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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume IX. by Robert Kerr

Part 3 out of 12

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are twenty fathoms water. On the west side of the island, you may borrow
in twelve or fifteen fathoms, till you come into the road, where we
anchored in twenty-four fathoms.

On the morning of the 28th March, we came close by an island in lat. 23 deg.
30', and long. from the meridian of Mayo, 1 deg. 50' E. We did not land upon
this island, but came within two or three miles of it, and in my opinion
there is hardly any anchorage to be found. It may probably produce some
refreshment, as it certainly has wood, which we saw, and it may have
water, as we observed a fair plain spot and very green on its southern
part; but we could find no ground within two or three miles of its
coast. E.N.E. some seven or eight leagues from this, there is another
island; and E. by S. or E.S.E. from the first island, about four or five
leagues, there are two or three white rocks.[73]

[Footnote 73: In the text it is not said if the latitude be N. or S. yet
S. is probably meant. No island is however to be found in the indicated
situation. In the _eleventh_ voyage, an island is said to have been
discovered in lat. 19 deg. 34'S. certainly known to have been Trinidad,
Santa Maria d'Agosto, or Martin Vaz, of which hereafter.--E.]

We remained twenty-one days in Saldanha road, and bought for the
three[74] ships thirty-nine beeves and 115 sheep, which we paid for with
a little brass cut out of two or three old kettles. We got the sheep for
small pieces of thin brass, worth about a penny or three halfpence each;
and the beeves in the same manner for about the value of twelve-pence
a-piece. This is an excellent place of refreshment, as besides abounding
in beef and mutton, there is plenty of good fish, all kinds of fowls,
and great store of fat deer, though we could not kill any of these. It
has likewise excellent streams of fresh water, and a most healthful
climate. We landed eighty or ninety sick, who were lodged in tents, and
they all recovered their health in eighteen days, save one who died.
From the 7th to the 28th June, when we set sail from Saldanha bay, we
had continual fine weather, the sun being very warm, and the air
pleasant and wholesome.

[Footnote 74: One of the ships appears to have been separated from the
fleet, but it does not appear which.--E.]

We sailed from Saldanha road on the 28th June, and were 100 leagues to
the east of _Cabo das Aguilhas_ before we found any current, but it was
then strong. The 31st July at noon, we found the latitude 17 deg. 8' S. our
longitude being 20 deg. 47' E. and at four p.m. we saw the island of _Juan
de Nova_, distant four leagues E.S.E.[75] Its size, and I think we saw
it all, is about three or four miles long, all very low and rising from
the sea like rocks. Off the west end we saw breakers, yet could not get
ground with a line of 150 fathoms, sounding from our boat. The latitude
of this island, observed with great accuracy, is 17 deg.,[76] and it seems
well laid down in our charts, both in regard to latitude and longitude.
It is a most sure sign of being near this island, when many sea fowl are
seen, and we accordingly saw there ranch fowl, some white, having their
wings tipped only with black, and others all black.

[Footnote 75: St Juan de Nova is in lat. 17 deg. 50' S. and long. 45 deg. 30'E.
from Greenwich--E.]

[Footnote 76: In lat. 17 deg. S. and long. 60 deg. E. is an island or bank
called Nazareth, Corados, or Garajos, a long way however from St Juan de
Nova.--E.]

The 3d August, in lat 13 deg. 35' by observation, and longitude 22 deg. 30' from
the Cape, we saw _Mal-Ilha_, one of the Comoros, about twelve leagues
off, having on the east part of it a very fair sugar-loaf hill.[77] At
the same time with this island, we had sight of that named Comoro,
bearing N.N.W. by W. being high land. At six a.m. of the 4th we were
close in with _Mal-Ilha_, and standing in for some place in which to
anchor, while some eight or nine miles from the shore, we saw the ground
under the ship in not less than eight or ten fathoms. The Hosiander, two
miles nearer the land, had four or five fathoms, and her boat was in
three fathoms. We then sent both our boats to sound, which kept shoaling
on a bank in eight, ten, and twelve fathoms, and off it only half a
cable's length had no ground with 100 fathoms. At the north end of
Mal-Ilha there is a fair big high island, about five or six miles in
circuit.[78] A bank or ledge of rocks extends all along the west side of
Mal-Ilha, continuing to the small high island; and from this little
island to Mal-Ilha may be some eight or nine miles, all full of rocks,
two of them of good height. Being at the north end of this ledge, and
the little island bearing S.E. you may steer in with the land, keeping
the island fair aboard; and within the rocks or broken ground and
Mal-Ilha there is a bay with good anchorage. To the eastwards, on coming
in from the ledge of rocks, there is a great shoal, the outermost end of
which is N.E. or N.E. by E. from the small island five or six miles, and
no ground between that we could find with forty or fifty fathoms line.
In fine, all the north side of Mal-Ilha is very dangerous, but the
above-mentioned channel is quite safe. I would have come to anchor here,
as there is a town about a mile east from the before-mentioned bay, the
people being very good, and having abundance of refreshments, as beeves,
goats, hens, lemons, cocoa-nuts in great plenty, and excellent water,
but could not get in, owing to the wind being directly south.

[Footnote 77: Mohilla, the Mal-ilha of the text, is in lat. 16 deg. 44 deg. S.
and long. 44 deg. E. from Greenwich. Its difference of long. from the Cape
of Good Hope is 23 deg. 45' E. Thus, in every instance hitherto, the
observations of lat. and long. by Captain Best, at least as printed by
Purchas, are grossly erroneous.--E.]

[Footnote 78: This description seems rather to refer to the island of
Mayotto, about thirty leagues E. of S. from Mohilla; the small island to
the north, or N. by W. being called Saddle Isle.--E.]

Two of my men had belonged to a Dutch fleet, that year when they
assaulted Mosambique, on which occasion they put in here, and recovered
the healths of 400 or 500 men in five weeks. Yet it is well named
Mal-Ilha, or the bad island, for it is the most dangerous of any place I
ever saw. It is next to Comoro, from which it is distant some twelve or
fourteen leagues S.S.E.

At dawn on the 1st September we got sight of land to the eastwards, four
or five leagues distant, my reckoning being then eighty or ninety
leagues short, owing, I suppose, to some current setting east from the
coast of Melinda; neither from the latitude of Socotoro to Damaun could
we see the sun, to know our variation. The 3d at seven a.m. we spoke two
country boats, which informed us that the town, church, and castle in
sight was Damaun. From these boats I got two men, who engaged to carry
the Dragon to the bar of Surat, promising not to bring us into less than
seven fathoms. On the 5th a Surat boat came on board with _Jaddow_ the
broker, who had served Captain William Hawkins three years, and Sir
Henry Middleton all the time he was here. There were likewise in this
boat the brother of the customer of Surat, and three or four others. All
these remained with us till the 7th, when we came to anchor at the bar
of Surat, in eight 1/4 fathoms at high water, and six 1/2 at neap tides.
At spring tides, however, I have found the tide to rise in the offing
three fathoms, and even three 1/2. The latitude of our anchorage was 21 deg.
10' N. and the variation 16 deg. 20' or 16 deg. 27'.[79] On the 11th, _Thomas
Kerridge_ came aboard, with a certificate or licence under the seals of
the justice and governor of Surat, for our quiet and peaceable trade and
intercourse, and with kind entreaties to come ashore, where we should be
heartily welcomed by the people. They also brought off a letter or
narrative, written by Sir, Henry Middleton, which had been left in
charge of the _Moccadam_ of Swally. On the same day, I again sent Mr
Kerridge ashore, accompanied by Hugh Gettins.

[Footnote 79: Sorat bar is in lat. 21 deg. 2' N. and long. 72 deg. 50' E. from
Greenwich--E.]

Sec.2. _Transactions with the Subjects of the Mogul, Fights with the
Portuguese, Settlement of a Factory, and Departure for Acheen_.

On the 13th September, 1612, sixteen sail of Portuguese frigates, or
barks, put into the river of Surat. The 22d, we determined in council to
send a dispatch to the king at Agra, signifying our arrival, and to
require his explicit answer, whether he would permit us to trade and
settle a factory; and if refused, that we would quit his country. The
30th, I got notice that Mr Canning, our purser, and William Chambers,
had been arrested ashore; wherefore I caused a ship of Guzerat to anchor
close beside me, determining to detain her till I should see how matters
went ashore. We also stopped a bark laden with rice from Bassare,
belonging to the Portuguese, out of which we took twelve or fourteen
quintals of rice, for which we paid at the rate of thirteen-pence the
quintal. When I had taken possession of the Guzerat ship, I wrote to the
chiefs of Surat, requiring them to send me all my men, together with the
value of the goods I had landed; on which I should deliver up their ship
and people, allowing them till the 5th of October to give me an answer;
at which time, if I had not a satisfactory answer, I declared my
determination to dispose of the ship and her goods at my pleasure. There
were some 400 or 450 men aboard that ship, ten of the chiefest among
whom I brought into my ship, to serve as hostages.

On the 6th October, _Medi Joffer_ came aboard my ship, accompanied by
four chiefs and many others, bringing me a great present, and came to
establish trade with us, and to solicit the release of the Guzerat ship.
On the 10th I left the bar of Surat, and came to Swally roads, where I
anchored in eight fathoms at high water. This road-stead is ten or
twelve miles north from the bar of Surat. The 17th, the governor of
_Aamadavar_ [Ahmedabad] came to the water side. I landed on the 19th,
having four principal persons sent aboard my ship, as pledges for my
safety. On the 21st I concluded upon articles of agreement with the
governor and merchants, of which the tenor follows:

"Articles agreed upon, and sealed, by the governor of Ahmedabad, the
governor of Surat, and four principal merchants; and to be confirmed by
the firmaun and seal of the Great Mogul, within forty days from the date
and sealing hereof, or else to be void; for the settlement of trade and
factories in the cities of Surat, Cambaya, Ahmedabad, Goga, or in any
other part or parts of the dominions of the Great Mogul in this country.
Witnessed by their hands and seals, the 21st of October, 1612."

1. All that concerns Sir Henry Middleton is to be remitted, acquitted,
and cleared to us; so that they shall never make seizure, stoppage, or
stay of our goods, wares, or commodities, as satisfaction for the same.

2. They shall procure at their own proper cost, from the King or Great
Mogul, his grant and confirmation of all the articles of this agreement,
under the great seal of his government, and shall deliver the same to
us, for our security and certainty of perpetual amity, commerce, and
dealing, within forty days from the date and sealing hereof.

3. It shall be lawful for the king of England to keep his ambassador
continually at the court of the Great Mogul, during all the time of this
peace and trade, there to accommodate and conclude upon all such great
and weighty matters as may in any respect tend to disturb or break the
said peace.

4. At all times, on the arrival of any of our ships in the road of
Swally, proclamation shall be made in the city of Surat, during three
successive days, that all the people of the country shall be free to
come down to the shore, and there to have free trade, dealing, and
commerce with us.

5. That all English commodities shall pay custom, according to the
value or price they bear, at the time of entry at the custom-house,
after the rate of three 1/2 per cent. ad valorem.

6. All petty and pedlar ware to be free from duty, that does not exceed
the value of ten dollars.

7. The English are to have ten _manu_ carried from the water side to
Surat for a _manuda_,[80] and at the same rate back; and are to be
furnished with carts on application to the _moccadam_ of Swally for
sending to Surat, and at that place by a broker with carts downwards to
the sea side at Swally.

[Footnote 80: This unexplained rate of carriage was probably ten
_manuda_ for one _mahinoodic_.--E.]

8. If any of our people die in the country, neither the king, the
governor, nor any inferior officer should pretend any title or claim to
any thing that had belonged to the deceased, neither should demand any
fees, taxes, or customs, upon the same.

9. In case all the men left in these parts should die before the return
of any of our ships, then some officer appointed for the purpose shall
make a true inventory and schedule of all monies, goods, jewels,
provisions, apparel, or other things, belonging to our nation, and shall
safely preserve and keep the same, to be delivered over to the general,
captain, or merchants of the first English ships that arrive afterwards,
from whom a regular receipt and discharge shall be given for the same.

10. That they shall guarantee all our men and goods on land, redeeming
all of both or either that may happen to be taken on the land by the
Portuguese; delivering both to us again free of all charges, or in lieu
thereof the full value of our said goods and men, and that without
delay.

11. Insomuch as there are rebels and disobedient subjects in all
kingdoms, so there may be some pirates and sea-rovers of our nation, who
may happen to come into these parts to rob or steal. In that case, the
trade and factory belonging to the English shall not be held responsible
or liable to make restitution for goods so taken; but we shall aid the
subjects of the Great Mogul, to the best of our power who may happen to
be thus aggrieved, by application to our king for justice against the
aggressors, and for procuring restitution.

12. That all victuals and provisions, required during the stay of our
ships in the roads of Surat and Swally, shall be free of custom,
provided they do not exceed the value of 1000 dollars.

13. That in all questions of wrongs and injuries offered to us and to
our nation, we shall receive speedy justice from the judges and others
in authority, according to the nature of our complaints and the wrongs
done to us, and shall not be put off by delays, or vexed by exorbitant
charges or loss of time.

