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A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents by James D. Richardson

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United States were repealed so far as the same respected the produce
or manufacture of the nation to which such foreign ship or vessel might
belong, such repeal to take effect in favor of any foreign nation
whenever the President of the United States should be satisfied that
the discriminating or countervailing duties of such foreign nation so
far as they operate to the disadvantage of the United States have been
abolished; and

Whereas satisfactory proof has been received by me from the
burgo-masters and senators of the free and Hanseatic city of Hamburg
that from and after the 13th day of November, 1815, all discriminating
and countervailing duties of the said city so far as they operated to
the disadvantage of the United States have been and are abolished:

Now, therefore, I, James Monroe, President of the United States of
America, do hereby declare and proclaim that so much of the several
acts imposing duties on the tonnage of ships and vessels and on goods,
wares, and merchandise imported into the United States as imposed a
discriminating duty of tonnage between vessels of the free and Hanseatic
city of Hamburg and vessels of the United States and between goods
imported into the United States in vessels of Hamburg and vessels of the
United States are repealed so far as the same respect the produce or
manufacture of the said free Hanseatic city of Hamburg.

Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 1st day of August,
A.D. 1818, and the forty-third year of the Independence of the United
States.

JAMES MONROE.

By the President:
John Quincy Adams,
_Secretary of State_.

SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE.

NOVEMBER 16, 1818.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The auspicious circumstances under which you will commence the duties of
the present session will lighten the burdens inseparable from the high
trust committed to you. The fruits of the earth have been unusually
abundant, commerce has flourished, the revenue has exceeded the most
favorable anticipation, and peace and amity are preserved with foreign
nations on conditions just and honorable to our country. For these
inestimable blessings we can not but be grateful to that Providence
which watches over the destiny of nations.

As the term limited for the operation of the commercial convention with
Great Britain will expire early in the month of July next, and it was
deemed important that there should be no interval during which that
portion of our commerce which was provided for by that convention should
not be regulated, either by arrangement between the two Governments or
by the authority of Congress, the minister of the United States at
London was instructed early in the last summer to invite the attention
of the British Government to the subject, with a view to that object.
He was instructed to propose also that the negotiation which it
was wished to open might extend to the general commerce of the two
countries, and to every other interest and unsettled difference between
them, particularly those relating to impressment, the fisheries, and
boundaries, in the hope that an arrangement might be made on principles
of reciprocal advantage which might comprehend and provide in a
satisfactory manner for all these high concerns. I have the satisfaction
to state that the proposal was received by the British Government in
the spirit which prompted it, and that a negotiation has been opened at
London embracing all these objects. On full consideration of the great
extent and magnitude of the trust it was thought proper to commit it to
not less than two of our distinguished citizens, and in consequence the
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States
at Paris has been associated with our envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary at London, to both of whom corresponding instructions
have been given, and they are now engaged in the discharge of its
duties. It is proper to add that to prevent any inconvenience resulting
from the delay incident to a negotiation on so many important subjects
it was agreed before entering on it that the existing convention should
be continued for a term not less than eight years.

Our relations with Spain remain nearly in the state in which they were
at the close of the last session. The convention of 1802, providing for
the adjustment of a certain portion of the claims of our citizens for
injuries sustained by spoliation, and so long suspended by the Spanish
Government, has at length been ratified by it, but no arrangement has
yet been made for the payment of another portion of like claims, not
less extensive or well founded, or for other classes of claims, or for
the settlement of boundaries. These subjects have again been brought
under consideration in both countries, but no agreement has been entered
into respecting them. In the meantime events have occurred which clearly
prove the ill effect of the policy which that Government has so long
pursued on the friendly relations of the two countries, which it is
presumed is at least of as much importance to Spain as to the United
States to maintain. A state of things has existed in the Floridas the
tendency of which has been obvious to all who have paid the slightest
attention to the progress of affairs in that quarter. Throughout
the whole of those Provinces to which the Spanish title extends the
Government of Spain has scarcely been felt. Its authority has been
confined almost exclusively to the walls of Pensacola and St. Augustine,
within which only small garrisons have been maintained. Adventurers from
every country, fugitives from justice, and absconding slaves have found
an asylum there. Several tribes of Indians, strong in the number of
their warriors, remarkable for their ferocity, and whose settlements
extend to our limits, inhabit those Provinces. These different hordes of
people, connected together, disregarding on the one side the authority
of Spain, and protected on the other by an imaginary line which
separates Florida from the United States, have violated our laws
prohibiting the introduction of slaves, have practiced various frauds
on our revenue, and committed every kind of outrage on our peaceable
citizens which their proximity to us enabled them to perpetrate. The
invasion of Amelia Island last year by a small band of adventurers, not
exceeding 150 in number, who wrested it from the inconsiderable Spanish
force stationed there, and held it several months, during which a single
feeble effort only was made to recover it, which failed, clearly proves
how completely extinct the Spanish authority had become, as the conduct
of those adventurers while in possession of the island as distinctly
shows the pernicious purposes for which their combination had been
formed.

This country had, in fact, become the theater of every species of
lawless adventure. With little population of its own, the Spanish
authority almost extinct, and the colonial governments in a state of
revolution, having no pretension to it, and sufficiently employed in
their own concerns, it was in a great measure derelict, and the object
of cupidity to every adventurer. A system of buccaneering was rapidly
organizing over it which menaced in its consequences the lawful commerce
of every nation, and particularly of the United States, while it
presented a temptation to every people, on whose seduction its success
principally depended. In regard to the United States, the pernicious
effect of this unlawful combination was not confined to the ocean;
the Indian tribes have constituted the effective force in Florida.
With these tribes these adventurers had formed at an early period a
connection with a view to avail themselves of that force to promote
their own projects of accumulation and aggrandizement. It is to the
interference of some of these adventurers, in misrepresenting the claims
and titles of the Indians to land and in practicing on their savage
propensities, that the Seminole war is principally to be traced. Men who
thus connect themselves with savage communities and stimulate them to
war, which is always attended on their part with acts of barbarity the
most shocking, deserve to be viewed in a worse light than the savages.
They would certainly have no claim to an immunity from the punishment
which, according to the rules of warfare practiced by the savages, might
justly be inflicted on the savages themselves.

If the embarrassments of Spain prevented her from making an indemnity
to our citizens for so long a time from her treasury for their losses
by spoliation and otherwise, it was always in her power to have provided
it by the cession of this territory. Of this her Government has been
repeatedly apprised, and the cession was the more to have been
anticipated as Spain must have known that in ceding it she would in
effect cede what had become of little value to her, and would likewise
relieve herself from the important obligation secured by the treaty of
1795 and all other compromitments respecting it. If the United States,
from consideration of these embarrassments, declined pressing their
claims in a spirit of hostility, the motive ought at least to have been
duly appreciated by the Government of Spain. It is well known to her
Government that other powers have made to the United States an indemnity
for like losses sustained by their citizens at the same epoch.

There is nevertheless a limit beyond which this spirit of amity and
forbearance can in no instance be justified. If it was proper to rely on
amicable negotiation for an indemnity for losses, it would not have been
so to have permitted the inability of Spain to fulfill her engagements
and to sustain her authority in the Floridas to be perverted by foreign
adventurers and savages to purposes so destructive to the lives of our
fellow-citizens and the highest interests of the United States. The
right of self-defense never ceases. It is among the most sacred, and
alike necessary to nations and to individuals, and whether the attack be
made by Spain herself or by those who abuse her power, its obligation is
not the less strong. The invaders of Amelia Island had assumed a popular
and respected title under which they might approach and wound us. As
their object was distinctly seen, and the duty imposed on the Executive
by an existing law was profoundly felt, that mask was not permitted to
protect them. It was thought incumbent on the United States to suppress
the establishment, and it was accordingly done. The combination in
Florida for the unlawful purposes stated, the acts perpetrated by that
combination, and, above all, the incitement of the Indians to massacre
our fellow-citizens of every age and of both sexes, merited a like
treatment and received it. In pursuing these savages to an imaginary
line in the woods it would have been the height of folly to have
suffered that line to protect them. Had that been done the war could
never cease. Even if the territory had been exclusively that of Spain
and her power complete over it, we had a right by the law of nations
to follow the enemy on it and to subdue him there. But the territory
belonged, in a certain sense at least, to the savage enemy who inhabited
it; the power of Spain had ceased to exist over it, and protection
was sought under her title by those who had committed on our citizens
hostilities which she was bound by treaty to have prevented, but had not
the power to prevent. To have stopped at that line would have given new
encouragement to these savages and new vigor to the whole combination
existing there in the prosecution of all its pernicious purposes.

In suppressing the establishment at Amelia Island no unfriendliness was
manifested toward Spain, because the post was taken from a force which
had wrested it from her. The measure, it is true, was not adopted in
concert with the Spanish Government or those in authority under it,
because in transactions connected with the war in which Spain and the
colonies are engaged it was thought proper in doing justice to the
United States to maintain a strict impartiality toward both the
belligerent parties without consulting or acting in concert with either.
It gives me pleasure to state that the Governments of Buenos Ayres and
Venezuela, whose names were assumed, have explicitly disclaimed all
participation in those measures, and even the knowledge of them until
communicated by this Government, and have also expressed their
satisfaction that a course of proceedings had been suppressed which if
justly imputable to them would dishonor their cause.

