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A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents by James D. Richardson

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to his chair.

That after the President shall be seated in his chair and the
Vice-President, Senators, and Representatives shall be again seated, the
Vice-President shall announce to the President that the members of both
Houses will attend him to be present at his taking the oath of office
required by the Constitution.

To the end that the oath of office may be administered to the President
in the most public manner and that the greatest number of the people
of the United States, and without distinction, may be witnesses to the
solemnity, that therefore the oath be administered in the outer gallery
adjoining to the Senate Chamber.

That when the President shall proceed to the gallery to take the oath
he be attended by the Vice-President, and be followed by the chancellor
of the State, and pass through the middle door; that the Senators pass
through the door on the right, and the Representatives pass through the
door on the left, and such of the persons who may have been admitted
into the Senate Chamber and may be desirous to go into the gallery are
then also to pass through the door on the right.

That when the President shall have taken the oath and returned into the
Senate Chamber, attended by the Vice-President, and shall be seated in
his chair, that Senators and Representatives also return into the Senate
Chamber, and that the Vice-President and they resume their respective
seats.

That when the President retire from the Senate Chamber he be conducted
by the Vice-President to the door, the members of both Houses rising,
and that he be there received by the committees and attended to his
residence.

That immediately as the President shall retire the Representatives do
also return from the Senate Chamber to their own.

That it be intrusted to the assistants to take proper precautions for
keeping the avenues to the hall open, and for that purpose they wait
on his excellency the governor of this State, and in the name of the
committees request his aid by an order or recommendation to the civil
officers or militia of the city to attend and serve on the occasion as
he shall judge most proper,

RESOLVE OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES UPON THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE
RESPECTING THE INAUGURATION OF THE PRESIDENT.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES

_Monday, April 27, 1789_.

Mr. Benson, from the committee of both Houses appointed to take order
for conducting the ceremonial of the formal reception of the President
of the United States, reported as followeth:

That it appears to the committee more eligible that the oath should be
administered to the President in the outer gallery adjoining the Senate
Chamber than in the Representatives' Chamber, and therefore submits to
the respective Houses the propriety of authorizing their committees to
take order as to the place where the oath shall be administered to the
President, the resolutions of Saturday assigning the Representatives'
Chamber as the place notwithstanding.

The said report being twice read,

_Resolved_, That this House doth concur in the said report and
authorize the committee to take order for the change of place thereby
proposed.

Extract from the Journal.

JOHN BECKLEY, _Clerk_.

FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK.

APRIL 30, 1789.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled
me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was
transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present
month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can
never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had
chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with
an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat
which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me
by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions
in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other
hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of
my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and
most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his
qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who
(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the
duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of
his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver
is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just
appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All
I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much
swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an
affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of
my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity
as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me,
my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its
consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality
in which they originated.

Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the
public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly
improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to
that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the
councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human
defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and
happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by
themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument
employed in its administration to execute with success the functions
allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of
every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your
sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at
large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore
the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those
of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the
character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by
some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just
accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil
deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from
which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which
most governments have been established without some return of pious
gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings
which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the
present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be
suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are
none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free
government can more auspiciously commence.

By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty
of the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures as
he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which
I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further
than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are
assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects
to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with
those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which
actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular
measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the
patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.
In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on
one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party
animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought
to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on
another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the
pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence
of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win
the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.
I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love
for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly
established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature
an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and
advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous
policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we
ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can
never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order
and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation
of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model
of government are justly considered, perhaps, as _deeply_, as
_finally_, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the
American people.

Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with
your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power
delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient
at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been
urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given
birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this
subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official
opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your
discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that
whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the
benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await
the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic
rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently
influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be
impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously
promoted.

To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most
properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself,
and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored
with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an
arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my
duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From
this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under
the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to
myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably
included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must
accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which
I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual
expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by
the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;
but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human
Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor
the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect
tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity
on a form of government for the security of their union and the
advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally
_conspicuous_ in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and
the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

SIR: We, the Senate of the United States, return you our sincere
thanks for your excellent speech delivered to both Houses of Congress,
congratulate you on the complete organization of the Federal Government,
and felicitate ourselves and our fellow-citizens on your elevation
to the office of President, an office highly important by the powers
constitutionally annexed to it and extremely honorable from the manner
in which the appointment is made. The unanimous suffrage of the
elective body in your favor is peculiarly expressive of the gratitude,
confidence, and affection of the citizens of America, and is the highest
testimonial at once of your merit and their esteem. We are sensible,
sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow-citizens could have
called you from a retreat chosen with the fondest predilection, endeared
by habit, and consecrated to the repose of declining years. We rejoice,
and with us all America, that in obedience to the call of our common
country you have returned once more to public life. In you all parties
confide; in you all interests unite; and we have no doubt that your
past services, great as they have been, will be equaled by your future
exertions, and that your prudence and sagacity as a statesman will tend
to avert the dangers to which we were exposed, to give stability to the
present Government and dignity and splendor to that country which your
skill and valor as a soldier so eminently contributed to raise to
independence and empire.

When we contemplate the coincidence of circumstances and wonderful
combination of causes which gradually prepared the people of this
country for independence; when we contemplate the rise, progress, and
termination of the late war, which gave them a name among the nations of
the earth, we are with you unavoidably led to acknowledge and adore the
Great Arbiter of the Universe, by whom empires rise and fall. A review
of the many signal instances of divine interposition in favor of this
country claims our most pious gratitude; and permit us, sir, to observe
that among the great events which have led to the formation and
establishment of a Federal Government we esteem your acceptance of
the office of President as one of the most propitious and important.

In the execution of the trust reposed in us we shall endeavor to pursue
that enlarged and liberal policy to which your speech so happily
directs. We are conscious that the prosperity of each State is
inseparably connected with the welfare of all, and that in promoting
the latter we shall effectually advance the former. In full persuasion
of this truth, it shall be our invariable aim to divest ourselves of
local prejudices and attachments, and to view the great assemblage of
communities and interests committed to our charge with an equal eye.
We feel, sir, the force and acknowledge the justness of the observation
that the foundation of our national policy should be laid in private
morality. If individuals be not influenced by moral principles, it is in
vain to look for public virtue. It is therefore the duty of legislators
to enforce, both by precept and example, the utility as well as the
necessity of a strict adherence to the rules of distributive justice.
We beg you to be assured that the Senate will at all times cheerfully
cooperate in every measure which may strengthen the Union, conduce
to the happiness or secure and perpetuate the liberties of this great
confederated Republic.

We commend you, sir, to the protection of Almighty God, earnestly
beseeching Him long to preserve a life so valuable and dear to the
people of the United States, and that your Administration may be
prosperous to the nation and glorious to yourself.

