations. The Hindoos take but
one wife, of whom they are not so fearful as are the Mahometans of their
numerous women, for they are suffered to go abroad. They are always
married very young, at six or seven years of age, their parents making
the contracts, and they come together when twelve years old. Their
nuptials are celebrated with as much pomp and jollity as those of the
Mahometans. The habits of the Hindoos differ little from those of the
Mahometans, already described; but many of their women wear rings on
their toes, and therefore go barefooted. They have likewise broad rings
of brass, or of more valuable metal, according to their rank and wealth,
which they wear about the small of their legs, being made to put off and
on. These seem to resemble the tinkling ornaments about the feet,
mentioned by the prophet Isaiah, or the ornaments of the legs, anciently
in use among the Jewish women. They have also such on their arms. The
laps of their ears are pierced when young, and the hole is daily
stretched and widened, by things put in on purpose, so that it at length
becomes large enough to hold a ring as broad as a little saucer, made
hollow in its edges to contain the flesh. Both men and women wash their
bodies every day before they eat, and they sit entirely naked at their
food, excepting only the covering of modesty. This outward washing, as
they think, tends to cleanse them from sin, not unlike the Pharisees in
scripture, who would not eat with unwashed hands. Hence, they ascribe a
certain divine influence to rivers, but above all to the Ganges, daily
flocking thither in great companies, and throwing in pieces of gold and
silver, according to their devotion or abilities, after which they wash
themselves in the sacred stream. Both men and women paint their
foreheads, or other parts of their faces, with red or yellow spots.

In regard to their grosser opinions, they do not believe in the
resurrection of the flesh, and therefore burn the bodies of their dead,
near some river if they can, into which they strew the ashes. Their
widows never marry again; but, after the loss of their husbands, cut
their hair close off, and spend all their remaining life in neglect;
whence it happens, that many young women are ambitious to die with
honour, as they esteem it, throwing themselves for lore of their
departed husbands into the flames, as they think, of martyrdom.
Following their dead husband to the pile, and there embracing his
corpse, they are there consumed in the same fire. This they do
voluntarily, and without compulsion, their parents, relations, and
friends joyfully accompanying them; and, when the pile of this hellish
sacrifice begins to burn, all the assembled multitude shout and make a
noise, that the screams of the tortured living victims may not be heard.
This abominable custom is not very much unlike the custom of the
Ammonites, who made their children pass through the fire to Moloch,
during which they caused certain tabrets or drums to sound, whence the
place was called _Tophet_, signifying a tabret. There is one sect among
the Hindoos, called _Parsees_, who neither burn nor inter their dead.
They surround certain pieces of ground with high walls, remote from
houses or public roads, and there deposit their dead, wrapped in sheets,
which thus have no other tombs but the maws of ravenous fowls.[240]

[Footnote 240: These Parsees, called _Parcees_ in the Pilgrims, and
Guebres by other writers, are a remnant of the ancient Persians, who are
fire-worshippers, or followers of Zerdust, the Zoroaster of the
Greeks.--E.]

The Hindoos are, generally speaking, an industrious race; being either
cultivators of the ground, or otherwise diligently employed in various
occupations. Among them there are many curious artificers, who are the
best imitators in the world, as they will make any thing new very
exactly after a pattern. The Mahometans, on the contrary, are generally
idle, being _all for to morrow_, a common saying among them, and live by
the labours of the Hindoos. Some of these poor deluded idolaters will
eat of nothing which has had life, feeding on grain, herbs, milk,
butter, cheese, and sweet-meats, of which last they have various kinds,
the best and most wholesome of which is green ginger remarkably well
preserved. Some tribes eat fish, and of no other living thing. The
Rajaput tribe eat swine's flesh, which is held in abomination by the
Mahometans. Some will eat of one kind of flesh, and some of another; but
all the Hindoos universally abstain from beef owing to the reverence
they entertain for cows; and therefore give large sums yearly to the
Mogul, besides his other exactions, as a ransom for the lives of these
sacred animals. Whence, though they have other and good provisions in
abundance, we meet with very little meat in that country.

The most tender-hearted among the idolaters are called _Banians,_ who
hold the _metempsychosis_ of Pythagoras as a prime article of their
faith, believing that the souls of the best men and women, when freed
from the prison of their human bodies, transmigrate into the bodies of
cows, which they consider as the best of all creatures. They hold that
the souls of the wicked go into the bodies of viler beasts; as the souls
of gluttons into swine, those of the voluptuous and incontinent into
apes and monkies; the souls of the cruel, furious, and revengeful, into
lions, tigers, and wolves; the souls of the envious into serpents; and
so forth, according to their qualities and dispositions; transmigrating
successively from one to another of the same kind, _ad infinitum;_ and,
by consequence, believing in the eternal duration of the world. Thus,
according to them, there does not exist even a silly fly but is actuated
by a soul formerly human, considering these to have formerly belonged to
light women; and so incorrigible are their sottish opinions, that they
cannot be persuaded out of them by any reasoning. Owing to these
opinions, they will not put to death the most offensive animals, not
even the most venemous snakes, saying, that it is their nature to do
harm, and that man is gifted with reason to shun these noxious
creatures, but not at liberty to destroy them.

Many men devote their fortunes to works of charity, as in building
_serais,_ or lodging-houses for travellers, digging wells, or
constructing tanks near highways, that the travellers may have water;
and where such cannot be had, they will hire poor men to sit by the
way-sides, and offer water to the passengers. The day of rest among the
Hindoos is Thursday, as Friday is among the Mahometans, Saturday with
the Jews, and Sunday with the Christians.[241] They have many solemn
festivals, and they make pilgrimages, among which the most famous are
_Nagracut_ and _Syba,_ formerly mentioned; where, if Mr Coryat may be
believed, who says he carefully observed the same, people cut off part
of their tongues out of devotion. It were easy to enlarge on this
subject, but I will not any farther describe their stupid idolatry. The
sum of the whole is, that both the Hindoos and Mahometans ground all
their opinions on tradition, not on reason, and are content to perish
with their fore-fathers, out of preposterous zeal and fond perverseness,
never rightly considering the grounds of their belief.

[Footnote 241: Monday is the day of rest with the people of Pegu. In
Java, each individual keeps that day holy on which he has begun some
great work.--_Purch._]

Both the Mahometans and Hindoos are under subjection to the Great Mogul,
the term _Mogul_ signifying a circumcised man, so that Great Mogul means
the Chief of the Circumcision. The present king is the ninth in lineal
descent from that famous eastern conqueror, whom we name Tamerlane, and
who in their histories is named Timor. Towards the close of his life, he
had the misfortune to fall from his horse, which made him halt during
the remainder of his days, whence he was called Timur-lang, or Timur the
lame. The emperor styles himself The King of Justice, the Light of the
Law of Mahomet, and the Conqueror of the World. He himself judges and
determines on all matters of importance which occur near his residence,
judging according to allegations and proofs, by his own sense of right.
The trials are conducted quickly, and the sentences speedily executed,
culprits being hanged, beheaded, impaled, torn by dogs, destroyed by
elephants, bitten by serpents, or other devices, according to the nature
of the crimes; the executions being generally in the public
market-place. The governors of provinces and cities administer justice
in a similar manner. I could never hear of any written law, the will of
the king and his substitutes being the law. His vicegerents are not
allowed to continue long in one place, lest they acquire popularity, and
are therefore usually removed yearly. They receive the letters of the
king with every possible indication of respect. They look to receive
presents from all who have occasion to apply to them; and, if not often
gratified with these, will ask for them, and will even send back such as
they do not approve, demanding better to be substituted. The cadi has
power to imprison debtors and sureties, who are bound by written deeds;
and men in power, for payment of debts due to them, will often sell the
persons, wives, and children of their debtors, which is warranted by the
customs of the land.

The king appears in public three times every day. His first appearance
is at sun-rise, from a bow-window looking; towards the east, where great
multitudes assemble to salute him, or give him the _salam,_ calling out
_padishah salamet,_ which signifies Live, O King! At noon he again sits
in public seeing his elephants fight, or some other pastimes. A little
before sun-set, he shews himself a third time, at a window looking to
the west, whence he retires amid the sound of drums and wind-instruments
of music, the acclamations of the people adding to the noise. At any of
these three appearances, all who have any suit to him hold up their
petitions to be seen, and are heard in their own causes. Between seven
and nine in the evening, he again sits in private, attended by his
nobles.

No subject of this empire holds any lands by inheritance, neither have
they any titles but such as depend on the will of the king. Owing to
this, many of the grandees live up fully to the extent of their means.
Merchants also, and others, are very careful to conceal their wealth,
lest they be made spunges. Some small means of living are allowed by the
king to the sons of his great men, which they can never make better,
unless they succeed to the favour enjoyed by their fathers. His pensions
are reckoned by the numbers of horsemen allotted to each; and of these
he pays a million in the whole extent of his empire, to the amount of
twenty-five pounds being yearly allowed for each horseman, which are
drawn from lands, specified in the particular grants or commissions.
There are about twenty of his courtiers who have each the pay of 5000
horse; others of 4000, 3000, 2000, and so downwards. He who has the pay
of 5000, is bound to have 2000 always on foot ready for service, and so
in like proportion for all others. This absolute dependence renders
them dissolute parasites. When the Mogul gives advancement to any one,
he adds a new name or title, as Pharaoh did to Joseph. These names or
titles are very significant; as _Mahobet Khan_, the beloved lord; _Khan
Jahaun,_ the lord of my heart; _Khan Allum,_ the lord of the world, &c.

The principal officers of state are, the treasurer, the master of the
eunuchs, who is steward and comptroller of the household, the secretary,
the master of the elephants, the tent-master, and the keeper of the
wardrobe. The subordinate titles of honour are Khan, Mirza, Omrah or
Captain, Haddee, which last is a soldier or horseman. Gorgeous apparel
is in a great measure prohibited, owing to the great heat of the sun;
even the Great Mogul himself being usually clothed in a garment of pure
white calico or fine muslin. Blue, being the colour of mourning, may not
be worn in his presence, neither the name of death pronounced in his
hearing. This circumstance is usually expressed by some circumlocution,
as that such a person has sacrificed himself at the feet of his majesty.

Owing to the great heat of this country, there is but little demand for
English cloth, which is almost only employed for the housings of
elephants and horses, and the linings of coaches. This sovereign
assuredly exceeds all others in the splendour of his thrones, and the
variety and richness of his jewels. In his palace at Agra, he has a
throne upon a raised platform, to which he ascends by several steps, on
the top of which are four figures of lions of massy silver, gilded and
set with precious stones, and supporting a dome or canopy of pure gold.
I may mention, that when I was at his court, he had a tame lion which
went up and down at liberty, as harmless as a dog. The jewels with which
he daily adorns his head, neck, and arms, and the hilts of his sword and
dagger, are rich and valuable beyond all computation. On his birthday,
which happens on the 1st of September, he being now sixty years of age,
he is weighed, and an account thereof carefully noted down by his
physicians, who thereby guess at his bodily condition.[242]

[Footnote 242: See of these and other things, formerly stated, in the
Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, and therefore here omitted. _Purch._]

The following are parts of two letters from the Great Mogul to his
majesty King James I. translated out of Persian, and sent through Sir
Thomas Roe, one written a year before the other. What followed in both
letters, was merely complimentary assurances of his love for the
English. These letters were rolled up and covered with cloth of gold,
the covering being sealed up at both ends, which is the fashion in that
country. Copies were sent to the lord ambassador, from which these
specimens were translated out of the Persian language.