On the 24th October, I landed the present intended for the Great Mogul,
which I brought to the tent of the governor of Ahmedabad, who took a
memorandum of all the particulars, as also a copy of our king's letter
to their sovereign. After which, as before agreed upon with the
governor, I sent them back aboard ship: For I had told him, unless his
king would confirm the articles agreed upon, and likewise write our king
a letter, that I would neither deliver the present nor our king's
letter; for, if these things were refused, then was their king an enemy
not a friend, and I had neither present nor letter for the enemy of our
king. At this time, however, I delivered our present to the governor,
and another to his son.

The 14th November, a great fleet of frigates or barks, consisting of
some 240 sail, came in sight. I thought they had come to attack us, but
they were a _caffila_ of merchantmen bound for Cambaya; as there comes
every year a similar fleet from Goa, Chaul, and other places to the
southwards, for Cambaya, whence they bring the greatest part of the
loading which is carried by the caracks and galleons to Portugal.

The 27th I received notice from Mr Canning and Edward Christian, who
were both ashore, that four galleons were fitted out from Goa, and were
coming to attack us, having been in full readiness, and at anchor on the
bar of Goa on the 14th November. The Portuguese fleet came in sight of
us on the 28th; and on the 29th drew near us with the tide of flood. At
two in the afternoon I got under weigh, and by four was about two
cables length from their vice-admiral, fearing to go nearer lest I might
have got my ship aground. I then opened a fire upon him, both with great
guns and small arms, and in an hour had peppered him well with some
fifty-six great shot. From him we received one small ball, either from a
minnion or saker, into our mizen-mast, and with another he sunk our
long-boat, which we recovered, but lost many things out of it.

The 30th at day-light, I set sail and steered among the midst of the
Portuguese fleet, bestirring ourselves manfully, and drove three of
their four ships aground on the bar of Surat; after which I anchored
about nine a.m. This morning the Hosiander did good service, coming
through also among the enemy's ships, and anchored beside me. At the
tide of flood, the three ships that were aground floated. We then
weighed and made sail towards them, they remaining at anchor. On getting
up to them, we spent upon three of them 150 great shot, and the morning
after some fifty more. At night, we gave the admiral a salute from our
four stern guns as a farewell; in return for which he fired one of his
bow guns, a whole or demi-culverine, the shot from which came even with
the top of our forecastle, went through our _Davie_, killed William
Burrel, and carried off the arm of another of our men. The Hosiander[81]
spent the whole of this day in firing against one of the ships that was
aground, and received many shots from the enemy, one of which killed
Richard Barker the boatswain.

[Footnote 81: Nathaniel Salmon of Leigh was master of the
Hosiander.--_Purch._]

Night coming on, we anchored some six miles from the Portuguese ships;
and at nine p.m. they sent a frigate down towards us, which came driving
right _athwart halse_ of the Hosiander, and being discovered by their
good watch, was speedily saluted by shot. The first shot made them hoist
sail, the second went through their sails, and, they immediately made
off.[82] Their intention certainly was to have set our ships on fire, if
they had found us off our guard.[83]

[Footnote 82: This frigate was sunk by the shot, as I was assured by Mr
Salmon the actor, and eighty of her men were taken up drowned.--_Purch._]

[Footnote 83: On this occasion the Portuguese had four great galleons
and some twenty-six frigates, or armed barks. In these fights they lost
all their _quondam_ credit, and 160 men, or as others say 500; and the
English settled trade at Surat in spite of all their efforts.--_Purch._]

We remained at anchor all the first December, the Portuguese not coming
to us nor we to them; though they might easily have come to us without
danger from the sands, but not so we to them. This day I called a
council, and it was concluded to go down to the south, that we might
have a broader channel, hoping that the galleons would follow us. We
accordingly went down some six or seven leagues on the 2d, but they did
not follow us; wherefore on the 3d we stood up again, and anchored
fairly in sight of them. We weighed again on the morning of the 4th, and
stood away before them, they following: But in the afternoon they gave
us over, and hauled in with the land, and at night we directed our
course for Diu. At night of the 5th, we anchored in fourteen fathoms
near the shore, four or five leagues eastwards of Diu.

The 9th we came to _Madafaldebar_[84] which is ten or eleven leagues E.
by N. from Diu, the coast between being very fair, and having no unseen
dangers. The depth near Diu is fifteen or sixteen fathoms, halfway to
_Madafaldebar_ twelve fathoms, then ten and nine, but not less; and in
nine fathoms we anchored in a fine sandy bay, on the west side of which
is a river coming from a considerable distance inland. This place is
some five or six miles west from the isles of _Mortie_[85] The 15th we
set sail to explore the bay of _Mohar_,[86] having been reported by some
of the people who had belonged to the Ascension to be a good place for
wintering in, or waiting the return of the monsoon for sailing to the
southwards. We accordingly anchored that night in the bay, which is nine
or ten leagues E.N.E. from Madafaldebar, finding the coast and
navigation perfectly good, with ten fathoms all the way, and no danger
but what is seen. I sent my boat ashore, and got twenty excellent sheep
for three shillings each, the best we had seen in the whole voyage. We
found the ruins of a great town at this place, but very few inhabitants.

[Footnote 84: From the indications in the text, this must be _Jaffrabat_
on the coast of Guzerat, about thirty-one miles E. by N. from Diu. The
name used in the text must be taken from the native language, while that
of modern geography is the Persian, Mogul, or Arabic name of the
place.--E.]

[Footnote 85: Called _Searbett_ in Arrowsmith's excellent map of
Hindostan, eight miles E.N.E. from Jaffrabat.--E.]

[Footnote 86: Called on the margin of the Pilgrims, _Moha, Mona_, or
_Mea_; and which from the context appears to be a bay immediately west
from _Wagnagur_.--E.]

There happened to be an army encamped in the neighbourhood of this
place, and on the 17th, the general sent four men to me, requesting a
conference. I landed on the 21st, and had much conversation with the
general, who greatly desired to have two pieces of ordnance from us,
making many fair promises of favour to our nation, and even presented me
with a horse and furniture and two Agra girdles or sashes; but I refused
him, having none to spare, and needing all we had for our defence. I
presented him in return with two vests of stammel cloth, two firelocks,
two bottles of brandy, and a knife.

The 22d, we saw the four galleons coming towards us, and at nine p.m.
they anchored within shot of where we lay. At sun-rise next morning we
weighed and bore down upon them, and continued to fight them till
between ten and eleven a.m. when they all four weighed and stood away
before the wind. We followed them two or three hours, but they sailed
much better large than we, so that we again came to anchor, and they
likewise anchored about two leagues from us. In this days fight, I
expended 133 great shot, and about 700 small. At sunrise of the 24th we
again weighed and bore down upon the galleons, and began to fight them
at eight a.m. continuing till noon, having this day expended 250 great
shot, and 1000 small. By this time both sides were weary, and we all
stood to sea, steering S. by E. The galleons followed us till two or
three p.m. when they put about and come to anchor. I now took account of
our warlike ammunition, and found more than half our shot expended, the
store of the Hosiander being in a similar situation. We had now
discharged against the enemy 625 great shot, and 3000 small.

Being about four or five leagues from the land, we met with a sand, on
which there was only two or two 1/2 fathoms, laying S.S.E. or thereabout
from _Mosa_. I went over it in nine fathoms, at which time the two high
hills over _Gogo_ were nearly N. from us. Upon this sand the Ascension
was cast away. Between the main and this sand, the channel is nine and
ten fathoms, and the shoaling is rather fast. We continued steering S.
with the tide of ebb, and anchored in eight fathoms, finding the tide to
set E.N.E. and W.S.W. by the compass. At midnight of the 24th we
weighed, standing S.S.E. and at two p.m. of the 25th we anchored in
seventeen fathoms at high water, full in sight of Damaun, which bore
E.S.E. In the afternoon of the 26th we anchored off the bar of Surat.
The 27th we went to Swally road, when Thomas Kerridge and Edward
Christian came aboard.

On the 6th of January, 1613, the _Firmaun_ from the Great Mogul, in
confirmation of peace and settlement of a factory for trade, came to
Swally as a private letter; wherefore I refused to receive it, lest it
might be a counterfeit, requiring that the chief men of Surat should
come down and deliver it to me, with the proper ceremonials.
Accordingly, on the 11th, the sabandar, his father-in-law Medigoffar,
and several others, came to Swally, and delivered the Firmaun to me in
form, making great professions of respect for our nation in the name of
their king. The 14th we landed all our cloth, with 310 elephants teeth,
and all our quicksilver. This day likewise the Portuguese galleons came
within three or four miles of us. The 16th, I landed Anthony Starkey,
with orders to travel over land for England, carrying letters to give
notice of our good success.[87]

[Footnote 87: Mr Starkey and his Indian companion or guide were poisoned
on the way by two friars.--Purch.]

The 17th, having received all my goods from Surat, I set sail at night,
leaving these coasts. The 18th we passed the four galleons, which all
weighed and followed us for two or three hours; but we finally separated
without exchanging shots. The 19th, when abreast of Basseen, we stopt
three Malabar barks, which had nothing in them, and from one of which we
took a boat. The 20th at night we were abreast of Chaul, both town and
castle being full in sight. In the afternoon of the 21st we were abreast
of Dabul, where we boarded three junks belonging to Calicut, laden with
cocoanuts. The 22d in the morning, the Hosiander sent her boat aboard
two junks, and at noon we were at the rocks, which are ten or eleven
leagues N. of Goa, and six or eight miles from the main. Two or three of
these rocks are higher than the hull of a large ship. At six p.m. we
were abreast of Goa, which is easily known by the island at the month of
the river, on which island there is a castle. All the way from Damann to
Goa, the coast trends nearly N. and S. with a slight inclination to N.W.
and S.E. the whole being very fair and without danger, having fair
shoaling and sixteen or seventeen fathoms some three or four leagues off
shore, with good-anchorage every where.

The 24th we saw a fleet of sixty or eighty frigates or barks bound to
the southwards, being in lat. 13 deg. 00' 30". The high land by the sea now
left us, and the shore became very low, yet with fair shoaling of
sixteen and seventeen fathoms some three or four leagues off. In the
afternoon we went into a bay, where all the before-mentioned frigates
were at anchor, together with three or four gallies. We brought out a
ship with us, whence all the Portuguese fled in their boats, and as two
frigates lay close aboard of her, they had carried away every thing
valuable. Next day we examined our prize, and found nothing in her
except rice and coarse sugar, with which we amply supplied both ships;
and having taken out her masts, and what firing she could afford, we
scuttled and sunk her, taking out likewise all her people, being twenty
or twenty-five Moors. The 26th we met a boat belonging to the Maldives
laden with cocoa-nuts and bound for Cananor, into which I put all the
people of the prize, except eight, whom I kept to assist in labour, one
of them being a pilot for this coast.

The 27th we were a little past Calicut, abreast of Paniany, our lat. at
noon being 10 deg. 30' N. In the morning of the 28th, we saw Cochin, which
is known by the towers and castle, being in lat 9 deg. 40' N. or thereby.
All the way from Goa to Cochin we never had above twenty fathoms,
though, sometimes four or five leagues from the land; and when only
three, four, or six miles off, the depths were from ten to twelve
fathoms. From lat 11 deg. 30' N. to Cochin, the land was all very low by the
water side; but up the country it was very high all along. Four or five
leagues to the north of Cochin, there is a high land within the country,
somewhat like a table mountain, yet rounded on the top, having long high
mountains to the north of this hill. All this day, the 28th, we sailed
within six or eight miles of the land, in nine, ten, and twelve fathoms.

We anchored on the 30th in fifteen fathoms, about twenty-six leagues to
the north of Cape Comorin right over against a little village, whence
presently came off six or eight canoes with water and all kinds of
provisions; the name of this place is _Beringar_, which our mariners
usually call Bring-John, being in the kingdom of Travancor. The 1st
February, the king sent me a message, offering to load my ship with
pepper and cinnamon, if I would remain and trade with him. The 5th we
were abreast of Cape Comorin, where we had a fresh gale of wind at E. by
N. which split our fore-top-sail and main bonnet, yet a canoe with eight
men came off to us three or four leagues from the land. We were here
troubled with calms and great heat, and many of our men fell sick, of
which number I was one. On the 8th we were forced back to the roads of
_Beringar_. This place has good refreshments for ships, and the people
are very harmless, and not friends to the Portuguese. From this place to
Cape Comorin, all the inhabitants of the sea coast are Christians, and
have a Portuguese priest or friar residing among them. It is to be
remarked, that the whole coast, even from Damaun to Cape Comorin, is
free from danger, and there is fair shoaling all the way from Cochin to
that cape, having sixteen, eighteen, and twenty fathoms close to the
land, and no ground five or six leagues off, after you come within
twenty-five or thirty leagues of the Cape. The variation at Damaun was
16 deg. 30'; halfway to the Cape about 15 deg., and 14 deg. at the cape, the
latitude of which is 7 deg. 30' N. [_exactly_ 7 deg. 57'].