MAY 7, 1789.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: I thank you for your address, in which the most affectionate
sentiments are expressed in the most obliging terms. The coincidence
of circumstances which led to this auspicious crisis, the confidence
reposed in me by my fellow-citizens, and the assistance I may expect
from counsels which will be dictated by an enlarged and liberal policy
seem to presage a more prosperous issue to my Administration than a
diffidence of my abilities had taught me to anticipate. I now feel
myself inexpressibly happy in a belief that Heaven, which has done so
much for our infant nation, will not withdraw its providential influence
before our political felicity shall have been completed, and in a
conviction that the Senate will at all times cooperate in every measure
which may tend to promote the welfare of this confederated Republic.
Thus supported by a firm trust in the Great Arbiter of the Universe,
aided by the collected wisdom of the Union, and imploring the divine
benediction on our joint exertions in the service of our country, I
readily engage with you in the arduous but pleasing task of attempting
to make a nation happy.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

MAY 18, 1789.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The Representatives of the people of the United States present
their congratulations on the event by which your fellow-citizens have
attested the preeminence of your merit. You have long held the first
place in their esteem. You have often received tokens of their
affection. You now possess the only proof that remained of their
gratitude for your services, of their reverence for your wisdom, and
of their confidence in your virtues. You enjoy the highest, because
the truest, honor of being the first Magistrate by the unanimous choice
of the freest people on the face of the earth.

We well know the anxieties with which you must have obeyed a summons
from the repose reserved for your declining years into public scenes, of
which you had taken your leave forever. But the obedience was due to the
occasion. It is already applauded by the universal joy which welcomes
you to your station. And we can not doubt that it will be rewarded with
all the satisfaction with which an ardent love for your fellow-citizens
must review successful efforts to promote their happiness.

This anticipation is not justified merely by the past experience
of your signal services. It is particularly suggested by the pious
impressions under which you commence your Administration and the
enlightened maxims by which you mean to conduct it. We feel with you
the strongest obligations to adore the Invisible Hand which has led the
American people through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious
responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty, and to seek the
only sure means of preserving and recommending the precious deposit in a
system of legislation founded on the principles of an honest policy and
directed by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism.

The question arising out of the fifth article of the Constitution will
receive all the attention demanded by its importance, and will, we
trust, be decided under the influence of all the considerations to which
you allude.

In forming the pecuniary provisions for the executive department we
shall not lose sight of a wish resulting from motives which give it a
peculiar claim to our regard. Your resolution, in a moment critical to
the liberties of your country, to renounce all personal emolument, was
among the many presages of your patriotic services which have been amply
fulfilled; and your scrupulous adherence now to the law then imposed on
yourself can not fail to demonstrate the purity, whilst it increases the
luster, of a character which has so many titles to admiration.

Such are the sentiments which we have thought fit to address to you.
They flow from our own hearts, and we verily believe that among the
millions we represent there is not a virtuous citizen whose heart will
disown them.

All that remains is that we join in our fervent supplications for the
blessings of Heaven on our country, and that we add our own for the
choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of her citizens.

MAY 5, 1789.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: Your very affectionate address produces emotions which I know
not how to express. I feel that my past endeavors in the service of my
country are far overpaid by its goodness, and I fear much that my future
ones may not fulfill your kind anticipation. All that I can promise is
that they will be invariably directed by an honest and an ardent zeal.
Of this resource my heart assures me. For all beyond I rely on the
wisdom and patriotism of those with whom I am to cooperate and a
continuance of the blessings of Heaven on our beloved country.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

MAY 8, 1789.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

NEW YORK, _May 25, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

In pursuance of the order of the late Congress, treaties between the
United States and several nations of Indians have been negotiated and
signed. These treaties, with sundry papers respecting them, I now lay
before you, for your consideration and advice, by the hands of General
Knox, under whose official superintendence the business was transacted,
and who will be ready to communicate to you any information on such
points as may appear to require it,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _June 11, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

A convention between His Most Christian Majesty and the United
States, for the purposes of determining and fixing the functions and
prerogatives of their respective consuls, vice-consuls, agents, and
commissaries, was signed by their respective plenipotentiaries on the
29th of July, 1784.

It appearing to the late Congress that certain alterations in that
convention ought to be made, they instructed their minister at the Court
of France to endeavor to obtain them.

It has accordingly been altered in several respects, and as amended was
signed by the plenipotentiaries of the contracting powers on the 14th of
November, 1788.

The sixteenth article provides that it shall be in force during the term
of twelve years, to be counted from the day of the exchange _of
ratifications, which shall be given in proper form_, and exchanged on
both sides within the space of one year, or sooner if possible.

I now lay before you the original by the hands of Mr. Jay for your
consideration and advice. The papers relative to this negotiation are
in his custody, and he has my orders to communicate to you whatever
official papers and information on the subject he may possess and you
may require.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _June 15, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Mr. Jefferson, the present minister of the United States at the Court of
France, having applied for permission to return home for a few months,
and it appearing to me proper to comply with his request, it becomes
necessary that some person be appointed _to take charge_ of our affairs
at that Court during his absence.

For this purpose I nominate William Short, esq., and request your advice
on the propriety of appointing him.

There are in the Office for Foreign Affairs papers which will acquaint
you with his character, and which Mr. Jay has my directions to lay
before you at such time as you may think proper to assign.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _August 6, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

My nomination of Benjamin Fishbourn for the place of naval officer
of the port of Savannah not having met with your concurrence, I now
nominate Lachlan McIntosh for that office.

Whatever may have been the reasons which induced your dissent, I am
persuaded they were such as you deemed sufficient. Permit me to submit
to your consideration whether on occasions where the propriety of
nominations appear questionable to you it would not be expedient to
communicate that circumstance to me, and thereby avail yourselves of the
information which led me to make them, and which I would with pleasure
lay before you. Probably my reasons for nominating Mr. Fishbourn may
tend to show that such a mode of proceeding in such cases might be
useful. I will therefore detail them.

First. While Colonel Fishbourn was an officer in actual service and
chiefly under my own eye, his conduct appeared to me irreproachable; nor
did I ever hear anything injurious to his reputation as an officer or a
gentleman. At the storm of Stony Point his behavior was represented to
have been active and brave, and he was charged by his general to bring
the account of that success to the headquarters of the Army.

Secondly. Since his residence in Georgia he has been repeatedly elected
to the assembly as a representative of the county of Chatham, in which
the port of Savannah is situated, and sometimes of the counties of Glynn
and Camden; he has been chosen a member of the executive council of the
State and has lately been president of the same; he has been elected by
the officers of the militia in the county of Chatham lieutenant-colonel
of the militia in that district, and on a very recent occasion, to wit,
in the month of May last, he has been appointed by the council (on the
suspension of the late collector) to an office in the port of Savannah
nearly similar to that for which I nominated him, which office he
actually holds at this time. To these reasons for nominating Mr.
Fishbourn I might add that I received private letters of recommendation
and oral testimonials in his favor from some of the most respectable
characters in that State; but as they were secondary considerations
with me, I do not think it necessary to communicate them to you.

It appeared, therefore, to me that Mr. Fishbourn must have enjoyed the
_confidence_ of the militia officers in order to have been elected to a
military rank; the _confidence_ of the freemen to have been elected to
the assembly; the _confidence_ of the assembly to have been selected for
the council, and the _confidence_ of the council to have been appointed
collector of the port of Savannah.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _August 7, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The business which has hitherto been under the consideration of Congress
has been of so much importance that I was unwilling to draw their
attention from it to any other subject; but the disputes which exist
between some of the United States and several powerful tribes of Indians
within the limits of the Union, and the hostilities which have in
several instances been committed on the frontiers, seem to require the
immediate interposition of the General Government.

I have therefore directed the several statements and papers which have
been submitted to me on this subject by General Knox to be laid before
you for your information.