* * * * *

"When your majesty shall open this letter, let your royal heart be fresh
as a sweet garden. Let all people make lowly reverence at your gate, and
may your throne be exalted among the kings of the prophet Jesus. May
your majesty be the greatest of all monarchs; and may others draw
counsel and wisdom from you, as from a fountain, that the law of the
divine Jesus may revive and flourish under your protection. Your letters
of love and friendship, and the tokens of your affection towards me, I
have received by the hands of your ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe, who well
deserves to be your trusted servant, and who delivered them to me in a
happy hour. Upon them mine eyes were so fixed, that I could not easily
remove them to any other object, and have accepted them with much joy,"
&c.--The other began as follows:

* * * * *

"How gracious is your majesty, whose greatness God preserve and prosper.
As upon a rose in a garden of pleasure, so are mine eyes fixed upon your
majesty. May God maintain your greatness, so that your monarchy may
prosper and increase, that you may obtain all your desires, worthy the
greatness of your renown. As your heart is noble and upright, so may God
give you a prosperous reign, because you powerfully defend the majesty
of Jesus, which may God render yet more flourishing, having been
confirmed by miracles," &c.

* * * * *

We travelled two years with the Great Mogul, who was in progress
through his dominions, moving only during the temperate months, between
October and April. On this occasion, I am confident that the _leskar_,
or camp, contained not less than 300,000 persons, including men, women,
and children, besides elephants, horses, and other beasts, that were fed
upon grain; yet we never experienced any scarcity of provisions, not
even in our nineteen days journey through a wilderness, between Mandoa
and _Amadavar_, [Ahmedabad.] On this occasion, a road was cut for us
through the forest. The tents of the leskar were of various colours,
being regularly arranged, and represented a large and splendid city. The
king's tents were red, and raised on poles to a great height, being
placed in the middle of the camp, and covering a great extent of ground;
the whole of the royal quarter being encircled by _canats_, or walls,
made of red calico, held up by canes at every breadth, and standing
upright about nine feet high, which was guarded all round by soldiers
every night.

The king removed ten or twelve miles every day, more or less according
to the convenience of procuring water. His wives and women of all sorts,
which are not less than a thousand, all lodged and provided for in his
tents, were carried along with the leskar, some in palanquins, others
upon elephants, or in cradles or panniers slung upon dromedaries, all
closely covered up that they might not be seen, and attended upon by
eunuchs. In the choice of his wives, the Great Mogul respects fancy more
than honour, not seeking affinity with neighbouring princes, but to
please his eye at home. _Noormahal_, the best beloved among his wives,
whose name signifies the _Light of the Court_, was of mean origin, but
has since advanced her friends to high rank and employments, and in a
manner commands the commander of the empire, by engrossing his whole
affections. The king and his great men continue to maintain their women,
but little affect them after thirty years old.

Notwithstanding the multitude of his women, the Great Mogul has only six
children, five sons and a daughter. All his sons are styled sultans, or
princes. The eldest is Sultan _Cursero_, the second, Sultan _Parrveis_,
the third, Sultan _Caroon_, the fourth, Sultan _Shahar_, and the
youngest, Sultan _Tauct_.[243] The name of this last signifies a
_Throne_; and he was so named by the king, because he was informed of
his birth at the time when he got quiet possession of the throne. The
eldest-born son of one of his legitimate wives has right to inherit the
throne, and has a title signifying the _Great Brother_. Although the
others are not put to death as with the Turks, yet it is observed that
they seldom long survive their fathers, being commonly employed on some
dangerous expedition.

[Footnote 243: These names seem to have been written by Terry from the
ear. By others, they are respectively named Cusero, Parvis, Churrum,
Shahar, and Taucht.--E.]

Akbar Shah, the father of the reigning Mogul, had threatened to
disinherit him, for some abuse to _Anar-Kalee_, his most beloved wife,
whose name signifies pomegranate kernel; but on his death-bed he
restored him to the succession. Akbar was wont, upon taking any
displeasure at one of his grandees, to give them pills to purge their
souls from their bodies, and is said to have come by his death in the
following manner. Intending to give one of these pills to a nobleman who
had incurred his displeasure, and meaning to take at the same time a
cordial pill himself, while he was cajoling the destined victim with
flattering speeches, he, by mistake, took the poisoned pill himself, and
gave the cordial to the nobleman. This carried him off in a few days, by
a mortal flux of blood.[244]

[Footnote 244: Neque enim lex justior ulla est, quam necis artifices
arte perire sua.--_Purch._]

The character of Jehanguire, the reigning Mogul, seems strangely
compounded of opposite extremes. He is at times excessively cruel, and
at other times extremely mild. He is himself much given to excess in
wine, yet severely punishes that fault in others. His subjects know not
what it is to disobey his commands, forgetting the natural bonds of
private life, even those between father and son, in the fulfilment of
their public duty. He daily relieves numbers of the poor; and often, as
a mark of his filial piety, is in use to carry the palanquin of his
mother on his own shoulders. He speaks with much reverence of our
Saviour, but is offended by his cross and poverty, deeming them
incompatible with his divine Majesty, though told that his humility was
on purpose to subdue the pride of the world.

All religions are tolerated, and even their priests are held in good
esteem. I used often to receive from the Mogul the appellation of
_Father_, with many other gracious words, and had a place assigned me
among his nobles. The jesuits are not only admitted into his presence,
but encouraged by many gifts, and are permitted to convert the subjects,
who do not on that event lose their favour at court. On one occasion,
the Mogul put the sincerity of a convert to a severe trial. Having used
many threatenings to induce him to abandon his new faith, and finding
him undaunted, he tried by flatteries and high promises to draw him
back; but these also being unavailing, he bade him continue a Christian,
and dismissed him with a reward; saying, if he had been able to terrify
or cajole him from his religion, he would have made him a terrible
example for all waverers.

When I was in this country, the chief jesuit residing at the court of
the Mogul, was Francisco Corsi, a Florentine by birth, who acted
likewise as agent for the Portuguese. I wish I could confirm the reports
they have made of conversions; but the real truth is, that they have
merely spilt the water of baptism on the faces of a few, working on the
necessities of some poor men, who from want of means to live, with which
the jesuits supplied them, have been persuaded to wear crucifixes, but
who, for want of instruction, are only Christians in name. Of these few
mendicants, or so called by Christians, I noticed that five of them
would beg in the name of Maria, for one who asked in the name of Jesus.
I also desired to have put my hands to the holy work, but found extreme
difficulty in the way, owing both to the Mahometan laxity in regard to
the use of women, and the debauched lives of some unchristian
Christians.--May he who hath the key of David open their eyes, and in
his good time send labourers into this vineyard. _Amen_.

SECTION VIII.

JOURNEY OF THOMAS CORYAT BY LAND, FROM JERUSALEM TO THE COURT OF THE
GREAT MOGUL.[245]

INTRODUCTION.

Without proposing to follow this singularly bold English traveller and
whimsical writer, in all his _crudities_, as he has quaintly termed his
own writings, it has seemed proper to give some abbreviated extracts of
his observations, which may serve in some measure to illustrate those of
Sir Tomas Roe and the Reverend Edward Terry.--E.

[Footnote 245: Purch. Pilgr. I. 607. In regard to this short article,
see introduction to the immediately preceding Section.--E.]

Sec.1. _Letter from Ajimeer, the Court of the Great Mogul, to Mr L.
Whitaker, dated in the Year 1615_.

My last letter to you was from _Zobah_, as it is called by the prophet
Samuel, B. II. ch. viii. v. 3. now named Aleppo, the principal emporium
of all Syria, or rather of the eastern world; which was, I think, about
fifteen months ago. I returned from Jerusalem to Aleppo, where I
remained three months afterwards, and then departed in a caravan bound
for Persia. Passing the river Euphrates, the chiefest of the rivers
which irrigated the terrestrial paradise, when about four days journey
from Aleppo, I entered into Mesopotamia, or Chaldea. Hence, in two days
journey, I reached _Ur_ of the Chaldees, where Abraham was born, a very
delicate and pleasant city.[246] I remained here four days; and in other
four days journey reached the Tigris, which I also passed, at a place
where it was so shallow that it only reached to the calf of my leg, so
that I waded over a-foot. I then entered into the greater Armenia; and
thence into lower Media, and resided six days in its metropolis,
formerly called _Ecbatana_, the summer residence of Cyrus the Great, now
called Tauris. More woeful ruins of a city I never beheld, excepting
those of Troy and of Cyzicum in Natolia.

[Footnote 246: Probably Orfa in Diarbekir is here meant.--E.]

From that place I went to _Cashbin_, called by Strabo, _Arsacia_, in
higher Media, once the residence of the Tartar prince; four days journey
from the Caspian Sea. From Cashbin, I went in twenty-three days to
_Ispahan_ in Parthia, the residence of the king of Persia; but while I
was there, he was in _Gurgistan_, [Georgia,] ransacking the poor
Christians of that country with fire and sword. I remained two months at
Ispahan, whence I travelled with a caravan to the eastern India, passing
four months and several days in travelling from that city, through part
of Persia proper, and a large extent of the noble and renowned India, to
the goodly city of _Lahore_. This is one of the largest cities in the
world, being, at the least, sixteen miles in circuit, and larger even
than Constantinople. Twelve days before coming to Lahore, I passed over
the famous river Indus, which is as broad again as our Thames at London,
having its original from the mountain of Caucassus, so ennobled by
ancient poets and historians, both Greek and Latin.

When about midway between Ispahan and Lahore, just about the frontiers
between Persia and India, I met Sir Robert Shirley and his lady,
travelling from the court of the Mogul to that of Persia. They were
gallantly furnished for their journey, and shewed me, to my great
satisfaction, both my books, very neatly kept, and promised to shew
them, especially my itinerary, to the king of Persia, and to interpret
some of the principal contents to him in Turkish, that I may have the
more gracious access to him at my return. Besides other rarities which
they carried with them, they had two elephants and eight antelopes,
being the first of either I had ever seen. But afterwards, when I came
to the Mogul's, court, I saw many. They intended to present these
animals to the king of Persia. Both Sir Robert and his lady used me with
much respect; especially his lady, who presented me with forty shillings
in Persian money; and they seemed joyful at meeting me, promising to
bring me into good grace with the king of Persia, as I mean, with God's
help, to return through Persia to Aleppo.

From Lahore, I travelled in twenty days to another goodly city named
Agra, through such a beautiful and level country as I had never seen
before. In this way, from the town's end of Lahore to the skirts of
Agra, we had a row of trees on both sides of the road, the most
incomparable avenue I ever beheld. Some ten days journey from Lahore
towards Agra, but about ten miles off the road on the left hand, there
is a mountain, the inhabitants of which have a singular custom, all the
brothers of one family having but one wife among them, so that one women
sometimes has six or seven husbands. The same is related by Strabo
concerning the inhabitants of Arabia Felix. Agra is a very great city,
but in every respect much inferior to Lahore. Here the Mogul used always
to keep his court, till within these two years.

From Agra I went in ten days to the Mogul's court, at a town called
Asmere, [Ajimeer,] where I found an English. Cape merchant with nine
more of our countrymen, residing there in the way of trade for our East
India Company. In. my journey from Jerusalem to the court of the Great
Mogul, I spent fifteen months and some days, travelling all the way
a-foot, having been so great a _propatetic_, or walker forwards on foot,
as I doubt if you ever heard of the like; for the whole way, from
Jerusalem to Ajimeer, contains 2700 English miles. My whole
perambulation of the greater Asia is likely to extend almost to 6000
miles, by the time I have returned back through Persia, by Babylon and
Nineveh to Cairo in Egypt, and thence down the Nile to Alexandria, when
I propose, with God's blessing, to embark for Christendom.