In the afternoon we were fair off the Cape, and found much wind at
E.S.E. giving small hope of being able to go eastwards till the end of
the monsoon, which our Indians reported would be about the end of April.
So I bore up, and came to anchor, four or five leagues within the Cape,
in twenty fathoms close by two rocks. About two miles right off these
two rocks is a sunken rock, which is very dangerous, especially if
sailing in twenty fathoms, but by keeping in twenty-four fathoms all
danger is avoided. We remained here nine days, when we again made sail.
In the morning of the 28th we had sight of Ceylon, some eight or nine
leagues E.S.E. being in lat. 7 deg. N. At 4 p.m. we were close in with that
island, in thirteen, fifteen, and sixteen fathoms. The 1st of March, at
6 p.m. we were abreast of Columbo, the lat. of which is about 6 deg. 30' N.
[7 deg. 2']; having twenty-four and twenty-five fathoms three leagues off.
The 12th we stood in with the land, and anchored in twenty-four fathoms,
the wind being S.E. and S. I sent my boat ashore four leagues to the
north of _Punta de Galle_, and after some time a woman came to talk with
one of our Indians who was in the boat. She said we could have no
provisions: but by our desire she went to tell the men. Afterwards two
men came to us, who flatly refused to let us have any thing, alleging
that our nation had captured one of their boats; but it was the
Hollanders not the English. The 14th, in the morning, the southern point
of Ceylon, called _Tanadare_ [Dondra], bore E.S.E. of us, some five
leagues off. This point is in lat. 5 deg. 30' [5 deg. 54' N.], and is about ten
or twelve leagues E.S.E. from Punta de Galle. The 17th we were near one
of the sands mentioned by Linschoten, being two leagues from the land.
We had twenty-five fathoms water, and on the land, right opposite this
sand, is a high rock like a great tower. The land here trends E.N.E.[88]

[Footnote 88: Owing probably to careless abbreviation by Purchas, this
solitary notice is all that is given of the voyage between Dondra-head
in Ceylon and Acheen, in the north-west end of Sumatra, to which the
observation in the text seems to refer.--E.]

Sec.3. _Occurrences at Acheen, in Sumatra_.

At noon of the 12th April, 1613, we came to anchor in the road of
Acheen, in twelve fathoms, but ships may ride in ten or even eight
fathoms; the best place in which to ride being to the eastward of the
castle, and off the river mouth. I landed the merchants on the 13th; but
the king did not come to town till the 15th, when he sent me his _chop_
or licence to land, which was brought by an eunuch, accompanied by the
_Xabander_ and six or eight more, to whom I gave 120 _mam_. I landed
along with them, and two hours afterwards the king sent me a present of
some provisions, I having sent him on my landing a present of _two
pieces_;[89] the custom being to make the king some small present on
landing, in return for which he sends several dishes of meat.

[Footnote 89: These _pieces_, so often mentioned in the early voyages,
were probably fowling-pieces, or European fire-arms.--E.]

On the 17th, the king sent an elephant, with a golden bason, for our
king's letter, which I accompanied to court, attended by forty of our
men, who were all admitted into the king's presence. After many
compliments, the king returned me our king's letter, that I might read
it to him; and accordingly the substance of it was explained in the
native language, with the contents of which he was well pleased. After
some time, the king told me that he would shew me some of his
diversions, and accordingly caused his elephants to fight before us.
When six of them had fought for some time, he caused four buffaloes to
be brought, which made a very excellent and fierce fight; such being
their fierceness that sixty or eighty men could hardly part them,
fastening ropes to their hind-legs to draw them asunder. After these,
some ten or twelve rams were produced, which fought very bravely. When
it was so dark that we could hardly see, these sports were discontinued,
and the king presented me with a banquet of at least 500 dishes, and
such abundance of hot drinks as might have sufficed to make an army
drunk. Between nine and ten at night, he gave me leave to depart,
sending two elephants to carry me home; but as they had no coverings I
did not ride either of them.

On the 18th, I went again to court by appointment of the king, when we
began to treat concerning the articles formerly granted by his
grandfather to Mr James Lancaster; but when we came to that in which all
goods were to be brought in and carried out free from customs, we broke
off without concluding any thing. The 19th the ambassador of Siam came
to visit me, and told me, that about thirty months before, three
Englishmen had waited upon his king, who gave them kind entertainment,
being rejoiced at receiving letters from the king of England. He also
said that his king would be much pleased if our ships came to his ports,
telling me what great quantities of Portugal cloth, for so he called our
English cloth, would sell in his country. According to his opinion, the
colours most saleable in his country are, _stammel_ and other reds,
yellows, and other light, gay, and pleasing colours, such as those
already in most request at Surat. He also told me, that his king had
made a conquest of the whole kingdom of Pegu, as that he is now the most
powerful sovereign in the east, except the emperor of China, having
twenty-six tributary kings under his government and authority, and is
able to equip for war 6000 elephants. Their coin is all of silver, gold
being less esteemed, and of less proportional value than with us. That
country produces great abundance of pepper and raw silk; and he said the
Hollanders have factories at Patane, an excellent port, where they are
called English. Siam likewise, according to him, is a good port, and
nearer the court than Patane: Those who go to the city in which the king
resides land always at the port of Siam, whence the royal residence is
twenty days journey by land. I requested from the ambassador to give me
a letter to his sovereign, and letters also to the governors of the
maritime towns in Siam, in favour of the English nation, when we should
come upon these coasts, which he promised me. And, lastly, in token of
friendship we exchanged coins; I giving him some of our English coin,
and receiving from him the coins of Siam. I had often, after this first
interview, friendly intercourse with this ambassador.

I went to court on the 20th, butt had no opportunity to speak with the
king; whereupon I sent to the king's deputy, or chief minister, and
complained of having been dishonoured, and of having been abused by the
_shahbander_. He promised me speedy redress, and that he should inform
the king without delay, which indeed he did that same day. On the day
following, the king sent two officers of his court to me, to intimate
that I might repair freely to his court at all times, passing the gate
without hindrance or waiting for his _criss_. He also removed the
shahbander of whom I had complained, and appointed a gentleman, who had
formerly been his vice-ambassador to Holland, to attend upon me at all
times to court, or any where else, at my pleasure. The 24th I went to
court, and had access to the king, who satisfied me in all things, and
promised to ratify and renew all the articles formerly agreed upon
between his predecessor and Mr James Lancaster. After many compliments,
he gave me leave; and presently after my return, he sent me an elephant
to attend upon me, and to carry me at all times to any place I pleased.
This is a sign of the highest honour and esteem, as no person may have
an elephant, or ride upon one, but those whom the king is pleased to
honour with that privilege.

The 2d of May, the king invited me to his fountain to swim, and I was
there accordingly along with him, the place being some five or six miles
from the city; and he even sent me two elephants, one to ride upon, and
the other to carry my provision. Having washed and bathed in the water,
the king made me partake of a very splendid banquet, in which there was
too much arrak, the whole being eaten and drank us we sat in the water;
and at this entertainment all his nobles and officers were present. Our
banquet continued from one till towards five in the evening, when the
king allowed me to depart. Half an hour afterwards, all the strangers
were permitted to go away, and presently afterwards he came away
himself.

On the 14th, some Portuguese came to Acheen on an embassy from the
governor of Malacca to the king; and as the wind was scant, they landed
three leagues to the east of Acheen road. I immediately sent the
Hosiander, of which I appointed Edward Christian captain, to go in
search of the bark from Malacca, which was brought to me on the 17th:
But the king sent me two messengers, desiring me to release her and her
people and cargo; which I refused, till I had examined the bark and her
contents; saying, however, that in honour and respect for his majesty, I
should then do whatever he was pleased to desire. Afterwards, I was
informed by Mr Christian, that there were only four or five bales of
goods in the bark, and that nothing she contained had been meddled with.
Being satisfied of this I went ashore, and found my merchants were at
the court. They returned presently, saying, that the king was greatly
displeased at the capture of the Portuguese bark in his port, protesting
by his god that he would make us all prisoners, if she were not
released. Having notice that I was ashore, the king presently sent for
me; and, as I was on my way to the court, I met with a gentleman from
the king, who desired me in his name to release the bark; but I told him
I must first see and speak to the king. I was then brought into the
king's presence, and, after much discourse with him, I gave him the
bark and all her contents; with which he was so much pleased, that he
gave me the title of _Arancaia Puto_, signifying the _honourable white
man_, requiring all his nobles to call me by that name. In farther proof
of his satisfaction with my conduct on this occasion, he sold me all his
benzoin at my own price, being twenty _tailes_ the bahar, though then
selling commonly at thirty-four and thirty-five tailes. He at the same
time expressed his esteem and affection for me in the strongest terms,
desiring me to ask from him whatever I thought proper. I only requested
his letters of recommendation and favour for Priaman, which he most
readily promised; and, at my taking leave, he both made me eat some
mangoes, of which he was then eating, and gave me some home with me.

On the 27th, _Malim Cairy_ came to Acheen, by whom I received letters
from our merchants at Surat, as also a copy of the _firmaun_, sent them
from Agra, bearing date the 25th January, in the seventh year of the
then reigning Great Mogul, by which everything was confirmed that had
been agreed upon between the governor of Ahmedabad and me. The 17th of
June, a Dutch merchant came to Acheen from Masulipatam, who had been
eight months on his way, from whom we learnt the death of Mr Anthony
Hippon at Patane, and of Mr Brown, master of the Globe, who died at
Masulipatam, where our people had met with evil usage. The 24th I
received of the king his present for the king of England, consisting of
a _criss_ or dagger, a _hasega_, four pieces of fine Calicut lawn, and
eight camphire dishes.[90]

[Footnote 90: In the translation of the letter accompanying these
presents, to be noticed hereafter, they are thus described:--"A criss
wrought with gold, the hilt being of beaten gold, with a ring of stones;
an Assagaya of Swasse, half gold half copper; eight porcelain dishes
small and great, _of camfire one piece of souring stuff_; three pieces
of callico lawns."--The passage in Italics is inexplicable, either in
the words of the letter, or in the description in the text.--E.]

The 3d of July, the fleet of armed vessels belonging to Acheen arrived,
being only twenty days from the coast of Johor, at which place they had
captured the factory of the Hollanders, making prize of all their goods,
and had brought away some twenty or twenty-four Dutchmen as prisoners.
The 7th, I received the king's letter for Priaman, together with a
_chop_ or licence for my departure; and on the 12th, taking my leave of
Acheen, I embarked. In the morning of the 13th I set sail. It is to be
noted, that, from the 12th April to the middle of June, we had much rain
here at Acheen, seldom two fair days following, and accompanied, by much
wind in sudden gusts. From the 15th June to the 12th July, we had
violent gales of wind, always at S.W. or W.S.W. or W.

Sec.4. _Trade at Tecoo and Passaman, with the Voyage to Bantam, and thence
Home to England_.

Leaving Acheen, as said before, on the 13th July, 1613, we came in sight
of _Priaman_ on the 3d of August, it being then nine or ten leagues off,
N.E. by E. and clearly known by two great high hills, making a great
_swamp_ or saddle between them. We saw also the high land of _Tecoo_,
which is not more than half the height of that of Priaman, and rises
somewhat flat. At the same time likewise we saw the high land of
_Passaman_, some seven or eight leagues north of Tecoo, mid-way between
Tecoo and Priaman, which mountain is very high, and resembles Aetna in
Sicily.[91] In the afternoon of the 7th we came to Tecoo, and anchored
to the eastward of the three islands in seven fathoms, the southmost
isle bearing W.S.W. the middle isle W.N.W. and the northern isle N. 1/2
E. our anchorage being a mile from them.

[Footnote 91: Perhaps this observed similarity with Aetna is meant to
indicate that this hill also is a volcano.--E.]

I sent ashore my merchants on the 19th, and landed myself in the
afternoon. Next day, by advice of our council, the Hosiander was sent to
Priaman, with the letter of the king of Acheen. She sailed from Tecoo on
the 12th, and came back on the 18th, when she was dispatched to Bantam.
The 25th there came a junk from Bantam, the owners of which were
Chinese. They confirmed to me the reported death of Sir Henry Middleton,
with the loss of most of the men belonging to the Trades-increase, in
consequence of her main-mast breaking, while heaving her down for
careening her bottom. She was now returned from Pulo-Pannian to Bantam,
and they said that three hundred Chinese had died while employed at work
upon her.

The 28th a boat I had sent to Passaman returned, having been well
entertained at that place, and brought with them the _Scrivano_ to deal
with me, with whom accordingly I concluded a bargain. The 29th, the
governor of Tecoo sent for me to come ashore, when I went to wait upon
him. He was in council, with all the chiefs of the district, and, after
a long discussion, we agreed on the following price of pepper. In the
first place, we were to pay eighteen dollars the bahar; then there was
8d. the bahar for lastage or weighing, 30d. for _canikens_, and 35 d.
for _seilars_: Besides all which they bargained for presents to sixteen
chiefs or great men. On the 30th, Henry Long came from Passaman, and
informed me that Mr Oliver had fallen sick, and that several others of
our men had died there; upon which I sent my pinnace to bring back Mr
Oliver and all others who survived, and to discontinue our factory at
that place.