While the measures of Government ought to be calculated to protect its
citizens from all injury and violence, a due regard should be extended
to those Indian tribes whose happiness in the course of events so
materially depends on the national justice and humanity of the United
States.

If it should be the judgment of Congress that it would be most
expedient to terminate all differences in the Southern district, and
to lay the foundation for future confidence by an amicable treaty
with the Indian tribes in that quarter, I think proper to suggest the
consideration of the expediency of instituting a temporary commission
for that purpose, to consist of three persons, whose authority should
expire with the occasion. How far such a measure, unassisted by posts,
would be competent to the establishment and preservation of peace and
tranquillity on the frontiers is also a matter which merits your serious
consideration.

Along with this object I am induced to suggest another, with the
national importance and necessity of which I am deeply impressed;
I mean some uniform and effective system for the militia of the United
States. It is unnecessary to offer arguments in recommendation of a
measure on which the honor, safety, and well-being of our country so
evidently and so essentially depend; but it may not be amiss to observe
that I am particularly anxious it should receive as early attention
as circumstances will admit, because it is now in our power to avail
ourselves of the military knowledge disseminated throughout the several
States by means of the many well-instructed officers and soldiers of
the late Army, a resource which is daily diminishing by death and other
causes. To suffer this peculiar advantage to pass away unimproved would
be to neglect an opportunity which will never again occur, unless,
unfortunately, we should again be involved in a long and arduous war.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _August 10, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I have directed a statement of the troops in the service of the United
States to be laid before you for your information.

These troops were raised by virtue of the resolves of Congress of the
20th October, 1786, and the 3d of October, 1787, in order to protect the
frontiers from the depredations of the hostile Indians, to prevent all
intrusions on the public lands, and to facilitate the surveying and
selling of the same for the purpose of reducing the public debt.

As these important objects continue to require the aid of the troops, it
is necessary that the establishment thereof should in all respects be
conformed by law to the Constitution of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _August 20, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_

In consequence of an act providing for the expenses which may attend
negotiations or treaties with the Indian tribes and the appointment of
commissioners for managing the same, I nominate Benjamin Lincoln as one
of three commissioners whom I shall propose to be employed to negotiate
a treaty with the Southern Indians. My reason for nominating him at this
early moment is that it will not be possible for the public to avail
itself of his services on this occasion unless his appointment can be
forwarded to him by the mail which will leave this place to-morrow
morning.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _August 21, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The President of the United States will meet the Senate in the Senate
Chamber at half past 11 o'clock to-morrow, to advise with them on the
terms of the treaty to be negotiated with the Southern Indians.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

SEPTEMBER 16, 1789.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The governor of the Western territory has made a statement to me of the
reciprocal hostilities of the Wabash Indians and the people inhabiting
the frontiers bordering on the river Ohio, which I herewith lay before
Congress.

The United States in Congress assembled, by their acts of the 21st
day of July, 1787, and of the 12th August, 1788, made a provisional
arrangement for calling forth the militia of Virginia and Pennsylvania
in the proportions therein specified.

As the circumstances which occasioned the said arrangement continue
nearly the same, I think proper to suggest to your consideration the
expediency of making some temporary provision for calling forth
the militia of the United States for the purposes stated in the
Constitution, which would embrace the cases apprehended by the
governor of the Western territory.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

SEPTEMBER 17, 1789.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

It doubtless is important that all treaties and compacts formed by the
United States with other nations, whether civilized or not, should be
made with caution and executed with fidelity.

It is said to be the general understanding and practice of nations, as a
check on the mistakes and indiscretions of ministers or commissioners,
not to consider any treaty negotiated and signed by such officers as
final and conclusive until ratified by the sovereign or government from
whom they derive their powers. This practice has been adopted by the
United States respecting their treaties with European nations, and I am
inclined to think it would be advisable to observe it in the conduct of
our treaties with the Indians; for though such treaties, being on their
part made by their chiefs or rulers, need not be ratified by them, yet,
being formed on our part by the agency of subordinate officers, it seems
to be both prudent and reasonable that their acts should not be binding
on the nation until approved and ratified by the Government. It strikes
me that this point should be well considered and settled, so that our
national proceedings in this respect may become uniform and be directed
by fixed and stable principles.

The treaties with certain Indian nations, which were laid before you
with my message of the 25th May last, suggested two questions to my
mind, viz: First, whether those treaties were to be considered as
perfected and consequently as obligatory without being ratified. If not,
then secondly, whether both or either, and which, of them ought to be
ratified. On these questions I request your opinion and advice.

You have, indeed, advised me "_to execute and enjoin an observance of_"
the treaty with the Wyandottes, etc. You, gentlemen, doubtless intended
to be clear and explicit, and yet, without further explanation, I fear
I may misunderstand your meaning, for if by my _executing_ that treaty
you mean that I should make it (in a more particular and immediate manner
than it now is) the act of Government, then it follows that I am to
ratify it. If you mean by my _executing it_ that I am to see that it be
carried into effect and operation, then I am led to conclude either that
you consider it as being perfect and obligatory in its present state,
and therefore to be executed and observed, or that you consider it as
to derive its completion and obligation from the silent approbation and
ratification which my proclamation may be construed to imply. Although I
am inclined to think that the latter is your intention, yet it certainly
is best that all doubts respecting it be removed.

Permit me to observe that it will be proper for me to be informed of
your sentiments relative to the treaty with the Six Nations previous to
the departure of the governor of the Western territory, and therefore
I recommend it to your early consideration.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _September 29, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate:_

His Most Christian Majesty, by a letter dated the 7th of June last,
addressed to the President and members of the General Congress of the
United States of North America, announces the much lamented death of his
son, the Dauphin. The generous conduct of the French monarch and nation
toward this country renders every event that may affect his or their
prosperity interesting to us, and I shall take care to assure him of the
sensibility with which the United States participate in the affliction
which a loss so much to be regretted must have occasioned both to him
and to them.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _September 29, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate:_

Agreeably to the act of Congress for adapting the establishment of the
troops in public service to the Constitution of the United States,
I nominate the persons specified in the inclosed list to be the
commissioned officers thereof.

This nomination differs from the existing arrangement only in the
following cases, to wit: Lieutenant Erkuries Beatty, promoted to a
vacant captaincy in the infantry; Ensign Edward Spear, promoted to a
vacant lieutenancy of artillery; Jacob Melcher, who has been serving as
a volunteer, to be an ensign, vice Benjamin Lawrence, who was appointed
nearly three years past and has never been mustered or joined the
troops.

It is to be observed that the order in which the captains and subalterns
are named is not to affect their relative rank, which has been hitherto
but imperfectly settled owing to the perplexity of promotions in the
State quotas conformably to the late Confederation.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _September 29, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Having been yesterday informed by a joint committee of both Houses of
Congress that they had agreed to a recess to commence this day and to
continue until the first Monday of January next, I take the earliest
opportunity of acquainting you that, considering how long and laborious
this session has been and the reasons which I presume have produced this
resolution, it does not appear to me expedient to recommend any measures
to their consideration at present, or now to call your attention,
gentlemen, to any of those matters in my department which require your
advice and consent and yet remain to be dispatched.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _September 29, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:_

Having been yesterday informed by a joint committee of both Houses of
Congress that they had agreed to a recess to commence this day and to
continue until the first Monday of January next, I take the earliest
opportunity of acquainting you that, considering how long and laborious
this session has been and the reasons which I presume have produced this
resolution, it does not appear to me expedient to recommend any measures
to their consideration at present.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

PROCLAMATION.

A NATIONAL THANKSGIVING.

[From Sparks's Washington, Vol. XII, p. 119.]

Whereas it is the duty of all nations to acknowledge the providence of
Almighty God, to obey His will, to be grateful for His benefits, and
humbly to implore His protection and favor; and

Whereas both Houses of Congress have, by their joint committee,
requested me "to recommend to the people of the United States a day of
public thanksgiving and prayer, to be observed by acknowledging with
grateful hearts the many and signal favors of Almighty God, especially
by affording them an opportunity peaceably to establish a form of
government for their safety and happiness:"

Now, therefore, I do recommend and assign Thursday, the 26th day of
November next, to be devoted by the people of these States to the
service of that great and glorious Being who is the beneficent author of
all the good that was, that is, or that will be; that we may then all
unite in rendering unto Him our sincere and humble thanks for His kind
care and protection of the people of this country previous to their
becoming a nation; for the signal and manifold mercies and the favorable
interpositions of His providence in the course and conclusion of the
late war; for the great degree of tranquillity, union, and plenty which
we have since enjoyed; for the peaceable and rational manner in which
we have been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our
safety and happiness, and particularly the national one now lately
instituted; for the civil and religious liberty with which we are
blessed, and the means we have of acquiring and diffusing useful
knowledge; and, in general, for all the great and various favors
which He has been pleased to confer upon us.

And also that we may then unite in most humbly offering our prayers and
supplications to the great Lord and Ruler of Nations, and beseech Him to
pardon our national and other trangressions; to enable us all, whether
in public or private stations, to perform our several and relative
duties properly and punctually; to render our National Government a
blessing to all the people by constantly being a Government of wise,
just, and constitutional laws, discreetly and faithfully executed and
obeyed; to protect and guide all sovereigns and nations (especially such
as have shown kindness to us), and to bless them with good governments,
peace, and concord; to promote the knowledge and practice of true
religion and virtue, and the increase of science among them and us;
and, generally, to grant unto all mankind such a degree of temporal
prosperity as He alone knows to be best.

Given under my hand, at the city of New York, the 3d day of October,
A.D. 1789.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FIRST ANNUAL ADDRESS.

UNITED STATES, _January 8, 1790_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I embrace with great satisfaction the opportunity which now presents
itself of congratulating you on the present favorable prospects of our
public affairs. The recent accession of the important State of North
Carolina to the Constitution of the United States (of which official
information has been received), the rising credit and respectability of
our country, the general and increasing good will toward the Government
of the Union, and the concord, peace, and plenty with which we are
blessed are circumstances auspicious in an eminent degree to our
national prosperity.

In resuming your consultations for the general good you can not but
derive encouragement from the reflection that the measures of the last
session have been as satisfactory to your constituents as the novelty
and difficulty of the work allowed you to hope. Still further to realize
their expectations and to secure the blessings which a gracious
Providence has placed within our reach will in the course of the present
important session call for the cool and, deliberate exertion of your
patriotism, firmness, and wisdom.

Among the many interesting objects which will engage your attention that
of providing for the common defense will merit particular regard. To be
prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace.

A free people ought not only to be armed, but disciplined; to which end
a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite; and their safety and
interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend to
render them independent of others for essential, particularly military,
supplies.

The proper establishment of the troops which may be deemed indispensable
will be entitled to mature consideration. In the arrangements which may
be made respecting it it will be of importance to conciliate the
comfortable support of the officers and soldiers with a due regard to
economy.

There was reason to hope that the pacific measures adopted with regard
to certain hostile tribes of Indians would have relieved the inhabitants
of our Southern and Western frontiers from their depredations, but you
will perceive from the information contained in the papers which I shall
direct to be laid before you (comprehending a communication from the
Commonwealth of Virginia) that we ought to be prepared to afford
protection to those parts of the Union, and, if necessary, to punish
aggressors.

The interests of the United States require that our intercourse with
other nations should be facilitated by such provisions as will enable
me to fulfill my duty in that respect in the manner which circumstances
may render most conducive to the public good, and to this end that the
compensations to be made to the persons who may be employed should,
according to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law, and
a competent fund designated for defraying the expenses incident to the
conduct of our foreign affairs.

Various considerations also render it expedient that the terms on which
foreigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens should be speedily
ascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization.

Uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures of the United States
is an object of great importance, and will, I am persuaded, be duly
attended to.

The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures by all proper
means will not, I trust, need recommendation; but I can not forbear
intimating to you the expediency of giving effectual encouragement as
well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad as
to the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home, and of
facilitating the intercourse between the distant parts of our country
by a due attention to the post-office and post-roads.

Nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion that
there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the
promotion of science and literature. Knowledge is in every country
the surest basis of public happiness. In one in which the measures of
government receive their impressions so immediately from the sense of
the community as in ours it is proportionably essential. To the security
of a free constitution it contributes in various ways--by convincing
those who are intrusted with the public administration that every
valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened
confidence of the people, and by teaching the people themselves
to know and to value their own rights; to discern and provide against
invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary
exercise of lawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a
disregard to their convenience and those resulting from the inevitable
exigencies of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that
of licentiousness--cherishing the first, avoiding the last--and uniting
a speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an
inviolable respect to the laws.

Whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids
to seminaries of learning already established, by the institution of a
national university, or by any other expedients will be well worthy of
a place in the deliberations of the Legislature.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I saw with peculiar pleasure at the close of the last session the
resolution entered into by you expressive of your opinion that an
adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of
high importance to the national honor and prosperity. In this sentiment
I entirely concur; and to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to
devise such a provision as will be truly consistent with the end I add
an equal reliance on the cheerful cooperation of the other branch of the
Legislature. It would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure
in which the character and permanent interests of the United States are
so obviously and so deeply concerned, and which has received so explicit
a sanction from your declaration.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed the proper officers to lay before you, respectively,
such papers and estimates as regard the affairs particularly recommended
to your consideration, and necessary to convey to you that information
of the state of the Union which it is my duty to afford.

The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and
efforts ought to be directed, and I shall derive great satisfaction from
a cooperation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of insuring
to our fellow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect
from a free, efficient, and equal government.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: We, the Senate of the United States, return you our thanks for your
speech delivered to both Houses of Congress. The accession of the State
of North Carolina to the Constitution of the United States gives us much
pleasure, and we offer you our congratulations on that event, which at
the same time adds strength to our Union and affords a proof that the
more the Constitution has been considered the more the goodness of it
has appeared. The information which we have received, that the measures
of the last session have been as satisfactory to our constituents as we
had reason to expect from the difficulty of the work in which we were
engaged, will afford us much consolation and encouragement in resuming
our deliberations in the present session for the public good, and every
exertion on our part shall be made to realize and secure to our country
those blessings which a gracious Providence has placed within her reach.
We are persuaded that one of the most effectual means of preserving
peace is to be prepared for war, and our attention shall be directed to
the objects of common defense and to the adoption of such plans as shall
appear the most likely to prevent our dependence on other countries
for essential supplies. In the arrangements to be made respecting the
establishment of such troops as may be deemed indispensable we shall
with pleasure provide for the comfortable support of the officers and
soldiers, with a due regard to economy. We regret that the pacific
measures adopted by Government with regard to certain hostile tribes of
Indians have not been attended with the beneficial effects toward the
inhabitants of our Southern and Western frontiers which we had reason to
hope; and we shall cheerfully cooperate in providing the most effectual
means for their protection, and, if necessary, for the punishment
of aggressors. The uniformity of the currency and of weights and
measures, the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad
and the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home,
the facilitating the communication between the distant parts of our
country by means of the post-office and post-roads, a provision for
the support of the Department of Foreign Affairs, and a uniform rule
of naturalization, by which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of
citizens, are objects which shall receive such early attention as their
respective importance requires. Literature and science are essential
to the preservation of a free constitution; the measures of Government
should therefore be calculated to strengthen the confidence that is
due to that important truth. Agriculture, commerce, and manufactures,
forming the basis of the wealth and strength of our confederated
Republic, must be the frequent subject of our deliberation, and shall be
advanced by all proper means in our power. Public credit being an object
of great importance, we shall cheerfully cooperate in all proper
measures for its support. Proper attention shall be given to such papers
and estimates as you may be pleased to lay before us. Our cares and
efforts shall be directed to the welfare of our country, and we have the
most perfect dependence upon your cooperating with us on all occasions
in such measures as will insure to our fellow-citizens the blessings
which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal
government.

JANUARY 11, 1790.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: I thank you for your address, and for the assurances which it
contains of attention to the several matters suggested by me to your
consideration.

Relying on the continuance of your exertions for the public good, I
anticipate for our country the salutary effects of upright and prudent
counsels.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

JANUARY 14, 1790.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The Representatives of the people of the United States have taken
into consideration your speech to both Houses of Congress at the opening
of the present session.

We reciprocate your congratulations on the accession of the State
of North Carolina, an event which, while it is a testimony of the
increasing good will toward the Government of the Union, can not fail to
give additional dignity and strength to the American Republic, already
rising in the estimation of the world in national character and
respectability.

The information that our measures of the last session have not proved
dissatisfactory to our constituents affords us much encouragement at
this juncture, when we are resuming the arduous task of legislating for
so extensive an empire.

Nothing can be more gratifying to the Representatives of a free people
than the reflection that their labors are rewarded by the approbation
of their fellow-citizens. Under this impression we shall make every
exertion to realize their expectations, and to secure to them those
blessings which Providence has placed within their reach. Still prompted
by the same desire to promote their interests which then actuated us,
we shall in the present session diligently and anxiously pursue those
measures which shall appear to us conducive to that end.

We concur with you in the sentiment that agriculture, commerce, and
manufactures are entitled to legislative protection, and that the
promotion of science and literature will contribute to the security of a
free Government; in the progress of our deliberations we shall not lose
sight of objects so worthy of our regard.

The various and weighty matters which you have judged necessary to
recommend to our attention appear to us essential to the tranquillity
and welfare of the Union, and claim our early and most serious
consideration. We shall proceed without delay to bestow on them that
calm discussion which their importance requires.

We regret that the pacific arrangements pursued with regard to certain
hostile tribes of Indians have not been attended with that success which
we had reason to expect from them. We shall not hesitate to concur in
such further measures as may best obviate any ill effects which might
be apprehended from the failure of those negotiations.

Your approbation of the vote of this House at the last session
respecting the provision for the public creditors is very acceptable to
us. The proper mode of carrying that resolution into effect, being a
subject in which the future character and happiness of these States are
deeply involved, will be among the first to deserve our attention.

The prosperity of the United States is the primary object of all our
deliberations, and we cherish the reflection that every measure which
we may adopt for its advancement will not only receive your cheerful
concurrence, but will at the same time derive from your cooperation
additional efficacy, in insuring to our fellow-citizens the blessings
of a free, efficient, and equal government.

JANUARY 12, 1790.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: I receive with pleasure the assurances you give me that you
will diligently and anxiously pursue such measures as shall appear to
you conducive to the interest of your constituents, and that an early
and serious consideration will be given to the various and weighty
matters recommended by me to your attention.

I have full confidence that your deliberations will continue to be
directed by an enlightened and virtuous zeal for the happiness of our
country.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

JANUARY 14, 1790.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

UNITED STATES, _January 11, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Having advised with you upon the terms of a treaty to be offered to the
Creek Nation of Indians, I think it proper you should be informed of
the result of that business previous to its coming before you in your
legislative capacity. I have therefore directed the Secretary for the
Department of War to lay before you my instructions to the commissioners
and their report in consequence thereof.

The apparently critical state of the Southern frontier will render it
expedient for me to communicate to both Houses of Congress, with other
papers, the whole of the transactions relative to the Creeks, in order
that they may be enabled to form a judgment of the measures which the
case may require,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 11, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I have directed Mr. Lear, my private secretary, to lay before you a
copy of the adoption and ratification of the Constitution of the United
States by the State of North Carolina, together with a copy of a letter
from His Excellency Samuel Johnston, president of the convention of said
State, to the President of the United States.

The originals of the papers which are herewith transmitted to you will
be lodged in the office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 12, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a statement of the Southwestern frontiers and of the
Indian Department, which have been submitted to me by the Secretary for
the Department of War.

I conceive that an unreserved but confidential communication of all the
papers relative to the recent negotiations with some of the Southern
tribes of Indians is indispensably requisite for the information of
Congress. I am persuaded that they will effectually prevent either
transcripts or publications of all such circumstances as might be
injurious to the public interests,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 21, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

The Secretary for the Department of War has submitted to me certain
principles to serve as a plan for the general arrangement of the militia
of the United States.

Conceiving the subject to be of the highest importance to the welfare of
our country and liable to be placed in various points of view, I have
directed him to lay the plan before Congress for their information, in
order that they may make such use thereof as they may judge proper.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 25, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have received from His Excellency John E. Howard, governor of the
State of Maryland, an act of the legislature of Maryland to ratify
certain articles in addition to and amendment of the Constitution of the
United States of America, proposed by Congress to the legislatures of
the several States, and have directed my secretary to lay a copy of the
same before you, together with the copy of a letter, accompanying the
above act, from his excellency the governor of Maryland to the President
of the United States.

The originals will be deposited in the office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 28, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my secretary to lay before you the copy of an act of the
legislature of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations entitled "An act
for calling a convention to take into consideration the Constitution
proposed for the United States, passed on the 17th day of September,
A.D. 1787, by the General Convention held at Philadelphia," together
with the copy of a letter, accompanying said act, from His Excellency
John Collins, governor of the State of Rhode Island and Providence
Plantations, to the President of the United States.

The originals of the foregoing act and letter will be deposited in the
office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 1, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have received from His Excellency Alexander Martin, governor of the
State of North Carolina, an act of the general assembly of that State
entitled "An act for the purpose of ceding to the United States of
America certain western lands therein described," and have directed my
secretary to lay a copy of the same before you, together with a copy of
a letter, accompanying said act, from His Excellency Governor Martin to
the President of the United States.

The originals of the foregoing act and letter will be deposited in the
office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 9, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_

You will perceive from the papers herewith delivered, and which are
enumerated in the annexed list, that a difference subsists between Great
Britain and the United States relative to the boundary line between our
eastern and their territories. A plan for deciding this difference was
laid before the late Congress, and whether that or some other plan of a
like kind would not now be eligible is submitted to your consideration.

In my opinion, it is desirable that all questions between this and other
nations be speedily and amicably settled, and in this instance I think
it advisable to postpone any negotiations on the subject until I shall
be informed of the result of your deliberations and receive your advice
as to the propositions most proper to be offered on the part of the
United States.

As I am taking measures for learning the intentions of Great Britain
respecting the further detention of our posts, etc., I am the more
solicitous that the business now submitted to you may be prepared for
negotiation as soon as the other important affairs which engage your
attention will permit.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 15, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my secretary to lay before you the copy of a vote of
the legislature of the State of New Hampshire, to accept the articles
proposed in addition to and amendment of the Constitution of the United
States of America, except the second article. At the same time will be
delivered to you the copy of a letter from his excellency the president
of the State of New Hampshire to the President of the United States.

The originals of the above-mentioned vote and letter will be lodged in
the office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 18, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

By the mail of last evening I received a letter from His Excellency John
Hancock, governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, inclosing a
resolve of the senate and house of representatives of that Commonwealth
and sundry documents relative to the eastern boundary of the United
States.

I have directed a copy of the letter and resolve to be laid before you.
The documents which accompanied them being but copies of some of the
papers which were delivered to you with my communication of the 9th of
this month, I have thought it unnecessary to lay them before you at this
time. They will be deposited in the office of the Secretary of State,
together with the originals of the above-mentioned letters and resolve.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 8, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have received from His Excellency Joshua Clayton, president of the
State of Delaware, the articles proposed by Congress to the legislatures
of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United
States, which articles were transmitted to him for the consideration of
the legislature of Delaware, and are now returned with the following
resolutions annexed to them, viz:

The general assembly of Delaware having taken into their
consideration the above amendments, proposed by Congress to the
respective legislatures of the several States,

_Resolved_, That the first article be postponed;

_Resolved_, That the general assembly do agree to the second, third,
fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, and
twelfth articles, and we do hereby assent to, ratify, and confirm
the same as part of the Constitution of the United States.

In testimony whereof we have caused the great seal of the State to
be hereunto affixed this 28th day of January, A.D. 1790, and in the
fourteenth year of the independence of the Delaware State.

Signed by order of council.

GEORGE MITCHELL, _Speaker_.

Signed by order of the house of assembly.

JEHU DAVIS, _Speaker_.

I have directed a copy of the letter which accompanied the said
articles, from His Excellency Joshua Clayton to the President of the
United States, to be laid before you.

The before-mentioned articles and the original of the letter will be
lodged in the office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 16, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my secretary to lay before you the copy of an act
and the form of ratification of certain articles of amendment to the
Constitution of the United States by the legislature of the State of
Pennsylvania, together with the copy of a letter which accompanied the
said act, from the speaker of the house of assembly of Pennsylvania to
the President of the United States.

The originals of the above will be lodged in the office of the Secretary
of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 1, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my private secretary to lay before you a copy of the
adoption by the legislature of South Carolina of the articles proposed
by Congress to the legislatures of the several States as amendments
to the Constitution of the United States, together with the copy of
a letter from the governor of the State of South Carolina to the
President of the United States, which have lately come to my hands.

The originals of the foregoing will be lodged in the office of the
Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 5, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my private secretary to lay before you copies of three
acts of the legislature of the State of New York, which have been
transmitted to me by the governor thereof, viz:

"An act declaring it to be the duty of the sheriffs of the several
counties within this State to receive and safe keep such prisoners
as shall be committed under the authority of the United States."

"An act for vesting in the United States of America the light-house
and the lands thereunto belonging at Sandy Hook."

"An act ratifying certain articles in addition to and amendment of the
Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress."

A copy of a letter accompanying said acts, from the governor of the
State of New York to the President of the United States, will at the
same time be laid before you, and the originals be deposited in the
office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 31, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Mr. de Poiery served in the American Army for several of the last years
of the late war as secretary to Major-General the Marquis de Lafayette,
and might probably at that time have obtained the commission of captain
from Congress upon application to that body. At present he is an officer
in the French national guards, and solicits a brevet commission from
the United States of America. I am authorized to add, that while the
compliance will involve no expense on our part, it will be particularly
grateful to that friend of America, the Marquis de Lafayette.
I therefore nominate M. de Poiery to be a captain by brevet.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 1, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

Having received official information of the accession of the State of
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations to the Constitution of the
United States, I take the earliest opportunity of communicating the
same to you, with my congratulations on this happy event, which unites
under the General Government all the States which were originally
confederated, and have directed my secretary to lay before you a copy
of the letter from the president of the convention of the State of
Rhode Island to the President of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 11, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my secretary to lay before you a copy of the
ratification of the amendments to the Constitution of the United States
by the State of North Carolina, together with an extract from a letter,
accompanying said ratification, from the governor of the State of North
Carolina to the President of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 16, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

The ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America by
the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations was received by me
last night, together with a letter to the President of the United States
from the president of the convention. I have directed my secretary to
lay before you a copy of each.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 30, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

An act of the legislature of the State of Rhode Island and Providence
Plantations, for ratifying certain articles as amendments to the
Constitution of the United States, was yesterday put into my hands,
and I have directed my secretary to lay a copy of the same before you.

GO. WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _August 4, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_;

In consequence of the general principles agreed to by the Senate in
August, 1789, the adjustment of the terms of a treaty is far advanced
between the United States and the chiefs of the Creek Indians, now in
this city, in behalf of themselves and the whole Creek Nation.

In preparing the articles of this treaty the present arrangements of
the trade with the Creeks have caused much embarrassment. It seems to
be well ascertained that the said trade is almost exclusively in the
hands of a company of British merchants, who by agreement make their
importations of goods from England into the Spanish ports.

As the trade of the Indians is a main mean of their political
management, it is therefore obvious that the United States can not
possess any security for the performance of treaties with the Creeks
while their trade is liable to be interrupted or withheld at the caprice
of two foreign powers.

Hence it becomes an object of real importance to form new channels for
the commerce of the Creeks through the United States. But this operation
will require time, as the present arrangements can not be suddenly
broken without the greatest violation of faith and morals.

It therefore appears to be important to form a secret article of a
treaty similar to the one which accompanies this message.

If the Senate should require any further explanation, the Secretary of
War will attend them for that purpose.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

The President of the United States states the following question for the
consideration and advice of the Senate: If it should be found essential
to a treaty for the firm establishment of peace with the Creek Nation of
Indians that an article to the following effect should be inserted
therein, will such an article be proper? viz:

SECRET ARTICLE.

The commerce necessary for the Creek Nation shall be carried on through
the ports and by the citizens of the United States if substantial and
effectual arrangements shall be made for that purpose by the United
States on or before the 1st day of August, 1792. In the meantime the
said commerce may be carried on through its present channels and
according to its present regulations.

And whereas the trade of the said Creek Nation is now carried
on wholly or principally through the territories of Spain, and
obstructions thereto may happen by war or prohibitions of the Spanish
Government, it is therefore agreed between the said parties that in
the event of any such obstructions happening it shall be lawful for
such persons as ---- ---- ---- ---- shall designate to introduce into
and transport through the territories of the United States to the
country of the said Creek Nation any quantity of goods, wares, and
merchandise not exceeding in value in any one year $60,000, and that
free from any duties or impositions whatsoever, but subject to such
regulations for guarding against abuse as the United States shall judge
necessary, which privilege shall continue as long as such obstruction
shall continue.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _August 6, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Considering the circumstances which prevented the late commissioners
from concluding a peace with the Creek Nation of Indians, it appeared
to me most prudent that all subsequent measures for disposing them to
a treaty should in the first instance be informal.

I informed you on the 4th instant that the adjustment of the terms of
a treaty with their chiefs, now here, was far advanced. Such further
progress has since been made that I think measures may at present be
taken for conducting and concluding that business in form. It therefore
becomes necessary that a proper person be appointed and authorized to
treat with these chiefs and to conclude a treaty with them. For this
purpose I nominate to you Henry Knox.

GO. WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _August 6, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my secretary to lay before you a copy of an exemplified
copy of a law to ratify on the part of the State of New Jersey certain
amendments to the Constitution of the United States, together with a
copy of a letter, which accompanied said ratification, from Hon. Elisha
Lawrence, esq., vice-president of the State of New Jersey, to the
President of the United States.

GO. WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _August 7, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate:_

I lay before you a treaty between the United States and the chiefs of
the Creek Nation, now in this city, in behalf of themselves and the
whole Creek Nation, subject to the ratification of the President of the
United States with the advice and consent of the Senate.

While I flatter myself that this treaty will be productive of present
peace and prosperity to our Southern frontier, it is to be expected that
it will also in its consequences be the means of firmly attaching the
Creeks and the neighboring tribes to the interests of the United States.

At the same time it is to be hoped that it will afford solid grounds of
satisfaction to the State of Georgia, as it contains a regular, full,
and definitive relinquishment on the part of the Creek Nation of the
Oconee land in the utmost extent in which it has been claimed by that
State, and thus extinguishes the principal cause of those hostilities
from which it has more than once experienced such severe calamities.

But although the most valuable of the disputed land is included, yet
there is a certain claim of Georgia, arising out of the treaty made by
that State at Galphinston in November, 1785, of land to the eastward of
a new temporary line from the forks of the Oconee and Oakmulgee in a
southwest direction to the St. Marys River, which tract of land the
Creeks in this city absolutely refuse to yield.

This land is reported to be generally barren, sunken, and unfit for
cultivation, except in some instances on the margin of the rivers, on
which by improvement rice might be cultivated, its chief value depending
on the timber fit for the building of ships, with which it is
represented as abounding.

While it is thus circumstanced on the one hand, it is stated by the
Creeks on the other to be of the highest importance to them as
constituting some of their most valuable winter hunting ground.

I have directed the commissioner to whom the charge of adjusting this
treaty has been committed to lay before you such papers and documents
and to communicate to you such information relatively to it as you may
require.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _August 11, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Although the treaty with the Creeks may be regarded as the main
foundation of the future peace and prosperity of the Southwestern
frontier of the United States, yet in order fully to effect so desirable
an object the treaties which have been entered into with the other
tribes in that quarter must be faithfully performed on our parts.

During the last year I laid before the Senate a particular statement of
the case of the Cherokees. By a reference to that paper it will appear
that the United States formed a treaty with the Cherokees in November,
1785; that the said Cherokees thereby placed themselves under the
protection of the United States and had a boundary assigned them; that
the white people settled on the frontiers had openly violated the said
boundary by intruding on the Indian lands; that the United States in
Congress assembled did, on the 1st day of September, 1788, issue their
proclamation forbidding all such unwarrantable intrusions, and enjoined
all those who had settled upon the hunting grounds of the Cherokees to
depart with their families and effects without loss of time, as they
would answer their disobedience to the injunctions and prohibitions
expressed at their peril.

But information has been received that notwithstanding the said treaty
and proclamation upward of 500 families have settled on the Cherokee
lands exclusively of those settled between the fork of French Broad and
Holstein rivers, mentioned in the said treaty.

As the obstructions to a proper conduct on this matter have been removed
since it was mentioned to the Senate on the 22d of August, 1789, by the
accession of North Carolina to the present Union and the cessions of
the land in question, I shall conceive myself bound to exert the powers
intrusted to me by the Constitution in order to carry into faithful
execution the treaty of Hopewell, unless it shall be thought proper to
attempt to arrange a new boundary with the Cherokees, embracing the
settlements, and compensating the Cherokees for the cessions they shall
make on the occasion. On this point, therefore, I state the following
questions and request the advice of the Senate thereon:

First. Is it the judgment of the Senate that overtures shall be made to
the Cherokees to arrange a new boundary so as to embrace the settlements
made by the white people since the treaty of Hopewell, in November, 1785?

Second. If so, shall compensation to the amount of ---- dollars
annually, or of ---- dollars in gross, be made to the Cherokees for
the land they shall relinquish, holding the occupiers of the land
accountable to the United States for its value?

Third. Shall the United States stipulate solemnly to guarantee the new
boundary which may be arranged?

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

PROCLAMATIONS.

[From the Gazette of the United States (New York), September 15, 1790,
in the Library of Congress.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE: UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas a treaty of peace and friendship between the United States and
the Creek Nation was made and concluded on the 7th day of the present
month of August; and

Whereas I have, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, in due
form ratified the said treaty:

Now, therefore, to the end that the same may be observed and performed
with good faith on the part of the United States, I have ordered the
said treaty to be herewith published; and I do hereby enjoin and require
all officers of the United States, civil and military, and all other
citizens and inhabitants thereof, faithfully to observe and fulfill the
same.

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, in the city of
New York, the 14th day of August, A.D. 1790, and in the fifteenth year
of the Sovereignty and Independence of the United States.

[SEAL.]

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
THOMAS JEFFERSON.

[From Miscellaneous letters, Department of State, vol. 3.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it hath at this time become peculiarly necessary to warn the
citizens of the United States against a violation of the treaties made
at Hopewell, on the Keowee, on the 28th day of November, 1785, and on
the 3d and 10th days of January, 1786, between the United States and the
Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw nations of Indians, and to enforce an
act entitled "An act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian
tribes," copies of which treaties and act are hereunto annexed, I have
therefore thought fit to require, and I do by these presents require,
all officers of the United States, as well civil as military, and all
other citizens and inhabitants thereof, to govern themselves according
to the treaties and act aforesaid, as they will answer the contrary at
their peril.

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, in the city of
New York, the 26th day of August, A.D. 1790, and in the fifteenth year
of the Sovereignty and Independence of the United States.

[SEAL.]

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
THOMAS JEFFERSON.

SECOND ANNUAL ADDRESS.

UNITED STATES, _December 8, 1790_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In meeting you again I feel much satisfaction in being able to repeat my
congratulations on the favorable prospects which continue to distinguish
our public affairs. The abundant fruits of another year have blessed
our country with plenty and with the means of a flourishing commerce.
The progress of public credit is witnessed by a considerable rise of
American stock abroad as well as at home, and the revenues allotted
for this and other national purposes have been productive beyond the
calculations by which they were regulated. This latter circumstance is
the more pleasing, as it is not only a proof of the fertility of our
resources, but as it assures us of a further increase of the national
respectability and credit, and, let me add, as it bears an honorable
testimony to the patriotism and integrity of the mercantile and marine
part of our citizens. The punctuality of the former in discharging their
engagements has been exemplary.

In conformity to the powers vested in me by acts of the last session,
a loan of 3,000,000 florins, toward which some provisional measures
had previously taken place, has been completed in Holland. As well
the celerity with which it has been filled as the nature of the terms
(considering the more than ordinary demand for borrowing created by the
situation of Europe) give a reasonable hope that the further execution
of those powers may proceed with advantage and success. The Secretary of
the Treasury has my directions to communicate such further particulars
as may be requisite for more precise information.

Since your last sessions I have received communications by which it
appears that the district of Kentucky, at present a part of Virginia,
has concurred in certain propositions contained in a law of that State,
in consequence of which the district is to become a distinct member of
the Union, in case the requisite sanction of Congress be added. For this
sanction application is now made. I shall cause the papers on this very
important transaction to be laid before you. The liberality and harmony
with which it has been conducted will be found to do great honor to both
the parties, and the sentiments of warm attachment to the Union and its
present Government expressed by our fellow-citizens of Kentucky can not
fail to add an affectionate concern for their particular welfare to the
great national impressions under which you will decide on the case
submitted to you.

It has been heretofore known to Congress that frequent incursions have
been made on our frontier settlements by certain banditti of Indians
from the northwest side of the Ohio. These, with some of the tribes
dwelling on and near the Wabash, have of late been particularly active
in their depredations, and being emboldened by the impunity of their
crimes and aided by such parts of the neighboring tribes as could be
seduced to join in their hostilities or afford them a retreat for their
prisoners and plunder, they have, instead of listening to the humane
invitations and overtures made on the part of the United States, renewed
their violences with fresh alacrity and greater effect. The lives of a
number of valuable citizens have thus been sacrificed, and some of them
under circumstances peculiarly shocking, whilst others have been carried
into a deplorable captivity.

These aggravated provocations rendered it essential to the safety of the
Western settlements that the aggressors should be made sensible that
the Government of the Union is not less capable of punishing their
crimes than it is disposed to respect their rights and reward their
attachments. As this object could not be effected by defensive measures,
it became necessary to put in force the act which empowers the President
to call out the militia for the protection of the frontiers, and I have
accordingly authorized an expedition in which the regular troops in
that quarter are combined with such drafts of militia as were deemed
sufficient. The event of the measure is yet unknown to me. The Secretary
of War is directed to lay before you a statement of the information on
which it is founded, as well as an estimate of the expense with which
it will be attended.

The disturbed situation of Europe, and particularly the critical
posture of the great maritime powers, whilst it ought to make us the
more thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the United
States, reminds us at the same time of the circumspection with which it
becomes us to preserve these blessings. It requires also that we should
not overlook the tendency of a war, and even of preparations for a war,
among the nations most concerned in active commerce with this country
to abridge the means, and thereby at least enhance the price, of
transporting its valuable productions to their proper markets. I
recommend it to your serious reflections how far and in what mode it may
be expedient to guard against embarrassments from these contingencies by
such encouragements to our own navigation as will render our commerce
and agriculture less dependent on foreign bottoms, which may fail us in
the very moments most interesting to both of these great objects. Our
fisheries and the transportation of our own produce offer us abundant
means for guarding ourselves against this evil.

Your attention seems to be not less due to that particular branch of our
trade which belongs to the Mediterranean. So many circumstances unite in
rendering the present state of it distressful to us that you will not
think any deliberations misemployed which may lead to its relief and
protection.

The laws you have already passed for the establishment of a judiciary
system have opened the doors of justice to all descriptions of persons.
You will consider in your wisdom whether improvements in that system may
yet be made, and particularly whether an uniform process of execution on
sentences issuing from the Federal courts be not desirable through all
the States.

The patronage of our commerce, of our merchants and seamen, has called
for the appointment of consuls in foreign countries. It seems expedient
to regulate by law the exercise of that jurisdiction and those functions
which are permitted them, either by express convention or by a friendly
indulgence, in the places of their residence. The consular convention,
too, with His Most Christian Majesty has stipulated in certain cases the
aid of the national authority to his consuls established here. Some
legislative provision is requisite to carry these stipulations into full
effect.

The establishment of the militia, of a mint, of standards of weights and
measures, of the post-office and post-roads are subjects which I presume
you will resume of course, and which are abundantly urged by their own
importance.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The sufficiency of the revenues you have established for the objects
to which they are appropriated leaves no doubt that the residuary
provisions will be commensurate to the other objects for which the
public faith stands now pledged. Allow me, moreover, to hope that it
will be a favorite policy with you, not merely to secure a payment of
the interest of the debt funded, but as far and as fast as the growing
resources of the country will permit to exonerate it of the principal
itself. The appropriation you have made of the Western land explains
your dispositions on this subject, and I am persuaded that the sooner
that valuable fund can be made to contribute, along with other means,
to the actual reduction of the public debt the more salutary will the
measure be to every public interest, as well as the more satisfactory
to our constituents.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In pursuing the various and weighty business of the present session
I indulge the fullest persuasion that your consultations will be equally
marked with wisdom and animated by the love of your country. In whatever
belongs to my duty you shall have all the cooperation which an
undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire. It will be happy for us
both, and our best reward, if, by a successful administration of our
respective trusts, we can make the established Government more and more
instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow-citizens, and more and
more the object of their attachment and confidence.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

We receive, sir, with particular satisfaction the communications
contained in your speech, which confirm to us the progressive state
of the public credit and afford at the same time a new proof of the
solidity of the foundation on which it rests; and we cheerfully join in
the acknowledgment which is due to the probity and patriotism of the
mercantile and marine part of our fellow-citizens, whose enlightened
attachment to the principles of good government is not less conspicuous
in this than it has been in other important respects.

In confidence that every constitutional preliminary has been observed,
we assure you of our disposition to concur in giving the requisite
sanction to the admission of Kentucky as a distinct member of the Union;
in doing which we shall anticipate the happy effects to be expected from
the sentiments of attachment toward the Union and its present Government
which have been expressed by the patriotic inhabitants of that district.

While we regret that the continuance and increase of the hostilities and
depredations which have distressed our Northwestern frontiers should
have rendered offensive measures necessary, we feel an entire confidence
in the sufficiency of the motives which have produced them and in the
wisdom of the dispositions which have been concerted in pursuance of
the powers vested in you, and whatever may have been the event, we
shall cheerfully concur in the provisions which the expedition that has
been undertaken may require on the part of the Legislature, and in any
other which the future peace and safety of our frontier settlements may
call for.

The critical posture of the European powers will engage a due portion
of our attention, and we shall be ready to adopt any measures which a
prudent circumspection may suggest for the preservation of the blessings
of peace. The navigation and the fisheries of the United States are
objects too interesting not to inspire a disposition to promote them
by all the means which shall appear to us consistent with their natural
progress and permanent prosperity.

Impressed with the importance of a free intercourse with the
Mediterranean, we shall not think any deliberations misemployed which
may conduce to the adoption of proper measures for removing the
impediments that obstruct it.

The improvement of the judiciary system and the other important objects
to which you have pointed our attention will not fail to engage the
consideration they respectively merit.

In the course of our deliberations upon every subject we shall rely
upon that cooperation which an undiminished zeal and incessant anxiety
for the public welfare on your part so thoroughly insure; and as it is
our anxious desire so it shall be our constant endeavor to render the
established Government more and more instrumental in promoting the good
of our fellow-citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment
and confidence.

DECEMBER 10, 1790.

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