The reigning Great Mogul is named Selim.[247] He is fifty-three years of
age, his birth-day having been celebrated with wonderful magnificence
since my arrival. He was that day weighed in a pair of golden scales,
which by great chance I saw that same day, the opposite scale being
filled with as much gold as counterpoised his weight, and this is
afterwards distributed among the poor. This custom is observed every
year. His complexion is of an olive colour, something between white and
black; being of a seemly stature, but somewhat corpulent. His dominions
are very extensive, being about 4000 English miles in circumference,
nearly answerable to the compass of the Turkish territories; or, if the
Mogul kingdom be any way inferior in size to that empire, it is more
than equally endowed with a fertile soil beyond that of any other
country, and in having its territory connected together in one goodly
continent, within which no other prince possesses one single foot of
land. The yearly revenue of the Mogul extends to forty millions of
crowns, of six shillings each, while that of the Turk does not exceed
fifteen millions, as I was credibly informed in Constantinople, nor that
of the Sophy five millions, as I learnt at Ispahan. It is said that the
present Great Mogul is not circumcised, in which he differs from all
other Mahometan sovereigns.

[Footnote 247: He was Sultan Selim before his accession to the throne,
but was afterward known by the new name of Jehunguire.--E.]

The Great Mogul speaks with much revrence of our Saviour, naming him
_Hazaret Eesa_, that is to say, the Great Prophet Jesus.[248] He
likewise uses all Christians, and especially the English, with more
benevolence than does any other Mahometan prince. He keeps many wild
beasts, such as lions, elephants, leopards, bears, antelopes, and
unicorns, [rhinoceroses,] of which I saw two at his court, the strangest
beasts in the world. They were brought out of Bengal, a kingdom in his
dominions of most wonderful fertility, above four months journey from
this place, the mid-land parts of which are watered by various channels
and branches of the famous river Ganges. I have not yet seen that
country, but mean to visit it, God willing, before my departure, the
nearest part of it being only about twelve days journey from hence.

[Footnote 248: The Persian word _Hasaret_, here erroneously rendered
Great Prophet, seems to signify literally _face_ or _presence_, and is
metaphorically used as a term of highest dignity, of which an instance
occurs in the present section, used by Coryat himself in addressing the
Great Mogul--E.]

Twice every week elephants are made to fight before the Mogul, forming
the bravest spectacle that can be imagined, many of them being thirteen
feet and a half in height, and they jostle together as though they were
two little mountains; and were they not separated in the midst of their
fighting, by means of certain fire-works, they would exceedingly hurt
and gore each other, by their murderous tusks. The Mogul is said to keep
30,000 elephants, at a most enormous expence; and in feeding them,
together with his lions and other beasts, he expends an incredible sum
of money, being at the least 10,000 pounds sterling daily. I have myself
rode upon an elephant since I came to this court, meaning in my next
book to have my effigies represented in that form. This king keeps a
thousand women for his own use, the chiefest of whom, called Normal,
(Noormahal) is his queen.

In my ten months journey between Aleppo and this court, I spent just
three pounds sterling, yet fared reasonably every day; victuals being so
cheap in some of the countries through which I travelled, that I often
lived competently for one penny a-day. Of that three pounds, I was
actually cozened out of ten shillings, by certain evil Christians of the
Armenian nation; so that in reality I only expended fifty shillings in
all that time. I have been in a city of this country called
_Detee_,[249] where Alexander the Great joined battle with Porus king of
India, and defeated him; and where, in memory of his victory, he caused
erect a brazen pillar, which remains there to this day. At this time I
have many irons in the fire, as I am learning the Persian, Turkish, and
Arabic languages, having already acquired the Italian. I have been
already three months at the court of the Great Mogul, and propose, God
willing, to remain here five months longer, till I have got these three
languages; after which I propose to visit the river Ganges, and then to
return to the court of Persia.

[Footnote 249: This is obviously a misprint for Delee, meaning Delhi;
but it is more probable that Alexander never was beyond the Punjab.--E.]

In the course of my journey, I was robbed of my money, but not of all,
having some concealed in certain secret corners. This was done at the
city of Diarbekir in Mesopotatamia, by a Turkish horse soldier, whom
they call a _spahee_. Since my arrival here, there was sent to this king
the richest present I ever heard of. It consisted of various things, the
whole amounting to the value of ten of their lacks, a lack being L10,000
sterling. Part of this present consisted of thirty-one elephants, two of
which were more gorgeously adorned than any thing I ever saw, or shall
see in the course of my life. They had each four massy chains all of
beaten gold, around their bodies, with two chains of the same about
their legs, furniture for their buttocks of the same rich material, and
two golden lions on their heads.

Sec.2. _Letter from Agra, the Capital of the Great Mogul, to his Mother,
dated 31st October, 1616_.

Most dear and well-beloved Mother,

This city is the metropolis of the whole dominions of the Great Mogul,
and is at the distance of ten days journey from Ajimeer, whence I
departed on the 12th September this year, after having abode there
twelve months and sixty days. This my long stay in one place, was for
two principal causes; one being to learn the languages of these
countries through which I am to pass between this country and
Christendom, namely, Persian, Turkish, and Arabic, which I have
competently attained to by labour and industry, being as available to me
as money, and the chiefest, or rather the only means to get me money if
I should happen to be in want; and, secondly, that, by the help of the
Persian, I might get myself access to the Mogul, and be able to express
my mind unto him about what I proposed to lay before him. During all
this time, I abode in the house of the English merchants, my dear
countrymen, not expending any money at all for lodging, diet, washing,
or any other thing.

I attained to a reasonable skill in the Persian tongue, by earnest study
in a few months, so that I made an oration to the king in that
language, before many of his nobles; and afterwards discoursed with him
very readily. The copy of this speech I have sent you, as a novelty,
though the language may seem strange and uncouth to an Englishman; and I
have sent you herewith a translation, which you may shew along with the
Persian original to some of my learned friends of the clergy, and also
of the laity, who may take some pleasure in reading so rare and unusual
a tongue. The Persian is this that follows:

_Hazaret Aallum-pennah, Salamet: fooker Darceish, ce jehaun-gesht
hastam; ke mia emadam az wellageti door, yanne as muik Ingliz-stan, ke
kessanion pesheen mushacar cardand,_ _ke wellageti mazcoor der akeri
magrub bood, ke mader hamma jezzaereti dunia ast, &c._[250]--The English
of it is this:

"Lord protector of the world, all hail! I am a poor traveller and
world-seer, who am come here from a far country called England, which
ancient historians thought to have been situated in the farthest bounds
of the west, and which is the queen of all the islands in the world. The
causes of my coming hither are four. First, that I might behold the
blessed countenance of your majesty, whose great fame has resounded over
all Europe, and through all the Mahometan countries. When I heard of the
fame of your majesty, I made all possible haste hither, and cheerfully
endured the labour of travelling, that I might see your glorious court.
Secondly, I was desirous of seeing your majesty's elephants, which kind
of beasts I have not seen in any other country. Thirdly, that I might
see your famous river the Ganges, the captain of all the rivers in the
world. Fourthly, to entreat your majesty, that you would vouchsafe to
grant me your most gracious phirmaund, that I may travel into the
country of Tartaria to the city of Samarcand, to visit the blessed
sepulchre of the _Lord of the Corners_,[251] whose fame, by reason of
his wars and victories, is published over the whole world, so that
perhaps he is not altogether so famous in his own country of Tartary as
in England. I have a strong desire to see the sepulchre of the Lord of
the Corners for this cause, that, when in Constantinople, I saw a
notable old building in a pleasant garden near the said city, where the
Christian emperor, Emanuel, made a sumptuous banquet to the Lord of the
Corners, after he had taken Sultan Bajazet in a great battle near the
city of Brusa, when the Lord of the Corners bound Sultan Bajazet in
golden fetters, and put him into an iron cage. These causes have induced
me to travel thus far from my native country, having come a-foot through
Turkey and Persia into this country, my pilgrimage having extended so
three thousand miles, with much labour and toil, such as no mortal man
hath ever yet performed, to see the blessed countenance of your majesty,
since the first day of your being inaugurated in your imperial throne."

[Footnote 250: The whole discourse, of which the following paragraph in
the text is the translation, is contained in the Pilgrims: But doubting
its accuracy, as that book is most incorrectly printed throughout, the
editor requested the favour of the late learned professor of oriental
languages in the University of Edinburgh, Dr Alexander Murray, to revise
and correct this first sentence, which he most readily did, adding the
following literal translation: "Presence, [or face.] of the
world--protector, salutation to thee: A poor dervish and world-wanderer
I am; that I have come from a kingdom far, to-wit, from the kingdom of
Ingliz-stan, which historians ancient, relation have made, that kingdom
said, in the end of the west was, which the mother of every island of
the world is," &c.]

[Footnote 251: This is the title given to Tamerlane in this country, in
the Persian language, meaning that he was lord over the four corners of
the earth, that is, the highest and supreme monarch of the
world.--_Purch._]

When I had ended my speech, I conversed with him for a short space in
Persian, when, among other things, he told me that he could do me no
service in regard to my proposed journey to Samarcand, as there was no
intimacy between him and the princes of the Tartars, so that his
commendatory letters would avail me little. He also added, that the
Tartars bore so deadly a hate against all Christians, that they would
certainly kill any who might venture into their country, wherefore he
earnestly dissuaded me from this proposed journey, as I valued my life
and welfare. At last, he concluded his discourse by throwing down to me,
from a window in which he stood, that looked into the street, an hundred
pieces of silver, worth two shillings each or ten pounds in all, which
were thrown into a sheet hanging by the four corners.

I had conducted this affair so secretly, by the help of the Persian
which I had learnt, that neither our English ambassador, nor any other
of my countrymen, excepting one special and private friend, knew any
thing at all about the matter till I had thoroughly accomplished my
design. For I well knew, if the ambassador had got the smallest notice
of my purpose, that he would have counteracted me, as indeed he
signified to me after I had effected my purpose, alledging that this
might redound to the discredit of our nation, for one of our country to
present himself in that poor and beggarly manner before the king, to
crave money from him by flattery. But I answered our ambassador so
resolutely, that he was glad to let me alone. Indeed, I never had more
need of money in all my life than at this time, having only to the value
of twenty shillings remaining, owing to my having been stripped of
almost all my money by a miscreant Turk, in a city called _Imaret_, in
Mesopotamia.

After my interview with the Mogul, I went to visit a certain noble and
generous Christian of the Armenian nation, two days journey from court,
to observe certain remarkable matters at that place; and, by means of my
knowledge of the Persian language, he made me very welcome, entertaining
me with much civility and kindness; and, at my departure, gave me very
bountifully twenty pieces of the same coin as the king had done, worth
forty shillings of our money. About ten days after this, I departed from
Ajimeer, the court of the Great Mogul, to resume my pilgrimage, after my
long rest of fourteen months, proposing to go back into Persia. On this
occasion, our ambassador gave me a gold piece of this king's coin, worth
twenty-four shillings, which I shall save till my arrival in England, if
it be possible. I have thus received in benevolences, since I came into
this country, twenty marks sterling,[252] bating two shillings and
eight-pence, besides L1:13:4 sterling, in Persian money, from Lady
Shirley, upon the confines of Persia. At this present, being in Agra,
whence I write this letter, I have about twelve pounds, which, according
to my manner of living on the way, at two-pence a-day, will very
competently maintain me during three years travel, considering the
cheapness of all eatables in Asia. Drink costs me nothing, as I hardly
ever drink any thing beyond pure water during my pilgrimage.

[Footnote 252: Twenty marks are L15:6:8 sterling.--E.]

I mean to remain in Agra for six weeks longer, waiting an excellent
opportunity of going to the famous river Ganges, about five days journey
from hence, to see a memorable meeting of the idolatrous people of this
country, called Banians, of whom to the number of 400,000 go thither, on
purpose to bathe and shave themselves in the river, and to sacrifice a
world of gold to that same river, partly in stamped coin, and partly in
great massy lumps and wedges, thrown into the river as a sacrifice,
besides many other strange ceremonies, worthy of being observed. So
notable a spectacle is no where to be seen, neither in this the
_greater_ Asia, nor in the _lesser_, now called Natolia. This shew is
made once in every year, on which occasion people flock thither from
almost a thousand miles off, worshipping the river as a god and
saviour; a most abominable and impious superstition of these brutish
heathens, aliens from Christ. As soon as I have seen this ceremony, I
propose, by God's help, to repair to Lahore, twenty days journey from
hence, and so into Persia, &c.