The 21st October, the Hosiander returned from Bantam, bringing me
letters from the English merchants at that place; saying that they had
17,000 bags of pepper ready, all of which I might have, or any part of
it I thought proper, if I chose to come for it, at thirteen dollars the
_timbane_. On this, and several other considerations, I held a
mercantile council, in which it was agreed that the Hosiander should be
left at _Tecoo_ for the sale of our Surat goods, all of which were
accordingly put on board her for that purpose, and I departed in the
Dragon for Bantam from the road of Tecoo on the 30th October. I remained
in this road of Tecoo eleven weeks, in which time I bought 115 or 120
tons of pepper, and buried twenty-five of our men. All of these either
died, or contracted their mortal illnesses at Passaman, not at Tecoo;
and surely, if we had not attempted to trade at Passaman, all, or at
least most of these, might have now been living. Wherefore, I earnestly
advise all of our nation to avoid sending any of their ships or men to
Passaman, for the air there is so contagious, and the water so
unwholesome, that it is impossible for our people to live at that place.

I set sail from Tecoo on the 30th October, and arrived in the road of
Bantam on the 11th November, where I anchored in a quarter less four
fathoms, [3-3/4 fathoms.] Next day I convened our English merchants on
board my ship, and agreed on the price of pepper at thirteen dollars the
_bahar_, which is 600 pounds of our weight. Having concluded my business
at this place, I set sail for Saldanha bay; where I bought for a small
quantity of copper, worth perhaps between three and four pounds, 494
sheep, 4 beeves, and 9 calves. We sailed again from that place on the
4th March, 1614; and on the day of our departure, the natives brought us
more live-stock than we knew how to dispose of; but we brought away
alive, eighty sheep, two beeves, and one calf.

The 24th of March we saw St Helena, eight or nine leagues to the W.N.W.
its latitude, by my estimation, being 16 deg. S. and its long, from the Cape
of Good Hope, 22 deg. W. At three p.m. we anchored in the road of that
island, right over-against the Chappel. While at St Helena, finding the
road from the Chappel [church valley], to where the lemon-trees grow, a
most wicked way, insomuch that it was a complete day's work to go and
come, I sent my boats to the westward, in hopes of finding a nearer and
easier way to bring down hogs and goats. In this search, my people found
a fair valley; some three or four miles to the S.W. which leads directly
to the lemon-trees, and is the largest and finest valley in the island,
after that at the Chappel, and is either the next, or the next save one,
from the valley of the Chappel. At this valley, which is some three or
four miles from that of the Chappel, and is from it the fourth valley or
swamp one way, and from the point to the westward the second, so that it
cannot be missed, it is much better and easier for getting provisions or
water, and the water is better and clearer. The road or anchorage is all
of one even ground and depth, so that it is much better riding here than
at any other part of the island; and from this place, a person may go up
to the lemon-trees and back again in three hours. We here got some
thirty hogs and pigs, and twelve or fourteen hundred lemons; but if we
had laid ourselves out for the purpose, I dare say we might have got 200
hogs, besides many goats.

Continuing our voyage home, we got sight of the Lizard point on the 4th
June, 1614, our estimated longitude from the Cape of Good Hope being
then 27 deg. 20', besides two degrees carried by the currents; so that the
difference of longitude, between the Cape and the Lizard, is 29 deg. 20', or
very nearly. Though we had then only left the Cape of Good Hope three
months before, and were only two months and nine days from St Helena,
more than half our company was now laid up by the scurvy, of which two
had died. Yet we had plenty of victuals, as beef, bread, wine, rice,
oil, vinegar, and sugar, as much as every one chose. All our men have
taken their sickness since we fell in with Flores and Corvo; since which
we have had very cold weather, especially in two great storms, one from
the N. and N.N.E. and the other at N.W. so that it seemeth the sudden
coming out of long heat into the cold is a great cause of scurvy. All
the way from the Cape of Good Hope to the Azores, I had not one man
sick.

The 15th of June, 1614, we came into the river Thames, by the blessing
of God, it being that day six months on which we departed from Bantam in
Java.

SECTION XVIII.

_Observations made during the foregoing Voyage, by Mr Copland, Chaplain,
Mr Robert Boner, Master, and Mr Nicholas Whittington, Merchant_.[92]

[Footnote 92: Purch. Pilgr. I. 466. On this occasion, only such notices
as illustrate the preceding voyage are extracted.--E.]

Sec.1. _Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Copland, Chaplain of the
Voyage_.

The bay of Saldhana, and all about the Cape of Good Hope, is healthful,
and so fruitful that it might well be accounted a terrestrial paradise.
It agrees well with our English constitutions; for, though we had ninety
or an hundred sick when we got there, they were all as well in twenty
days as when we left England, except one. It was then June, and we had
snow on the hills, though the weather below was warmish. The country is
mixed, consisting of mountains, plains, meadows, streams, and woods
which seem as if artificially planted on purpose, they are so orderly;
and it has abundance of free-stone for building. It has also plenty of
fish and wild-fowl, as geese, ducks, and partridges, with antelopes,
deer, and other animals. The people were very loving, though at first
afraid of us, because the Dutch, who resort hither to make train-oil,
had used them unkindly, having stolen and killed their cattle; but
afterwards, and especially on our return, they were more frank and kind.
They are of middle size, well limbed, nimble and active; and are fond of
dancing, which they do in just measure, but entirely naked. Their dress
consists of a cloak of sheep or seals-skin to their middle, the hair
side inwards, with a cap of the same, and a small skin like that of a
rat hanging before their privities. Some had a sole, or kind of sandal,
tied to their feet. Their necks were adorned with greasy tripes, which
they would sometimes pull off and eat raw; and when we threw away the
guts of beasts and sheep we bought from them, they would eat them half
raw and all bloody, in a most beastly and disgusting manner. They had
bracelets about their arms of copper or ivory, and were decorated with
many ostrich feathers and shells. The women were habited like the men,
and were at first very shy; but when here on our return voyage, they
became quite familiar, even lifting their rat-skins: But they are very
loathsome objects, their breasts hanging down to their waists. The hair
both of the men and women is short and frizzled. With these people
copper serves as gold, and iron for silver. Their dwellings are small
tents, removable, at pleasure; and their language is full of a strange
_clicking_ sound, made by doubling their tongues in their throats. There
is a high hill, called the _Table Mountain_, which covers all the
adjoining territory for an hundred miles. The natives, who are quite
black, behaved to us very peaceably, but seemed to have no religion, yet
their skins were slashed or cut, like the priests of Baal; and one
seemed to act as chief, as he settled the prices for the whole. Some of
our people went a considerable way into the country, and discovered many
bays and rivers.

When at Surat, the Guzerats took some of our sea-coal to send to their
sovereign, the Great Mogul, as a curiosity. At this place there came
against us a Portuguese squadron of four galleons, attended by
twenty-five or twenty-six armed barks or frigates, commanded by an
admiral named Nuno de Accunna, and having all red colours displayed, in
token of defiance. When advised by the sabander to keep between us and
the shore, he proudly answered, That he scorned to spend a week's
provisions on his men in hindering us from trade, as he was able to
force us to yield to his superior force in an hour. After three fights,
they sent one of their frigates against us, manned with six or seven
score of their best men, intending to set us on fire, but they were all
sunk.

_Medhaphrabad_,[93] formerly a fine walled city, has been entirely
ruined in the wars of the Moguls. It has still a strong castle, held by
a refractory chief of the Rajapoots, and was besieged by the nabob,
having fifty or sixty thousand men in his camp. The nabob dwelt in a
magnificent tent, covered above with cloth of gold, and spread below
with Turkey carpets, having declared he would not desist from the siege
till he had won the castle. He sent a horse, and two vests wrought with
silk and gold, to our general Captain Best, with four vests for four
others. On the 23d and 24th of December, we fought again with the
Portuguese, in view of the whole army of the Moguls, and forced them to
cut their cables and flee from us, being better sailing vessels than
ours.

[Footnote 93: Called Madafaldebar in the preceding section, and there
supposed to be the place now named Jaffrabat, on the coast of
Guzerat.--E.]

I rode from Swally to Surat in a coach drawn by oxen, which are
ordinarily used in this country for draught, though they have plenty of
excellent and handsome horses. On the way I was quite delighted to see
at the same time the goodliest spring and harvest combined I had ever
seen any where, often in two adjoining fields, one as green as a fine
meadow, and the other waving yellow like gold, and ready to cut down;
their grain being wheat and rice, of which they make excellent bread.
All along the road there were many goodly villages, full of trees which
yield a liquor called _toddy_, or palm-wine, which is sweet and
pleasant, like new wine, being strengthening and fattening. They have
grapes also, yet only make wine from the dried raisins. In Surat there
are many fair houses built of stone and brick, having flat roofs, and
goodly gardens, abounding in pomegranates, pomecitrons, lemons, melons,
and figs, which are to be had at all times of the year, the gardens
being continually refreshed with curious springs and fountains of fresh
water. The people are tali, neat, and well-clothed in long robes of
white callico or silk, and are very grave and judicious in their
behaviour. The sabander assured us that we had slain 350 of the
Portuguese; but we heard afterwards, that above 500 were killed or
maimed. Our general sent letters for England by land, but the messenger
and his Indian attendant were poisoned by two friars. A second letter
was entrusted to a mariner, which reached its destination.

We anchored in the road of Acheen on the 12th April, 1613, where we were
kindly received by the king. On the 2d of May, all the strangers then at
Acheen were invited to a banquet at a place six miles from the town, and
on this occasion two elephants were sent for our general. To this place
all the dishes were brought by water by boys, who swam with one hand,
while each carried a dish in--the other; and the drink was brought in
the same manner. When the guests had satisfied themselves with tasting
any of the dishes, which indeed they must of all, the remainder was
thrown into the river. In this feast there were at least 500 dishes
served, all well dressed. It continued from one o'clock till five; but
our general, who was wearied with sitting so long in the water beside
the king, was dismissed an hour before the other guests. The captain or
chief merchant of the Dutch factory, either by taking too much strong
drink, or from sitting too long in the cold water, caught an illness of
which he died soon after.

The 2d June we were entertained by a fight of four elephants with a wild
tyger, which was tied to a stake; yet did he fasten on the legs and
trunks of the elephants, making them to roar and bleed extremely. This
day, as we were told, one eye of a nobleman was plucked out by command
of the king, for having looked at one of the king's women, while bathing
in the river. Another gentleman, wearing a sash, had his head cut round,
because it was too large. Some he is said to throw into boiling oil,
some to be sawn in pieces, others to have their legs cut off, or spitted
alive, or empaled on stakes. The 25th of June, the king of Acheen sent
our general a letter for the king of England, most beautifully written
and painted, of which the following is a translation of the
preamble.[94]

[Footnote 94: Being merely complimentary, it has not been deemed
necessary to give any more of this letter than the hyperbolical titles
assumed by the petty Mallay rajah.--E.]

_PEDUCKA SIRIE, Sultan, King of kings renowned in war, sole king of
Sumatra, more famous than his ancestors, feared in his dominions, and
honoured in all the neighbouring countries. In whom is the true image of
a king, reigning by the true rules of government, formed as it were of
the most pure metal, and adorned by the must splendid colours. Whose
seat is most high and complete; whence floweth, as a river of fine
crystal, the pure and undefiled stream of bounty and justice. Whose
presence is like the most pure gold: King of Priaman, and of the
mountain of gold: Lord of nine sorts of precious stones: King of two
Umbrellas of beaten gold; who sitteth upon golden carpets; the furniture
of whose horses, and his _own armour, are of pure gold; the teeth of his
elephants being likewise of gold, and every thing belonging to them. His
lances half gold half silver; his small shot of the same; a saddle also
for an elephant of the same; a tent of silver; and all his seals half
gold half silver. His bathing-vessels of pure gold; his sepulchre also
entire gold, those of his predecessors being only half gold half silver.
All the services of his table of pure gold; &c.

This great king sendeth this letter of salutation to James, king of
Great Britain, &c._

This king of Acheen is a gallant-looking warrior, of middle size, and
full of spirit. His country is populous, and he is powerful both by sea
and land. He has many elephants, of which we saw 150 or 180 at one time.
His gallies are well armed with brass ordnance, such as demi-cannons,
culverins, sackers, minions, &c. His buildings are stately and spacious,
though not strong; and his court or palace at Acheen is very pleasant,
having a goodly branch of the main river surrounding and pervading it,
which he cut and brought in from the distance of six miles in twenty
days, while we were there. At taking leave, he desired our general to
offer his compliments to the king of England, and to entreat that two
white women might be sent him: "For," said he, "if I have a son by one
of them, I will make him king of Priaman, Passaman, and the whole pepper
coast; so that you shall not need to come any more to me, but may apply
to your own English king for that commodity."

Sec.2. _Notes concerning the Voyage, extracted from the Journal of Mr
Robert Boner, who was Master of the Dragon_.

The regular trade-wind is seldom met with till two or three degrees
south of the equator. Tornados are sure to be encountered in two or
three degrees north of the line, and sometimes even four degrees. It is
necessary to use the utmost diligence in getting well to the south, as
in that consists the difference between a good and bad voyage, and the
health of the men depend greatly on that circumstance. In passing the
line, it is proper so to direct the course from the island of Mayo as to
cross between the longitudes of _seven_ and _nine_ degrees _west_ of the
Lizard, if possible. At all events be careful not to come within _six_
degrees, for fear of the calms on the coast of Guinea, and not beyond
_ten_ degrees west from the Lizard if possible, to avoid the W.N.W.
stream which sets along the coast of Brazil to the West Indies; and in
crossing the line, in 7 deg., 8 deg., or 9 deg. west of the Lizard, you shall not
fear the flats of Brazil: For the general wind in these longitudes is at
E.S.E. or S.E. so that you may commonly make a S.S.W. course, so as to
keep the ship full that she may go speedily through; for there is much
loss of time in hauling the ship too close by the wind, and it is far
better therefore to give her a fathom of the sheet.

