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A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents: Lincoln by Compiled by James D. Richardson

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Pennsylvania, 50,000; from the State of Ohio, 30,000; from the State of
West Virginia, 10,000--to be mustered into the service of the United
States forthwith and to serve for the period of six months from the date
of such muster into said service, unless sooner discharged; to be
mustered in as infantry, artillery, and cavalry, in proportions which
will be made known through the War Department, which Department will
also designate the several places of rendezvous. These militia to be
organized according to the rules and regulations of the volunteer
service and such orders as may hereafter be issued, The States aforesaid
will be respectively credited under the enrollment act for the militia
services rendered under this proclamation.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 15th day of June, A.D. 1863, and
of the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the supplications and prayers
of an afflicted people and to vouchsafe to the Army and the Navy of the
United States victories on land and on the sea so signal and so
effective as to furnish reasonable grounds for augmented confidence that
the Union of these States will be maintained, their Constitution
preserved, and their peace and prosperity permanently restored. But
these victories have been accorded not without sacrifices of life, limb,
health, and liberty, incurred by brave, loyal, and patriotic citizens.
Domestic affliction in every part of the country follows in the train of
these fearful bereavements. It is meet and right to recognize and
confess the presence of the Almighty Father and the power of His hand
equally in these triumphs and in these sorrows:

Now, therefore, be it known that I do set apart Thursday, the 6th day of
August next, to be observed as a day for national thanksgiving, praise,
and prayer, and I invite the people of the United States to assemble on
that occasion in their customary places of worship and in the forms
approved by their own consciences render the homage due to the Divine
Majesty for the wonderful things He has done in the nation's behalf and
invoke the influence of His Holy Spirit to subdue the anger which has
produced and so long sustained a needless and cruel rebellion, to change
the hearts of the insurgents, to guide the counsels of the Government
with wisdom adequate to so great a national emergency, and to visit with
tender care and consolation throughout the length and breadth of our
land all those who, through the vicissitudes of marches, voyages,
battles, and sieges, have been brought to suffer in mind, body, or
estate, and finally to lead the whole nation through the paths of
repentance and submission to the divine will back to the perfect
enjoyment of union and fraternal peace.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 15th day of July, A.D. 1863, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the Constitution of the United States has ordained that the
privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ shall not be suspended unless
when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require
it; and

Whereas a rebellion was existing on the 3d day of March, 1863, which
rebellion is still existing; and

Whereas by a statute which was approved on that day it was enacted by
the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress
assembled that during the present insurrection the President of the
United States, whenever in his judgment the public safety may require,
is authorized to suspend the privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ in
any case throughout the United States or any part thereof; and

Whereas, in the judgment of the President, the public safety does
require that the privilege of the said writ shall now be suspended
throughout the United States in the cases where, by the authority of the
President of the United States, military, naval, and civil officers of
the United States, or any of them, hold persons under their command or
in their custody, either as prisoners of war, spies, or aiders or
abettors of the enemy, or officers, soldiers, or seamen enrolled or
drafted or mustered or enlisted in or belonging to the land or naval
forces of the United States, or as deserters therefrom, or otherwise
amenable to military law or the rules and articles of war or the rules
or regulations prescribed for the military or naval services by
authority of the President of the United States, or for resisting a
draft, or for any other offense against the military or naval service:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
hereby proclaim and make known to all whom it may concern that the
privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ is suspended throughout the
United States in the several cases before mentioned, and that this
suspension will continue throughout the duration of the said rebellion
or until this proclamation shall, by a subsequent one to be issued by
the President of the United States, be modified or revoked. And I do
hereby require all magistrates, attorneys, and other civil officers
within the United States and all officers and others in the military and
naval services of the United States to take distinct notice of this
suspension and to give it full effect, and all citizens of the United
States to conduct and govern themselves accordingly and in conformity
with the Constitution of the United States and the laws of Congress in
such case made and provided.

[SEAL.]

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed this 15th day of September, A.D. 1863,
and of the Independence of the United States of America the
eighty-eighth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas in my proclamation of the 27th of April, 1861, the ports of the
States of Virginia and North Carolina were, for reasons therein set
forth, placed under blockade; and

Whereas the port of Alexandria, Va., has since been blockaded, but as
the blockade of said port may now be safely relaxed with advantage to
the interests of commerce:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth
section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July, 1861,
entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of duties on
imports and for other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of
the said port of Alexandria shall so far cease and determine from and
after this date that commercial intercourse with said port, except as to
persons, things, and information contraband of war, may from this date
be carried on, subject to the laws of the United States and to the
limitations and in pursuance of the regulations which are prescribed by
the Secretary of the Treasury in his order which is appended to my
proclamation of the 12th of May, 1862.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 24th day of September, A.D. 1863,
and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

The year that is drawing toward its close has been filled with the
blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties,
which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the
source from which they come, others have been added which are of so
extraordinary a nature that they can not fail to penetrate and soften
even the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful
providence of Almighty God.

In the midst of a civil war of unequaled magnitude and severity, which
has sometimes seemed to foreign states to invite and to provoke their
aggression, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been
maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has
prevailed everywhere, except in the theater of military conflict, while
that theater has been greatly contracted by the advancing armies and
navies of the Union.

Needful diversions of wealth and of strength from the fields of
peaceful industry to the national defense have not arrested the plow,
the shuttle, or the ship; the ax has enlarged the borders of our
settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious
metals, have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population
has steadily increased notwithstanding the waste that has been made in
the camp, the siege, and the battlefield, and the country, rejoicing in
the consciousness of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to
expect continuance of years with large increase of freedom.

No human counsel hath devised nor hath any mortal hand worked out these
great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who,
while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless
remembered mercy.

It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly,
reverently, and gratefully acknowledged, as with one heart and one
voice, by the whole American people. I do therefore invite my
fellow-citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who
are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart
and observe the last Thursday of November next as a day of thanksgiving
and praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the heavens. And
I recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions justly due
to Him for such singular deliverances and blessings they do also, with
humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend
to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners,
or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably
engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty hand
to heal the wounds of the nation and to restore it, as soon as may be
consistent with the divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace,
harmony, tranquillity, and union.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 3d day of October, A.D. 1863, and
of the Independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the term of service of a part of the volunteer forces of the
United States will expire during the coming year; and

Whereas, in addition to the men raised by the present draft, it is
deemed expedient to call out 300,000 volunteers to serve for three years
or the war, not, however, exceeding three years:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and
Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the militia of
the several States when called into actual service, do issue this my
proclamation, calling upon the governors of the different States to
raise and have enlisted into the United States service for the various
companies and regiments in the field from their respective States their
quotas of 300,000 men.

I further proclaim that all volunteers thus called out and duly enlisted
shall receive advance pay, premium, and bounty, as heretofore
communicated to the governors of States by the War Department through
the Provost-Marshal-General's Office by special letters.

I further proclaim that all volunteers received under this call, as well
as all others not heretofore credited, shall be duly credited on and
deducted from the quotas established for the next draft.

I further proclaim that if any State shall fail to raise the quota
assigned to it by the War Department under this call, then a draft for
the deficiency in said quota shall be made on said State, or on the
districts of said State, for their due proportion of said quota; and the
said draft shall commence on the 5th day of January, 1864.

And I further proclaim that nothing in this proclamation shall interfere
with existing orders, or those which may be issued, for the present
draft in the States where it is now in progress or where it has not yet
commenced.