Your dutiful, loving, and obedient son,
Now a desolate pilgrim in the world,
THOMAS CORYAT.

Sec.3. _Some Observations concerning India, by Thomas Coryat_.[253]

Whereas in this country the beggars beg from a Christian in the name of
_Bibbee Maria_, and not of _Hazaret Eesa_, we may gather that the
Jesuits have preached our _Lady Mary_ more than the _Lord Jesus_.

[Footnote 253: Purchas informs us, that these were taken from certain
notes written by Coryat, given him by Sir Thomas Roe; "whence, omitting
such things as have been given before from the observations of Sir
Thomas Roe himself, I have inserted a few."--_Purch._]

A great rajah of the Hindoos, who was a notorious atheist, and a
contemner of all diety, and who boasted that he knew of no God except
the king, and neither believed nor feared any other, happened one day to
sit dallying among his women, when one of them plucked a hair from his
breast, which hair being fast-rooted, plucked off along with it a small
bit of skin, so that a small spot of blood appeared. This small scar
festered and gangrened incurably, so that in a few days his life was
despaired of, and being surrounded by all his friends, and several of
the courtiers, he broke out into these excellent words:--"Which of you
would have thought that I, a warrior, should not have died by the stroke
of a sword, a spear, or an arrow? But now am I enforced to confess the
power of the great God I have so long despised, who needs no other lance
to slay so blasphemous a wretch and contemner of his holy majesty, such
as I have been, than a small hair."

Akbar Shah, the former king, had learnt all manner of sorceries; and
being once in a strange humour to shew a spectacle to his nobles, he
brought forth his favourite Sultana before them, and cut off her head
with a sword in their presence. Seeing them struck with horror and
amazement at this action, by virtue of his exorcisms and sorceries, he
caused her head to fix on again, and no sign remained of any wound.

The same prince, who was very fortunate during his reign, shewed the
utmost attention and respect to his mother, of which he one day gave the
following striking instance:--Being on a journey between Lahore and
Agra, on which occasion his mother accompanied him, being carried in a
palanquin, and having to pass a river, he took one of the poles of the
palanquin on his own shoulder, commanding his greatest nobles to do the
same, and in this manner carried her across the river. He never denied
her any request that ever she made, except one, and this was, that our
Bible might be hung about the neck of an ass, and so beaten about the
town of Agra. The reason of this strange request was, that the
Portuguese had taken a ship of theirs, in which they found a copy of the
_Koran_, or bible of the Mahometans, which they tied about the neck of a
dog, and beat the dog about the streets of Ormus. But he denied her this
request, saying, That if it were evil in the Portuguese to have so done
with the Koran, it did not become a king to requite evil with evil, as
the contempt of any religion was contempt of God, and he would not be
revenged upon an innocent book. The moral of this is, that God would not
permit the sacred book of his law and truth to be contemned among the
infidels.

One day in every year, for the amusement of the king's women, all the
tradesmen's wives are admitted into the _Mahal_, having each somewhat to
sell, after the manner of a fair, and at which the king acts as broker
for his wives, no other man being present, and by means of his gains on
this occasion, provides his own supper. By this means he attains to a
sight of all the pretty women of the city; and at a fair of this kind he
got his beloved _Noor Mahal_.

After _Shaof Freed_ had won the battle of Lahore by a stratagem, all the
captains of the rebel army, to the number of two thousand, who had been
taken by the king, were hung up upon flesh-hooks, or set upon stakes,
forming an avenue for the king's entrance into Lahore. On this occasion,
his son _Curseroo_, [Cusero] who had been made prisoner, rode beside
him, bare-footed, on an elephant, and the king asked him how he liked
that spectacle? To this the prince answered, That he was sorry to see so
much cruelty and injustice in his father, in thus executing those who
had only done their duty, as they had lived on his bread and salt: but
that his father had done justly if he had pardoned these brave men, and
punished him, who was their master, and the author of this rebellion.

Sultan Cusero has only one wife, owing to the following circumstance:
During his confinement, the king proposed to make a hunting progress of
four months, and consulted how he might keep his son in safe custody
during his absence. He at length determined to build a tower in which to
immure him, having neither door nor window, and only a few small holes
to let in air, and these so high as to be beyond reach. Into this tower
were to be put along with the prince all sorts of provisions and
necessaries, with a few servants to attend him. While this was building,
the wife of Cusero fell at the king's feet, and would not leave him till
she obtained his consent to be shut up along with her husband. The king
endeavoured to persuade her to enjoy her liberty, but she utterly
refused any other comfort than to be the companion of her husband's
miseries. Among these, this was the greatest, that if any of those who
were to be shut up along with him, to the number of fifty in all, should
happen to die during the king's absence, there were no means either to
remove or bury the body, as no person was to be allowed to come near the
tower.

It is a frequent custom of the present Mogul, when he happens to be
awake in the night time, he calls for certain poor old men, making them
sit beside him, and passes his time in familiar discourse with them,
giving them clothes and bountiful alms when he dismisses them. At one
time, when residing at Ajimeer, he went a-foot on pilgrimage to the tomb
of a saint or prophet called Haji Mundin, and there kindled a fire with
his own hands, under an immense _Heidelbergian equipolent_ brass pot, in
which victuals were cooked for five thousand poor persons. When the
victuals were ready, he took out the first platter with his own hands,
and served the mess to a poor person. Noor Mahal took out and served the
second, and the rest was served by the other ladies of his
court.--_Crack me this nut, all ye papal charity-vaunters_.

One day an Armenian procured a nobleman to present him to the king, as
one who desired to become an Mahometan; on which the king asked him, if
he had been converted from hope of preferment; to which the Armenian
answered, that be had no such motive. Some months afterwards, the new
convert craved some courtesy from the king, which he denied, saying, "I
have already done you the greatest of all favours, in allowing you to
save your soul; but you must provide for your own body the best way you
can." The king likes not those who change their religion, being himself
of none but according to his own fancy, and freely allows therefore of
all religions in his dominions. Of which I may give the following
notable example:

He had an Armenian in his service, named Scander, whom he one day asked
if he thought any of the _padres_ had ever converted a single Mahometan
to be a true Christian, for conscience sake, and not for money. Scander
answered, with great confidence, that he had one as his servant, who was
a sincere Christian, and would not be of any other for any worldly
consideration. The king immediately caused this man to be sent for, and
bidding Scander depart, he examined the convert as to his reasons for
having become a Christian. In reply, he quoted certain feeble jesuitical
reasons, declaring his determination to be of no other religion, though
the king made him many fair speeches and large offers to return to
Mahometism, offering him pensions, and the command of horse. He said he
had now only four rupees a month, which was a poor recompense for
becoming a Christian, but if he would recant, he would give him high
dignities and large means. The fellow answered, that he had not become a
Christian for such small wages, as he was able to earn as much in the
service of a Mahometan; but was a Christian in his heart, and was
determined so to continue. Finding this method ineffectual, the king
turned his tune, and tried him with threats of severe punishment, unless
he returned to the faith of Mahomet. But the proselyte manfully declared
he would suffer any thing, being ready to endure whatever the king was
pleased to order. Upon this declaration, when all the by-standers
expected present and severe castigation, the king suddenly changed his
manner towards him, highly commending his constancy and resolution,
bidding him return to his master, and to serve him faithfully, and
ordered him an allowance of one rupee a-day for his integrity.

About two months afterwards, the king returned from hunting wild-hogs,
an animal which is held in abhorrence by all Mahometans, and which kind
of venison, therefore, the king was in use to distribute among the
Christians and Rajaputs. On this occasion, the king sent for the
converted catechumen above mentioned, and commanded him to take up a hog
for his master, which no Mahometan will touch. He did so, but on going
out of the court gate, he was so hooted at by the Mahometans, that he
threw down his burden in a ditch, and went home; concealing what had
passed from his master. Some four days afterwards, the Armenian being on
duty in presence of the king, he asked him if the hog he had sent him
was good meat. The Armenian replied, that he had not seen or heard of
any. The king therefore immediately ordered the convert to be sent for,
who confessed that he had not carried home the hog, as being mocked by
the Mahometans for touching so great an abomination, he had for shame
thrown it away. On this the king observed, "By your Christian law there
is no difference of meats. Are you ashamed of your law, or do you
outwardly forsake it to flatter the Mahometans? I now see that you are
neither a good Christian nor a good Mahometan, but a knave dissembling
with both. When I believed you sincere, I gave you a pension, which I
now take from you for your dissimulation, and I farther condemn you to
receive an hundred stripes." These were presently paid him, instead of
his money; and the king desired all to take warning by this example,
that, having given liberty of conscience to all religions, he would have
all to adhere to what they professed.

SECTION IX.

ACCOUNT OF THE WRONGS DONE TO THE ENGLISH AT BANDA BY THE DUTCH, IN 1617
AND 1618.[254]

INTRODUCTION.

This section contains a letter from Mr Thomas Spurway, merchant or
factor, addressed from Bantam, "To the Honourable and Right Worshipful
the East India Company of England, touching the wrongs done at Banda to
the English by the Hollanders; the former unkind disgusts and brabling
quarrels now breaking unexpectedly out into a furious and injurious
war." Such is the account given of this section by Purchas, who farther
informs his readers, "That the beginning of this letter was torn, and
therefore imperfect in his edition; but, what is here defective, was to
be afterwards supplied from the journals of Nathaniel Courthop, and
other continuations of these insolences of the Dutch at Banda, by Mr
Hayes, and others." These journals of Courthop and Hayes are so
intolerably and confusedly written, and so interlarded with numerous
letters _about_ the subject of these differences with the Dutch, that we
have been reluctantly under the necessity of omitting them, being so
monstrously inarticulate as to render it impossible to make them at all
palatable to our readers, without using freedoms that were altogether
inadmissible in a work like the present.

[Footnote 254: Purch. Pilgr. I. 608.]

From this letter, and other information of a similar nature, it appears
that the attempts to form establishments for trade at Banda and the
Molucca islands were found to be difficult or impracticable, owing to
the opposition of the Dutch, who were much stronger in that part of
India, and had not only conceived the plan of monopolizing the spice
trade, but even avowed their determination to exclude the English and
all other European nations from participating in any share of it. We do
not pretend, in our Collection, to write the history of the English East
India Company, but merely to give a series of the voyages which
contributed to the establishment of that princely association of
merchant adventurers. Yet it seems proper, occasionally at least, in the
introductions to leading voyages, like the present, to give some short
historical notices of the subject, for the materials of which we are
chiefly, if not solely, indebted to the Annals of the Company, a work of
meritorious and laborious research, already several times referred to.

Under the difficulties which had long attended the exertions of the
English to acquire a share in this peculiarly called _spice trade_, the
agent and commercial council of the English company at Bantam, gave
authority to the commanders of the Swan and Defence to endeavour to
obtain from the native chiefs of the islands of Puloroon and Puloway, a
surrender of these islands to the king of England, with the stipulation
of paying annually as a quit-rent, a fruit-bearing branch of the nutmeg
tree; yet stipulating that these islanders were to continue entirely
under the guidance of their own laws and customs, providing only that
they should engage to sell their spices exclusively to the agents of the
English company, who were, in return, to supply them with provisions and
Hindoostan manufactures at a fair price, in exchange for their peculiar
productions, nutmegs and mace. They were likewise authorised, if they
procured the consent of the natives, to establish fortified stations, or
factories, at Puloroon, Puloway. Pulo-Lantore, and Rosinging, or
Rosengin.[255] The views of the Bantam factory on this occasion seem to
have been generally judicious, as to the measure they now authorised,
but exceedingly ill judged in attempting to execute so very important a
purpose with a force entirely inadequate to that with which it had to
contend.