In making for the bay of Saldanha [_Table bay,_] keep between the
latitudes of 33 deg. 50' and 34 deg. 20' of S. lat. so as to be sure of coming
not much wide of the bay. If, on seeing the land, it appear high, you
are then to the S.W. of the bay: if low sand-hills, you are then to the
northward of the bay. In falling in with, the high land to the
southward, which is between the Cape of Good Hope and the bay, the land
trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. seven leagues from the Cape, and then trends
away N.E. and S.W. towards the point of the Sugar-loaf, some four
leagues. From this point of the _Sugar-loaf_ lieth _Penguin_ island; but
keep fair by the point, as two miles from Penguin island there are two
shoals. From the point to the island there are some seven or eight miles
N. and S. and so, borrowing on that point, in eight or nine fathoms,
steer a course S.E. and E.S.E. till you bring the _Table_ S.S.W. and the
_Sugar-loaf_ S.W. by W. when you may anchor in 6 or 6 1/2 fathoms as you
please; and then will the point of land by the _Sugar-loaf_ bear W.N.W.
some two leagues off, and _Penguin_ island N.N.W. some three leagues
distant. The latitude of the point going into the bay of Saldanha
[_Table bay,_] is 34 deg. 5' S.[95] On coming in there is nothing to fear,
though the air be thick, as the land is bold within a cable's length of
the shore.

[Footnote 95: Only 33 deg. 54'--E.]

In my opinion, the current near Cape _Aguillas_ sets to the southward
not above fifty or sixty leagues from the land: Wherefore, in going to
the eastwards, it is right to have sixty leagues from land, so that you
may miss that current. For 90 or 100 leagues beyond Cape _Aguillas_, the
land trends E. by N. and not E.N.E. as in the charts.

In my opinion the gulf of Cambaya is the worst place in all India for
worms; wherefore ships going to Surat ought to use every precaution
against injury from them. At Acheen our general was denominated
_Arancaya Pattee_ by the king, who showed him extraordinary favour,
sending for him to be present at all sports and pastimes; and all our
men were very kindly used by the people at this place, more so than any
strangers who had ever been there before.

Sec.3. _Extracts from a Treatise, written by Mr Nicholas Whittington, who
was left as Factor in the Mogul Country by Captain Best, containing some
of his Travels and Adventures_.

The sheep at the Cape of Good Hope are covered with hair instead of
wool. The beeves are large, but mostly lean. The natives of that
southern extremity of Africa are negroes, having woolly heads, flat
noses, and straight well-made bodies. The men have only one testicle,
the other being cut out when very young.[96] Their apparel consists of a
skin hung from their shoulders, reaching to their waist, and two small
rat-skins, one before and the other behind, and all the rest of their
body naked, except a kind of skin or leather-cap on their heads, and
soles tied to their feet, considerably longer and broader than the foot.
Their arms are very scanty, consisting of bows and arrows of very little
force, and lances or darts very artificially made, in the use of which
they are very expert, and even with them kill many fish. They are in use
to wear the guts of sheep and oxen hanging from their necks, smelling
most abominably, which they eat when hungry, and would scramble for our
garbage like so many dogs, devouring it quite raw and foul.

[Footnote 96: Captain Saris told me that some have two; but these are of
the baser sort and slaves, as he was told by one of these marked by this
note of gentility.--_Purch._]

At Surat, although Sir Henry Middleton had taken their ships in the Red
Sea, they promised to deal fairly with us, considering that otherwise
they might burn their ships and give over all trade by sea, as _Mill
Jaffed_, one of the chief merchants of Surat, acknowledged to us. While
at Surat, every one of us that remained any time ashore was afflicted
with the flux, of which Mr Aldworth was ill for forty days. The custom
here is, that all strangers make presents on visiting any persons of
condition, and they give other presents in return.

Finding it impossible to have any trade at Surat, as the Portuguese
craft infested the mouth of the river, our general removed with the
ships to Swally roads, whence we might go and come by land without
danger, between that place and Surat. Mr Canning had been made prisoner
by the Portuguese, but the viceroy ordered him to be set ashore at
Surat, saying, "Let him go and help his countrymen to fight, for we
shall take their ships and all of them together." He was accordingly
liberated, and came to us at Swally. The purser had likewise been nearly
taken; but he escaped and got on board. The 3d October, _Seikh Shuffe_,
governor of _Amadavar_, [Ahmedabad], the chief city of Guzerat, came to
Surat and thence to Swally, where he entered into articles of agreement
for trade and friendship.

The 29th of October, four Portuguese galleons and a whole fleet of
frigates, or armed grabs, hove in sight. Our general went immediately to
meet them in the Dragon, and fired not one shot till he came between
their admiral and vice-admiral, when he gave each of them a broadside
and a volley of small arms, which made them come no nearer for that day.
The other two galleons were not as yet come up, and our consort the
Hosiander could not get clear of her anchors, so that she did not fire a
shot that day. In the evening both sides came to anchor in the sight of
each other. Next morning the fight was renewed, and this day the
Hosiander bravely redeemed her yesterday's inactivity. The Dragon drove
three of them aground, and the Hosiander so _danced the hay_ about them,
that they durst never show a man above hatches. They got afloat in the
afternoon with the tide of flood, and renewed the fight till evening,
and then anchored till next day. Next day, as the Dragon drew much
water, and the bay was shallow, we removed to the other side of the bay
at _Mendafrobay_, [Jaffrabat], where _Sardar Khan_, a great nobleman of
the Moguls, was then besieging a castle of the _Rajaputs_, who, before
the Mogul conquest, were the nobles of that country, and were now
subsisting by robbery. He presented our general with a horse and
furniture, which he afterwards gave to the governor of Gogo, a poor town
to the west of Surat.

After ten days stay, the Portuguese having refreshed, came hither to
attack us. Sardar Khan advised our general to flee; but in four hours we
drove them out of sight, in presence of thousands of the country people.
After the razing of this castle, Sardar Khan reported this gallant
action to the Great Mogul, who much admired it, as he thought none were
like the Portuguese at sea. We returned to Swally on the 27th December,
having only lost three men in action, and one had his arm shot off:
while the Portuguese acknowledged to have lost 160, though report said
their loss exceeded 300 men.

The 13th January, 1613, I was appointed factor for the worshipful
company, and bound under a penalty of four hundred pounds. Our ships
departed on the 18th, the galleons not offering to disturb them: and at
this time Anthony Starkey was ordered for England. Mr Canning was
seventy days in going from Surat to Agra, during which journey he
encountered many troubles, having been attacked by the way, and shot in
the belly with an arrow, while another Englishman in his company was
shot through the arm, and many of his peons were killed and wounded. Two
of his English attendants quitted him, and returned to Surat, leaving
only two musicians to attend upon him. He arrived at Agra on the 9th
April, when he presented our king's letter to the Great Mogul, together
with a present of little value; and being asked if this present came
from our king, he answered that it only came from the merchants. The
Mogul honoured him with a cup of wine from his own hand, and then
referred him, on the business of his embassy, to Morak Khan. One of his
musicians died, and was buried in the church-yard belonging to the
Portuguese, who took up the body, and buried it in the highway; but on
this being complained of to the king, they were commanded to bury him
again, on penalty of being all banished the country, and of having all
the bodies of their own dead thrown out from the church-yard. After
this, Mr Canning wrote that he was in fear of being poisoned by the
jesuits, and requested to have some one sent up to his assistance, which
was accordingly agreed to by us at Surat. But Mr Canning; died on the
29th of May, and Mr Kerridge went up on the 22d of June.

At this time I was to have been sent by the way of Mokha to England; but
the master of the ship said it was impossible, except I were
circumcised, to go so near Mecca. The 13th October, 1613, the ship
returned, and our messenger made prisoner at the bar of Surat by the
Portuguese armed frigates, [grabs] worth an hundred thousand pounds, and
seven hundred persons going to Goa.[97] This is likely to be of great
injury here, for no Portuguese is now permitted to pass either in or out
without a surety; and the Surat merchants are so impoverished, that our
goods are left on our hands, so that we had to send them to Ahmedabad.
John Alkin, who deserted from Sir Henry Middleton to the Portuguese,
came to us at this time, and told us that several of their towns were
besieged by the Decaners, and other neighbouring Moors, so that they
had to send away many hundred Banians and others, that dwelt among them,
owing to want of provisions; and indeed three barks came now with these
people to Surat, and others of them went to Cambaya. Their weak
behaviour in the sea-fight with us was the cause of all this.

[Footnote 97: Probably owing to careless abridgement by Purchas, this
passage is quite unintelligible. The meaning seems to be, That the ship
in which was the English messenger, having a cargo worth 100,000_l_.
sterling, and 700 persons aboard, bound on the pilgrimage to Mecca, was
taken and carried into Goa.--E.]

About this time also, Robert Claxon of the Dragon, who had deserted to
the Portuguese for fear of punishment, came to us accompanied by a
German who had been a slave among the Turks. One Robert Johnson, who was
with the Portuguese, and meant to have come to us, was persuaded by
another Englishman, while passing through the Decan, to turn mussulman,
and remain in that country, where he got an allowance of seven shillings
and sixpence a-day from the king, and his diet from the king's table.
But he died eight days after being circumcised. Robert Trully, the
musician, fell out with Mr Kerridge at Agra, and went to the king of
Decan, carrying a German with him as interpreter. They both offered to
turn Mahometans, and Trully, getting a new name at his circumcision,
received a great allowance from the king, in whose service he continues;
but the German, who had been, formerly circumcised in Persia, and now
thought to have deceived the king, was not entertained; whereupon he
returned to Agra, where he serves a Frenchman, and now goes to mass.
Robert Claxon, above mentioned, had also turned Mahometan in the Decan,
with a good allowance at court; but, not being contented, he came to
Surat, where he was pitied by us for his seeming penitence; but being
entrusted with upwards of forty pounds, under pretence of making
purchases, he gave us the slip and returned to the Decan. Thus there are
at present four English renegadoes in the Decan, besides many
Portuguese. The 27th October, 1613, we received letters sent by Mr
Gurney of Masulipatam, written by Captain Marlow of the ship Janus,
informing us of his arrival and trade at that place.

From Surat I went to _Periano_? three _coss_; thence to Cossumba, a
small village, ten _coss_; and thence to Broach, ten _coss_. This is a
very pretty city on a high hill, encompassed by a strong wall, and
having a river running by as large as the Thames, in which were several
ships of two hundred tons and upwards. Here are the best calicoes in the
kingdom of Guzerat, and great store of cotton. From thence I went to
_Saninga_ [Sarang], ten coss; to _Carrou_? ten c. and then fourteen c.
to _Boldia_ [Brodrah], a smaller city than Broach, but well built,
having a strong wall, and garrisoned by 3000 horse under _Mussuff Khan_.
I went thence ten c. to a river named, the _Wussach_, [the Mahy?] where
Mussuff was about to engage with the rajaputs who lay on the opposite
side of the river, the chief of whom was of the race of the former kings
of Surat. Thence other fourteen coss to _Niriand_,[Nariad] a large town
where they make indigo; and thence, ten c. more to _Amadabar_, or
Ahmedabad, the chief city of Guzerat, nearly as large as London,
surrounded by a strong wall, and seated in a plain by the side of the
river Mehindry. There are here many merchants, Mahometans, Pagans, and
Christians; with great abundance of merchandize, which chiefly are
indigo, cloth of gold, silver tissue, velvets, but nothing comparable to
ours, taffeties, _gumbucks_, coloured _baffaties_, drugs, &c. _Abdalla
Khan_ is governor of this place, who has the rank and pay of a commander
of 5000 horse. From, thence, on my way to Cambay, I went seven c. to
_Barengeo_, [Baregia] where every Tuesday a _cafilla_ or caravan of
merchants and travellers meet to go to Cambay, keeping together in a
large company to protect themselves from robbers. From thence sixteen c.
we came to Soquatera, a fine town with a strong garrison; whence we
departed about midnight, and got to Cambay about eight next morning, the
distance being ten _coss_.

In November, we rode to _Sarkess_, three coss from Ahmedabad, where are
the sepulchres of the Guzerat kings, the church and handsome tombs being
kept in fine order, and many persons resort to see them from all parts
of the kingdom. At the distance of a coss, there is a pleasant house
with a large garden, a mile round, on the banks of the river, which
_Chon-Chin-Naw_,[98] the greatest of the Mogul nobles, built in memory
of the great victory he gained at this place over the last king of
Guzerat, in which he took the king prisoner, and subjugated the kingdom.
No person inhabits this house, and its orchard is kept by a few poor
men. We lodged here one night, and sent for six fishermen, who in half
an hour caught more fish for us than all our company could eat.

[Footnote 98: This name seems strangely corrupted, more resembling the
name of a Chinese leader than of a Mogul Khan or Amir. Perhaps it ought
to have been Khan-Khanna.--E.]

The 28th November, we received intelligence at Ahmedabad, that three
English ships had arrived at _Larry Bunder_, the port town of
_Guta-Negar-Tutla_, [Tatta] the chief city of _Sindy_. I was sent
thither, and came on the 13th December to _Cassumparo_, where I overtook
a cafilla or caravan travelling to _Rahdunpoor_, six days journey on my
way. We went thence to _Callitalouny_, a fair castle; thence seven c. to
_Callwalla_, a pretty village, given by the emperor Akbar to a company
of women and their posterity for ever, to bring up their children in
dancing and music. They exhibited their talents to our caravan, and
every man made them some present, and then they openly asked if any of
us wanted bedfellows. On the 16th we went eight _coss_ to _Cartya_,
where is a well-garrisoned fortress. We remained here till the 18th,
waiting for another caravan for fear of thieves, and then went to
_Deccanaura_,[99] on which day our camel was stolen and one of our men
was slain. The 19th we travelled ten c. to _Bollodo_, a fort held by
_Newlock Abram Cabrate_ for the Mogul, and who that day brought in 169
heads of the Coolies, a plundering tribe. The 20th in thirteen c. we
came to a fort named _Sariandgo_, and the 21st in ten c. we arrived at
_Rhadunpoor_, a large town with a fort. We remained here till the 23d,
to provide water and other necessaries for our journey through the
desert.

[Footnote 99: It singularly happens, in the excellent map of Hindoostan
by Arrowsmith, that none of the stages between Ahmedabad and Rahdunpoor
are laid down, unless possibly _Decabarah_ of the map may be _Decanauru_
of the text; while Mr Arrowsmith actually inserts on his map the route
of Whittington across the sandy desert of Cutch, between Rahdunpoor and
the eastern branch of the Indus, or _Nulla Sunkra_, and thence through
the Delta to Tatta.--E.]

The 23d, leaving Rhadunpoor, we travelled seven coss, and lay all night
in the fields, having that day met a caravan coming from Tatta that had
been plundered of every thing. On the 24th I sent off one of my peons
with a letter to Larry Bunder, who promised to be there in ten days, but
I think he was slain by the way; we went twelve c. that day. The 25th we
travelled fourteen c. and lodged by a well, the water of which was so
salt that our cattle would not drink it. The 26th ten c. to such
another well, where our camels took water, not having had any for three
days. The 27th after fourteen c. we lodged on the ground; and the 28th,
in ten c. we came to a village called _Negar Parkar_. In this desert we
saw great numbers, of wild asses, red deer, foxes, and other wild
animals. We stopt all the 29th, and met another caravan, that had been
robbed within two days journey of Tatta. _Parkar_ pays tribute yearly to
the Mogul; but all the people from thence to _Inno_, half a day's
journey from Tatta, acknowledge no king, but rob and spare at their
pleasure. When any of the Moguls come among them, they set their own
houses on fire, and flee into the mountains; and as their houses are
only built of straw and mortar, they are soon rebuilt. They exact
customs at their pleasure, and even guard passengers through the desert,
not willing they should be robbed by any but themselves. The 30th we
left Parkar, and after travelling six coss, we lay at a tank or pond of
fresh water. The 31st we travelled eight c. and lay in the fields beside
a brackish well. The 1st January, 1614, we went ten c. to _Burdiano_,
and though many were sick of this water, we had to provide ourselves
with a supply for four days. The 2d we travelled all night eighteen c.
The 3d, from afternoon till midnight, we went ten c. The 4th twelve c.
This day I fell sick and vomited, owing to the bad water. The 5th, after
seven c. we came to three wells, two of them salt and one sweetish. The
6th, having travelled ten c. we came to _Nuraquimire_, a pretty town,
where our company from Rhadunpoor left us. We who remained were two
merchants and myself with five of their servants, four of mine, ten
camels, and five camel-drivers.

This town of _Nuraquimire_ is within three days journey of Tatta, and to
us, after coming out of the desert, seemed quite a paradise. We agreed
with a kinsman of the Rajah, or governor, for twenty _laries_, or
shillings, to conduct us on the remainder of our journey. We accordingly
departed on the 8th, and travelled ten c. to _Gaundajaw_, where we had
been robbed but for our guard. The 9th we were twice set upon, and
obliged to give each time five _laries_ to get free. We came to
_Sarruna_, a great town of the _rajputs_ with a castle, fourteen _coss_
from Tatta. We visited the governor, _Ragee Bouma_, eldest son to sultan
_Bulbul_, who was lately captured by the Moguls and had his eyes pulled
out, yet had escaped about two months ago, and was now living in the
mountains inviting all his kindred to revenge. The _Ragee_ treated me
kindly as a stranger, asking me many questions about my country. He
even made me sup with him, and gave me much wine, in which he so
heartily partook, that he stared again. A banian at this place told me
that Sir Robert Sherly had been much abused by the Portuguese and the
governor of _Larry Bunder_, having his house set on fire, and his men
much hurt in the night; and that on his arrival at Tatta, thirteen days
journey from thence, he had been unkindly used by the governor of that
city. He likewise told me of the great trade carried on at Tatta, and
that ships of 300 tons might be brought up to Larry Bunder; and advised
me to prevail upon _Ragee Bouma_ to escort us to Tatta.

According to this bad advice, we hired the _Ragee_ for forty _laries_ to
escort us with fifty horsemen to the gates of Tatta. We departed from
_Sarruna_ on the 11th January, and having travelled five coss we lay all
night by the side of a river. Departing at two next morning, the Ragee
led us in a direction quite different from our right road, and came
about daybreak into a thicket, where he made us all be disarmed and
bound, and immediately strangled the two merchants and their five men by
means of their camel ropes. After stripping them of all their clothes,
he caused their bodies to be flung into a hole dug on purpose. He then
took my horse and eighty rupees from me, and sent me and my men up the
mountains to his brothers, at the distance of twenty coss, where we
arrived on the 14th, and where I remained twenty days a close prisoner.
On the 7th February, an order came to send me to _Parkar_, the governor
of which place was of their kindred, and that I should be sent from
thence to Rhadunpoor; but I was plundered on the way of my clothes and
every thing else about me, my horse only being left me, which was not
worth taking away.

Arriving at Parkar on the 28th February, and finding the inhabitants
charitable, we were reduced to the necessity of begging victuals; and
actually procured four mahmoodies by that means, equal to as many
shillings. But having the good fortune to meet a banian of Ahmedabad,
whom I had formerly known, he relieved me and my men. We were five days
in travelling from Parkar to Rhadunpoor, where I arrived on the 19th
March, and went thence to Ahmedabad on the 2d April, after an absence of
111 days. Thence to Brodia and Barengeo, thence sixteen c. to Soquatera,
and ten c. to Cambay. We here crossed the large river, which is seven
coss in breadth,[100] and where many hundreds are swallowed up yearly.
On the other side of the river we came to _Saurau_,[101] where is a town
and castle of the _razbootches_ or rajputs. The 16th of April I
travelled twenty-five coss to Broach. The 17th I passed the river
[Narbuddah], and went ten c. to _Cossumba_; and on the 18th thirteen c.
to Surat.

[Footnote 100: The great river in the text is assuredly the upper part
of the gulf of Cambay, where the tide sets in with prodigious rapidity,
entering almost at once with a vast wave or bore, as described on a
former occasion in the Portuguese voyages.--E.]

[Footnote 101: Probably Sarrode, on the south side of the entry of the
river Mahy.--E.]

According to general report, there is no city of greater trade in all
the Indies than Tatta in Sinde; its chief port being Larry Bunder, three
days journey nearer the mouth of the river. There is a good road without
the river's mouth, said to be free from worms; which, about Surat
especially, and in other parts of India, are in such abundance, that
after three or four months riding, were it not for the sheathing, ships
would be rendered incapable of going to sea. The ports and roads of
Sinde are said to be free. From Tatta they go in two months by water to
Lahore, and return down the river in one. The commodities there are
_baffatys_, stuffs, _lawns_ [muslins], coarse indigo, not so good as
that of Biana. Goods, may be carried from Agra on camels in twenty days
to _Bucker_ on the river Indus, and thence in fifteen or sixteen days
aboard the ships at the mouth of the Indus. One may travel as soon from
Agra to Sinde as to Surat, but there is more thieving on the Sinde road,
in spite of every effort of the Mogul government to prevent it.

The inhabitants of Sinde consist mostly of Rajputs, Banians, and
Baloches, the governors of the cities and large towns being Moguls. The
country people are rude; going naked from the waist upwards, and wear
turbans quite different from the fashion of the Moguls. Their arms are
swords, bucklers, and lances; their bucklers being large and shaped like
bee-hives, in which they are in use to give their camels drink, and
their horses provender. Their horses are good, strong, and swift, and
though unshod, they ride them furiously, backing them at a year old. The
Rajputs eat no beef or buffalo flesh, even worshipping them; and the
Moguls say that the Rajputs know how to die as well as any in the world.
The Banians kill nothing, and are said to be divided into more than
thirty different casts, that differ somewhat among them in matters of
religion, and may not eat with each other. All burn their dead; and when
the husband dies, the widow shaves her head, and wears her jewels no
more, continuing this state of mourning as long as she lives.

When a Rajput dies, his wife accompanies his body to the funeral pile in
her best array, attended by all her friends and kindred, and by music.
When the funeral pile is set on fire, she walks round it two or three
times, bewailing the death of her husband, and then rejoicing that she
is now to live with him again: After which, embracing her friends, she
sits down on the top of the pile among dry wood, taking her husband's
head on her lap, and orders fire to be put to the pile; which done, her
friends throw oil upon her and sweet perfumes, while she endures the
fire with wonderful fortitude, loose not bound. I have seen many
instances of this. The first I ever saw was at Surat, the widow being a
virgin of ten years old, and her affianced husband being a soldier slain
in the wars at a distance, whence his clothes and turban were sent to
her, and she insisted on burning herself along with these. The governor
refused to give her permission, which she took grievously to heart, and
insisted on being burnt; but they durst not, till her kindred procured
leave by giving the governor a present, to her great joy. The kindred of
the husband never force this, but the widow esteems it a disgrace to her
family not to comply with this custom, which they may refrain from if
they choose: But then they must shave their heads, and break all their
ornaments, and are never afterwards allowed to eat, drink, sleep, or
keep company with any one all the rest of their lives. If, after
agreeing to burn, a woman should leap out of the fire, her own parents
would bind her and throw her in again by force; but this weakness is
seldom seen.

The Banian marriages are made at the age of three years or even under;
and two pregnant women sometimes enter into mutual promises, if one of
their children should prove male and the other female, to unite them in
marriage. But these marriages are always in the same cast and religion,
and in the same trade and occupation; as the son of a barber with the
daughter of a barber, and so on. When the affianced couple reach three
years of age, the parents make a great feast, and set the young couple
on horseback dressed in their best clothes, a man sitting behind each to
hold them on. They are then led about the city in procession, according
to their state and condition, accompanied by bramins or priests and many
others, who conduct them to the pagoda or temple; and after going
through certain ceremonies there, they are led home, and feasts are
given for several days, as they are able. When ten years of age, the
marriage is consummated. The reason they assign for these early
marriages is, that they may not be left wifeless, in case their parents
should die. Their bramins are esteemed exceedingly holy, and have the
charge of their pagodas or idol temples, having alms and tithes for
their maintenance; yet they marry, and follow occupations, being good
workmen and ready to learn any pattern. They eat but once a day, washing
their whole bodies before and after meat, and use ablutions after the
natural evacuations.

The _Baloches_ are Mahometans, who deal much in camels, and are mostly
robbers by land or on the rivers, murdering all they rob; yet are there
very honest men among them in Guzerat and about Agra. While I was in
Sinde, they took a boat with seven Italians and a Portuguese friar, all
the rest being slain in fight. This was ripped up by them in search of
gold.[102]

[Footnote 102: This is obscurely expressed, leaving it uncertain _what_
was ripped up in search of gold: The boat, the bodies of the slain, or
the prisoners.--E.]

John Mildnall, or Mildenhall, an Englishman, had been employed with
three other young Englishmen, whom he poisoned in Persia, to make
himself master of the goods. He was himself also poisoned, yet, by means
of preservatives, he lived many months afterwards, though exceedingly
swelled, and so came to Agra with the value of 20,000 dollars. On this
occasion I went from Surat for Agra, on the 14th May, 1614. I arrived
first at _Bramport_, [Bushanpoor] where Sultan _Parvis_ lives, situated
in a plain on the river _Taptee_ or of Surat, which is there of great
breadth, and at this place there is a large castle. Thence I went to
Agra in twenty-six days, having travelled the whole way from Surat to
Agra, which is 700 coss or 1010 English miles, in thirty-seven days of
winter, during which time it rained almost continually. From Surat to
Burhanpoor is a pleasant champain country, well watered with rivers,
brooks, and springs. Between Burhanpoor and Agra the country is very
mountainous, not passable with a coach, and scarcely to be travelled on
camels. The nearest way is by _Mando_, passing many towns and cities on
every day's journey, with many high hills and strong castles, the whole
country being well inhabited, very peaceable, and clear of thieves.

Agra is a very large town, its wall being two coss in circuit, the
fairest and highest I ever saw, and well replenished with ordnance; the
rest of the city being ruinous, except the houses of the nobles, which
are pleasantly situated on the river. The ancient royal seat was
_Fatipoor_, twelve coss from Agra, but is now fallen into decay. Between
these two is the sepulchre of the king's father, to which nothing I ever
saw is comparable: yet the church or mosque of _Fatipoor_ comes near it,
both being built according to the rules of architecture. In Agra the
Jesuits have a house and a handsome church, built by the Great Mogul,
who allows their chief seven rupees a-day, and all the rest three, with
licence to convert as many as they can: But alas! these converts were
only for the sake of money; for when, by order of the Portuguese, the
new converts were deprived of their pay, they brought back their beads
again, saying they had been long without pay, and would be Christians no
longer. In consequence of the Portuguese refusing to deliver back the
goods taken at Surat, the king ordered the church doors to be locked up
and they have so continued ever since; so the _padres_ make a church of
one of their chambers, where they celebrate mass twice a day, and preach
every Sunday, first in Persian to the Armenians and Moors, and
afterwards in Portuguese for themselves, the Italians, and Greeks.

By them I was informed of the particulars of Mildenhall's goods, who had
given them all to a French protestant, though himself a papist, that he
might marry a bastard daughter he had left in Persia, and bring up
another. The Frenchman refusing to make restitution, was thrown into
prison and after four months all was delivered up.

Between Agumere and Agra, at every ten _coss_, being an ordinary day's
journey, there is a _Serai_ or lodging house for men and horses, with
hostesses to dress your victuals if you please, paying a matter of
three-pence for dressing provisions both for man and horse. And between
these two places, which are 120 coss distant, there is a pillar erected
at every _coss_, and a fair house every ten coss, built by Akbar, on
occasion of making a pilgrimage on foot from Agra to Agimere, saying his
prayers at the end of every coss. These houses serve for accommodating
the king and his women, no one else being allowed to use them. The king
resides at Agimere on occasion of wars with _Rabna_, a rajput chief, who
has now done homage, so that there is peace between them. I made an
excursion to the Ganges, which is two days journey from Agra. The
Banians carry the water of the Ganges to the distance of many hundred
miles, affirming that it never corrupts, though kept for any length of
time. A large river, called the _Geminie_ [Jumna], passes by Agra.

On the 24th of May, 1616, while on our voyage home to England, we went
into Suldunha bay, where were several English ships outwards bound,
namely, the Charles, Unicorn, Janus, Globe, and Swan, the general being
Mr Benjamin Joseph. We arrived safe at Dover on the 15th September,
1616.

* * * * *

John Mildenhall, mentioned in the foregoing article, left England on the
12th February, 1600, and went by Constantinople, Scanderoon, Aleppo,
Bir, Caracmit, Bitelis, Cashbin, Ispahan, Yezd, Kerman, and Sigistan, to
Candhar; and thence to Lahore, where he arrived in 1603. He appears to
have carried letters from Queen Elizabeth to the Great Mogul, by whom he
was well received, and procured from him letters of privilege for trade
in the Mogul dominions. He thence returned into Persia, whence he wrote
to one Mr Richard Staper from Cashbin, on the 3d October, 1606, giving
some account of his travels, and of his negociations at the court of the
Mogul. This letter, and a short recital of the first two years of his
peregrinations, are published in the Pilgrims, vol. I. pp. 114--116, but
have not been deemed of sufficient importance for insertion in this
collection.--E.

SECTION XIX.

_Eleventh Voyage of the East India Company, in 1612, in the
Salomon_.[103]

We sailed from Gravesend on the 1st February, 1611, according to the
computation of the church of England, or 1612 as reckoned by others. We
were four ships in company, which were counted as three separate
voyages, because directed to several parts of India: The James, which
was reckoned the _ninth_ voyage, the Dragon and Hosiander the _tenth_,
and our ship, the Salomon, as the _eleventh_.

[Footnote 103: Purch. Pilgr. I. 486. This unimportant voyage is only
preserved, for the sake of continuing the regular series of voyages
which contributed to the establishment of the East India Company. We
learn from Purchas that it was written by Ralph Wilson, one of the mates
in the Salomon, who never mentions the name of his captain. This voyage,
as given by Purchas, contains very little information, and is therefore
here abridged, though not extending to two folio pages in the
Pilgrims.--E.]

I would advise such as go from Saldanha bay with the wind at E. or S.E.
to get to a considerable distance from the land before standing
southwards, as otherwise the high lands at the Cape will take the wind
from them; and if becalmed, one may be much troubled, as there is
commonly in these parts a heavy sea coming from the west. Likewise, the
current sets in for the shore, if the wind has been at N.N.W. or W. or
S.S.W. And also the shore is so bold that no anchorage can be had.

The 18th October, we espied the land, being near _Celeber_ in the island
of Sumatra, in about 3 deg. of south latitude. The 2d November, coming
between Java and a ragged island to the westwards of the point of
_Palimbangan_, we met a great tide running out so fast that we could
hardly stem it with the aid of a stiff gale. When afterwards the gale
slacked, we came to anchor, and I found the tide to run three 1/2
leagues in one watch. I noticed that this tide set outwards during the
day, and inwards through the night. This day at noon the point of
Palimbangan bore N.E. by E. three leagues off, and from thence to the
road of Bantam is five leagues, S.S.E. 1/3 E. The latitude of Bantam is
6 deg. 10' S. and the long. 145 deg. 2' E. This however is rather too much
easterly, as I think the true longitude of Bantam is 144 deg. E. from
Flores.[104]

[Footnote 104: The long. of Bantam is 106 deg. E. from Greenwich. That in
the text appears to have been estimated from the island of Flores, which
is 31 deg. 20' W. from Greenwich, so that the longitude of Bantam ought to
have been stated as 137 deg. 20' E. from Flores, making an error of excess
in the text of seven or eight degrees.--E.]

The 7th March, at five p.m. while in lat. 20 deg. 34' S. we descried land
nine leagues off, N.E. 1/2 N. The S.E. part of this island is somewhat
high, but falleth down with a low point. The W. part is not very high,
but flat and smooth towards the end, and falls right down. The south and
west parts of this island is all surrounded with shoals and broken
ground, and we did not see the other sides; yet it seemed as if it had
good refreshments. The longitude of this island is 104 deg. from Flores, but
by my computation 107 deg..[105] In these long voyages, we do not rely
altogether on our reckoning, but use our best diligence for discovering
the true longitudes, which are of infinite importance to direct our
course aright.

[Footnote 105: No island is to be found in the latitude and longitude
indicated in the text.--E.]

SECTION XX.

_The Twelfth Voyage of the East India Company, in 1613, by Captain
Christopher Newport_.[106]

The full title of this voyage, as given in the Pilgrims, is as
follows:--"A Journal of all principal Matters passed in the Twelfth
Voyage to the East India, observed by me _Walter Payton_, in the good
ship the _Expedition_.--Whereof Mr _Christopher Newport_ was captain,
being set out _Anno_ 1612. Written by the said _Walter Payton_." The
date of the year of this voyage, according to our present mode of
computation, was 1613, as formerly explained at large, the year being
then computed to commence on the 25th March, instead of the 1st
January.--E.

[Footnote 106: Purch. Pilgr. I. 488.]

Sec.1. _Observations at St Augustine, Mohelia, and divers Parts of Arabia_.

The 7th January, 1613, we sailed from Gravesend for India, in the good
ship Expedition of London, about the burden of 260 tons, and carrying
fifty-six persons; besides the Persian ambassador and his suite, of whom
there were fifteen persons, whom we were ordered to transport to the
kingdom of Persia, at the cost of the worshipful company. The names of
the ambassador and his people were these. Sir Robert Sherley the
ambassador, and his lady, named Teresha, a Circassian; Sir Thomas
Powell, and his lady, called Tomasin, a Persian; a Persian woman, named
Leylye; Mr Morgan Powell; Captain John Ward; Mr Francis Bubb, secretary;
Mr John Barbar, apothecary; John Herriot, a musician; John Georgson,
goldsmith, a Dutchman; Gabriel, an old Armenian; and three Persians,
named Nazerbeg, Scanderbeg, and Molhter.

In the morning of the 26th April; we fell in with a part of the land of
Ethiopia, [Southern Africa,] close adjoining to which is a small island,
called _Conie island_, [Dassen island] all low land, and bordered by
many dangerous rocks to seawards. It is in the lat. of 33 deg. 30' S. The
wind falling short, we were constrained to anchor between that island
and the main, where we had very good ground in nineteen or twenty
fathoms. We sent our boat to the island, where we found Penguins, geese,
and other fowls, and seals in great abundance; of all which we took as
many as we pleased for our refreshment. By a carved board, we observed
that the Hollanders had been there, who make great store of train-oil
from the seals. They had left behind them the implements of their work,
together with a great copper cauldron standing on a furnace, the
cauldron being full of oil; all which we left as we found them.

Having spent two days here at anchor, and the wind coming favourable, we
weighed and proceeded for the Cape of Good Hope, and arrived, by God's
grace, at Saldanha on the 30th of April, where we found six ships at
anchor. Two of these, the Hector and James, were English, and the other
four Hollanders, all homeward bound. We here watered, and refreshed
ourselves well with reasonable abundance of the country sheep and
beeves, which were bought from the natives, and plenty of fresh fish,
which we caught with our seyne. The 10th May the Pepper-corn arrived
here, likewise homewards bound; and as she was but ill provided with
necessaries, we supplied her from our scanty store as well as we could
spare.

Being all ready to depart with the first fair wind, which, happened on
the 15th May, we then sailed altogether from the bay, taking leave
according to the custom of the sea, and we directed our course for St
Augustine. In our way we had sight of _Capo do Arecife_,[107] part of
the main land of Africa, in lat. 33 deg. 25' S. on the 24th May, the compass
there varying 6 deg. 9'. The 15th June we got sight of the island of St
Lawrence or Madagascar, and on the 17th came to anchor close beside port
St Augustine, meaning to search the soundings and entrance into the bay
before we went in, as there was no one in the ship well acquainted with
it. Having done this, we went in next day, and came to anchor in ten
fathoms, yet our ship rode in forty fathoms. We had here wood and
water, and great abundance of fresh fish, which we caught in such
quantities with the seyne as might have served for six ships companies,
instead of our own. But we could get no cattle from the natives, who
seemed to be afraid of us; for, though they came once to us, and
promised to bring us cattle next day, they seemed to have said so as a
cover for driving away their cattle, in which they were employed in the
interim, and they came no more near us. Some days after, we marched into
the woods with forty musketeers, to endeavour to discover some of the
natives, that we might buy cattle; but we only found empty houses, made
of canes, whence we could see the people had only gone away very
recently, as their fires were still burning, and the scales of fish they
had been broiling were lying about. We also saw the foot-marks of many
cattle, which had been there not long before, and had to return empty
handed.

[Footnote 107: The latitude in the text indicates Burtrenhook, near the
mouth of the Groot river, this being probably the Dutch name, while that
in the text is the Portuguese.--E.]

The entry into the port of St Augustine resembles that of Dartmouth
haven; and on going in, you must bring the wood, called
Westminster-hall, to which it has some resemblance, to bear N.E. by E.
and then steer due E. borrowing a little towards the south side of the
bay, where your soundings will be thirteen, nine, eight, and seven
fathoms, all good ground, till you be shut within the shoal. After this
you have deep water till you come into the road, and then have seven,
eight, and ten fathoms. But if you go too far behind the hill on the
larboard hand, which resembles an old barn, you shall then have thirty
and forty fathoms. St Augustine is in lat 23 deg. 30' S. the var. being 15 deg.
40'.[108]

[Footnote 108: Long. 44 deg. 20' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

We sailed from St Augustine on the 23d June, directing our course for
the island of Mohelia, and on the 3d July we had sight of an island
called Juan, nine or ten leagues E. by S. from Mohelia. We came also
this day to anchor at Mohelia, between it and some broken land off its
southern side. We had here great abundance of refreshments, and very
cheap; for we bought five bullocks in exchange for one Levant sword, and
had goats, hens, pine-apples, cocoa-nuts, plantains, oranges, lemons,
and limes, for trifles worth little. Such bullocks as we had for money
cost a dollar each, or ten pieces of 4-1/2d.; at which rate we
purchased forty-one beeves. The natives of this island are chiefly Moors
[negroes], but there are Arabians, Turks, and others also among them;
and they are much engaged in wars with the people of _Juan_, [Hinznan or
Johanna,] and Comoro islands in their neighbourhood. They told us that
the king of the island died the day we arrived, being succeeded by his
son, _Phanehomale_, who was only of tender years, and was to reign under
the protection of the queen his mother. His brother-in-law, as chief
man, accompanied by several other people of condition, came down to bid
us welcome, and used us very kindly. Both he and many others of the
islanders spoke tolerably good Portuguese, so that I had much
conversation with them, and was informed of every thing I wished to
know.

In this island they build barks, in which they trade along the coast of
Melinda and Arabia, disposing of slaves and fruit, by which means they
supply themselves with dollars, and with such articles as they need. I
suspect also that they have some dealings with the Portuguese, but they
would not let us know this, lest we might suspect them of treachery.
They told me that we were welcome, and that the whole island was at our
command to do us service; but, if we had been Portuguese, they would
have put us all to the sword. In my opinion, however, it would be
dangerous to repose too much confidence in them. The king's
brother-in-law shewed me a letter of recommendation of the place,
written in Dutch, and left there by a Hollander; and he requested of us
to leave a letter to the same purport, certifying their honest and
friendly dealings, that they might be able to show to others of our
nation. To this we consented, and I gave them a writing, sealed by our
captain, expressing the good entertainment we had received, and the
prices of provisions; yet recommending to our countrymen, not to trust
them any farther than might seem consistent with their own safety. They
speak a kind of Moorish language, somewhat difficult to learn; so that I
could only pick up the few words following, which may serve to ask for
provisions and fruits, by such as do not understand Portuguese, or in
speaking to any of the natives who have not that language.

_Gumbey_, a bullock.
_Buze_, a goat.
_Coquo_, a hen.
_Sinzano_, a needle.
_Seiavoye_, cocoa-nuts.
_Demon_, lemons.
_Mage_, water.
_Surra_, a kind of drink.
_Soutan_, the king.
_Quename_, a pine-apple.
_Cartassa_, paper.
_Tudah_, oranges.
_Arembo_, bracelets.
_Figo_, plantains.

This island of Mohelia is in lat 12 deg. 10' S.[109] and has good anchorage
in its road in forty fathoms. Having watered and refreshed ourselves
sufficiently, we sailed from thence on the 10th of July, directing our
course for the island of Socotora. The 19th we passed to the north of
the equator; and on the 25th we had sight of land, which we supposed to
have been Cape Guardafui, at the entrance into the Red Sea; and so,
taking a departure for Socotora, we were unable to find it. We were
therefore obliged to consider how we might shelter ourselves against the
fury of the winter in these parts, and also to procure refreshments;
wherefore we determined to sail for the islands of _Curia Muria_, which
are in about the latitude of 18 deg. N.[110] over against the desert of
_Arabia Felix_. In our way; the weather was continually so foggy, that
we were unable at any time to see half an English mile before us, such
being usual in these seas in the months of July, August, and September.
In all this time both the sun and stars were so continually obscured,
that we were never able to get an observation, by which to regulate or
correct our dead reckoning; but, God being our guide, we at length
groped out the land by means of the lead. We could now clearly perceive
the colour of the water to be changed to white, with many yellow grassy
weeds floating on the surface; and heaving the lead continually as we
advanced, we at length struck ground in forty-three fathoms. Proceeding
nearer the land, our sounding lessened to twenty-two fathoms, when we
anchored on good ground; and though we distinctly heard the rut of the
shore at no great distance, we could not perceive the land till next
day, when the weather was somewhat clearer. We then sent our skiff in
shore, to see if any place could be discovered of more security for our
ship to ride in; but, on account of the great sea that came rolling into
the bay, the surge was so violent that they could not come near the
shore, and had to return as they went; only that they had been able to
descry some fair stone-houses by the sea-side, which proved to be
_Doffar_, in Arabia Felix.

[Footnote 109: Lat. 13 deg. 35' S. Long. 45 deg. 30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 110: These islands are at the mouth of a bay of the same name
on the oceanic coast of that portion of Arabia named Mahra, in long, 55 deg.
30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

When God sent us a little clear weather, we could perceive a high cape
on the western side of the bay, which we discovered from our skiff the
second time it was sent, and could plainly see that it formed a very
good road for all kinds of winds, except between the E. and S. by E.
points. We were thankful to God for this discovery, and warped our ship
to that road, with much toil to our men, as it was six or seven leagues
from the place where we had anchored. On the 3d of August, having
brought our ship to anchor in that road, we went ashore in the boat to a
little village by the sea-side, called _Resoit_, inhabited mostly by
Arabian fishermen, who entertained us kindly, and gave us all the
information we desired respecting the country. The governor also of
_Doffar_ came down to us, whose name was _Mir Mahommed Madoffar_, who
bade us kindly welcome, and presented us with three bullocks, and some
sheep, goats, hens, sugar-canes, plantains, cocoa-nuts, and the like. In
return we made him a present of a fine damasked fowling-piece, double
lockt, which he greatly admired. He appeared to desire our friendship as
much as we did his; and he gave us licence to land at all times when we
were inclined. He also gave orders to have a market established for us
at the village of Resoit, that we might be supplied with every kind of
provision that the country affords. Their cattle were both dear and
lean, and fresh water so scarce, bad, and difficult to be had, that we
were forced to hire the natives to bring it down to us in skins from a
distance, paying them at the rate of twenty-four shillings for the fill
of five pipes.

Before leaving this place, Mir Mahommed desired us to leave a writing of
commendation in his favour, specifying the kind and good entertainment
we had received. This was accordingly granted, and I wrote it upon
parchment, beginning it in large letters, the purport being similar to
that granted at Mohelia, and this also was signed by the captain. The
governor also sent us three notes signed by himself, for the purpose of
being given by us to other ships, if they should happen to come upon
this part of the coast, as we had been constrained to do, by which he
might know our ships from those of other nations, and give them good
entertainment accordingly. Cape _Resoit_ is in lat. 16 deg. 38' N. and has
good anchorage in 5-1/2 or 6 fathoms.

The 28th August, we set sail from thence, directing our course for the
coast of Persia, coasting along the oceanic shore of Arabia; it being
our chiefest object to set the lord ambassador on shore, as, by reason
of the news we had received at the Cape of Good Hope, our expectations
of trade at Surat, Dabul, and all other parts thereabouts, were
frustrated. The 2d September, we sailed close beside an island on the
coast of Arabia, called _Macyra_, in lat. 20 deg. 30' N. And on the 4th of
that month we passed the eastermost point of Arabia, called Cape
_Rassalgat_, in lat. 22 deg. 34' N.[111]

[Footnote 111: This Cape is in lat. 23 deg. N. and long. 58 deg. 45'E. from
Greenwich.--E.]

* * * * *

_Note_.--In explanation of the disappointment of trade at Surat, &c.
there is the following marginal note in the Pilgrims, vol. I. p.
490.--"These news at the Cape were, Captain Hawkins coming away in
disgust, as denied leave to trade; the English being often wronged by
the Mogul, in frequent breach of promise, as already shewn; for which
they forced a trade in the Red Sea on the Mogul subjects. Which
afterwards procured the privileges granted to Captain Best, as already
related, lest the Moguls should have the sea shut up to them, and all
their trade stopt. They were the more induced to grant these privileges
to the English, on seeing them able to withstand the Portuguese, whose
marine force had held the Guzerat people under maritime subjection, and
made them afraid to trade with the English."--_Purch._

Sec.2. Proceedings on the Coast of Persia, and Treachery of the Baloches_.

Having crossed the gulf from Cape Rasalgat, on the 10th September we got
sight of the coast of Persia, in the lat. of 25 deg. 10' N. When some seven
leagues from the land, we sent our skiff ashore to make enquiry
concerning the country, and to seek out some convenient place in which
to land his lordship, having Sir Thomas Powell, with two of the
ambassador's Persian attendants, and _Albertus_, our own linguist, that
we might be able to converse with the natives. They came to a little
village called _Tesseque_,[112] where they spoke with some camel-drivers
and other country-people; from whom they learnt that the country was
called _Getche Macquerona_ [Mekran], and the inhabitants _Baloches_, all
living under the government of a king, named _Melik Mirza_, whose chief
residence was some five or six days journey from thence, at a port named
_Guadal_. They were farther informed, that all the country of _Mekran_
paid tribute yearly to the king of Persia. When informed of our purpose
to land the ambassador, they told us that, by means of _Melik Mirza_,
his lordship might have a safe conveyance in nine days to _Kermshir_, in
the province of _Kerman_; and from thence might travel in eleven days
more to _Ispahan_ in Persia.

[Footnote 112: Tize is laid down upon this part of the Persian coast, in
lat 25 deg. 25' N. and long. 60 deg. 80' E. from Greenwich: Perhaps the Tesseque
of the text.--E.]

We then sailed along the coast, and on the 11th of the month we sent our
boat ashore with Sir Thomas Powell, accompanied as before, to make
farther enquiries, and to endeavour to hire a pilot to direct our course
for Guadal, as we were unacquainted with the coast. They came to a place
called _Pesseque_, about a day's journey from Tesseque, where they had
similar accounts with the former, all commending the port of Guadal as
the best place at which the ambassador could land. Wherefore, being
unable to procure a pilot, we resolved, with God's blessing, to sail to
that place with all the speed we could. On the 13th, while on our way,
we espied coming towards us from the eastwards, two great boats, called
_teradas_, which were sailing along shore for Ormus. Whereupon, that we
might procure a pilot from them, we manned our skiff sufficiently to
bring them by force to our ship, if entreaties were unavailing, yet
without meaning to offer them the smallest injury, or even to send them
away dissatisfied.

When our skiff came up with them, instead of answering the hails of our
men, they waved our skiff to leeward with a drawn sword; on which,
thinking to fear them, and make them lower their sail, our men fired a
random shot towards them, which they answered by firing another directly
at our skiff, followed by half a hundred arrows, to which our men
answered by plying all their muskets. But our skiff was unable to hold
way with them, as they were under sail, and had therefore to return to
the ship, with one man very dangerously wounded by an arrow in the
breast, who afterwards recovered. As we in the ship saw the skiff
returning without them, we hoisted out our long-boat, and sent her after
the two _teradas_, we following with the ship as near the shore as we
could with safety; for it was now of much importance that we should
speak with them, on purpose to avoid their spreading scandalous reports
of us in the country, which might have frustrated our chief hopes of
landing the ambassador at _Guadal_, being the place we most depended
upon, and being destitute of any other place for the purpose, should
this fail, considering the unwelcome intelligence we had got concerning
Guzerat at the Cape.

Our long boat, having fetched up with the _teradas_, drove them into a
bay whence they could not escape; on which the native mariners sailed so
far into the bay, that one of the teradas was cast away on the beach,
and the other had nearly shared the same fate, but was saved by our men
just without the surf. Most of the _balloches_ leapt overboard, and
several of them narrowly escaped drowning; while nine of them were
brought by our men to our ship along with the _terada_, part of whom
they had taken out of the water. There were originally twenty-six
balloches in the two teradas, but all the rest escaped ashore by
swimming through the surf. When these men came aboard our ship, they
were found to belong to Guadal; and when told that we were sorry for the
loss of their other bark, as we meant them no harm, but only wished to
speak with them, that we might learn the navigation to their port, they
were glad to learn we had no evil intentions, thinking we had been as
merciless as themselves, and acknowledged their loss proceeded from
their own folly.

We then informed them that we were bound for Guadal, on purpose to land
a Persian ambassador there, and that we earnestly entreated the master
of the terada, whose name was _Noradin_, to pilot us to that place, for
which we would satisfy him to his contentment. Knowing that he could not
chuse, he consented to go with us, on condition we would permit the
terada and his men to proceed to Muscat, whither they were originally
bound; but we did not think this quite safe, lest they might communicate
news of our arrival among the Portuguese, and thought it better to take
the bark along with us to Guadal, to manifest our own good intentions.
Noradin accordingly consented, between fear and good will, and was much
made of by us to reassure his confidence. On the passage to Guadal, we
had much conference with him and his men, both respecting the state of
the country, the character of their king, and the means of the
ambassador travelling from thence into Persia. Their answers and reports
all confirmed what we had been already told on the coast, and gave us
hopes of success. The terada was about fifteen tons burden, and her
loading mostly consisted in the provisions of the country, as rice,
wheat, dates, and the like. They had a Portuguese pass, which they
shewed us, thinking at first we had been of that nation. I translated
this, to show in what subjection the Portuguese keep all the natives of
these countries, as without such a pass they are not suffered to
navigate these seas, under penalty of losing their lives, ships, and
goods.

_Antonio Pereira de la Cerda, Captain of the Castle of Muscat, &c._

"Know all to whom these presents are shewn, that I have hereby given
secure licence to this _terada_, of the burden of fifty _candies_,
whereof is master Noradin, a Mahomedan _baloche_, dwelling in Guadal, of
the age of fifty years, who carries for his defence four swords, three
bucklers, five bows, with their arrows, three calivers, two lances, and
twelve oars. And that in manner following: She may pass and sail from
this castle of Muscat, to Soar, Dobar, Mustmacoraon, Sinde, Cache,
Naguna, Diu, Chaul, and Cor. In going she carries goods of _Conga_, as
raisins, dates, and such like; but not without dispatch from the
custom-house of this castle, written on the back hereof. In this voyage
she shall not carry any prohibited goods, viz. steel, iron, lead,
tobacco, ginger, cinnamon of Ceylon, or other goods prohibited by his
majesty's regulations. And conforming thereto, the said _terada_ shall
make her voyage without let or hindrance of any generals, captains, or
any of the fleets or ships whatever of his majesty she may happen to
meet with. This licence shall be in force for one whole year, in going
and returning; and if expired, shall continue in force till the

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