In authorizing Major-General Jackson to enter Florida in pursuit of the
Seminoles care was taken not to encroach on the rights of Spain. I
regret to have to add that in executing this order facts were disclosed
respecting the conduct of the officers of Spain in authority there in
encouraging the war, furnishing munitions of war and other supplies to
carry it on, and in other acts not less marked which evinced their
participation in the hostile purposes of that combination and justified
the confidence with which it inspired the savages that by those officers
they would be protected. A conduct so incompatible with the friendly
relations existing between the two countries, particularly with the
positive obligation of the fifth article of the treaty of 1795, by which
Spain was bound to restrain, even by force, those savages from acts of
hostility against the United States, could not fail to excite surprise.
The commanding general was convinced that he should fail in his object,
that he should in effect accomplish nothing, if he did not deprive
those savages of the resource on which they had calculated and of the
protection on which they had relied in making the war. As all the
documents relating to this occurrence will be laid before Congress,
it is not necessary to enter into further detail respecting it.

Although the reasons which induced Major-General Jackson to take these
posts were duly appreciated, there was nevertheless no hesitation in
deciding on the course which it became the Government to pursue. As
there was reason to believe that the commanders of these posts had
violated their instructions, there was no disposition to impute to
their Government a conduct so unprovoked and hostile. An order was
in consequence issued to the general in command there to deliver the
posts--Pensacola unconditionally to any person duly authorized to
receive it, and St. Marks, which is in the heart of the Indian country,
on the arrival of a competent force to defend it against those savages
and their associates.

In entering Florida to suppress this combination no idea was entertained
of hostility to Spain, and however justifiable the commanding general
was, in consequence of the misconduct of the Spanish officers, in
entering St. Marks and Pensacola to terminate it by proving to the
savages and their associates that they should not be protected even
there, yet the amicable relations existing between the United States
and Spain could not be altered by that act alone. By ordering the
restitution of the posts those relations were preserved. To a change
of them the power of the Executive is deemed incompetent; it is vested
in Congress only.

By this measure, so promptly taken, due respect was shown to the
Government of Spain. The misconduct of her officers has not been imputed
to her. She was enabled to review with candor her relations with the
United States and her own situation, particularly in respect to the
territory in question, with the dangers inseparable from it, and
regarding the losses we have sustained for which indemnity has been so
long withheld, and the injuries we have suffered through that territory,
and her means of redress, she was likewise enabled to take with honor
the course best calculated to do justice to the United States and to
promote her own welfare.

Copies of the instructions to the commanding general, of his
correspondence with the Secretary of War, explaining his motives
and justifying his conduct, with a copy of the proceedings of the
courts-martial in the trial of Arbuthnot and Ambristie, and of the
correspondence between the Secretary of State and the minister
plenipotentiary of Spain near this Government, and of the minister
plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid with the Government
of Spain, will be laid before Congress.

The civil war which has so long prevailed between Spain and the
Provinces in South America still continues, without any prospect of
its speedy termination. The information respecting the condition of
those countries which has been collected by the commissioners recently
returned from thence will be laid before Congress in copies of their
reports, with such other information as has been received from other
agents of the United States.

It appears from these communications that the Government at Buenos Ayres
declared itself independent in July, 1816, having previously exercised
the power of an independent government, though in the name of the King
of Spain, from the year 1810; that the Banda Oriental, Entre Rios, and
Paraguay, with the city of Santa Fee, all of which are also independent,
are unconnected with the present Government of Buenos Ayres; that Chili
has declared itself independent and is closely connected with Buenos
Ayres; that Venezuela has also declared itself independent, and now
maintains the conflict with various success; and that the remaining
parts of South America, except Monte Video and such other portions of
the eastern bank of the La Plata as are held by Portugal, are still in
the possession of Spain or in a certain degree under her influence.

By a circular note addressed by the ministers of Spain to the allied
powers, with whom they are respectively accredited, it appears that the
allies have undertaken to mediate between Spain and the South American
Provinces, and that the manner and extent of their interposition would
be settled by a congress which was to have met at Aix-la-Chapelle
in September last. From the general policy and course of proceeding
observed by the allied powers in regard to this contest it is inferred
that they will confine their interposition to the expression of their
sentiments, abstaining from the application of force. I state this
impression that force will not be applied with the greater satisfaction
because it is a course more consistent with justice and likewise
authorizes a hope that the calamities of the war will be confined
to the parties only, and will be of shorter duration.

From the view taken of this subject, founded on all the information that
we have been able to obtain, there is good cause to be satisfied with
the course heretofore pursued by the United States in regard to this
contest, and to conclude that it is proper to adhere to it, especially
in the present state of affairs.

I have great satisfaction in stating that our relations with France,
Russia, and other powers continue on the most friendly basis.

In our domestic concerns we have ample cause of satisfaction. The
receipts into the Treasury during the three first quarters of the year
have exceeded $17,000,000.

After satisfying all the demands which have been made under existing
appropriations, including the final extinction of the old 6 per cent
stock and the redemption of a moiety of the Louisiana debt, it is
estimated that there will remain in the Treasury on the 1st day of
January next more than $2,000,000.

It is ascertained that the gross revenue which has accrued from the
customs during the same period amounts to $21,000,000, and that the
revenue of the whole year may be estimated at not less than $26,000,000.
The sale of the public lands during the year has also greatly exceeded,
both in quantity and price, that of any former year, and there is just
reason to expect a progressive improvement in that source of revenue.

It is gratifying to know that although the annual expenditure has been
increased by the act of the last session of Congress providing for
Revolutionary pensions to an amount about equal to the proceeds of the
internal duties which were then repealed, the revenue for the ensuing
year will be proportionally augmented, and that whilst the public
expenditure will probably remain stationary, each successive year will
add to the national resources by the ordinary increase of our population
and by the gradual development of our latent sources of national
prosperity.

The strict execution of the revenue laws, resulting principally from
the salutary provisions of the act of the 20th of April last amending
the several collection laws, has, it is presumed, secured to domestic
manufactures all the relief that can be derived from the duties which
have been imposed upon foreign merchandise for their protection. Under
the influence of this relief several branches of this important national
interest have assumed greater activity, and although it is hoped that
others will gradually revive and ultimately triumph over every obstacle,
yet the expediency of granting further protection is submitted to your
consideration.

The measures of defense authorized by existing laws have been pursued
with the zeal and activity due to so important an object, and with all
the dispatch practicable in so extensive and great an undertaking. The
survey of our maritime and inland frontiers has been continued, and at
the points where it was decided to erect fortifications the work has
been commenced, and in some instances considerable progress has been
made. In compliance with resolutions of the last session, the Board of
Commissioners were directed to examine in a particular manner the parts
of the coast therein designated and to report their opinion of the
most suitable sites for two naval depots. This work is in a train of
execution. The opinion of the Board on this subject, with a plan of all
the works necessary to a general system of defense so far as it has been
formed, will be laid before Congress in a report from the proper
department as soon as it can be prepared.

In conformity with the appropriations of the last session, treaties have
been formed with the Quapaw tribe of Indians, inhabiting the country on
the Arkansaw, and with the Great and Little Osages north of the White
River; with the tribes in the State of Indiana; with the several tribes
within the State of Ohio and the Michigan Territory, and with the
Chickasaws, by which very extensive cessions of territory have been made
to the United States. Negotiations are now depending with the tribes in
the Illinois Territory and with the Choctaws, by which it is expected
that other extensive cessions will be made. I take great interest
in stating that the cessions already made, which are considered so
important to the United States, have been obtained on conditions very
satisfactory to the Indians.

With a view to the security of our inland frontiers, it has been thought
expedient to establish strong posts at the mouth of Yellow Stone River
and at the Mandan village on the Missouri, and at the mouth of St.
Peters on the Mississippi, at no great distance from our northern
boundaries. It can hardly be presumed while such posts are maintained
in the rear of the Indian tribes that they will venture to attack our
peaceable inhabitants. A strong hope is entertained that this measure
will likewise be productive of much good to the tribes themselves,
especially in promoting the great object of their civilization.
Experience has clearly demonstrated that independent savage communities
can not long exist within the limits of a civilized population.
The progress of the latter has almost invariably terminated in the
extinction of the former, especially of the tribes belonging to our
portion of this hemisphere, among whom loftiness of sentiment and
gallantry in action have been conspicuous. To civilize them, and even
to prevent their extinction, it seems to be indispensable that their
independence as communities should cease, and that the control of the
United States over them should be complete and undisputed. The hunter
state will then be more easily abandoned, and recourse will be had to
the acquisition and culture of land and to other pursuits tending to
dissolve the ties which connect them together as a savage community and
to give a new character to every individual. I present this subject to
the consideration of Congress on the presumption that it may be found
expedient and practicable to adopt some benevolent provisions, having
these objects in view, relative to the tribes within our settlements.

It has been necessary during the present year to maintain a strong naval
force in the Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico, and to send some
public ships along the southern coast and to the Pacific Ocean. By
these means amicable relations with the Barbary Powers have been
preserved, our commerce has been protected, and our rights respected.
The augmentation of our Navy is advancing with a steady progress toward
the limit contemplated by law.

I communicate with great satisfaction the accession of another State
(Illinois) to our Union, because I perceive from the proof afforded by
the additions already made the regular progress and sure consummation of
a policy of which history affords no example, and of which the good
effect can not be too highly estimated. By extending our Government on
the principles of our Constitution over the vast territory within our
limits, on the Lakes and the Mississippi and its numerous streams, new
life and vigor are infused into every part of our system. By increasing
the number of the States the confidence of the State governments in
their own security is increased and their jealousy of the National
Government proportionally diminished. The impracticability of one
consolidated government for this great and growing nation will be more
apparent and will be universally admitted. Incapable of exercising local
authority except for general purposes, the General Government will
no longer be dreaded. In those cases of a local nature and for all
the great purposes for which it was instituted its authority will be
cherished. Each government will acquire new force and a greater freedom
of action within its proper sphere. Other inestimable advantages will
follow. Our produce will be augmented to an incalculable amount in
articles of the greatest value for domestic use and foreign commerce.
Our navigation will in like degree be increased, and as the shipping of
the Atlantic States will be employed in the transportation of the vast
produce of the Western country, even those parts of the United States
which are most remote from each other will be further bound together by
the strongest ties which mutual interest can create.

The situation of this District, it is thought, requires the attention of
Congress. By the Constitution the power of legislation is exclusively
vested in the Congress of the United States. In the exercise of this
power, in which the people have no participation, Congress legislate in
all cases directly on the local concerns of the District. As this is a
departure, for a special purpose, from the general principles of our
system, it may merit consideration whether an arrangement better adapted
to the principles of our Government and to the particular interests
of the people may not be devised which will neither infringe the
Constitution nor affect the object which the provision in question
was intended to secure. The growing population, already considerable,
and the increasing business of the District, which it is believed
already interferes with the deliberations of Congress on great national
concerns, furnish additional motives for recommending this subject to
your consideration.

When we view the great blessings with which our country has been
favored, those which we now enjoy, and the means which we possess of
handing them down unimpaired to our latest posterity, our attention is
irresistibly drawn to the source from whence they flow. Let us, then,
unite in offering our most grateful acknowledgments for these blessings
to the Divine Author of All Good.

JAMES MONROE.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

NOVEMBER 30, 1818.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I lay before the Senate, for their advice and consent, the several
treaties which have recently been made with the Chickasaws, the Quapaws,
the Wyandot, Seneca, Delaware, Shawnese, Potawatamies, Ottawas, and
Chippewas, the Peoria, Kaskaskias, Mitchigamia, Cahokia, and Tamarois,
the Great and Little Osages, the Weas, Potawatamies, Delaware and Miami,
the Wyandot, and the four Pawnees tribes of Indians.

By reference to the journal of the commissioners it appears that George
and Levi Colbert have bargained and sold to the United States the
reservations made to them by the treaty of September, 1816, and that
a deed of trust of the same has been made by them to James Jackson,
of Nashville. I would therefore suggest, in case the Chickasaw treaty
be approved by the Senate, the propriety of providing by law for
the payment of the sum stipulated to be given to them for their
reservations.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 2, 1818.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate copies of such of the documents referred to in
the message of the 17th of last month as have been prepared since that
period. They contain a copy of the reports of Mr. Rodney and Mr. Graham,
two of the commissioners to South America, who returned first from the
mission, and of the papers connected with those reports. They also
present a full view of the operations of our troops employed in the
Seminole war in Florida.

It would have been gratifying to me to have communicated with the
message all the documents referred to in it, but as two of our
commissioners from South America made their reports a few days only
before the meeting of Congress and the third on the day of its meeting,
it was impossible to transmit at that time more than one copy of the
two reports first made.

The residue of the documents will be communicated as soon as they are
prepared.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _December 2, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of 25th of last month,
requesting to be furnished with such information as may be possessed by
the Executive touching the execution of so much of the first article of
the late treaty of peace and amity between His Britannic Majesty and the
United States as relates to the restitution of slaves, and which has not
heretofore been communicated, I lay before the Senate a report made by
the Secretary of State on the 1st instant in relation to that subject.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 2, 1818.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit to the House of Representatives copies of such documents
referred to in the message of the 17th ultimo as have been prepared
since that period. They present a full view of the operations of our
troops employed in the Seminole war who entered Florida.

The residue of the documents, which are very voluminous, will be
transmitted as soon as they can be prepared.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 12, 1818.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the
10th instant, I transmit a report of the Secretary of War, with copies
of the correspondence between the governor of Georgia and Major-General
Andrew Jackson on the subject of the arrest of Captain Obed Wright.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 29, 1818.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I lay before the Senate, for their consideration, a convention, signed
at London on the 20th of October last, between the United States and
Great Britain, together with the documents showing the course and
progress of the negotiation. I have to request that these documents,
which are original, may be returned when the Senate shall have acted on
the convention.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 31, 1818.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives
of the 24th instant, requesting me to lay before it "copies of the
correspondence, if any, between the Department of War and the governor
of Georgia, in answer to the letter of the latter to the former dated
on the 1st of June of the present year, communicated to the House on
the 12th instant; and also the correspondence, if any, between the
Department of War and General Andrew Jackson, in answer to the letter of
the latter of the date 7th May, 1818, also communicated to the House on
the 12th instant," I transmit a report from the Secretary of War, with a
copy of an extract of a letter from Major Van De Venter, chief clerk in
the Department of War, in reply to General Jackson's letter of the 7th
of May, 1818.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 31, 1818.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
7th instant, requesting me to lay before it "the proceedings which have
been had under the act entitled 'An act for the gradual increase of the
Navy of the United States,' specifying the number of ships which have
been put on the stocks, and of what class, and the quantity and kind of
materials which have been procured in compliance with the provisions of
said act; and also the sums of money which have been paid out of the
fund created by the said act, and for what objects; and likewise the
contracts which have been entered into in execution of said act on which
moneys may not yet have been advanced," I transmit a report from the
Acting Secretary of the Navy, together with a communication from the
Board of Navy Commissioners, which, with the documents accompanying it,
comprehends all the information required by the House of
Representatives.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _January 4, 1819_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit to Congress a proclamation, dated the 22d of last
month, of the convention made and concluded at Madrid between the
plenipotentiaries of the United States and His Catholic Majesty on the
11th of August, 1802, the ratifications of which were not exchanged
until the 21st ultimo, together with the translation of a letter from
the minister of Spain to the Secretary of State.

JAMES MONROE.

JANUARY 4, 1819.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, in pursuance of their resolution of the
30th of last month, requesting to be furnished with the instructions,
including that of the 28th of July, 1818, to the plenipotentiaries of
the United States who negotiated the convention with His Britannic
Majesty signed on the 20th day of October in the same year, copies
of all these instructions, including that particularly referred to.

JAMES MONROE.

JANUARY 11, 1819.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 5th instant,
requesting me "to cause to be laid before it a statement of the
effective force composing the military establishment of the United
States; also a statement of the different posts and garrisons at and
within which troops are stationed, and the actual number of officers,
noncommissioned officers, and privates at each post and garrison,
respectively; also to designate in such statement the number of
artillerists and the number and caliber of ordnance at each of the said
posts and garrisons," I transmit a report from the Secretary of War,
which, with the documents accompanying it, contains all the information
required.

JAMES MONROE.

JANUARY 29, 1819.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit to the House of Representatives, in compliance with their
resolution of the 4th of this month, a report from the Secretary of
State concerning the applications which have been made by any of
the independent Governments of South America to have a minister or
consul-general accredited by the Government of the United States, with
the answers of this Government to the applications addressed to it.

JAMES MONROE.

JANUARY 30, 1819.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of
the 18th instant, requesting me to cause any information not already
communicated to be laid before the House whether Amelia Island, St.
Marks, and Pensacola yet remain in the possession of the United States,
and, if so, by what laws the inhabitants are governed; whether articles
imported therein from foreign countries are subject to any, and what,
duties, and by what laws, and whether the said duties are collected and
how; whether vessels arriving in the United States from Pensacola and
Amelia Island, and in Pensacola and Amelia Island from the United
States, respectively, are considered and treated as vessels arriving
from foreign countries, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the
Treasury, and likewise one from the Secretary of War, which will afford
all the information requested by the House of Representatives.

JAMES MONROE.

FEBRUARY 2, 1819.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I nominate John Overton, Newton Cannon, and Robert Weakly, of Tennessee,
as commissioners to negotiate with the Chickasaw tribe of Indians for
the cession of a tract of land 4 miles square, including a salt spring,
reserved to the said tribe by the fourth article of a treaty concluded
with the said Indians on the 19th day of October, 1818.

JAMES MONROE.

FEBRUARY 2, 1819.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 13th of last month,
requesting me "to cause to be laid before it a statement showing the
measures that have been taken to collect the balances stated to be due
from the several supervisors and collectors of the old direct tax of two
millions; also a similar statement of the balances due from the officers
of the old internal revenue, and to designate in such statement the
persons who have been interested in the collection of the said debts and
the sums by them respectively collected, and the time when the same were
collected," I transmit a report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which,
with the documents accompanying it, contains all the information
required.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _February 3, 1819_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I communicate to Congress copies of applications received from the
minister of Great Britain in behalf of certain British subjects who have
suffered in their property by proceedings to which the United States by
their military and judicial officers have been parties. These injuries
have been sustained under circumstances which appear to recommend
strongly to the attention of Congress the claim to indemnity for the
losses occasioned by them, which the legislative authority is alone
competent to provide.

JAMES MONROE.

FEBRUARY 5, 1819.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 25th of last month,
requesting me "to cause to be laid before it a copy of the rules and
regulations adopted for the government of the Military Academy at West
Point; also how many cadets have been admitted into the Academy, the
time of the residence of each cadet at that institution, and how many
of them have been appointed officers in the Army and Navy of the United
States," I transmit a report from the Secretary of War, which, with the
accompanying documents, will afford all the information required by the
said resolution.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _February 6, 1819_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit to Congress a copy of a letter from Governor Bibb to
Major-General Jackson, connected with the late military operations
in Florida. This letter has been mislaid, or it would have been
communicated with the other documents at the commencement of the
session.

JAMES MONROE.

FEBRUARY 6, 1819.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit to Congress, for their consideration, applications which have
been received from the minister resident of Prussia and from the senates
of the free and Hanseatic cities of Hamburg and Bremen, the object of
which is that the advantages secured by the act of Congress of 20th of
April last to the vessels and merchandise of the Netherlands should
be extended to those of Prussia, Hamburg, and Bremen. It will appear
from these documents that the vessels of the United States and the
merchandise laden in them are in the ports of those Governments,
respectively, entitled to the same advantages in respect to imposts and
duties as those of the native subjects of the countries themselves.

The principle of reciprocity appears to entitle them to the return of
the same favor on the part of the United States, and I recommend it to
Congress that provision to that effect may be made.

JAMES MONROE.

FEBRUARY 22, 1819.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate a treaty of amity, settlement, and limits
between the United States of America and His Catholic Majesty,
concluded and signed this day, for the decision of the Senate as to
its ratification. Copies of the correspondence between the Secretary
of State and the minister from Spain connected with this subject since
the renewal of the negotiation are likewise inclosed.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _February 26, 1819_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

The treaty of amity, settlement, and limits between the United States
and His Catholic Majesty having been on the part of the United States
ratified, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, copies of
it are now transmitted to Congress. As the ratification on the part
of Spain may be expected to take place during the recess of Congress,
I recommend to their consideration the adoption of such legislative
measures contingent upon the event of the exchange of the ratifications
as may be necessary or expedient for carrying the treaty into effect
in the interval between the sessions, and until Congress at their next
session may see fit to make further provision on the subject.

JAMES MONROE.

MARCH 2, 1819.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

A convention having been concluded between John C. Calhoun, Secretary of
War, especially authorized therefor by me, and the chiefs and headmen of
the Cherokee Nation of Indians, likewise duly authorized and empowered
by said nation, I now lay the original instrument before the Senate for
the exercise of its constitutional power respecting the ratification
thereof.

JAMES MONROE.

THIRD ANNUAL MESSAGE.

WASHINGTON, _December 7, 1819_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The public buildings being advanced to a stage to afford accommodation
for Congress, I offer you my sincere congratulations on the
recommencement of your duties in the Capitol.

In bringing to view the incidents most deserving attention which have
occurred since your last session, I regret to have to state that several
of our principal cities have suffered by sickness, that an unusual
drought has prevailed in the Middle and Western States, and that a
derangement has been felt in some of our moneyed institutions which has
proportionably affected their credit. I am happy, however, to have it in
my power to assure you that the health of our cities is now completely
restored; that the produce of the year, though less abundant than usual,
will not only be amply sufficient for home consumption, but afford a
large surplus for the supply of the wants of other nations, and that the
derangement in the circulating paper medium, by being left to those
remedies which its obvious causes suggested and the good sense and
virtue of our fellow-citizens supplied, has diminished.

Having informed Congress, on the 27th of February last, that a treaty of
amity, settlement, and limits had been concluded in this city between
the United States and Spain, and ratified by the competent authorities
of the former, full confidence was entertained that it would have been
ratified by His Catholic Majesty with equal promptitude and a like
earnest desire to terminate on the conditions of that treaty the
differences which had so long existed between the two countries. Every
view which the subject admitted of was thought to have justified this
conclusion. Great losses had been sustained by citizens of the United
States from Spanish cruisers more than twenty years before, which had
not been redressed. These losses had been acknowledged and provided for
by a treaty as far back as the year 1802, which, although concluded at
Madrid, was not then ratified by the Government of Spain, nor since,
until the last year, when it was suspended by the late treaty, a more
satisfactory provision to both parties, as was presumed, having been
made for them. Other differences had arisen in this long interval,
affecting their highest interests, which were likewise provided for by
this last treaty. The treaty itself was formed on great consideration
and a thorough knowledge of all circumstances, the subject-matter of
every article having been for years under discussion and repeated
references having been made by the minister of Spain to his Government
on the points respecting which the greatest difference of opinion
prevailed. It was formed by a minister duly authorized for the purpose,
who had represented his Government in the United States and been
employed in this long-protracted negotiation several years, and who, it
is not denied, kept strictly within the letter of his instructions. The
faith of Spain was therefore pledged, under circumstances of peculiar
force and solemnity, for its ratification. On the part of the United
States this treaty was evidently acceded to in a spirit of conciliation
and concession. The indemnity for injuries and losses so long before
sustained, and now again acknowledged and provided for, was to be
paid by them without becoming a charge on the treasury of Spain. For
territory ceded by Spain other territory of great value, to which our
claim was believed to be well founded, was ceded by the United States,
and in a quarter more interesting to her. This cession was nevertheless
received as the means of indemnifying our citizens in a considerable
sum, the presumed amount of their losses. Other considerations of great
weight urged the cession of this territory by Spain. It was surrounded
by the Territories of the United States on every side except on that of
the ocean. Spain had lost her authority over it, and, falling into the
hands of adventurers connected with the savages, it was made the means
of unceasing annoyance and injury to our Union in many of its most
essential interests. By this cession, then, Spain ceded a territory
in reality of no value to her and obtained concessions of the highest
importance by the settlement of long-standing differences with the
United States affecting their respective claims and limits, and likewise
relieved herself from the obligation of a treaty relating to it which
she had failed to fulfill, and also from the responsibility incident to
the most flagrant and pernicious abuses of her rights where she could
not support her authority.

It being known that the treaty was formed under these circumstances, not
a doubt was entertained that His Catholic Majesty would have ratified
it without delay. I regret to have to state that this reasonable
expectation has been disappointed; that the treaty was not ratified
within the time stipulated and has not since been ratified. As it is
important that the nature and character of this unexpected occurrence
should be distinctly understood, I think it my duty to communicate to
you all the facts and circumstances in my possession relating to it.

Anxious to prevent all future disagreement with Spain by giving the
most prompt effect to the treaty which had been thus concluded, and
particularly by the establishment of a government in Florida which
should preserve order there, the minister of the United States who
had been recently appointed to His Catholic Majesty, and to whom the
ratification by his Government had been committed to be exchanged for
that of Spain, was instructed to transmit the latter to the Department
of State as soon as obtained, by a public ship subjected to his order
for the purpose. Unexpected delay occurring in the ratification by
Spain, he requested to be informed of the cause. It was stated in
reply that the great importance of the subject, and a desire to obtain
explanations on certain points which were not specified, had produced
the delay, and that an envoy would be dispatched to the United States to
obtain such explanations of this Government. The minister of the United
States offered to give full explanation on any point on which it might
be desired, which proposal was declined. Having communicated this
result to the Department of State in August last, he was instructed,
notwithstanding the disappointment and surprise which it produced, to
inform the Government of Spain that if the treaty should be ratified and
transmitted here at any time before the meeting of Congress it would
be received and have the same effect as if it had been ratified in due
time. This order was executed, the authorized communication was made
to the Government of Spain, and by its answer, which has just been
received, we are officially made acquainted for the first time with
the causes which have prevented the ratification of the treaty by His
Catholic Majesty. It is alleged by the minister of Spain that this
Government had attempted to alter one of the principal articles of the
treaty by a declaration which the minister of the United States had
been ordered to present when he should deliver the ratification by his
Government in exchange for that of Spain, and of which he gave notice,
explanatory of the sense in which that article was understood. It is
further alleged that this Government had recently tolerated or protected
an expedition from the United States against the Province of Texas,
These two imputed acts are stated as the reasons which have induced His
Catholic Majesty to withhold his ratification from the treaty, to obtain
explanations respecting which it is repeated that an envoy would be
forthwith dispatched to the United States. How far these allegations
will justify the conduct of the Government of Spain will appear on
a view of the following facts and the evidence which supports them:

It will be seen by the documents transmitted herewith that the
declaration mentioned relates to a clause in the eighth article
concerning certain grants of land recently made by His Catholic Majesty
in Florida, which it was understood had conveyed all the lands which
till then had been ungranted; it was the intention of the parties to
annul these latter grants, and that clause was drawn for that express
purpose and for none other. The date of these grants was unknown, but it
was understood to be posterior to that inserted in the article; indeed,
it must be obvious to all that if that provision in the treaty had not
the effect of annulling these grants, it would be altogether nugatory.
Immediately after the treaty was concluded and ratified by this
Government an intimation was received that these grants were of anterior
date to that fixed on by the treaty and that they would not, of course,
be affected by it. The mere possibility of such a case, so inconsistent
with the intention of the parties and the meaning of the article,
induced this Government to demand an explanation on the subject, which
was immediately granted, and which corresponds with this statement. With
respect to the other act alleged, that this Government had tolerated or
protected an expedition against Texas, it is utterly without foundation.
Every discountenance has invariably been given to any such attempt from
within the limits of the United States, as is fully evinced by the acts
of the Government and the proceedings of the courts. There being cause,
however, to apprehend, in the course of the last summer, that some
adventurers entertained views of the kind suggested, the attention of
the constituted authorities in that quarter was immediately drawn to
them, and it is known that the project, whatever it might be, has
utterly failed.

These facts will, it is presumed, satisfy every impartial mind that the
Government of Spain had no justifiable cause for declining to ratify
the treaty. A treaty concluded in conformity with instructions is
obligatory, in good faith, in all its stipulations, according to the
true intent and meaning of the parties. Each party is bound to ratify
it. If either could set it aside without the consent of the other, there
would be no longer any rules applicable to such transactions between
nations. By this proceeding the Government of Spain has rendered to the
United States a new and very serious injury. It has been stated that a
minister would be sent to ask certain explanations of this Government;
but if such were desired, why were they not asked within the time
limited for the ratification? Is it contemplated to open a new
negotiation respecting any of the articles or conditions of the treaty?
If that were done, to what consequences might it not lead? At what time
and in what manner would a new negotiation terminate? By this proceeding
Spain has formed a relation between the two countries which will justify
any measures on the part of the United States which a strong sense of
injury and a proper regard for the rights and interests of the nation
may dictate.

In the course to be pursued these objects should be constantly held in
view and have their due weight. Our national honor must be maintained,
and a new and a distinguished proof be afforded of that regard for
justice and moderation which has invariably governed the councils of
this free people. It must be obvious to all that if the United States
had been desirous of making conquests, or had been even willing to
aggrandize themselves in that way, they could have had no inducement
to form this treaty. They would have much cause for gratulation at the
course which has been pursued by Spain. An ample field for ambition
is open before them, but such a career is not consistent with the
principles of their Government nor the interests of the nation.

From a full view of all circumstances, it is submitted to the
consideration of Congress whether it will not be proper for the United
States to carry the conditions of the treaty into effect in the same
manner as if it had been ratified by Spain, claiming on their part all
its advantages and yielding to Spain those secured to her. By pursuing
this course we shall rest on the sacred ground of right, sanctioned in
the most solemn manner by Spain herself by a treaty which she was bound
to ratify, for refusing to do which she must incur the censure of other
nations, even those most friendly to her, while by confining ourselves
within that limit we can not fail to obtain their well-merited
approbation. We must have peace on a frontier where we have been so long
disturbed; our citizens must be indemnified for losses so long since
sustained, and for which indemnity has been so unjustly withheld from
them. Accomplishing these great objects, we obtain all that is
desirable.

But His Catholic Majesty has twice declared his determination to send a
minister to the United States to ask explanations on certain points and
to give them respecting his delay to ratify the treaty. Shall we act by
taking the ceded territory and proceeding to execute the other
conditions of the treaty before this minister arrives and is heard? This
is a case which forms a strong appeal to the candor, the magnanimity,
and the honor of this people. Much is due to courtesy between nations.
By a short delay we shall lose nothing, for, resting on the ground of
immutable truth and justice, we can not be diverted from our purpose.
It ought to be presumed that the explanations which may be given to the
minister of Spain will be satisfactory, and produce the desired result.
In any event, the delay for the purpose mentioned, being a further
manifestation of the sincere desire to terminate in the most friendly
manner all differences with Spain, can not fail to be duly appreciated
by His Catholic Majesty as well as by other powers. It is submitted,
therefore, whether it will not be proper to make the law proposed for
carrying the conditions of the treaty into effect, should it be adopted,
contingent; to suspend its operation, upon the responsibility of the
Executive, in such manner as to afford an opportunity for such friendly
explanations as may be desired during the present session of Congress.

I communicate to Congress a copy of the treaty and of the instructions
to the minister of the United States at Madrid respecting it; of his
correspondence with the minister of Spain, and of such other documents
as may be necessary to give a full view of the subject.

In the course which the Spanish Government have on this occasion thought
proper to pursue it is satisfactory to know that they have not been
countenanced by any other European power. On the contrary, the opinion
and wishes both of France and Great Britain have not been withheld
either from the United States or from Spain, and have been unequivocal
in favor of the ratification. There is also reason to believe that the
sentiments of the Imperial Government of Russia have been the same, and
that they have also been made known to the cabinet of Madrid.

In the civil war existing between Spain and the Spanish Provinces in
this hemisphere the greatest care has been taken to enforce the laws
intended to preserve an impartial neutrality. Our ports have continued
to be equally open to both parties and on the same conditions, and our
citizens have been equally restrained from interfering in favor of
either to the prejudice of the other. The progress of the war, however,
has operated manifestly in favor of the colonies. Buenos Ayres still
maintains unshaken the independence which it declared in 1816, and has
enjoyed since 1810. Like success has also lately attended Chili and the
Provinces north of the La Plata bordering on it, and likewise Venezuela.

This contest has from its commencement been very interesting to other
powers, and to none more so than to the United States. A virtuous people
may and will confine themselves within the limit of a strict neutrality;
but it is not in their power to behold a conflict so vitally important
to their neighbors without the sensibility and sympathy which naturally
belong to such a case. It has been the steady purpose of this Government
to prevent that feeling leading to excess, and it is very gratifying
to have it in my power to state that so strong has been the sense
throughout the whole community of what was due to the character and
obligations of the nation that very few examples of a contrary kind
have occurred.

The distance of the colonies from the parent country and the great
extent of their population and resources gave them advantages which it
was anticipated at a very early period would be difficult for Spain to
surmount. The steadiness, consistency, and success with which they have
pursued their object, as evinced more particularly by the undisturbed
sovereignty which Buenos Ayres has so long enjoyed, evidently give them
a strong claim to the favorable consideration of other nations. These
sentiments on the part of the United States have not been withheld
from other powers, with whom it is desirable to act in concert. Should
it become manifest to the world that the efforts of Spain to subdue
these Provinces will be fruitless, it may be presumed that the Spanish
Government itself will give up the contest. In producing such a
determination it can not be doubted that the opinion of friendly powers
who have taken no part in the controversy will have their merited
influence.

It is of the highest importance to our national character and
indispensable to the morality of our citizens that all violations of
our neutrality should be prevented. No door should be left open for the
evasion of our laws, no opportunity afforded to any who may be disposed
to take advantage of it to compromit the interest or the honor of the
nation. It is submitted, therefore, to the consideration of Congress
whether it may not be advisable to revise the laws with a view to this
desirable result.

It is submitted also whether it may not be proper to designate by law
the several ports or places along the coast at which only foreign ships
of war and privateers may be admitted. The difficulty of sustaining the
regulations of our commerce and of other important interests from abuse
without such designation furnishes a strong motive for this measure.

At the time of the negotiation for the renewal of the commercial
convention between the United States and Great Britain a hope had been
entertained that an article might have been agreed upon mutually
satisfactory to both countries, regulating upon principles of justice
and reciprocity the commercial intercourse between the United States and
the British possessions as well in the West Indies as upon the continent
of North America. The plenipotentiaries of the two Governments not
having been able to come to an agreement on this important interest,
those of the United States reserved for the consideration of this
Government the proposals which had been presented to them as the
ultimate offer on the part of the British Government, and which they
were not authorized to accept. On their transmission here they were
examined with due deliberation, the result of which was a new effort to
meet the views of the British Government. The minister of the United
States was instructed to make a further proposal, which has not been
accepted. It was, however, declined in an amicable manner. I recommend
to the consideration of Congress whether further prohibitory provisions
in the laws relating to this intercourse may not be expedient. It is
seen with interest that although it has not been practicable as yet
to agree in any arrangement of this important branch of their commerce,
such is the disposition of the parties that each will view any
regulations which the other may make respecting it in the most friendly
light.

By the fifth article of the convention concluded on the 20th of October,
1818, it was stipulated that the differences which have arisen between
the two Governments with regard to the true intent and meaning of the
fifth article of the treaty of Ghent, in relation to the carrying away
by British officers of slaves from the United States after the exchange
of the ratifications of the treaty of peace, should be referred to
the decision of some friendly sovereign or state to be named for that
purpose. The minister of the United States has been instructed to name
to the British Government a foreign sovereign, the common friend to
both parties, for the decision of this question. The answer of that
Government to the proposal when received will indicate the further
measures to be pursued on the part of the United States.

Although the pecuniary embarrassments which affected various parts of
the Union during the latter part of the preceding year have during the
present been considerably augmented, and still continue to exist, the
receipts into the Treasury to the 30th of September last have amounted
to $19,000,000. After defraying the current expenses of the Government,
including the interest and reimbursement of the public debt payable to
that period, amounting to $18,200,000, there remained in the Treasury on
that day more than $2,500,000, which, with the sums receivable during
the remainder of the year, will exceed the current demands upon the
Treasury for the same period.

The causes which have tended to diminish the public receipts could not
fail to have a corresponding effect upon the revenue which has accrued
upon imposts and tonnage during the three first quarters of the present
year. It is, however, ascertained that the duties which have been secured
during that period exceed $18,000,000, and those of the whole year will
probably amount to $23,000,000.

For the probable receipts of the next year I refer you to the statements
which will be transmitted from the Treasury, which will enable you to
judge whether further provision be necessary.

The great reduction in the price of the principal articles of domestic
growth which has occurred during the present year, and the consequent
fall in the price of labor, apparently so favorable to the success of
domestic manufactures, have not shielded them against other causes
adverse to their prosperity. The pecuniary embarrassments which have so
deeply affected the commercial interests of the nation have been no less
adverse to our manufacturing establishments in several sections of the
Union.

The great reduction of the currency which the banks have been
constrained to make in order to continue specie payments, and the
vitiated character of it where such reductions have not been attempted,
instead of placing within the reach of these establishments the
pecuniary aid necessary to avail themselves of the advantages resulting
from the reduction in the prices of the raw materials and of labor, have
compelled the banks to withdraw from them a portion of the capital
heretofore advanced to them. That aid which has been refused by the
banks has not been obtained from other sources, owing to the loss of
individual confidence from the frequent failures which have recently
occurred in some of our principal commercial cities.

An additional cause for the depression of these establishments may
probably be found in the pecuniary embarrassments which have recently
affected those countries with which our commerce has been principally
prosecuted. Their manufactures, for the want of a ready or profitable
market at home, have been shipped by the manufacturers to the United
States, and in many instances sold at a price below their current value
at the place of manufacture. Although this practice may from its nature
be considered temporary or contingent, it is not on that account less
injurious in its effects. Uniformity in the demand and price of an
article is highly desirable to the domestic manufacturer.

It is deemed of great importance to give encouragement to our domestic
manufacturers. In what manner the evils which have been adverted to may
be remedied, and how far it may be practicable in other respects to
afford to them further encouragement, paying due regard to the other
great interests of the nation, is submitted to the wisdom of Congress.

The survey of the coast for the establishment of fortifications is
now nearly completed, and considerable progress has been made in the
collection of materials for the construction of fortifications in the
Gulf of Mexico and in the Chesapeake Bay. The works on the eastern bank
of the Potomac below Alexandria and on the Pea Patch, in the Delaware,
are much advanced, and it is expected that the fortifications at the
Narrows, in the harbor of New York, will be completed the present year.
To derive all the advantages contemplated from these fortifications it
was necessary that they should be judiciously posted, and constructed
with a view to permanence, The progress hitherto has therefore been
slow; but as the difficulties in parts heretofore the least explored
and known are surmounted, it will in future be more rapid. As soon as
the survey of the coast is completed, which it is expected will be done
early in the next spring, the engineers employed in it will proceed to
examine for like purposes the northern and northwestern frontiers.

The troops intended to occupy a station at the mouth of the St. Peters,
on the Mississippi, have established themselves there, and those who
were ordered to the mouth of the Yellow Stone, on the Missouri, have
ascended that river to the Council Bluff, where they will remain
until the next spring, when they will proceed to the place of their
destination. I have the satisfaction to state that this measure has
been executed in amity with the Indian tribes, and that it promises to
produce, in regard to them, all the advantages which were contemplated
by it.

Much progress has likewise been made in the construction of ships of war
and in the collection of timber and other materials for shipbuilding. It
is not doubted that our Navy will soon be augmented to the number and
placed in all respects on the footing provided for by law.

The Board, consisting of engineers and naval officers, have not yet
made their final report of sites for two naval depots, as instructed
according to the resolutions of March 18 and April 20, 1818, but they
have examined the coast therein designated, and their report is expected
in the next month.

For the protection of our commerce in the Mediterranean, along the
southern Atlantic coast, in the Pacific and Indian oceans, it has been
found necessary to maintain a strong naval force, which it seems proper
for the present to continue. There is much reason to believe that if any
portion of the squadron heretofore stationed in the Mediterranean should
be withdrawn our intercourse with the powers bordering on that sea would
be much interrupted, if not altogether destroyed. Such, too, has been
the growth of a spirit of piracy in the other quarters mentioned, by
adventurers from every country, in abuse of the friendly flags which
they have assumed, that not to protect our commerce there would be to
abandon it as a prey to their rapacity. Due attention has likewise been
paid to the suppression of the slave trade, in compliance with a law of
the last session. Orders have been given to the commanders of all our
public ships to seize all vessels navigated under our flag engaged in
that trade, and to bring them in to be proceeded against in the manner
prescribed by that law. It is hoped that these vigorous measures,
supported by like acts by other nations, will soon terminate a commerce
so disgraceful to the civilized world.

In the execution of the duty imposed by these acts, and of a high trust
connected with it, it is with deep regret I have to state the loss which
has been sustained by the death of Commodore Perry. His gallantry in a
brilliant exploit in the late war added to the renown of his country.
His death is deplored as a national misfortune.

JAMES MONROE.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

WASHINGTON, _December 7, 1819_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith to the Senate a collection of the commercial
regulations of the different foreign countries with which the United
States have commercial intercourse, which has been compiled in
compliance with the resolution of the Senate of 3d March, 1817.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _December 14, 1819_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In conformity with the resolution of the House of Representatives of
the 24th of February last, I now transmit a report of the Secretary of
State, with extracts and copies of several letters, touching the causes
of the imprisonment of William White, an American citizen, at Buenos
Ayres.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _December 17, 1819_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

Some doubt being entertained respecting the true intent and meaning
of the act of the last session entitled "An act in addition to the
acts prohibiting the slave trade," as to the duties of the agents to
be appointed on the coast of Africa, I think it proper to state the
interpretation which has been given of the act and the measures adopted
to carry it into effect, that Congress may, should it be deemed
advisable, amend the same before further proceeding is had under it.

The obligation to instruct the commanders of all our armed vessels to
seize and bring into port all ships or vessels of the United States,
wheresoever found, having on board any negro, mulatto, or person of
color in violation of former acts for the suppression of the slave
trade, being imperative, was executed without delay. No seizures have
yet been made, but as they were contemplated by the law, and might be
presumed, it seemed proper to make the necessary regulations applicable
to such seizures for carrying the several provisions of the act into
effect.

It is enjoined on the Executive to cause all negroes, mulattoes, or
persons of color who may be taken under the act to be removed to Africa.
It is the obvious import of the law that none of the persons thus taken
should remain within the United States, and no place other than the
coast of Africa being designated, their removal or delivery, whether
carried from the United States or landed immediately from the vessels
in which they were taken, was supposed to be confined to that coast. No
settlement or station being specified, the whole coast was thought to be
left open for the selection of a proper place at which the persons thus
taken should be delivered. The Executive is authorized to appoint one
or more agents residing there to receive such persons, and $100,000 are
appropriated for the general purposes of the law.

On due consideration of the several sections of the act, and of its
humane policy, it was supposed to be the intention of Congress that
all the persons above described who might be taken under it and landed
in Africa should be aided in their return to their former homes, or in
their establishment at or near the place where landed. Some shelter and
food would be necessary for them there as soon as landed, let their
subsequent disposition be what it might. Should they be landed without
such provision having been previously made, they might perish.

It was supposed, by the authority given to the Executive to appoint
agents residing on that coast, that they should provide such shelter
and food, and perform the other beneficent and charitable offices
contemplated by the act. The coast of Africa having been little
explored, and no persons residing there who possessed the requisite
qualifications to entitle them to the trust being known to the
Executive, to none such could it be committed. It was believed that
citizens only who would go hence well instructed in the views of their
Government and zealous to give them effect would be competent to these
duties, and that it was not the intention of the law to preclude their
appointment. It was obvious that the longer these persons should be
detained in the United States in the hands of the marshals the greater
would be the expense, and that for the same term would the main purpose
of the law be suspended. It seemed, therefore, to be incumbent on me
to make the necessary arrangements for carrying this act into effect
in Africa in time to meet the delivery of any persons who might be
taken by the public vessels and landed there under it.

On this view of the policy and sanctions of the law it has been decided
to send a public ship to the coast of Africa with two such agents,
who will take with them tools and other implements necessary for the
purposes above mentioned. To each of these agents a small salary has
been allowed--$1,500 to the principal and $1,200 to the other.

All our public agents on the coast of Africa receive salaries for their
services, and it was understood that none of our citizens possessing the
requisite qualifications would accept these trusts, by which they would
be confined to parts the least frequented and civilized, without
a reasonable compensation, Such allowance therefore seemed to be
indispensable to the execution of the act. It is intended also to
subject a portion of the sum appropriated to the order of the principal
agent for the special objects above stated, amounting in the whole,
including the salaries of the agents for one year, to rather less than
one third of the appropriation. Special instructions will be given to
these agents, defining in precise terms their duties in regard to the
persons thus delivered to them, the disbursement of the money by the
principal agent, and his accountability for the same. They will also
have power to select the most suitable place on the coast of Africa at
which all persons who may be taken under this act shall be delivered to
them, with an express injunction to exercise no power founded on the
principle of colonization or other power than that of performing the
benevolent offices above recited by the permission and sanction of the
existing government under which they may establish themselves. Orders
will be given to the commander of the public ship in which they will
sail to cruise along the coast to give the more complete effect to the
principal object of the act.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _December 17, 1819_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of Congress of the 27th March, 1818,
the journal, acts, and proceedings of the convention which formed the
present Constitution of the United States have been published. The
resolution directs that 1,000 copies should be printed, of which one
copy should be furnished to each member of the Fifteenth Congress, and
the residue to be subject to the future disposition of Congress. The
number of copies sufficient to supply the members of the late Congress
having been reserved for that purpose, the remainder are now deposited
at the Department of State subject to the order of Congress. The
documents mentioned in the resolution of the 27th March, 1818, are
in the process of publication.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _December 24, 1819_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

On the 23d of February. 1803, a message from the President of the United
States was transmitted to both Houses of Congress, together with the
report of the then Secretary of State, Mr. Madison, upon the case of
the Danish brigantine _Henrick_ and her cargo, belonging to citizens
of Hamburg, recommending the claim to the favorable consideration of
Congress. In February, 1805, it was again presented by a message from
the President to the consideration of Congress, but has not since been
definitively acted upon.

The minister resident from Denmark and the consul-general from Hamburg
having recently renewed applications in behalf of the respective
owners of the vessel and cargo, I transmit herewith copies of their
communications for the further consideration of the Legislature, upon
whose files all the documents relating to the claim are still existing.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 31, 1819.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, for its advice and consent as to the
ratification, three treaties which have been concluded in the course of
the present year with the Kickapoos, the Chippaways, and the Kickapoos
of the Vermillion by commissioners who were duly authorized for the
purpose.

With the Chippaways there is a supplementary article stipulating certain
advantages in their favor on condition that the same shall be ratified
by the Executive, with the advice and consent of the Senate, which I
likewise submit to your consideration.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _January 8, 1820_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
14th December, 1819, requesting me to cause to be laid before it any
information I may possess respecting certain executions which have been
inflicted in the Army of the United States since the year 1815 contrary
to the laws and regulations provided for the government of the same,
I transmit a report from the Secretary of War containing a detailed
account in relation to the object of the said resolution.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _January 8, 1820_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 20th of January,
1819, requesting me "to cause a report to be laid before them at their
next session of such facts as may be within the means of the Government
to obtain shewing how far it may be expedient or not to provide by
law for clothing the Army with articles manufactured in the United
States," I transmit a report from the Secretary of War, which, with
the accompanying documents, comprehends all the information required
by the Senate in their resolution aforesaid.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _January 19, 1820_.

_To the House of Representatives_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives
requesting me "to lay before it at as early a day as may be convenient
an account of the expenditure of the several sums appropriated for
building fortifications from the year 1816 to the year 1819, inclusive,
indicating the places at which works of defense have been begun, the
magnitude of the works contemplated at each place, their present
condition, the amount already expended, and the estimated amount
requisite for the completion of each, also the mode by which the
fortifications are built, by contract or otherwise," I now transmit
to the House a report from the Secretary of War, to whom the said
resolution was referred, which, with the documents accompanying it,
contains all the information required.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _February 8, 1820_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In conformity with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
24th January, 1820, requesting me "to inform the House what loans, if
any, have been made since the peace, to private citizens, of powder,
lead, and other munitions belonging to the Government by officers of any
department of the Army or Navy, specifying the times, terms, objects,
and extent of such loans, the names of the persons by whom and to
whom made, the different times of repayment, and also the amount of
the ultimate loss, if any, likely to be incurred by the Government in
consequence thereof," I now transmit a report from the Secretary of War,
which, with the accompanying documents, contains all the information
that can be furnished on the subject.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 1, 1820_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
4th of February last, requesting to be informed what progress has been
made in surveying certain parts of the coast of North Carolina and in
ascertaining the latitude and longitude of the extreme points of Cape
Hatteras, Cape Look Out, and Cape Fear, according to a resolution of the
19th of January, 1819, I have to state that it is intended to carry the
resolution of the 19th of March into effect in the present year. The
cooperation of the Board of Engineers with Naval Commissioners being
necessary in executing that duty, and the Board having been engaged
last year in surveying the eastern coast of our Union, it would have
interfered with previous arrangements and been attended with increased
expense had they been withdrawn from it. The Board will, however, be
employed during the present summer in the regular execution of its
duties in the survey of the coast of North Carolina, when instructions
will be given it to afford the necessary aid to carry the resolution of
the 19th of January of the last year into effect.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 4, 1820_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate, in pursuance of their resolution of the 4th of
January last, a report from the Secretary of State, with a list of fines
incurred under the act of Congress entitled "An act in addition to the
act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States,"
which appear from the records of the Department of State to have been
remitted by the Executive authority of the United States.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 8, 1820_.

The PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE SENATE:

I transmit to the Senate copies of sundry papers having relation to the
treaty of 22d February, 1819, between the United States and Spain, which
have been received at the Department of State, and have not before been
communicated to the Senate.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 8, 1820_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit to Congress a report from the Secretary of the Treasury,
which, with the accompanying documents, will shew that the act of the
20th May, 1812, respecting the northern and western boundaries of the
State of Ohio, has been executed.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 17, 1820_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

It being stipulated by the fourth article of the articles of agreement
and cession entered into on the 24th of April, 1802, with the State of
Georgia that the United States should at their own expense extinguish
for the use of that State, as soon as it might be done on reasonable
terms, the Indian title to all the lands within its limits, and the
legislature of Georgia being desirous to make a further acquisition of
said lands at this time, presuming that it may be done on reasonable
terms; and it being also represented that property of considerable value
which had been taken by the Creek and Cherokee Indians from citizens of
Georgia, the restoration of which had been provided for by different
treaties, but which has never been made, it is proposed to hold a treaty
with those nations, and more particularly with the Creeks, in the course
of this summer. For the attainment of these objects I submit the subject
to the consideration of Congress, that a sum adequate to the expenses
attending such treaty may be appropriated should Congress deem it
expedient.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 20, 1820_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 16th of February,
1820, requesting me to cause to be laid before it "abstracts of the
bonds or other securities given under the laws of the United States by
the collectors of the customs, receivers of public moneys for lands, and
registers of public lands, paymasters in the Army, and pursers in the
Navy, who are now in office, or who have heretofore been in office, and
whose accounts remain unsettled, together with a statement of such other
facts as may tend to shew the expediency or inexpediency of so far
altering the laws respecting such officers that they may hereafter
be appointed for limited periods, subject to removal as heretofore,"
I transmit to the Senate a report from the Secretary of the Treasury,
which, with the documents accompanying it, will afford all the
information required.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 27, 1820_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit to Congress an extract of a letter from the minister
plenipotentiary of the United States at St. Petersburg, of the 1st of
November last, on the subject of our relations with Spain, indicating
the sentiments of the Emperor of Russia respecting the nonratification
by His Catholic Majesty of the treaty lately concluded between the
United States and Spain, and the strong interest which His Imperial
Majesty takes in promoting the ratification of that treaty. Of this
friendly disposition the most satisfactory assurance has been since
given directly to this Government by the minister of Russia residing
here.

I transmit also to Congress an extract of a letter from the minister
plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid of a later date than
those heretofore communicated, by which it appears that, at the instance
of the charge d'affaires of the Emperor of Russia, a new pledge had been
given by the Spanish Government that the minister who had been lately
appointed to the United States should set out on his mission without
delay, with full power to settle all differences in a manner
satisfactory to the parties.

I have further to state that the Governments of France and Great Britain
continue to manifest the sentiments heretofore communicated respecting
the nonratification of the treaty by Spain, and to interpose their good
offices to promote its ratification.

It is proper to add that the Governments of France and Russia have
expressed an earnest desire that the United States would take no steps
for the present on the principle of reprisal which might possibly tend
to disturb the peace between the United States and Spain. There is good
cause to presume from the delicate manner in which this sentiment has
been conveyed that it is founded in a belief as well as a desire that
our just objects may be accomplished without the hazard of such an
extremity.

On full consideration of all these circumstances, I have thought it my
duty to submit to Congress whether it will not be advisable to postpone
a decision on the questions now depending with Spain until the next
session. The distress of that nation at this juncture affords a motive
for this forbearance which can not fail to be duly appreciated. Under
such circumstances the attention of the Spanish Government may be
diverted from its foreign concerns, and the arrival of a minister here
be longer delayed. I am the more induced to suggest this course of
proceeding from a knowledge that, while we shall thereby make a just
return to the powers whose good offices have been acknowledged, and
increase by a new and signal proof of moderation our claims on Spain,
our attitude in regard to her will not be less favorable at the next
session than it is at the present.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _May 9, 1820_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I communicate to Congress a correspondence which has taken place
between the Secretary of State and the envoy extraordinary and
minister plenipotentiary of His Catholic Majesty since the message
of the 27th March last, respecting the treaty which was concluded
between the United States and Spain on the 22d February, 1819.

After the failure of His Catholic Majesty for so long a time to ratify
the treaty, it was expected that this minister would have brought with
him the ratification, or that he would have been authorized to give
an order for the delivery of the territory ceded by it to the United
States. It appears, however, that the treaty is still unratified and
that the minister has no authority to surrender the territory. The
object of his mission has been to make complaints and to demand
explanations respecting an imputed system of hostility on the part of
citizens of the United States against the subjects and dominions of
Spain, and an unfriendly policy in their Government, and to obtain new
stipulations against these alleged injuries as the condition on which
the treaty should be ratified.

Unexpected as such complaints and such a demand were under existing
circumstances, it was thought proper, without compromising the
Government as to the course to be pursued, to meet them promptly and to
give the explanations that were desired on every subject with the utmost
candor. The result has proved what was sufficiently well known before,
that the charge of a systematic hostility being adopted and pursued by
citizens of the United States against the dominions and subjects of
Spain is utterly destitute of foundation, and that their Government in
all its branches has maintained with the utmost rigor that neutrality in
the civil war between Spain and the colonies which they were the first
to declare. No force has been collected nor incursions made from within
the United States against the dominions of Spain, nor have any naval
equipments been permitted in favor of either party against the other.
Their citizens have been warned of the obligations incident to the
neutral condition of their country; their public officers have been
instructed to see that the laws were faithfully executed, and severe
examples have been made of some who violated them.

In regard to the stipulation proposed as the condition of the
ratification of the treaty, that the United States shall abandon the
right to recognize the revolutionary colonies in South America, or to
form other relations with them when in their judgment it may be just and
expedient so to do, it is manifestly so repugnant to the honor and even
to the independence of the United States that it has been impossible
to discuss it. In making this proposal it is perceived that His
Catholic Majesty has entirely misconceived the principles on which
this Government has acted in being a party to a negotiation so long
protracted for claims so well founded and reasonable, as he likewise has
the sacrifices which the United States have made, comparatively, with
Spain in the treaty to which it is proposed to annex so extraordinary
and improper a condition.

Had the minister of Spain offered an unqualified pledge that the treaty
should be ratified by his Sovereign on being made acquainted with the
explanations which had been given by this Government, there would have
been a strong motive for accepting and submitting it to the Senate for
their advice and consent, rather than to resort to other measures for
redress, however justifiable and proper; but he gives no such pledge;
oil the contrary, he declares explicitly that the refusal of this
Government to relinquish the right of judging and acting for itself
hereafter, according to circumstances, in regard to the Spanish
colonies, a right common to all nations, has rendered it impossible for
him under his instructions to make such engagement. He thinks that his
Sovereign will be induced by his communications to ratify the treaty,
but still he leaves him free either to adopt that measure or to decline
it. He admits that the other objections are essentially removed and will
not in themselves prevent the ratification, provided the difficulty on
the third point is surmounted. The result, therefore, is that the treaty
is declared to have no obligation whatever; that its ratification is
made to depend not on the considerations which led to its adoption and
the conditions which it contains, but on a new article unconnected with
it, respecting which a new negotiation must be opened, of indefinite
duration and doubtful issue.

Under this view of the subject the course to be pursued would appear to
be direct and obvious if the affairs of Spain had remained in the state
in which they were when this minister sailed. But it is known that an
important change has since taken place in the Government of that country
which can not fail to be sensibly felt in its intercourse with other
nations. The minister of Spain has essentially declared his inability to
act in consequence of that change. With him, however, under his present
powers nothing could be done. The attitude of the United States must now
be assumed on full consideration of what is due to their rights, their
interest and honor, without regard to the powers or incidents of the
late mission. We may at pleasure occupy the territory which was intended
and provided by the late treaty as an indemnity for losses so long
since sustained by our citizens; but still, nothing could be settled
definitively without a treaty between the two nations. Is this the time
to make the pressure? If the United States were governed by views of
ambition and aggrandizement, many strong reasons might be given in its
favor; but they have no objects of that kind to accomplish, none which
are not founded in justice and which can be injured by forbearance.
Great hope is entertained that this change will promote the happiness of
the Spanish nation. The good order, moderation, and humanity which have
characterized the movement are the best guaranties of its success.

The United States would not be justified in their own estimation should
they take any step to disturb its harmony. When the Spanish Government
is completely organized on the principles of this change, as it is
expected it soon will be, there is just ground to presume that our
differences with Spain will be speedily and satisfactorily settled.

With these remarks I submit it to the wisdom of Congress whether it will
not still be advisable to postpone any decision on this subject until
the next session.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _May 11, 1820_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit herewith to the Senate a report from the Secretary of State,
together with the returns of causes depending in the courts of the
United States, collected conformably to a resolution of the Senate of
the 18th of January, 1819.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _May 12, 1820_.

The SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I transmit to the House of Representatives a report from the Secretary
of State, with the document prepared in pursuance of a resolution of the
House of the 14th ultimo, on the subject of claims of citizens of the
United States for Spanish spoliations upon their property and commerce.

JAMES MONROE.

PROCLAMATION.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by an act of the Congress of the United States of the 3d of
March, 1815, so much of the several acts imposing duties on the ships
and vessels and on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the
United States as imposed a discriminating duty of tonnage between
foreign vessels and vessels of the United States and between goods
imported into the United States in foreign vessels and vessels of the
United States were repealed so far as the same respected the produce
or manufacture of the nation to which such foreign ship or vessel
might belong, such repeal to take effect in favor of any foreign
nation whenever the President of the United States should be satisfied
that the discriminating or countervailing duties of such foreign nation
so far as they operate to the disadvantage of the United States have
been abolished; and

Whereas satisfactory proof has been received by me from the
burgo-masters and senate of the free and Hanseatic city of Lubeck that
from and after the 30th day of October, 1819, all discriminating or
countervailing duties of the said city so far as they operated to
the disadvantage of the United States have been and are abolished:

Now, therefore, I, James Monroe, President of the United States of
America, do hereby declare and proclaim that so much of the several
acts imposing duties on the tonnage of ships and vessels and on goods,
wares, and merchandise imported into the United States as imposed a
discriminating duty of tonnage between vessels of the free and Hanseatic
city of Lubeck and vessels of the United States and between goods
imported into the United States in vessels of Lubeck and vessels of
the United States are repealed so far as the same respect the produce
or manufacture of the said free Hanseatic city of Lubeck.

[SEAL.]

Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 4th day of May,
A.D. 1820, and forty-fourth year of the Independence of the United
states.

JAMES MONROE.

By the President:
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,
_Secretary of State_.

FOURTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.

WASHINGTON, _November 14, 1820_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

In communicating to you a just view of public affairs at the
commencement of your present labors, I do it with great satisfaction,
because, taking all circumstances into consideration which claim
attention, I see much cause to rejoice in the felicity of our situation.
In making this remark I do not wish to be understood to imply that
an unvaried prosperity is to be seen in every interest of this great
community. In the progress of a nation inhabiting a territory of such
vast extent and great variety of climate, every portion of which is
engaged in foreign commerce and liable to be affected in some degree
by the changes which occur in the condition and regulations of foreign
countries, it would be strange if the produce of our soil and the
industry and enterprise of our fellow-citizens received at all times
and in every quarter an uniform and equal encouragement. This would be
more than we would have a right to expect under circumstances the most
favorable. Pressures on certain interests, it is admitted, have been
felt; but allowing to these their greatest extent, they detract but
little from the force of the remarks already made. In forming a just
estimate of our present situation it is proper to look at the whole in
the outline as well as in the detail. A free, virtuous, and enlightened
people know well the great principles and causes on which their
happiness depends, and even those who suffer most occasionally in their
transitory concerns find great relief under their sufferings from the
blessings which they otherwise enjoy and in the consoling and animating
hope which they administer. From whence do these pressures come? Not
from a government which is founded by, administered for, and supported
by the people. We trace them to the peculiar character of the epoch
in which we live, and to the extraordinary occurrences which have
signalized it. The convulsions with which several of the powers of
Europe have been shaken and the long and destructive wars in which
all were engaged, with their sudden transition to a state of peace,
presenting in the first instance unusual encouragement to our commerce
and withdrawing it in the second even within its wonted limit, could not
fail to be sensibly felt here. The station, too, which we had to support
through this long conflict, compelled as we were finally to become
a party to it with a principal power, and to make great exertions,
suffer heavy losses, and to contract considerable debts, disturbing
the ordinary course of affairs by augmenting to a vast amount the
circulating medium, and thereby elevating at one time the price of
every article above a just standard and depressing it at another below
it, had likewise its due effect.

It is manifest that the pressures of which we complain have proceeded
in a great measure from these causes. When, then, we take into view
the prosperous and happy condition of our country in all the great
circumstances which constitute the felicity of a nation--every
individual in the full enjoyment of all his rights, the Union blessed

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