[Footnote 255: An. of E.I. Co. I. 187.]

The Dutch had expelled the Portuguese, at that time the subjects of
their tyrannical oppressors, the Spaniards, from a great portion of the
spice islands, in which warlike measure, and its consequences, they had
always to support a considerable force, both naval and military, in
these seas, and in various forts upon these islands; and besides, that
they felt their preponderance from these circumstances, and used it very
naturally for their own exclusive benefit, they alleged, and with no
small appearance of equity, that the English had no right to enjoy the
advantages of a trade, which they, the Dutch, had conquered from the
Portuguese and Spaniards. This opposition of interests proceeded in the
sequel to great extremities, in which the greatly superior power of the
Hollanders in these seas, enabled them effectually to oppress the
English, in what are peculiarly called the spice islands, and even to
expel them from all participation in that trade, as will appear in some
of the subsequent sections of this chapter.

It would be not only premature in this place, but incompatible with the
nature of our work, which is intended as a Collection of Voyages and
Travels, to attempt giving a connected history of these dissensions
between the Dutch and English in Eastern India, which will be found
detailed in the Annals of the English Company. It is hardly possible,
however, to refrain from one observation on the subject,--that the Dutch
company, and the government of Holland, appear to have mainly proceeded,
in their hostile opposition to the English East India trade, on their
knowledge of the pusillanimous character of King James, which he vainly
thought to veil under the pretensions of loving peace, but which the
Dutch, as will be seen in the present section, clearly understood, and
openly expressed, as _the childhood of St George_, the tutelary martial
saint of England. _Beati pacifici_, his favourite adage, is an excellent
Christian and moral sentiment, but is incompatible with the unavoidable
exigencies of government, at least as they were then situated.--E.

* * * * *

_May it please your Worships_,

We arrived at Macassar on the 19th of November, 1616, from Bantam, with
the Swan and Defence, under the command of Captain Nicholas Courthop,
who sailed in the Swan, of which ship Mr Davis was master, the other
being commanded by Mr Hinchley. We remained there for the purpose of
taking in an hundred _quoines_[256] of rice. On the 4th December, we saw
a large Dutch ship in the offing, which came to anchor about five
leagues off, and on the 5th they sent their skiff ashore, which made
directly for the English house, having eight men on board. As soon as we
perceived this boat coming ashore, we ran to the sea side; but, before
we got there, two of her men were landed, whom we acquainted with the
danger they were in, as the king of Macassar, and all the other kings
thereabouts, were become their mortal enemies, because of the many
injuries done them by the Hollanders, who had forcibly carried away a
principal sabander, and other persons belonging to Macassar, for which
they were determined upon revenge; and, therefore, that they might all
expect to be put to death, unless the king could be prevailed upon to
spare them. The Dutchmen were so much alarmed at this intelligence, that
they wished to have gone back to their boat, but the Macassers had
already gathered about us, and laid hands upon them.

[Footnote 256: The amount or quantity of these _quoines_ are no where
stated, or even hinted at; but, from circumstances in the sequel, they
appear to have been considerable.--E.]

I, and other English, immediately went in all haste to the king,
acquainting him with what had happened, lest, if the Dutch had intended
any treachery, he might have suspected us as being accessary. The king
gave us thanks, and desired us to take the two Dutchmen who had landed
to our house, that we might learn from them their intentions in coming
here. This we did, and they informed us that they belonged to a fleet
lately fitted out from Holland, and had lost company of their consorts.
One of these called himself John Staunch, and reported himself to be an
under-factor. The other was an English sailor. Perceiving themselves to
be in great danger, they earnestly entreated us to stand their friends
and procure their liberty. We promised to do every thing we could for
them. Soon after this, the kings of Macassar and Talow, together with
about 2000 attendants, came to the sands near the sea side, where they
held a council upon these men. The king of Talow was clear for putting
them to death, but we used our interest so successfully for them, that
they were commanded to be gone instantly in their boat; The king of
Macassar observing, that these were too few for satisfying his revenge,
and that he should wait for one more ample. So they departed and went to
their ship.

Next day another boat was observed coming towards the shore from the
same ship; and, on the king being informed of this, he gave immediate
orders for twenty proas and corracorras to be manned and launched. This
was done immediately, and the whole made towards the Dutch boat, which
was rowing for the land directly towards our house. On observing the
native craft endeavouring to intercept them, the Dutch turned their
boat, and rowed back to regain their ship; but the Macassars soon got
up, boarded them on both sides, and slew every man of the Hollanders,
being sixteen in number. There were at this time near 5000 people at the
sea side, and we were commanded to keep the house.

The name of this Dutch ship was the Endraught, and imagining that we
were bound for Banda or the Moluccas, she remained at sea waiting for
us. We set sail from Macassar road on the 8th December, 1616, and when
the Dutchmen, saw us under sail, they also weighed and kept company with
us. We would gladly have gone from them, but could not, owing to the bad
sailing of the Defence. They sent their boat to us, requesting we would
spare them two quoines of rice, four tons of water, and some poultry,
all of which we gave them, only taking payment for the rice, being forty
dollars, giving the water and poultry freely. We asked why they had
attempted to land the second time; when they told us their first boat
had not then returned to the ship, so that they believed the Dutch
factory had still remained at Macassar. But I believe it proceeded from
obstinacy, believing their first boat had been denied access at our
instigation, and meaning to make a second trial, when they hoped to have
flattered the king to allow them to return, and reinstate their factory.
For both their boats passed within musket-shot of our ships on their way
to the land, yet did not go aboard to enquire what were the situation of
affairs on shore, which if they had done, we should have forewarned them
of their danger. They kept company with us till we came near Amboina,
for which place they stood in, while we continued our course. We have
since learnt that they gave out we had been the cause of their men being
slain at Macassar, which is most false: For I solemnly protest that we
used our best endeavours to save them, and if it had not been for us,
the eight men in their first boat had also been slain.

The Swan and Defence arrived in the road of Puloroon on the 13th
December. Next day the people of that island came on board, and
conferred with us about surrendering the island to us. We represented
that our nation had come often to their island, at great cost, and at
their particular request, to settle a factory, and trade with them in a
friendly manner, bringing them rice and other provisions, with cloth and
sundry commodities, in exchange for their spices; that we had no desire
to usurp over them, or to reduce them under bondage, as had been done
formerly by the Hollanders and other nations; and that, if they would
surrender their island of Puloroon to our sovereign the king of England,
by a formal writing, and by the delivery of some earth, with a tree and
fruits of the island, as true tokens of their fidelity, and thereafter a
nut-tree yearly as an acknowledgment, we should settle a factory, and
would furnish them with rice, cloth, and other commodities, both now and
yearly afterwards. We also assured them, if we were once settled on the
island, that sufficient supplies would come to them yearly, much better
than now; and that we would use our utmost efforts, both by means of our
men and ships, to defend them and ourselves from all enemies. We also
demanded, whether they had come under any contract with the Hollanders,
or had made them any surrender of their island. To this they unanimously
replied, that they had made no such engagement, and never would, but
held the Hollanders as their mortal enemies. This was earnestly declared
to us, both by the men of Puloroon and by divers chiefs from Puloway,
who had fled from that island on its forcible reduction by the
Hollanders. And they all declared that the island of Puloway had been
lawfully surrendered to Richard Hunt, for the king of England, before
the Hollanders came into the road, the English colours having been
hoisted in the castle, which the Hollanders shot down, using many
disgraceful words of his majesty. They farther declared, that they
defended their island for his majesty's use, as long as they possibly
could; and, being constrained by force, they had fled to Puloroon,
Lantor, and Serran.

After this conference had continued the whole day, the writings of
surrender were drawn up, and confirmed by all the chief men of Puloroon
and Puloway, and so delivered by their own hands to us, Nathaniel
Cowthorp, Thomas Spurway, and Sophonie Cozocke, for his majesty's use.
They also that same instant delivered to us a nutmeg-tree, with its
fruit growing thereon, having the earth about its root, together with
oilier fruits, and a live goat, in symbolical surrender of the
sovereignty of the island, desiring us to hoist the English colours, and
to fire a salute of ordnance. Accordingly, the colours were set up, and
we fired thirty pieces of ordnance, as a mark of taking possession; and
at night all the chiefs went ashore, parting from us on the most
friendly terms.

On Christmas-day we descried two large Dutch ships edging towards
Puloroon. On seeing our ships in the road, they bore away to leeward for
Nero, and next day another of their ships hove in sight, which went to
the same place. The 28th, a Dutch pinnace stood right over for Puloroon,
and came bravadoing within gun-shot of our fort, having the Dutch
colours flying at her poop; but presently tacked about, lowered her
colours, and hoisted a bloody ensign instead, as if in defiance, and
then stood over for Nero. By this bravado, we daily looked for their
coming against us, according to their old injurious custom. We landed
four pieces of ordnance on the 30th, besides two others formerly landed
on the 25th, and set to work to construct fortifications for our
defence. By the assistance of the Bandanese, we erected two forts, which
were named the Swan and Defence, after our two ships, each mounted with
three guns; the fort called the Swan being within caliver shot of the
ships, and entirely commanding the road on the eastern side, where is
the principal anchorage for the westerly monsoon.

The 3d of January, 1617, the three Dutch ships came from Nero into the
road of Puloroon, being the Horne, of 800 tons, the Star, of 500 tons,
and the Yaugar, of 160 tons. The Home anchored close by our ship the
Swan, the Star close beside the Defence, and the Yaugar a-head of all,
to cut off our intercourse with the shore. Our commission directed us,
on receiving the surrender of Puloroon, and forming a settlement there,
to give due notice thereof in writing to the Hollanders, warning them
not to come there to molest us under the pretence of ignorance, as they
had been formerly accustomed to do. We had accordingly a letter written
to that effect, but knew not how to have it sent, not daring to dispatch
it either by Englishmen or natives, for tear of being detained. On
coming into the road, however, we sent George Muschamp aboard their
admiral, the Star, to deliver the before-mentioned letter to Mynheer
Dedall, the Dutch commander; and with a message desiring them to depart
from the road of Puloroon before six glasses were run, as the islanders
would not allow them to remain in the roads, or to come near their
island, and would even have already fired upon them, if we had not
prevailed upon them to forbear.

Soon afterwards, the Dutch commander, Dedall, came on board the Swan,
attended by their chaplain, to enquire the reason of our message; when
we told him that we suspected they came to injure us, as they had
formerly done at Paloway, Cambella, and other places; and, as they had
formerly turned the glass to Mr Ball, when in their power, threatening
to hang him if he did not immediately cause the English to quit the
land, we had now in like manner appointed a time for them to quit the
roads. We also shewed him the instrument by which Puloroon was
surrendered to us, and our consequent right to keep possession for the
king of England, which we were determined upon doing to the utmost of
our power, wishing them to be well advised in their proceedings, as they
might expect to be shortly called to answer for their abusive words and
injurious conduct to the English. We also demanded the restoration of
Puloway, which had likewise been lawfully surrendered to the king of
England. After this, we enquired if they had received any previous
surrender at Puloroon, but they could not say they had any; and, when we
shewed the formal surrender made to our king, which their chaplain
perused, he acknowledged that it was a true surrender.

All this while the glass was running in the great cabin before their
eyes, putting them in mind to be gone. We also told them plainly, that
we believed their only purpose in coming here was to betray us, and to
drive us from the island by treachery or force, of which scandalous
conduct our nation had already had divers experience from theirs;
wherefore we neither could nor would trust them any more, and we must
insist upon their departure; as, when the glass was six times run out,
they must expect to be shot at from the shore; and, if they fired in
return against the islanders, or shewed any discourtesy or wrong to
them, we should consider it as hostility to us, and would defend them,
being now the subjects of our king. They desired to remain till next
day, which we would not agree to, doubting that more of their ships
might come to join them. They then desired to stay till midnight; which
we agreed to, on condition that we saw them preparing to weigh their
anchors, in which case we said that notice should be sent ashore to the
Bandanese, not to fire upon them.