The quotas of the States and districts will be assigned by the War
Department, through the Provost-Marshal-General's Office, due regard
being had for the men heretofore furnished, whether by volunteering or
drafting, and the recruiting will be conducted in accordance with such
instructions as have been or may be issued by that Department.

In issuing this proclamation I address myself not only to the governors
of the several States, but also to the good and loyal people thereof,
invoking them to lend their willing, cheerful, and effective aid to the
measures thus adopted, with a view to reenforce our victorious armies
now in the field and bring our needful military operations to a
prosperous end, thus closing forever the fountains of sedition and civil
war.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Washington, this 17th day of October, A.D. 1863, and
of the Independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
_Secretary of State_.

EXECUTIVE ORDERS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, March 31, 1863_.

Whereas by the act of Congress approved July 13, 1861, entitled "An
act to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other
purposes," all commercial intercourse between the inhabitants of such
States as should by proclamation be declared in insurrection against the
United States and the citizens of the rest of the United States was
prohibited so long as such condition of hostility should continue,
except as the same shall be licensed and permitted by the President to
be conducted and carried on only in pursuance of rules and regulations
prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury; and

Whereas it appears that a partial restoration of such intercourse
between the inhabitants of sundry places and sections heretofore
declared in insurrection in pursuance of said act and the citizens of
the rest of the United States will favorably affect the public
interests:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by the said act
of Congress, do hereby license and permit such commercial intercourse
between the citizens of loyal States and the inhabitants of such
insurrectionary States in the cases and under the restrictions described
and expressed in the regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the
Treasury bearing even date with these presents, or in such other
regulations as he may hereafter, with my approval, prescribe.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, June 22, 1863_.

Whereas the act of Congress approved the 3d day of March, A.D. 1863,
entitled "An act to provide circuit courts for the districts of
California and Oregon, and for other purposes," authorized the
appointment of one additional associate justice of the Supreme Court of
the United States, and provided that the districts of California and
Oregon should constitute the tenth circuit and that the other circuits
should remain as then constituted by law; and

Whereas Stephen J. Field was appointed the said additional associate
justice of the Supreme Court since the last adjournment of said court,
and consequently he was not allotted to the said circuit according to
the fifth section of the act of Congress entitled "An act to amend the
judicial system of the United States," approved the 29th day of April,
1802:

Now I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, under the
authority of said section, do allot the said associate justice, Stephen
J. Field, to the said tenth circuit.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Attest:

TITIAN J. COFFEY,

_Attorney-General ad interim_.

WAR DEPARTMENT,

_Washington, July 4, 1863--10 a.m._

The President announces to the country that news from the Army of the
Potomac up to 10 o'clock p.m. of the 3d is such as to cover that army
with the highest honor, to promise a great success to the cause of the
Union, and to claim the condolence of all for the many gallant fallen;
and that for this he especially desires that on this day He whose will,
not ours, should ever be done be everywhere remembered and ever
reverenced with profoundest gratitude.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 211.

WAR DEPARTMENT,

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

_Washington, July 9, 1863_.

ORDER ABOLISHING MILITARY GOVERNORSHIP OF ARKANSAS.

_Ordered_, That the appointment of John S. Phelps as military governor
of the State of Arkansas and of Amos F. Eno as secretary be revoked, and
the office of military governor in said State is abolished, and that all
authority, appointments, and power heretofore granted to and exercised
by them, or either of them, as military governor or secretary, or by any
person or persons appointed by or acting under them, is hereby revoked
and annulled.

By order of the President:

E.D. TOWNSEND,

_Assistant Adjutant-General_.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, July 25, 1863_.

Hon. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.

SIR: Certain matters have come to my notice, and considered by me, which
induce me to believe that it will conduce to the public interest for you
to add to the general instructions given to our naval commanders in
relation to contraband trade propositions substantially as follows, to
wit:

First. You will avoid the reality, and as far as possible the
appearance, of using any neutral port to watch neutral vessels, and then
to dart out and seize them on their departure.

NOTE.--Complaint is made that this has been practiced at the port of St.
Thomas, which practice, if it exists, is disapproved and must cease.

Second. You will not in any case detain the crew of a captured neutral
vessel or any other subject of a neutral power on board such vessel, as
prisoners of war or otherwise, except the small number necessary as
witnesses in the prize court.

NOTE.--The practice here forbidden is also charged to exist, which, if
true, is disapproved and must cease.

My dear sir, it is not intended to be insinuated that you have, been
remiss in the performance of the arduous and responsible duties of your
Department, which, I take pleasure in affirming, has in your hands been
conducted with admirable success. Yet, while your subordinates are
almost of necessity brought into angry collision with the subjects of
foreign states, the representatives of those states and yourself do not
come into immediate contact for the purpose of keeping the peace, in
spite of such collisions. At that point there is an ultimate and heavy
responsibility upon me.

What I propose is in strict accordance with international law, and is
therefore unobjectionable; whilst, if it does no other good, it will
contribute to sustain a considerable portion of the present British
ministry in their places, who, if displaced, are sure to be replaced by
others more unfavorable to us.

Your obedient servant,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, July 30, 1863_.

It is the duty of every government to give protection to its citizens,
of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to those who are
duly organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations and
the usages and customs of war, as carried on by civilized powers, permit
no distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners of war as
public enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person on account of his
color, and for no offense against the laws of war, is a relapse into
barbarism and a crime against the civilization of the age.

The Government of the United States will give the same protection to all
its soldiers, and if the enemy shall sell or enslave anyone because of
his color the offense shall be punished by retaliation upon the enemy's
prisoners in our possession.

_It is therefore ordered_, That for every soldier of the United States
killed in violation of the laws of war a rebel soldier shall be
executed, and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery
a rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on the public works and
continued at such labor until the other shall be released and receive
the treatment due to a prisoner of war.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington City, August 25, 1863_.

_Ordered_, first. That clearances issued by the Treasury Department for
vessels or merchandise bound for the port of New Orleans for the
military necessities of the department, certified by Brigadier-General
Shepley, the military governor of Louisiana, shall be allowed to enter
said port.

Second. That vessels and domestic produce from New Orleans permitted by
the military governor of Louisiana at New Orleans for the military
purpose of his department shall on his permit be allowed to pass from
said port to its destination to any port not blockaded by the United
States.

A. LINCOLN.

WAR DEPARTMENT,

_Washington City, August 31, 1863_.

_Ordered_, That the Executive order of November 21, 1862, prohibiting
the exportation of arms, ammunition, or munitions of war from the United
States, be, and the same hereby is, modified so far as to permit the
exportation of imported arms, ammunition, and munitions of war to the
ports whence they were shipped for the United States.

By order of the President:

[EDWIN M. STANTON.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, September 4, 1863_.

_Ordered_, That the Executive order dated November 21, 1862, prohibiting
the exportation from the United States of arms, ammunition, or munitions
of war, under which the commandants of departments were, by order of the
Secretary of War dated May 13, 1863, directed to prohibit the purchase
and sale for exportation from the United States of all horses and mules
within their respective commands, and to take and appropriate to the use
of the United States any horses, mules, and live stock designed for
exportation, be so far modified that any arms heretofore imported into
the United States may be reexported to the place of original shipment,
and that any live stock raised in any State or Territory bounded by the
Pacific Ocean may be exported from any port of such State or Territory.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WAR DEPARTMENT,

_Washington City, September 24, 1863_.

_Ordered by the President of the United States_, That Major-General
Hooker be, and he is hereby, authorized to take military possession of
all railroads, with their cars, locomotives, plants, and equipments,
that may be necessary for the execution of the military operation
committed to his charge; and all officers, agents, and employees of said
roads are directed to render their aid and assistance therein and to
respect and obey his commands, pursuant to the act of Congress in such
case made and provided.

EDWIN M. STANTON,

_Secretary of War_.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, November 10, 1863_.

In consideration of the peculiar circumstances and pursuant to the
comity deemed to be due to friendly powers, any tobacco in the United
States belonging to the government either of France, Austria, or any
other state with which this country is at peace, and which tobacco was
purchased and paid for by such government prior to the 4th day of March,
1861, may be exported from any port of the United States under the
supervision and upon the responsibility of naval officers of such
governments and in conformity to such regulations as may be presented
by the Secretary of State of the United States, and not otherwise.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

THIRD ANNUAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 8, 1863.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

Another year of health and of sufficiently abundant harvests has passed.
For these, and especially for the improved condition of our national
affairs, our renewed and profoundest gratitude to God is due.

We remain in peace and friendship with foreign powers.

The efforts of disloyal citizens of the United States to involve us in
foreign wars to aid an inexcusable insurrection have been unavailing.
Her Britannic Majesty's Government, as was justly expected, have
exercised their authority to prevent the departure of new hostile
expeditions from British ports. The Emperor of France has by a like
proceeding promptly vindicated the neutrality which he proclaimed at the
beginning of the contest. Questions of great intricacy and importance
have arisen out of the blockade and other belligerent operations between
the Government and several of the maritime powers, but they have been
discussed and, as far as was possible, accommodated in a spirit of
frankness, justice, and mutual good will. It is especially gratifying
that our prize courts, by the impartiality of their adjudications, have
commanded the respect and confidence of maritime powers.

The supplemental treaty between the United States and Great Britain for
the suppression of the African slave trade, made on the 17th day of
February last, has been duly ratified and carried into execution. It is
believed that so far as American ports and American citizens are
concerned that inhuman and odious traffic has been brought to an end.

I shall submit for the consideration of the Senate a convention for the
adjustment of possessory claims in Washington Territory arising out of
the treaty of the 15th June, 1846, between the United States and Great
Britain, and which have been the source of some disquiet among the
citizens of that now rapidly improving part of the country.

A novel and important question, involving the extent of the maritime
jurisdiction of Spain in the waters which surround the island of Cuba,
has been debated without reaching an agreement, and it is proposed in an
amicable spirit to refer it to the arbitrament of a friendly power. A
convention for that purpose will be submitted to the Senate.

I have thought it proper, subject to the approval of the Senate, to
concur with the interested commercial powers in an arrangement for the
liquidation of the Scheldt dues, upon the principles which have been
heretofore adopted in regard to the imposts upon navigation in the
waters of Denmark.

The long-pending controversy between this Government and that of Chile
touching the seizure at Sitana, in Peru, by Chilean officers, of a large
amount in treasure belonging to citizens of the United States has been
brought to a close by the award of His Majesty the King of the Belgians,
to whose arbitration the question was referred by the parties. The
subject was thoroughly and patiently examined by that justly respected
magistrate, and although the sum awarded to the claimants may not have
been as large as they expected there is no reason to distrust the wisdom
of His Majesty's decision. That decision was promptly complied with by
Chile when intelligence in regard to it reached that country.

The joint commission under the act of the last session for carrying into
effect the convention with Peru on the subject of claims has been
organized at Lima, and is engaged in the business intrusted to it.

Difficulties concerning interoceanic transit through Nicaragua are in
course of amicable adjustment.

In conformity with principles set forth in my last annual message, I
have received a representative from the United States of Colombia, and
have accredited a minister to that Republic.

Incidents occurring in the progress of our civil war have forced upon my
attention the uncertain state of international questions touching the
rights of foreigners in this country and of United States citizens
abroad. In regard to some governments these rights are at least
partially defined by treaties. In no instance, however, is it expressly
stipulated that in the event of civil war a foreigner residing in this
country within the lines of the insurgents is to be exempted from the
rule which classes him as a belligerent, in whose behalf the Government
of his country can not expect any privileges or immunities distinct from
that character. I regret to say, however, that such claims have been put
forward, and in some instances in behalf of foreigners who have lived in
the United States the greater part of their lives.

There is reason to believe that many persons born in foreign countries
who have declared their intention to become citizens, or who have been
fully naturalized, have evaded the military duty required of them by
denying the fact and thereby throwing upon the Government the burden of
proof. It has been found difficult or impracticable to obtain this
proof, from the want of guides to the proper sources of information.
These might be supplied by requiring clerks of courts where declarations
of intention may be made or naturalizations effected to send
periodically lists of the names of the persons naturalized or declaring
their intention to become citizens to the Secretary of the Interior, in
whose Department those names might be arranged and printed for general
information.

There is also reason to believe that foreigners frequently become
citizens of the United States for the sole purpose of evading duties
imposed by the laws of their native countries, to which on becoming
naturalized here they at once repair, and though never returning to the
United States they still claim the interposition of this Government as
citizens. Many altercations and great prejudices have heretofore arisen
out of this abuse. It is therefore submitted to your serious
consideration. It might be advisable to fix a limit beyond which no
citizen of the United States residing abroad may claim the interposition
of his Government.

The right of suffrage has often been assumed and exercised by aliens
under pretenses of naturalization, which they have disavowed when
drafted into the military service. I submit the expediency of such an
amendment of the law as will make the fact of voting an estoppel against
any plea of exemption from military service or other civil obligation on
the ground of alienage.

In common with other Western powers, our relations with Japan have been
brought into serious jeopardy through the perverse opposition of the
hereditary aristocracy of the Empire to the enlightened and liberal
policy of the Tycoon, designed to bring the country into the society of
nations. It is hoped, although not with entire confidence, that these
difficulties may be peacefully overcome. I ask your attention to the
claim of the minister residing there for the damages he sustained in the
destruction by fire of the residence of the legation at Yedo.

Satisfactory arrangements have been made with the Emperor of Russia,
which, it is believed, will result in effecting a continuous line of
telegraph through that Empire from our Pacific coast.

I recommend to your favorable consideration the subject of an
international telegraph across the Atlantic Ocean, and also of a
telegraph between this capital and the national forts along the Atlantic
seaboard and the Gulf of Mexico. Such communications, established with
any reasonable outlay, would be economical as well as effective aids to
the diplomatic, military, and naval service.

The consular system of the United States, under the enactments of the
last Congress, begins to be self-sustaining, and there is reason to hope
that it may become entirely so with the increase of trade which will
ensue whenever peace is restored. Our ministers abroad have been
faithful in defending American rights. In protecting commercial
interests our consuls have necessarily had to encounter increased labors
and responsibilities growing out of the war. These they have for the
most part met and discharged with zeal and efficiency. This
acknowledgment justly includes those consuls who, residing in Morocco,
Egypt, Turkey, Japan, China, and other Oriental countries, are charged
with complex functions and extraordinary powers.

The condition of the several organized Territories is generally
satisfactory, although Indian disturbances in New Mexico have not been
entirely suppressed. The mineral resources of Colorado, Nevada, Idaho,
New Mexico, and Arizona are proving far richer than has been heretofore
understood. I lay before you a communication on this subject from the
governor of New Mexico. I again submit to your consideration the
expediency of establishing a system for the encouragement of
immigration. Although this source of national wealth and strength is
again flowing with greater freedom than for several years before the
insurrection occurred, there is still a great deficiency of laborers in
every field of industry, especially in agriculture and in our mines, as
well of iron and coal as of the precious metals. While the demand for
labor is much increased here, tens of thousands of persons, destitute of
remunerative occupation, are thronging our foreign consulates and
offering to emigrate to the United States if essential, but very cheap,
assistance can be afforded them. It is easy to see that under the sharp
discipline of civil war the nation is beginning a new life. This noble
effort demands the aid and ought to receive the attention and support of
the Government.

Injuries unforeseen by the Government and unintended may in some cases
have been inflicted on the subjects or citizens of foreign countries,
both at sea and on land, by persons in the service of the United States.
As this Government expects redress from other powers when similar
injuries are inflicted by persons in their service upon citizens of the
United States, we must be prepared to do justice to foreigners. If the
existing judicial tribunals are inadequate to this purpose, a special
court may be authorized, with power to hear and decide such claims of
the character referred to as may have arisen under treaties and the
public law. Conventions for adjusting the claims by joint commission
have been proposed to some governments, but no definitive answer to the
proposition has yet been received from any.

In the course of the session I shall probably have occasion to request
you to provide indemnification to claimants where decrees of restitution
have been rendered and damages awarded by admiralty courts, and in other
cases where this Government may be acknowledged to be liable in
principle and where the amount of that liability has been ascertained by
an informal arbitration.

The proper officers of the Treasury have deemed themselves required by
the law of the United States upon the subject to demand a tax upon the
incomes of foreign consuls in this country. While such a demand may not
in strictness be in derogation of public law, or perhaps of any existing
treaty between the United States and a foreign country, the expediency
of so far modifying the act as to exempt from tax the income of such
consuls as are not citizens of the United States, derived from the
emoluments of their office or from property not situated in the United
States, is submitted to your serious consideration. I make this
suggestion upon the ground that a comity which ought to be reciprocated
exempts our consuls in all other countries from taxation to the extent
thus indicated. The United States, I think, ought not to be
exceptionally illiberal to international trade and commerce.

The operations of the Treasury during the last year have been
successfully conducted. The enactment by Congress of a national banking
law has proved a valuable support of the public credit, and the general
legislation in relation to loans has fully answered the expectations of
its favorers. Some amendments may be required to perfect existing laws,
but no change in their principles or general scope is believed to be
needed.

Since these measures have been in operation all demands on the Treasury,
including the pay of the Army and Navy, have been promptly met and fully
satisfied. No considerable body of troops, it is believed, were ever
more amply provided and more liberally and punctually paid, and it may
be added that by no people were the burdens incident to a great war ever
more cheerfully borne.

The receipts during the year from all sources, including loans and
balance in the Treasury at its commencement, were $901,125,674.86, and
the aggregate disbursements $895,796,630.65, leaving a balance on the
1st of July, 1863, of $5,329,044.21. Of the receipts there were derived
from customs $69,059,642.40, from internal revenue $37,640,787.95, from
direct tax $1,485,103.61, from lands $167,617.17, from miscellaneous
sources $3,046,615.35, and from loans $776,682,361.57, making the
aggregate $901,125,674.86. Of the disbursements there were for the civil
service $23,253,922.08, for pensions and Indians $4,216,520.79, for
interest on public debt $24,729,846.51, for the War Department
$599,298,600.83, for the Navy Department $63,211,105.27, for payment of
funded and temporary debt $181,086,635.07, making the aggregate
$895,796,630.65 and leaving the balance of $5,329,044.21. But the
payment of funded and temporary debt, having been made from moneys
borrowed during the year, must be regarded as merely nominal payments
and the moneys borrowed to make them as merely nominal receipts, and
their amount, $181,086,635.07, should therefore be deducted both from
receipts and disbursements. This being done there remains as actual
receipts $720,039,039.79 and the actual disbursements $714,709,995.58,
leaving the balance as already stated.

The actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter and the
estimated receipts and disbursements for the remaining three quarters of
the current fiscal year (1864) will be shown in detail by the report of
the Secretary of the Treasury, to which I invite your attention. It is
sufficient to say here that it is not believed that actual results will
exhibit a state of the finances less favorable to the country than the
estimates of that officer heretofore submitted, while it is confidently
expected that at the close of the year both disbursements and debt will
be found very considerably less than has been anticipated.

The report of the Secretary of War is a document of great interest. It
consists of--

1. The military operations of the year, detailed in the report of the
General in Chief.

2. The organization of colored persons into the war service.

3. The exchange of prisoners, fully set forth in the letter of General
Hitchcock.

4. The operations under the act for enrolling and calling out the
national forces, detailed in the report of the Provost-Marshal-General.

5. The organization of the invalid corps, and

6. The operation of the several departments of the
Quartermaster-General, Commissary-General, Paymaster-General, Chief of
Engineers, Chief of Ordnance, and Surgeon-General.

It has appeared impossible to make a valuable summary of this report,
except such as would be too extended for this place, and hence I content
myself by asking your careful attention to the report itself.

The duties devolving on the naval branch of the service during the year
and throughout the whole of this unhappy contest have been discharged
with fidelity and eminent success. The extensive blockade has been
constantly increasing in efficiency as the Navy has expanded, yet on so
long a line it has so far been impossible to entirely suppress illicit
trade. From returns received at the Navy Department it appears that more
than 1,000 vessels have been captured since the blockade was instituted,
and that the value of prizes already sent in for adjudication amounts to
over $13,000,000.

The naval force of the United States consists at this time of 588
vessels completed and in the course of completion, and of these 75 are
ironclad or armored steamers. The events of the war give an increased
interest and importance to the Navy which will probably extend beyond
the war itself.

The armored vessels in our Navy completed and in service, or which are
under contract and approaching completion, are believed to exceed in
number those of any other power; but while these may be relied upon for
harbor defense and coast service, others of greater strength and
capacity will be necessary for cruising purposes and to maintain our
rightful position on the ocean.

The change that has taken place in naval vessels and naval warfare since
the introduction of steam as a motive power for ships of war demands
either a corresponding change in some of our existing navy-yards or the
establishment of new ones for the construction and necessary repair of
modern naval vessels. No inconsiderable embarrassment, delay, and public
injury have been experienced from the want of such governmental
establishments. The necessity of such a navy-yard, so furnished, at some
suitable place upon the Atlantic seaboard has on repeated occasions been
brought to the attention of Congress by the Navy Department, and is
again presented in the report of the Secretary which accompanies this
communication. I think it my duty to invite your special attention to
this subject, and also to that of establishing a yard and depot for
naval purposes upon one of the Western rivers. A naval force has been
created on those interior waters, and under many disadvantages, within
little more than two years, exceeding in numbers the whole naval force
of the country at the commencement of the present Administration.
Satisfactory and important as have been the performances of the heroic
men of the Navy at this interesting period, they are scarcely more
wonderful than the success of our mechanics and artisans in the
production of war vessels, which has created a new form of naval power.

Our country has advantages superior to any other nation in our resources
of iron and timber, with inexhaustible quantities of fuel in the
immediate vicinity of both, and all available and in close proximity to
navigable waters. Without the advantage of public works, the resources
of the nation have been developed and its power displayed in the
construction of a Navy of such magnitude, which has at the very period
of its creation rendered signal service to the Union.

The increase of the number of seamen in the public service from 7,500
men in the spring of 1861 to about 34,000 at the present time has been
accomplished without special legislation or extraordinary bounties to
promote that increase. It has been found, however, that the operation of
the draft, with the high bounties paid for army recruits, is beginning
to affect injuriously the naval service, and will, if not corrected, be
likely to impair its efficiency by detaching seamen from their proper
vocation and inducing them to enter the Army. I therefore respectfully
suggest that Congress might aid both the army and naval services by a
definite provision on this subject which would at the same time be
equitable to the communities more especially interested.

I commend to your consideration the suggestions of the Secretary of the
Navy in regard to the policy of fostering and training seamen and also
the education of officers and engineers for the naval service. The Naval
Academy is rendering signal service in preparing midshipmen for the
highly responsible duties which in after life they will be required to
perform. In order that the country should not be deprived of the proper
quota of educated officers, for which legal provision has been made at
the naval school, the vacancies caused by the neglect or omission to
make nominations from the States in insurrection have been filled by the
Secretary of the Navy. The school is now more full and complete than at
any former period, and in every respect entitled to the favorable
consideration of Congress.

During the past fiscal year the financial condition of the Post-Office
Department has been one of increasing prosperity, and I am gratified in
being able to state that the actual postal revenue has nearly equaled
the entire expenditures, the latter amounting to $11,314,206.84 and the
former to $11,163,789.59, leaving a deficiency of but $150,417.25. In
1860, the year immediately preceding the rebellion, the deficiency
amounted to $5,656,705.49, the postal receipts of that year being
$2,645,722.19 less than those of 1863. The decrease since 1860 in the
annual amount of transportation has been only about 25 per cent, but the
annual expenditure on account of the same has been reduced 35 per cent.
It is manifest, therefore, that the Post-Office Department may become
self-sustaining in a few years, even with the restoration of the whole
service.

The international conference of postal delegates from the principal
countries of Europe and America, which was called at the suggestion of
the Postmaster-General, met at Paris on the 11th of May last and
concluded its deliberations on the 8th of June. The principles
established by the conference as best adapted to facilitate postal
intercourse between nations and as the basis of future postal
conventions inaugurate a general system of uniform international charges
at reduced rates of postage, and can not fail to produce beneficial
results.

I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Interior, which is
herewith laid before you, for useful and varied information in relation
to the public lands, Indian affairs, patents, pensions, and other
matters of public concern pertaining to his Department.

The quantity of land disposed of during the last and the first quarter
of the present fiscal years was 3,841,549 acres, of which 161,911 acres
were sold for cash, 1,456,514 acres were taken up under the homestead
law, and the residue disposed of under laws granting lands for military
bounties, for railroad and other purposes. It also appears that the sale
of the public lands is largely on the increase.

It has long been a cherished opinion of some of our wisest statesmen
that the people of the United States had a higher and more enduring
interest in the early settlement and substantial cultivation of the
public lands than in the amount of direct revenue to be derived from the
sale of them. This opinion has had a controlling influence in shaping
legislation upon the subject of our national domain. I may cite as
evidence of this the liberal measures adopted in reference to actual
settlers; the grant to the States of the overflowed lands within their
limits, in order to their being reclaimed and rendered fit for
cultivation; the grants to railway companies of alternate sections of
land upon the contemplated lines of their roads, which when completed
will so largely multiply the facilities for reaching our distant
possessions. This policy has received its most signal and beneficent
illustration in the recent enactment granting homesteads to actual
settlers. Since the 1st day of January last the before-mentioned
quantity of 1,456,514 acres of land have been taken up under its
provisions. This fact and the amount of sales furnish gratifying
evidence of increasing settlement upon the public lands, notwithstanding
the great struggle in which the energies of the nation have been
engaged, and which has required so large a withdrawal of our citizens
from their accustomed pursuits. I cordially concur in the recommendation
of the Secretary of the Interior suggesting a modification of the act in
favor of those engaged in the military and naval service of the United
States. I doubt not that Congress will cheerfully adopt such measures as
will, without essentially changing the general features of the system,
secure to the greatest practicable extent its benefits to those who have
left their homes in the defense of the country in this arduous crisis.

I invite your attention to the views of the Secretary as to the
propriety of raising by appropriate legislation a revenue from the
mineral lands of the United States.

The measures provided at your last session for the removal of certain
Indian tribes have been carried into effect. Sundry treaties have been
negotiated, which will in due time be submitted for the constitutional
action of the Senate. They contain stipulations for extinguishing the
possessory rights of the Indians to large and valuable tracts of lands.
It is hoped that the effect of these treaties will result in the
establishment of permanent friendly relations with such of these tribes
as have been brought into frequent and bloody collision with our
outlying settlements and emigrants. Sound policy and our imperative duty
to these wards of the Government demand our anxious and constant
attention to their material well-being, to their progress in the arts of
civilization, and, above all, to that moral training which under the
blessing of Divine Providence will confer upon them the elevated and
sanctifying influences, the hopes and consolations, of the Christian
faith.

I suggested in my last annual message the propriety of remodeling our
Indian system. Subsequent events have satisfied me of its necessity. The
details set forth in the report of the Secretary evince the urgent need
for immediate legislative action.

I commend the benevolent institutions established or patronized by the
Government in this District to your generous and fostering care.

The attention of Congress during the last session was engaged to some
extent with a proposition for enlarging the water communication between
the Mississippi River and the northeastern seaboard, which proposition,
however, failed for the time. Since then, upon a call of the greatest
respectability, a convention has been held at Chicago upon the same
subject, a summary of whose views is contained in a memorial addressed
to the President and Congress, and which I now have the honor to lay
before you. That this interest is one which ere long will force its own
way I do not entertain a doubt, while it is submitted entirely to your
wisdom as to what can be done now. Augmented interest is given to this
subject by the actual commencement of work upon the Pacific Railroad,
under auspices so favorable to rapid progress and completion. The
enlarged navigation becomes a palpable need to the great road.

I transmit the second annual report of the Commissioner of the
Department of Agriculture, asking your attention to the developments in
that vital interest of the nation.

When Congress assembled a year ago, the war had already lasted nearly
twenty months, and there had been many conflicts on both land and sea,
with varying results; the rebellion had been pressed back into reduced
limits; yet the tone of public feeling and opinion, at home and abroad,
was not satisfactory. With other signs, the popular elections then just
past indicated uneasiness among ourselves, while, amid much that was
cold and menacing, the kindest words coming from Europe were uttered in
accents of pity that we were too blind to surrender a hopeless cause.
Our commerce was suffering greatly by a few armed vessels built upon and
furnished from foreign shores, and we were threatened with such
additions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from the sea
and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit from European
Governments anything hopeful upon this subject. The preliminary
emancipation proclamation, issued in September, was running its assigned
period to the beginning of the new year. A month later the final
proclamation came, including the announcement that colored men of
suitable condition would be received into the war service. The policy of
emancipation and of employing black soldiers gave to the future a new
aspect, about which hope and fear and doubt contended in uncertain
conflict. According to our political system, as a matter of civil
administration, the General Government had no lawful power to effect
emancipation in any State, and for a long time it had been hoped that
the rebellion could be suppressed without resorting to it as a military
measure. It was all the while deemed possible that the necessity for it
might come, and that if it should the crisis of the contest would then
be presented. It came, and, as was anticipated, it was followed by dark
and doubtful days. Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to
take another review. The rebel borders are pressed still farther back,
and by the complete opening of the Mississippi the country dominated by
the rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical
communication between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have been
substantially cleared of insurgent control, and influential citizens in
each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the
rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their respective
States. Of those States not included in the emancipation proclamation,
Maryland and Missouri, neither of which three years ago would tolerate
any restraint upon the extension of slavery into new Territories, only
dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits.

Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion full 100,000
are now in the United States military service, about one-half of which
number actually bear arms in the ranks, thus giving the double advantage
of taking so much labor from the insurgent cause and supplying the
places which otherwise must be filled with so many white men. So far as
tested, it is difficult to say they are not as good soldiers as any. No
servile insurrection or tendency to violence or cruelty has marked the
measures of emancipation and arming the blacks. These measures have been
much discussed in foreign countries, and, contemporary with such
discussion, the tone of public sentiment there is much improved. At home
the same measures have been fully discussed, supported, criticised, and
denounced, and the annual elections following are highly encouraging to
those whose official duty it is to bear the country through this great
trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. The crisis which threatened to
divide the friends of the Union is past.

Looking now to the present and future, and with reference to a
resumption of the national authority within the States wherein that
authority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue a
proclamation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted.[10] On examination
of this proclamation it will appear, as is believed, that nothing will
be attempted beyond what is amply justified by the Constitution. True,
the form of an oath is given, but no man is coerced to take it. The man
is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily takes the oath. The
Constitution authorizes the Executive to grant or withhold the pardon at
his own absolute discretion, and this includes the power to grant on
terms, as is fully established by judicial and other authorities.

[Footnote 10: See proclamation dated December 8, 1863, pp. 213-215.]

It is also proffered that if in any of the States named a State
government shall be in the mode prescribed set up, such government shall
be recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and that under it the
State shall, on the constitutional conditions, be protected against
invasion and domestic violence. The constitutional obligation of the
United States to guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form
of government and to protect the State in the cases stated is explicit
and full. But why tender the benefits of this provision only to
a State government set up in this particular way? This section of the
Constitution contemplates a case wherein the element within a State
favorable to republican government in the Union may be too feeble for
an opposite and hostile element external to or even within the State,
and such are precisely the cases with which we are now dealing.

An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State government,
constructed in whole or in preponderating part from the very element
against whose hostility and violence it is to be protected, is simply
absurd. There must be a test by which to separate the opposing elements,
so as to build only from the sound; and that test is a sufficiently
liberal one which accepts as sound whoever will make a sworn recantation
of his former unsoundness.

But if it be proper to require as a test of admission to the political
body an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and
to the Union under it, why also to the laws and proclamations in regard
to slavery? Those laws and proclamations were enacted and put forth for
the purpose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion. To give them
their fullest effect there had to be a pledge for their maintenance. In
my judgment, they have aided and will further aid the cause for which
they were intended. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish
a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach
of faith. I may add at this point that while I remain in my present
position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation
proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free
by the terms of that proclamation or by any of the acts of Congress.
For these and other reasons it is thought best that support of these
measures shall be included in the oath, and it is believed the Executive
may lawfully claim it in return for pardon and restoration of forfeited
rights, which he has clear constitutional power to withhold altogether
or grant upon the terms which he shall deem wisest for the public
interest. It should be observed also that this part of the oath is
subject to the modifying and abrogating power of legislation and supreme
judicial decision.

The proposed acquiescence of the National Executive in any reasonable
temporary State arrangement for the freed people is made with the view
of possibly modifying the confusion and destitution which must at best
attend all classes by a total revolution of labor throughout whole
States. It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people in those
States may be somewhat more ready to give up the cause of their
affliction if to this extent this vital matter be left to themselves,
while no power of the National Executive to prevent an abuse is abridged
by the proposition.

The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the political
framework of the States on what is called reconstruction is made in the
hope that it may do good without danger of harm. It will save labor and
avoid great confusion.

But why any proclamation now upon this subject? This question is beset
with the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long or be
taken too soon. In some States the elements for resumption seem ready
for action, but remain inactive apparently for want of a rallying
point--a plan of action. Why shall A adopt the plan of B rather than B
that of A? And if A and B should agree, how can they know but that the
General Government here will reject their plan? By the proclamation a
plan is presented which may be accepted by them as a rallying point, and
which they are assured in advance will not be rejected here. This may
bring them to act sooner than they otherwise would.

The objections to a premature presentation of a plan by the National
Executive consist in the danger of committals on points which could be
more safely left to further developments. Care has been taken to so
shape the document as to avoid embarrassments from this source. Saying
that on certain terms certain classes will be pardoned with rights
restored, it is not said that other classes or other terms will never be
included. Saying that reconstruction will be accepted if presented in
a specified way, it is not said it will never be accepted in any other
way.

The movements by State action for emancipation in several of the States
not included in the emancipation proclamation are matters of profound
gratulation. And while I do not repeat in detail what I have heretofore
so earnestly urged upon this subject, my general views and feelings
remain unchanged; and I trust that Congress will omit no fair
opportunity of aiding these important steps to a great consummation.

In the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose sight
of the fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To that power
alone can we look yet for a time to give confidence to the people in the
contested regions that the insurgent power will not again overrun them.
Until that confidence shall be established little can be done anywhere
for what is called reconstruction. Hence our chiefest care must still be
directed to the Army and Navy, who have thus far borne their harder part
so nobly and well; and it may be esteemed fortunate that in giving the
greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms we do also honorably
recognize the gallant men, from commander to sentinel, who compose them,
and to whom more than to others the world must stand indebted for the
home of freedom disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged, and perpetuated.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

WASHINGTON, D.C., _December 8, 1863_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend
that Captain John Rodgers, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks
from Congress for the eminent skill and gallantry exhibited by him in
the engagement with the rebel armed ironclad steamer _Fingal_, alias
_Atlanta_, whilst in command of the United States ironclad steamer
_Weehawken_, which led to her capture on the 17th June, 1863, and also
for the zeal, bravery, and general good conduct shown by this officer on
many occasions.

This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with the
requirements of the ninth section of the aforesaid act, which is in the
following words, viz:

That any line officer of the Navy or Marine Corps may be advanced one
grade if upon recommendation of the President by name he receives the
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the
enemy or for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, D.C., _December 8, 1863_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

Congress, on my recommendation, passed a resolution, approved 7th
February, 1863, tendering its thanks to Commander D.D. Porter "for the
bravery and skill displayed in the attack on the post of Arkansas on the
10th January, 1863," and in consideration of those services, together
with his efficient labors and vigilance subsequently displayed in
thwarting the efforts of the rebels to obstruct the Mississippi and its
tributaries and the important part rendered by the squadron under his
command, which led to the surrender of Vicksburg.

I do therefore, in conformity to the seventh section of the act approved
16th July, 1862, nominate Commander D.D. Porter to be a rear-admiral in
the Navy on the active list from the 4th July, 1863, to fill an existing
vacancy.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _December 10, 1863_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a report, dated the 9th instant, with the
accompanying papers, received from the Secretary of State in compliance
with the requirements of the sixteenth and eighteenth sections of the
act entitled "An act to regulate the diplomatic and consular systems of
the United States," approved August 18, 1856.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, December, 1863_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon, a treaty
concluded at Le Roy, Kans., on the 29th day of August, 1863, between
William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and William G. Coffin,
superintendent of Indian affairs of the southern superintendency,
commissioners on the part of the United States, and the chiefs and
headmen of the Great and Little Osage tribe of Indians of the State of
Kansas.

A communication from the Secretary of the Interior, dated the 12th
instant, accompanies the treaty.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, December, 1863_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon, a treaty
concluded on the 7th day of October, 1863, at Conejos, Colorado
Territory, between John Evans, governor and _ex officio_ superintendent
of Indian affairs of said Territory; Michael Steck, superintendent of
Indian affairs for the Territory of New Mexico; Simeon Whitely and
Lafayette Head, Indian agents, commissioners on the part of the United
States, and the chiefs and warriors of the Tabeguache band of Utah
Indians.

I also transmit a report of the Secretary of the Interior of the 12th
instant, submitting the treaty; an extract from the last annual report
of Governor Evans, of Colorado Territory, relating to its negotiation,
and a map upon which is delineated the boundaries of the country ceded
by the Indians and that retained for their own use.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, December, 1863_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon, a treaty
concluded at the city of Washington on the 6th day of April, 1863,
between John P. Usher, commissioner on the part of the United States,
and the chiefs and headmen of the Comanche, Kiowa, and Apache tribes of
Indians, duly authorized thereto.

A letter of the Secretary of the Interior of the 12th instant
accompanies the treaty.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, December, 1863_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon, a treaty
concluded at the Sac and Fox Agency, in Kansas, on the 2d day of
September, 1863, between William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, commissioner on the part of the United States, and the New York
Indians, represented by duly authorized members of the bands of said
tribe.

A letter of the Secretary of the Interior of the 12th instant
accompanies the treaty.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, December, 1863_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon, a treaty
concluded at the Sac and Fox Agency, in Kansas, on the 3d day of
September, 1863, between William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, and William G. Coffin, superintendent of Indian affairs for the
southern superintendency, on the part of the United States, and the
Creek Nation of Indians, represented by its chiefs.

A letter from the Secretary of the Interior, dated the 12th instant,
accompanies the treaty.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, December, 1863_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon, a treaty
concluded at the Sac and Fox Agency, in Kansas, on the 4th day of
September, 1863, between William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, and Henry W. Martin, agent for the Sacs and Foxes,
commissioners on the part of the United States, and the united tribes of
Sac and Fox Indians of the Mississippi.

A letter from the Secretary of the Interior, dated the 12th instant,
accompanies the treaty.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _December 15, 1863_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 11th of March last,
requesting certain information touching persons in the service of this
Government, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the
resolution was referred.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _December 17, 1863_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, for consideration with a view to its
ratification, a convention between the United States and Her Britannic
Majesty for the final adjustment of the claims of the Hudsons Bay and
Pugets Sound Agricultural Companies, signed in this city on the 1st day
of July last (1863).

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

DECEMBER 17, 1863.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

Herewith I lay before you a letter addressed to myself by a committee of
gentlemen representing the freedmen's aid societies in Boston, New York,
Philadelphia, and Cincinnati. The subject of the letter, as indicated
above, is one of great magnitude and importance, and one which these
gentlemen, of known ability and high character, seem to have considered
with great attention and care. Not having the time to form a mature
judgment of my own as to whether the plan they suggest is the best, I
submit the whole subject to Congress, deeming that their attention
thereto is almost imperatively demanded.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _December 22, 1863_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to
ratification, two conventions between the United States and His Belgian
Majesty, signed at Brussels on the 20th May and the 20th of July last,
respectively, and both relating to the extinguishment of the Scheldt
dues, etc. A copy of so much of the correspondence between the Secretary
of State and Mr. Sanford, the minister resident of the United States at
Brussels, on the subject of the conventions as is necessary to a full
understanding of it is also herewith transmitted.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _December 23, 1863_

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit to Congress a copy of the report to the Secretary of State of
the commissioners on the part of the United States under the convention
with Peru of the 12th of January last, on the subject of claims. It will
be noticed that two claims of Peruvian citizens on this Government have
been allowed. An appropriation for the discharge of the obligations of
the United States in these cases is requested.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

JANUARY 5, 1864.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

By a joint resolution of your honorable bodies approved December 23,
1863, the paying of bounties to veteran volunteers, as now practiced by
the War Department, is, to the extent of $300 in each case, prohibited
after this 5th day of the present month. I transmit for your
consideration a communication from the Secretary of War, accompanied by
one from the Provost-Marshal-General to him, both relating to the
subject above mentioned. I earnestly recommend that the law be so
modified as to allow bounties to be paid as they now are, at least until
the ensuing 1st day of February.

I am not without anxiety lest I appear to be importunate in thus
recalling your attention to a subject upon which you have so recently
acted, and nothing but a deep conviction that the public interest
demands it could induce me to incur the hazard of being misunderstood on
this point. The Executive approval was given by me to the resolution
mentioned, and it is now by a closer attention and a fuller knowledge of
facts that I feel constrained to recommend a reconsideration of the
subject.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _January 7_

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit to Congress a copy of the decree of the court of the United
States for the southern district of New York, awarding the sum of
$17,150.66 for the illegal capture of the British schooner _Glen_,
and request that an appropriation of that amount may be made as an
indemnification to the parties interested.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, January, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I herewith lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon
the following-described treaties, viz:

A treaty made at Fort Bridger, Utah Territory, on the 2d day of July,
1863, between the United States and the chiefs, principal men, and
warriors of the eastern bands of the Shoshonee Nation of Indians.

A treaty made at Box Elder, Utah Territory, on the 30th day of July,
1863, between the United States and the chiefs and warriors of the
northwestern bands of the Shoshonee Nation of Indians.

A treaty made at Ruby Valley, Nevada Territory, on the 1st day of
October, 1863, between the United States and the chiefs, principal men,
and warriors of the Shoshonee Nation of Indians.

A treaty made at Tuilla Valley, Utah Territory, on the 12th day of
October, 1863, between the United States and the chiefs, principal men,
and warriors of the Goship bands of Shoshonee Indians.

A treaty made at Soda Springs, in Idaho Territory, on the 14th day of
October, 1863, between the United States and the chiefs of the mixed
bands of Bannacks and Shoshonees, occupying the valley of the Shoshonee
River.

A letter of the Secretary of the Interior of the 5th instant, a copy of
a report of the 30th ultimo, from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, a
copy of a communication from Governor Doty, superintendent of Indian
Affairs, Utah Territory, dated November 10, 1863, relating to the
Indians parties to the several treaties herein named, and a map,
furnished by that gentleman, are herewith transmitted.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, January, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I herewith lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon,
a treaty made at the Old Crossing of Red Lake River, in the State of
Minnesota, on the 2d day of October, 1863, between Alexander Ramsey and
Ashley C. Morrill, commissioners on the part of the United States, and
the chiefs, headmen, and warriors of the Red Lake and Pembina bands of
Chippewa Indians.

A letter of the Secretary of the Interior of the 8th instant, together
with a communication from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs of the 5th
instant and copies of Mr. Ramsey's report and journal, relating to the
treaty, and a map showing the territory ceded, are herewith transmitted.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_January 12, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In accordance with the request of the Senate conveyed in their
resolution of the 16th of December, 1863, desiring any information in my
possession relative to the alleged exceptional treatment of Kansas
troops when captured by those in rebellion, I have the honor to transmit
a communication from the Secretary of War, accompanied by reports from
the General in Chief of the Army and the Commissary-General of Prisoners
relative to the subject-matter of the resolution.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

JANUARY 20, 1864.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In accordance with a letter addressed by the Secretary of State, with my
approval, to the Hon. Joseph A. Wright, of Indiana, that patriotic and
distinguished gentleman repaired to Europe and attended the
International Agricultural Exhibition, held at Hamburg last year, and
has since his return made a report to me, which, it is believed, can not
fail to be of general interest, and especially so to the agricultural
community. I transmit for your consideration copies of the letters and
report. While it appears by the letter that no reimbursement of expenses
or compensation was promised him, I submit whether reasonable allowance
should not be made him for them.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _January 21, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of yesterday, respecting
the recent destruction by fire of the Church of the Compania at
Santiago, Chile, and the efforts of citizens of the United States to
rescue the victims of the conflagration, I transmit a report from the
Secretary of State, with the papers accompanying it.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _January 23, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate a copy of a dispatch of the 12th of April last,
addressed by Anson Burlingame, esq., the minister of the United States
to China, to the Secretary of State, relative to a modification of the
twenty-first article of a treaty between the United States and China of
the 18th of June, 1858, a printed copy of which is also herewith
transmitted.

These papers are submitted to the consideration of the Senate with a
view to their advice and consent being given to the modification of the
said twenty-first article, as explained in the said dispatch and its
accompaniments.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _January 29, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State, in answer to
the resolution of the Senate respecting the correspondence with the
authorities of Great Britain in relation to the proposed pursuit of
hostile bands of the Sioux Indians into the Hudson Bay territories.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _February 4, 1864_.

_To the Senate_:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 26th ultimo,
requesting "a copy of all the correspondence between the authorities of
the United States and the rebel authorities on the exchange of
prisoners, and the different propositions connected with that subject,"
I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of War and the papers
with which it is accompanied.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _February 5, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of yesterday on the subject of
a reciprocity treaty with the Sandwich Islands, I transmit a report from
the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _February 16, 1864_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit to Congress a report from the Secretary of State, with the
accompanying papers, relative to the claim on this Government of the
owners of the French ship _La Manche_, and recommend an appropriation
for the satisfaction of the claim, pursuant to the award of the
arbitrators.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _February 16, 1864_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 8th
instant, requesting information touching the arrest of the United States
consul-general to the British North American Provinces, and certain
official communications respecting Canadian commerce, I transmit a
report from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was
accompanied.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _February 22, 1864_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit to Congress the copy of a correspondence which has recently
taken place between Her Britannic Majesty's minister accredited to this
Government and the Secretary of State, in order that the expediency of
sanctioning the acceptance by the master of the American schooner
_Highlander_ of a present of a watch which the lords of the committee of
Her Majesty's privy council for trade propose to present to him in
recognition of services rendered by him to the crew of the British
vessel _Pearl_ may be taken into consideration.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _February, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I communicate to the Senate herewith, for its constitutional action
thereon, the articles of agreement and convention made and concluded at
the city of Washington on the 25th day of the present month by and
between William P. Dole, as commissioner on the part of the United
States, and the duly authorized delegates of the Swan Creek and Black
River Chippewas and the Munsees or Christian Indians in Kansas.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _February 29, 1864_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 26th
instant, I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of War,
relative to the reenlistment of veteran volunteers.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

_Washington, February 29, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I nominate Ulysses S. Grant, now a major-general in the military
service, to be lieutenant-general in the Army of the United States.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith a report[11] of the Secretary of the Interior of the
11th instant, containing the information requested in Senate resolution
of the 29th ultimo.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

[Footnote 11: Relating to the amount of money received for the sale of
the Wea trust lands in Kansas, etc.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, _March 9, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 1st instant,
respecting the points of commencement of the Union Pacific Railroad,
on the one hundredth degree of west longitude, and of the branch road,
from the western boundary of Iowa to the said one hundredth degree of
longitude, I transmit the accompanying report from the Secretary of
the Interior, containing the information called for.

I deem it proper to add that on the 17th day of November last an
Executive order was made upon this subject and delivered to the
vice-president of the Union Pacific Railroad Company, which fixed the
point on the western boundary of the State of Iowa from which the
company should construct their branch road to the one hundredth degree
of west longitude, and declared it to be within the limits of the
township in Iowa opposite the town of Omaha, in Nebraska. Since then
the company has represented to me that upon actual surveys made it has
determined upon the precise point of departure of their said branch
road from the Missouri River, and located the same as described in the
accompanying report of the Secretary of the Interior, which point is
within the limits designated in the order of November last; and inasmuch
as that order is not of record in any of the Executive Departments, and
the company having desired a more definite one, I have made the order
of which a copy is herewith, and caused the same to be filed in the
Department of the Interior.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE OFFICE, _March 12, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In obedience to the resolution of the Senate of the 28th of January
last, I communicate herewith a report, with accompanying papers, from
the Secretary of the Interior, showing what portion of the
appropriations for the colonization of persons of African descent has
been expended and the several steps which have been taken for the
execution of the acts of Congress on that subject.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _March 14, 1864_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I transmit to Congress a copy of a treaty between the United States and
Great Britain for the final settlement of the claims of the Hudsons Bay
and Pugets Sound Agricultural Companies, concluded on the 1st of July
last, the ratifications of which were exchanged in this city on the 5th
instant, and recommend an appropriation to carry into effect the first,
second, and third articles thereof.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _March 14, 1864_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

On the 25th day of November, 1862, a convention for the mutual
adjustment of claims pending between the United States and Ecuador was
signed at Quito by the plenipotentiaries of the contracting parties.
A copy is herewith inclosed.

This convention, already ratified by this Government, has been sent
to Quito for the customary exchange of ratifications, which it is not
doubted will be promptly effected. As the stipulations of the instrument
require that the commissioners who are to be appointed pursuant to its
provisions shall meet at Guayaquil within ninety days after such
exchange, it is desirable that the legislation necessary to give effect
to the convention on the part of the United States should anticipate the
usual course of proceeding.

I therefore invite the early attention of Congress to the subject.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE OFFICE,

_Washington, March 22, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I herewith lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon,
a treaty made and concluded in Washington City on the 18th instant by
and between William P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and the
Shawnee Indians, represented by their duly authorized delegates.

A report of the Secretary of the Interior and a communication of the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs accompany the treaty.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _March 24, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In reply to the resolution of the Senate of the 15th instant, in
relation to the establishment of monarchical governments in Central and
South America, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom
the subject was referred.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

MARCH 29, 1864.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

Mr. Charles B. Stuart, consulting engineer, appointed such by me upon
invitation of the governor of New York, according to a law of that
State, has made a report upon the proposed improvements to pass gunboats
from tide water to the northern and northwestern lakes, which report is
herewith respectfully submitted for your consideration.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE OFFICE,

_Washington, April 4, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I herewith lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon,
a treaty concluded June 9, 1863, between C.H. Hale, superintendent of
Indian affairs, Charles Hutchins and S.D. Howe, Indian agents, on the
part of the United States, and the chiefs, headmen, and delegates of the
Nez Perce tribe of Indians in Washington Territory.

A report of the Secretary of the Interior of the 1st instant, with
a letter from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs of the 2d ultimo,
proposing amendments to the treaty, together with a report of
Superintendent Hale on the subject and a synopsis of the proceedings of
the council held with the Nez Perce Indians, are herewith transmitted
for the consideration of the Senate.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, _April 7, 1864_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of War, in answer to
the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 4th instant, in
relation to Major N.H. McLean.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON CITY, _April 15, 1864_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I herewith lay before the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon,
a supplemental treaty negotiated on the 12th of April, 1864, with the
Red Lake and Pembina bands of Chippewa Indians.

A report of the Secretary of the Interior of this date and a
communication from the Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs accompany
the treaty.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

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