I also demanded to know from Dedall, what was their purpose in thus
coming into the road of Puloroon, unless to molest us. He pretended that
it was their usual custom in passing that island. But I told them that
was not true, as the islanders had declared there never was any
christian ship in their roads till we came. So he remained silent. They
came to anchor in the roads this day about three in the afternoon, and
departed about eleven at night. We have been since certainly informed,
that their purpose was to have taken possession of our ships by
treachery, or to have driven us out of the roads, and only gave up their
intentions on seeing that we were fortified on shore. Had they then
assailed us, we had little doubt of being able to have defended
ourselves against them, as we had both forts in readiness, the cannon
charged, and the gunners prepared to give fire, on the first signal from
our ships.

A Dutch ship and pinnace came from Nero on the 10th January; the pinnace
edging near the small island or high sand, called _Nylacka_. This island
is uninhabited, but full of trees and bushes, being daily resorted to by
the men of Puloroon for fishing; and as belonging to Puloroon, belonged
now to the English. On coming near the island, the people in the pinnace
were observed continually sounding, wherefore we made four shots towards
her from Fort Defence; but, not intending to strike her, shot wide. At
every shot, the pinnace answered with a base, or some such piece, firing
into the small island among the trees and bushes, where were some
Englishmen and Bandanese of Puloroon, who were in no small danger from
the shot. Seeing they braved us in this manner, the gunner was desired
to do his best, and his next shot fell close over the stern of the
pinnace or frigate, which made her presently go away. Their purpose of
coming thus to sound about the small island, seemed to be to look out
for a landing-place; meaning to come there with their forces, and there
to fortify themselves, on purpose to compel us to quit the large island.

On the 13th, Mr Davey complained that he was in want of water, and
proposed to go over for that purpose to Wayre upon Lantore; but on the
people of Puloroon being informed of this, they would by no means
consent to his going out of the roads, and indeed neither would we,
fearing the Hollanders might do us some injury in his absence. The
people of Puloroon, said they would rather bring him water from Lantore,
in their proas. I went on board Mr Davey to acquaint him with this; but
he and his people would not consent, saying the Bandanese would bring
them rain water, or such other as was unwholesome, and that they would
only be six days absent, or eight at most.

At this time, the principal people of Wayre, a free town on the island
of Lantore, and of the separate island of Rosinging, came over to us, to
enter into a parley respecting the surrender of both to the sovereignty
of his majesty; and the formal deed of surrender being agreed upon and
drawn up, they desired that some Englishmen might go over to receive the
same in a public manner from all their hands, and to witness the
ceremonial. As Mr Davey still persisted to go over with his ship, it was
resolved upon, that Messrs Sophonie Cozocke, George Muschamp, Robert
Fuller, and Thomas Hodges, should go over in the Swan to Wayre and
Rosinging, to see that business accomplished, while the Swan was
procuring water; after which, it was appointed that Mr Cozocke was to
return in the Swan, while the other three were to remain upon the island
of Rosinging for possession, till farther orders. All business being
there concluded to our satisfaction, several persons in Wayre and
Rosinging desired to load nutmegs and mace in the Swan, and to have a
passage for Puloroon, there to sell us their spices for rice and cloths.
All this was agreed to, and twelve of these persons came on board, with
a great quantity of nutmegs and mace.

The Swan then set sail for Geulegola, which is only a little way from
Wayre, and there watered, after which she again set sail. When about
eight leagues from the land, a Holland ship or two gave them chace. The
people of the Swan now asked Mr Davey what he proposed to do. He
answered, "They see my colours and I see theirs: I know them to be
Dutch, and they know us to be English: I know of no injury I have done
them, and I will continue my course for Puloroon." In short time, the
Star, for such was the Dutch ship, got up within shot of the Swan, and
without hailing, or giving the smallest intimation of her intention,
let fly both with great guns and small arms in the most violent manner.
The Swan received two or three great shot through and through before she
replied, and even had some of her men slain. After this, as Mr Davey
writes, the fight continued an hour and a half, during which five men
were killed in the Swan, viz. Mr Sophonie Cozocke, merchant, who was
driven to pieces by a cannon-ball, Robert Morton, quartermaster and
drummer, Christopher Droope, Edward Murtkin, and a Bantianese passenger
from Wayre. Three others were maimed, having lost arms or legs, with
very little hopes of recovery; and eight others were wounded, most of
them mortally. During the engagement, a Dutchman stood upon the poop of
the Star with a drawn sword, calling out in the Dutch language, English
villains and rogues, we will kill you all.

The people of the Swan were much discouraged, on seeing so many of their
companions dead and wounded, insomuch that none of them would stand by
the sails to trim the ship to the best advantage so that the Hollander
lay upon her quarter pouring in great and small shot, and at last look
her by boarding, both with soldiers and others. They immediately broke
open and pillaged the cabins, plundered the men basely of their clothes
and every thing else worth taking, and throwing overboard whatever did
not please their fancies. Even the Spaniards never used more stern
cruelty in their professed wars, than did now the Dutch to us, with whom
they were in peace and amity. The Star had on board 160 men, mostly
soldiers taken from the castles of Nero and Puloway, while the Swan had
not above thirty able to stand to quarters, the rest being sick or lame,
and all much worn out in toilsome labour at Puloroon, in landing the
ordnance and constructing the two forts. Ten also of their complement
had been left in Puloroon to defend the two forts, two of whom, Herman
Hammond and John Day, were gunners. The Swan being thus taken and sore
battered in the action, was carried away under the guns of the castle at
Nero. The Dutch gloried much in their victory, boasting of their exploit
to the Bandanese, saying, That the king of England was not to be
compared with their great king of Holland: _That Saint George was now
turned a child_, and they cared not for the king of England; for one
Holland ship was able to take ten English ships. They landed all our men
at Nero, and kept them all strict prisoners, many of them in irons.

The Swan left us at Puloroon on the 16th of January, and we expected her
back in eight or ten days at farthest, but never heard of her till the
25th of February, when Robert Fuller came over to us from Rosinging and
Wayre; to acquaint us that be had heard of an English ship being under
the guns of Nero castle. We immediately sent away Robert Hayes, the
purser of the Defence, accompanied by some of the chief men of Puloroon,
with directions to land on that side of Lantore which was in friendship
with us, and to go as near as possible to the Dutch ships with a flag of
truce, to enquire into the matter. After staying almost two hours, there
came at last a boat to fetch him off, but made him wade to the middle
before they would take him in. Being taken on board one of the Dutch
ships, the president and assistants of Nero met him, when he demanded to
know why they had made prize of the Swan, what was become of her men,
and wherefore they detained our ship and goods. They answered, that
_time should bring all to light_. Still urging for an answer, they used
many opprobrious words against the English, threatening to come over to
Puloroon with their forces, and to drive us from there and other places.
To this Hayes replied, that they had already done much more than they
could answer for, and was obliged to come away without seeing any one
belonging to the Swan. He could however see our poor ship all rent and
torn, in view of the natives, as an ill-got and dishonourable trophy of
Dutch treachery and ingratitude. In a short time after, they sent over a
messenger to us with a letter, which we answered, as we did others
afterwards, their messengers frequently coming over with flags of truce,
all of which letters, together with the surrenders, I brought over with
me to Bantam, and delivered to Captain Ball.

The Dutch continually threatened us, by their letters and messengers,
that, as they had now taken tee Swan, they would soon come and take
possession of the Defence, and drive us from the island of Puloroon. We
always answered, that we expected them, and would defend ourselves to
the last. They made many bravados, daily shooting off forty, fifty, or
sixty pieces of ordnance at Nero and Puloway, thinking to frighten us.
Also the people of Lantore brought us word that they were fitting out
their ships, and shipping planks and earth, which we imagined was for
land service. They had then seven ships, four gallies and frigates, and
a great number of men, with all which force they threatened to come
against us. We were told likewise, that they had endeavoured to prevail
on their black slaves, by promise of freedom and great rewards, to come
over secretly to Puloroon and set fire to the Defence. The Hollanders
also, threatened that we should carry no spices from Puloroon or any
other of the Banda islands. Thereupon, considering our engagements with
the people of Puloroon, Wayre, and Rosinging, to all of whom we had
trusted our goods, and that we had ready at Puloroon a good quantity of
nutmegs and mace, and the threats of the Hollanders, we resolved to
maintain the honour of our king and country, and to defend the interest
of our employers, the honourable Company, to the utmost of our power.
For this purpose, we determined to land all the guns, provisions, and
stores, from the Defence, and to fortify the small island of Nylacka
adjoining to Puloroon; which the Hollanders proposed to have fortified
formerly; which, if they had done, would have commanded the road, and
done us much injury, as the people of Puloroon would have been prevented
from fishing, and English ships could not have come into the roads.

Having therefore landed all the ordnance of the Defence, except four
pieces of cannon, and being busied in erecting a fortification with the
assistance of the Bandanese, Mr Hinshley also, the master of the
Defence, being ashore, and every one hard at work landing the things,
except a few left on board to keep the ship, a conspiracy was entered
into by some of the men on the 20th March, 1617; and that same night
they cut the cables and so drove out to sea. Perceiving this from the
small island, we immediately sent a boat after them, advising them to
return with the ship: But the mutineers would neither listen to them,
nor suffer the boat to come near the ship, pointing their pieces at
them, and even fired one musket-shot to keep off the boat; which was
therefore compelled to return to the small island. There went away in
the Defence nine of our men, including John Christmas, the boatswain's
mate, and we could distinctly see them next day going into Nero roads
under sail, and come to anchor under the guns of the castle. As we
afterwards learnt, some of the runaways went immediately on shore to
inform the Dutch of their exploit, contending among themselves which of
them had piloted the ship. They even brought a can of wine ashore with
them, and drank to the Hollanders on landing.

The Dutch took immediate possession of the Defence, and brought all our
rascally deserters into their castle, where they examined them as to our
proceedings at Puloroon and Nylacka, in regard to our fortifications
and means of defence. By this scandalous affair, we were in great danger
of being all put to death by the Bandanese of Puloroon, as they
suspected the desertion of our ships to have been a concerted matter
between us and the Hollanders, on purpose to betray them. By this
likewise, as our weakness was made known to the Hollanders, they might
be encouraged to attack us. Indeed they made many violent threatenings
of so doing, and we daily looked for their appearance; which, if they
had so done, must have cost many lives, as we were greatly enraged
against them for the capture of the Swan, and the severe usage of her
people.

On the 23d of March, we sent a letter to the Hollanders at Nero, by
Robert Fuller, who landed upon Lantore; but, owing to some difference
between the people of that island and the Dutch, he could not be allowed
to pass, so that he had to return. The 25th there came a messenger to us
from Lawrence Ryall, the principal commander of the Hollanders, newly
come to Nero from the Moluccas, desiring Mr Courthop and I would come in
a proa to hold a conference with two of his principal merchants,
half-way between Puloroon and Puloway; but we refused this request,
being afraid of treachery. By this messenger we had a letter from Mr
Davies, then a prisoner at Nero, intimating his disapprobation of our
proceedings in keeping possession of Puloroon, alleging that our
commission did not warrant us in so doing, and recommending a parley
between us and the Dutch general, to prevent the loss of any more lives.
It appeared that he was instigated to give us this advice by the
Hollanders, who had made him believe that they had authority in writing
from our king, to make prize of any English ships they found to the east
of Celebes, as we afterwards learnt to our great surprise, since, if
they actually had such authority we must have obeyed.

We wrote to Lawrence Ryall, by his messenger, that, if he would send
over Henrick de Watterfoord and Peter de Yonge, two of his principal
merchants, to remain as pledges in Nylacka, Mr Courthop and another
should be sent to confer with him. We got back for answer, that the
merchants we demanded as pledges could not be sent, as the one was gone
to sea, and the other could not be spared, being their chief
book-keeper; but offering us two other principal merchants, whom we
agreed to accept. Accordingly, on the 6th April, the Dutch galley
brought over these two, whom we lodged in a tent near the landing-place
under a guard of twelve Englishmen to protect them from the Bandanese,
as we did not think it right to bring them into our fort, that they
might not have an opportunity of viewing our fortifications.

Mr Courthop went immediately over to Nero in their galley, and had a
long conference with the Dutch, in which they used many threats, and
complained of many injuries they pretended to have suffered from the
English, but of which I shall only briefly treat, as the letter from Mr
Courthop, which I brought over from Banda and delivered to Captain Ball,
will certify your worships at large on this matter. They complained,
that Sir Henry Middleton had used the Dutch colours, when in the Red
Sea, pretending to be Holland ships, to their injury and discredit. To
this Mr Courthop replied, that it was false, as he had sailed with Sir
Henry, and never knew him to wear Dutch colours; which, moreover, Sir
Henry was too much a gentleman to have done. They pretended to have our
king's letter, authorizing them to capture any English ship seen to the
eastwards of the Celebes. Mr Courthop urged them to produce this letter,
on seeing which he declared his readiness to obey the authority of his
sovereign, and to evacuate Puloroon; but they had none such to produce.
They alleged many other things, equally false, and used many arguments
to induce us to quit Puleroon. All this time, neither Mr Davies nor any
other of the English in their hands were permitted to come near Mr
Courthop.

Finding he could not prevail, Lawrence Ryall, the Dutch general, grew
much discontented, throwing his hat on the ground and pulling his beard
for sheer anger. At length Mr Courthop told him, that he could conclude
nothing of his own authority, being joined with a council, but should
relate every thing that had passed at Puloroon, which should be taken
into consideration and an answer sent. I had advised him to say this, to
get the easier away. Mr Courthop also urged them to restore our ship the
Defence, with her men and goods; but they would not, unless we agreed to
surrender Puloroon: offering, if we would deliver up Nylacka and our
fort, in which we had twelve pieces of ordnance, that they would then
restore both the Swan and Defence, with all our men and goods. Ryall
then desired Mr Courthop to sign a note which he had drawn,
acknowledging the proffers he had made, but this Mr Courthop refused.

They had so wrought upon Mr Davies, that they expected he might be able
to prevail upon Mr Courthop to come into their terms, and now therefore
brought him to Mr Courthop, with whom he had much discourse, and
particularly urged the truth of the letter they pretended to have from
the king of England, as before mentioned. When Mr Courthop told him what
he had offered, in case that letter were produced, Mr Davies distinctly
saw he had been imposed upon, and broke out into a rage against them,
for having told so many falsehoods;[257] adding, that they had promised
him and his men good treatment, but that his men complained of being in
great want of food and clothing, and of general hard usage. They had sat
in judgment upon him and his men, condemning them to remain as prisoners
till they had orders from Holland as to their ultimate destination. He
even said, that he was willing to continue in durance, provided we could
keep them out of Puloroon. The conference being ended, Mr Courthop came
back to Nylacka in the galley, and the pledges were restored.

[Footnote 257: Purchas, in a side note at this place, quaintly converts
the name of the Dutch general into Lawrence _Ly-all_.--E.]

The eastern monsoon being now come, we fitted out a proa to send with
dispatches to Bantam, giving an account of what had passed; and it was
agreed that Mr Hinchley and I were to go, accompanied by four Englishmen
and fourteen natives of Puloroon, of whom five were chiefs, or
_orancays_, one of them being son to the sabander, who is the principal
man of the island. We set sail from Puloroon on the 17th April, 1617,
and when in sight of Bottone on our way for Macassar, we descried a
large ship and a pinnace, which gave us chase under a press of sail, so
that we had no means of escape, except by standing in for Bottone. After
being chased half a day, we got near the town of Bottone by night,
thinking the ships could not have got so far up the river; but seeing
the ship and pinnace almost within musket-shot of us next morning, we
presently landed most of what we had in the proa, taking refuge in the
woods. Having so done, we went immediately to the king, to whom we gave
a present of such things as we had, to the value of about thirty
dollars, desiring his protection, which he promised in the kindest
manner, and faithfully performed. He sent his servants along with us,
to put all our things into a house, giving us also two houses for our
lodging, desiring us to remain within, that we might not be discovered
by our enemies.

Almost immediately afterwards, the Hollanders went to the king, giving
him a present three times the value of ours, and enquired who we were
that had landed. To which the king answered that he knew not who we
were. On being asked by the king how long they meant to stay, the Dutch
said they proposed remaining six days; of which the king sent us notice,
advising us to keep close for that time, that we might proceed in
greater security after they were gone. But at the end of these six days
the Dutch said they would stay six days longer, pretending they had to
repair one of their masts. Seeing their intention, and because our proa
lay in view of the Dutch, we bought another proa, into which the king
made all our things be carried by his slaves, causing them to navigate
that proa past the Hollanders, and to carry her to the back of the
island, whither he sent us over land under the protection of fifty men.
We went immediately aboard, but remained under the island till near
night, when we stood our course for Macassar, and saw no more of the
Hollanders.

We arrived at Macassar on the 7th May, where we found the Attendance
intending for Banda, but was unable to beat up, owing to the change of
the monsoon. Having shipped in the Attendance 180 _suckles_ of mace,
purchased at Macassar, we sent the proa to Banjarmassen and Succadanea
in Borneo, with advice that a supply of goods could not be sent there as
expected, owing to the non-arrival of the Solomon, which had been long
expected at Bantam. The 3d June we arrived at Bantam. As Captain George
Barkley was dead, to whom Mr Ball succeeded as chief of the factory, I
have delivered all the papers to him, and doubt not that your worships
may receive them by the first conveyance. Those are, two surrenders, the
letters from the Hollanders with our answers, and every thing relative
to our proceedings in Banda.

When I left Puloroon, it was agreed that another proa was to be
dispatched for Bantam in twenty days after our departure, lest we might
have been pursued and taken by the Hollanders. Accordingly a proa[258]
was sent, in which was laden 170 suckles of mace, containing 3366
cattees, each cattee being six English pounds and nearly two ounces,
costing at the rate of one dollar the cattee;[259] which, had it gone
safe, might have sold in England for L5000. In this proa there were
eight Englishmen and thirty Bandanese, under the charge of Walter
Stacie, who had been mate under Mr Hinchley in the Defence. His
knowledge and care, however, did not answer expectation, for he ran the
proa on the rocky shoals near the island of Bottone, where she bilged
and lost all the mace, the men getting ashore. Stacie is much blamed by
the rest, some of whom told him they saw land on the lee-bow, but he was
peevish and headstrong, calling them all fools, and would not listen to
them.

[Footnote 258: In a marginal note, this is called a junk.--E.]

[Footnote 259: From the statement in the text, the suckle appears to
have been about 122 English pounds, and the quantity of mace
accordingly, shipped on this occasion, about 185 cwt. or 9 1/4
tons.--E.]

May it please your worships to understand, that the Hollanders replied,
when told that their vile abuses to us would lie heavy on them when
known in Europe, "That they can make as good friends in the court of
England as your worships; that this which they have done will oblige
your worships and them to join, so that a gold chain will recompence
all, and they have dollars enough in Holland to pay for a ship or two,
providing they can hinder us from trading at Banda."

In regard to the trade of the Banda islands, Puloroon is reported to be
the worst island. It is about eight English miles in circuit, and the
small adjoining island of Nylacka is about a mile round. There is a
tolerable quantity of nutmegs and mace grown on Puloroon, and
considerably more might be got there if the island were well cultivated.
Rosengin is a fine island, producing the largest nutmegs and best mace
of all the Banda islands; and, if we hold possession of Puloroon,
abundance of nutmegs and mace could be had from Rosengin, Lantore, and
other places; as the natives would come over to us with their spices,
provided we supply them with rice, cloth, salt, pepper, molasses, and
other necessaries, and some Macassar gold, which passes as current in
Banda as Spanish rials of eight, and at the same rate, though only worth
at Bantam two shillings and fourpence or two and sixpence, for the piece
called mass. Our cargo was small, having only 100 _quoines_ of rice, and
our cloth was much decayed, having lain two or three years at Macassar.
If we had had three times as much, we could have sold it all at
Puloroon for mace and nutmegs, being entreated for cloth and rice by
people from Lantore, Rosengin and other places, but had it not, so that
some returned home again with part of their spices. They came over to
Puloroon in the night with proas and corracorras. The mace and nuts were
very good, but must be injured by lying so long, owing to the
molestations of the Hollanders, while we had no lime for preserving the
nuts. The trade will turn out very profitable, if we may quietly possess
the island of Puloroon; but we must buy rice at a lower rate than in
Macassar, and I understand it can be had in Japan for about half the
price.

In regard to our right to the Banda islands, especially Puloway, Captain
Castleton might have made that secure, as I have often been told; and at
all events, we have a much better right than the Hollanders, who by
force of arms have dispossessed us. Except Puloroon be supplied this
year, and the possession maintained, the English name will be utterly
disgraced, with little chance of our ever being received there again. If
we are able to hold it until your worships have determined what to do in
the matter, we shall soon be able to procure there as much mace and
nutmegs as the Hollanders; and it may also serve as an entrance into the
Moluccas for cloves. The Hollanders pretend an exclusive right to the
Bandas and Moluccas, in consequence of having the son of the king of
Ternate in their hands as a prisoner. But the Bandanese deny that the
king of Ternate has any right of dominion in their islands, every one of
their islands being free, and governed by sabanders and orancays of
their own appointment.

It is indispensible, that supplies of rice and other victuals, and
cloth, should be sent for the English and Bandanese, and to bring away
the nutmegs and mace we have there in godowns or warehouses. The
Hollanders give out that they will take all your ships that go to those
parts, so as to famish both the English and Bandanese; wherefore it
requires earnest and speedy attention, that we may quietly enjoy our
trade to these islands, which have been surrendered to us, and desire
our trade. These are Puloway, Puloroon, Rosengin, and Wayre, which last
is a town in Lantore. Puloway is reported to be a paradise, and the
Hollanders allege that it is as much worth to them as Scotland is to
his majesty. Even should your worships not be able to get Puloway
restored, yet, if you enjoy the other three, we shall be able to procure
enough of nutmegs and mace for the supply of England, and also for the
trade of Surat and other places in India. Now is the time or never,
considering the vile abuses and murders committed upon us by the
Hollanders. At this time, the Charles and the Hope are bound home from
Bantam, and I pray God to send them safe to London. I have sent your
worships a brief abstract of our cargo for Banda, and of the sales made
there. If I seem tedious, I humbly crave pardon; and, with my humble
duty, beseeching the Almighty to prosper and give good success to all
your designs, I humbly take leave,

being your worships most humble servant in all duty,

_Thomas Spurway_.

SECTION X.

FIFTH VOYAGE THE JOINT STOCK BY THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY, IN 1617,
UNDER THE COMMAND OF CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING.[260]

INTRODUCTION.

The fleet appointed for this voyage consisted of five ships; the James
Royal of 1000 tons, Rowland Coytmore master; the Ann Royal of 900 tons,
Andrew Shilling master; the Gift of 800 tons, Nathaniel Salmon master;
the Bull of 400 tons, Robert Adams master; and the Bee of 150 tons, John
Hatch master; the whole under the supreme command of Martin Pring,
general, who sailed in the James Royal.--_Purch._

[Footnote 260: Purch. Pilgr. I. 63.]

Sec.1. _Occurrences on the Voyage out, and at Surat, Bantam, and Jacatra_.

On Tuesday the 4th February, 1617, our fleet dropt down from Gravesend.
Thursday the 6th, Mr deputy Maurice Abbot, with several of the
commissioners, came aboard and mustered all our men, paying their
harbour wages. These gentlemen left us next day, when all our men were
entered upon whole pay. After much foul weather, we departed from the
Downs on the 5th March. The 22d of June we Lad sight of Saldanha point,
and anchored that same afternoon in the bay, whence we departed on the
13th July. The moon was totally eclipsed at night of the 6th August; it
began at eight o'clock and continued till past eleven, being totally
eclipsed for an hour and half. On the 25th August at night, between
seven and eight o'clock, being in latitude 4 deg. 20' S. the water of the
sea seemed almost as white as milk, and so continued till morning, when
it began to alter. Next night we found the water similar, but not
altogether so white. Before day on the 30th, the water was again white,
and likewise the next night; but on all these occasions we could find no
ground.

On the night of the 8th September at twelve o'clock, our ship sprung a
leak, which, when discovered, had raised the water in our hold six feet
and a half. In four hours, with both pumps, the ship was freed, but we
afterwards found that the water increased at the rate of a foot in the
half hour. In the morning of the 9th, I summoned the chief commanders of
the fleet on board, desiring them to send their carpenters to assist in
searching for the leak, and some of each of their companies to aid our
men in pumping. Some were set to rummage the hold in search of the leak,
and others to stick our sprit-sail full of oakum, with which we made
several trials under the ship's bilge, but could not find the leak. We
at length found, by divers trials within board, that the leak was before
the main-mast; and we, next morning, fitted the sprit-sail again,
letting it down at the stern, and brought it forwards by degrees, and at
length, by God's blessing, our leak was partly stopped, as the water
only rose about six inches in a glass, which had before risen twelve
inches. Bat within three glasses, the oakum being washed out, the leak
increased as before. This night we got an additional pump from the Bull,
to free the water from the fore part of our ship, where it stood
eighteen inches deeper than in our well. The 11th, we again fitted our
sprit-sail with oakum and let it down again, when it pleased God so to
favour us, that in an hour after our ship was tighter than ever.

On the morning of the 12th we espied a sail, which the Gift came up with
in the afternoon, being a Portuguese ship belonging to Don Pedro de
Almeyda, from Mozambique bound for Diu, laden principally with about
fifty quintals of elephants teeth. In the morning of the 20th the Bee
rejoined us from Swally roads, informing us that the rest of our fleet
was safe in that anchorage. They had brought in with them a junk and two
other ships, which they had chased on the 16th. The junk was a great
ship of Surat, belonging to the mother of the Great Mogul, burden about
1200 or 1400 tons, having in her above 1000 persons, and twenty-nine
tons of silver, though some said a great deal more. The other two were
English interlopers, called the Francis and the Lion: the former of 160
tons, belonging to-----, and commanded by Captain Neuce; and the latter
of 120 tons, fitted out by Philip Bernardy, an Italian merchant in
London, commanded by Thomas Jones, who had formerly been boatswain of
the Hector.

This evening we anchored in the road of Swally, where we found the rest
of our fleet, with the foresaid junk and the two English privateers. On
oar arrival, we heard of two Dutch ships having been cast away at
_Gowdever_;[261] the Rotterdam of 1000 tons, and a small pinnace. The
9th October, I sent up twenty-one chests of coral to Surat, which were
landed two days before from the Ann; and at night I sent up eight tons
and four hundredweight of elephants teeth, taken out of our Portuguese
prize. This afternoon twenty sail of frigates from Goa arrived at the
bar of Surat, commanded by the Captain-major Don Pedro de Asadedo,
[_Asovedo_?] From one of these, five of the country people came ashore
among our men, two of whom were taken by our guard, and confessed they
came from Goa a month before, having orders from the viceroy to range
the coast, to discover the English, when they were to return; but if the
English were not on the coast, they were to proceed for Cambay, to
capture the caffila, or convoy of country vessels.

[Footnote 261: This name is inexplicably corrupt.--E.]

In the morning of the 14th October, seventeen of the frigates departed
for Cambay, passing fairly by us. This day likewise I sent fourteen tons
of elephants teeth to Surat, under a guard of thirty-six men, who
likewise conveyed our treasure to Ahmedabad; and, on the 17th, I sent
other twelve tons four hundredweight of elephants teeth. This day the
Portuguese frigates returned again, and passed in our sight to the
southwards. Next day we sent off all the rest for our ivory; and on the
22d we landed sixteen chests of coral, and two of sea-horse teeth, out
of the Bull.

The 14th November, a month's pay was distributed to all the ships
companies, except the chief commanders and merchants, amounting to 3302
Spanish dollars. After this, the Bee was sent off for Jasques; and we
landed from the other ships cloth, tin, cases of wine and strong waters,
and all the rest of the presents that were in the cabin.

The 17th January, 1618, the Bee returned from Persia. This day seven
Malabar junks were seen in the offing, two of which were brought in by
the Francis, and two by the Bee. We departed from Swally roads on the
12th March, and anchored that same evening near the bar of Surat. The
17th, in the morning, the wind coming about northerly, the Ann departed
for the Red Sea, and on the 18th I dispatched the Bull. At noon of this
day, standing to the southward, we were in lat. 11 deg. 25' N. the wind, as
for four or five days before, being, at night, a slight breath from the
land, and, by day, in the afternoon, a fresh breeze from the sea. In the
forenoon of this day, we saw eight sail to the southward of us, and
three between us and the land, besides two sallies and ten frigates. In
the afternoon of the 28th, the Francis and the Bee being near the shore
abreast of Calicut, the Zamorin sent off a boat desiring to speak with
me, but I was too far shot to the southwards before the message reached
me.

The 2d April we got in the morning into the bay of _Brinjan_, where we
anchored in fourteen fathoms, within half a league of the town, a high
peaked hill, like a sugar-loaf; bearing N.E. by E. by the compass, which
is the best mark to know this place by, when the weather is clear. This
is a good place for refreshments, having hens, cocoa-nuts, and goats in
abundance, and plenty offish, together with excellent water springing
from the rock; but we had to pay seventy dollars, a cloth vest, a
fowling-piece, a mirror, and a sword, for leave to provide ourselves
with water, and all too little to satisfy the governor, who, after
receiving our money and giving us leave, came down with seven or eight
hundred men, demanding more money, and if we had not kept a strong guard
at the spring, would have put us from it after our money was paid. The
5th, the wind being fair off shore, we weighed anchor and departed, and
in the evening were abreast of a headland eight leagues S.E. by E. from
Brinjan, from which to Cape Comorin it is seven leagues E. two-thirds S.
At six in the evening of the 7th, we had Cape Comorin N.N.E. one-third
N. five leagues off, and had soundings in thirty fathoms. And on the
19th June we were in Bantam roads, when Captain Ball and Mr Pickham came
on board.

On the 24th I visited the pangran, to accommodate matters for Captain
Ball, who had arrested a Chinese junk for certain debts they owed our
factory, making offer to restore the junk, if the pangran would give us
justice, which he gave me his word to do. I went to him again on 6th
July, accompanied by Mr Ball, Mr Rich, Mr Pickham, and several other
merchants, when he was so inveterate against Mr Ball, that he refused to
see him. On which I sent him word, that Mr Ball had brought the bills of
our debt due by the Chinese, and was the only person among us who could
explain the transactions between our factory and the Chinese, of which I
was entirely ignorant. The messenger returned, saying that Mr Ball could
not be received, on which we all left the court.

The 1st September, having the wind off the land, we weighed in the
morning, and stood for point Ayre, keeping in seven fathoms till within
three miles of the point, where one cast we had a quarter less seven,
and the next cast only three fathoms. Some supposed we here touched, but
it was not perceived by me. Off this point there is a shoal almost even
with the surface of the water, but having seven fathoms within two
cables length of its edge. This afternoon, while standing towards three
Dutch ships that rode right in the fair-way, and when within a mile of
them, our ship grounded; but, God be praised, we got her off again
without any hurt, and so into the bay, where we again fell in with a
shoal, of which we came within two cables length, which lies one and a
half league from the Flemish islands. We got safely into the road of
Jacatra, [now Batavia road] in the afternoon of the 2d September, having
been providentially delivered from three several dangers the day before,
of which may we be ever thankful.

The 19th, the Angel, a Dutch ship of 500 tons, came in from Amboina,
laden with nutmegs and cloves, and departed again on the 25th. Early in
the morning of the 26th, I went to visit the king, and found him in a
good humour, and conferring with him upon some former business, we came
to a conclusion before I left him, to the following purpose: That he was
to give us a convenient piece of ground for building upon, for which we
were to pay 1500 dollars, and were to be free from all customs on
exports and imports on payment of 800 dollars yearly.

Sec.2. _Dutch Injustice, and Sea-fight between them and Sir Thomas Dale_.

The 27th of September, Mr Bishop arrived from Jappara in the roads in a
proa, in which was a _Cogee_, bringing a letter from the Matron to
Captain Ball, wherefore I sent him away to Bantam that night. He left
two English behind him at Jappara, one of whom had fled from the Dutch.
He likewise brought letters from several of our people who were
prisoners in the Moluccas, and one of these was directed to me, from Mr
Richard Tatten, in which he complained much of the gross usage of the
Dutch, who would hardly allow them a sufficiency of rice to subsist
upon, and who constantly clapped them in irons, on every idle rumour of
the coming of our ships.

On the evening of the 30th October, Cornelius Marthen, who commanded the
French ship taken by the Dutch, came into the roads, and came aboard my
ship that same night. After some discourse, he told me we had six ships
coming from England for these seas, commanded by Sir Thomas Dale, for
some special business at the Moluccas, whither he was bound with the
Stathouder, the Neptune, and this French prize, to wait the coming of
good friends. The 27th, in the evening, we had four feet and a half
water in our hold, which we freed in two hours with both our pumps, and
kept under afterwards with one pump, till next morning about ten
o'clock, when we let down a sail wadded with oakum, which fortunately
stopped our leak. The 31st, I found an excellent place for putting our
ship on the careen, on a small island within Taniam point, in the bay of
Bantam, on which we made all preparations to remove to that place.

The Rose arrived from Tecoo on the 15th of November, bringing news that
the Hollanders had established a Factory there soon after ours was
dissolved. The 19th, the Moon, Clove, Samson, and Peppercorn arrived
from England, and anchored between Vium point and Pulo Paniang.
Perceiving the Clove to be admiral, I went first on board her, taking
such fresh victuals as we could spare. I here found Sir Thomas Dale
admiral, and Mr Jordain president, and learnt that they had lost company
of the Globe to the westward of the Cape, and, what was far worse, they
had left the Sun, the flag ship, in great danger of being cast away on
the isle of Engano, the whole fleet having much difficulty to double
that island. They had afterwards waited two days for the Sun, but she
had been bilged on the rocks, as we afterwards learnt, to our great
regret. In the morning of the 22d, these ships sailed into Bantam roads,
and on passing the island where our ship lay, we saluted them with
fifteen guns we had planted on the shore, and struck my flag in
compliment to Sir Thomas Dale, who was admiral of that fleet.

Two boats arrived on the 28th from Engano, with sixty-eight men
belonging to the Sun, bringing the lamentable news of the loss of that
ship, with many of her company, on, that island. The 29th, the Globe
arrived in the morning, and this day our leak broke out afresh, but was
quickly stopped by removing the bonnet.[262] The 30th, our ship being
entirely cleared from stem to stem, the carpenters went below to search
for the leak; and as they passed forwards, removing the lining as they
went, they found an auger hole left open in the middle of the keel, in
the foremost room save one, which hole was four inches and three
quarters about, and, had it sprung upon us while at sea and alone, would
have tired out our whole company in twenty-four hours. In this the great
mercy of God was manifest, that it never broke out upon us but when we
had a fleet along with us for our aid.

Book of the day: