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A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents by James D. Richardson

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A COMPILATION OF THE MESSAGES AND PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS

BY JAMES D. RICHARDSON

VOLUME II

1897

Prefatory Note

The first volume of this compilation was given to Congress and the
public about May 1, 1896. I believe I am warranted in saying here that
it met with much favor by all who examined it. The press of the country
was unsparing in its praise. Congress, by a resolution passed on the 22d
day of May, ordered the printing of 15,000 additional copies, of the
entire publication.

I have inserted in this volume a steel engraving of the Treasury
building; the succeeding volumes will contain engravings of other
important public buildings.

The resolution authorizing this work required the publication of
the annual, special, and veto messages, inaugural addresses, and
proclamations of the Presidents. I have found in addition to these
documents others which emanated from the Chief Magistrats, called
Executive orders; they are in the nature of proclamations, and have like
force and effect. I have therefore included in this, and will include
in the succeeding volumes, all such Executive orders as may appear to
have national importance or to possess more than ordinary interest.

If this volume meets the same degree of favor as the first, I shall be
greatly gratified.

JAMES D. RICHARDSON.

JULY 4, 1896.

James Monroe

March 4, 1817, to March 4, 1825

James Monroe

James Monroe was born April 28, 1758, in Westmoreland County, Va. He was
the son of Spence Monroe and Elizabeth Jones, both natives of Virginia.
When in his eighteenth year he enlisted as a private soldier in the
Army to fight for independence; was in several battles, and was wounded
in the engagement at Trenton; was promoted to the rank of captain of
infantry. During 1777 and 1778 he acted as aid to Lord Stirling, and
distinguished himself. He studied law under the direction of Thomas
Jefferson, then governor of Virginia, who in 1780 appointed him to visit
the army in South Carolina on an important mission. In 1782 he was
elected to the Virginia assembly by the county of King George, and was
by that body chosen a member of the executive council. The next year
he was chosen a delegate to the Continental Congress, and remained a
member until 1786; while a member he married a Miss Kortright, of New
York City. Retiring from Congress, he began the practice of law at
Fredericksburg, Va., but was at once elected to the legislature. In 1788
was a delegate to the State convention assembled to consider the Federal
Constitution. Was a Senator from Virginia from 1790 to 1794. In May,
1794, was appointed by Washington minister to France. He was recalled
in 1796 and was again elected to the legislature. In 1799 was elected
governor of Virginia. In 1802 was appointed by President Jefferson envoy
extraordinary to France, and in 1803 was sent to London as the successor
of Rufus King. In 1805 performed a diplomatic mission to Spain in
relation to the boundary of Louisiana, returning to London the following
year; returned to the United States in 1808. In 1811 was again elected
governor of his State, but in the same year resigned that office to
become Secretary of State under President Madison. After the capture
of Washington, in 1814, he was appointed to the War Department, which
position he held until 1815, without relinquishing the office of
Secretary of State. He remained at the head of the Department of State
until the close of Mr. Madison's term. Was elected President in 1816,
and reelected in 1820, retiring March 4, 1825, to his residence in
Loudoun County, Va. In 1829 was elected a member of the convention
called to revise the constitution of the State, and was unanimously
chosen to preside over its deliberations. He was forced by ill health
to retire from office, and removed to New York to reside with his
son-in-law, Mr. Samuel L. Gouverneur. He died July 4, 1831, and was
buried in New York City, but in 1858 his remains were removed to
Richmond, Va.

LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT ELECT.

The President of the Senate communicated the following letter from the
President elect of the United States:

CITY OF WASHINGTON, _March 1, 1817_.

Hon. JOHN GAILLARD.

_President of the Senate of the United States_.

SIR: I beg leave through you to inform the honorable Senate of the
United States that I propose to take the oath which the Constitution
prescribes to the President of the United States before he enters on
the execution of his office on Tuesday, the 4th instant, at 12 o'clock,
in the Chamber of the House of Representatives.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant,

JAMES MONROE.

FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

I should be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply affected by the
strong proof which my fellow-citizens have given me of their confidence
in calling me to the high office whose functions I am about to assume.
As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the public
service, I derive from it a gratification which those who are conscious
of having done all that they could to merit it can alone feel. My
sensibility is increased by a just estimate of the importance of the
trust and of the nature and extent of its duties, with the proper
discharge of which the highest interests of a great and free people
are intimately connected. Conscious of my own deficiency, I can not
enter on these duties without great anxiety for the result. From a just
responsibility I will never shrink, calculating with confidence that in
my best efforts to promote the public welfare my motives will always
be duly appreciated and my conduct be viewed with that candor and
indulgence which I have experienced in other stations.

In commencing the duties of the chief executive office it has been the
practice of the distinguished men who have gone before me to explain the
principles which would govern them in their respective Administrations.
In following their venerated example my attention is naturally drawn to
the great causes which have contributed in a principal degree to produce
the present happy condition of the United States. They will best explain
the nature of our duties and shed much light on the policy which ought
to be pursued in future.

From the commencement of our Revolution to the present day almost forty
years have elapsed, and from the establishment of this Constitution
twenty-eight. Through this whole term the Government has been what may
emphatically be called self-government. And what has been the effect? To
whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreign
or domestic concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves
in the excellence of our institutions. During a period fraught with
difficulties and marked by very extraordinary events the United States
have nourished beyond example. Their citizens individually have been
happy and the nation prosperous.

Under this Constitution our commerce has been wisely regulated with
foreign nations and between the States; new States have been admitted
into our Union; our territory has been enlarged by fair and honorable
treaty, and with great advantage to the original States; the States,
respectively protected by the National Government under a mild, parental
system against foreign dangers, and enjoying within their separate
spheres, by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the
sovereignty, have improved their police, extended their settlements, and
attained a strength and maturity which are the best proofs of wholesome
laws well administered. And if we look to the condition of individuals
what a proud spectacle does it exhibit! On whom has oppression fallen in
any quarter of our Union? Who has been deprived of any right of person
or property? Who restrained from offering his vows in the mode which he
prefers to the Divine Author of his being? It is well known that all
these blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent; and I add
with peculiar satisfaction that there has been no example of a capital
punishment being inflicted on anyone for the crime of high treason.

Some who might admit the competency of our Government to these
beneficent duties might doubt it in trials which put to the test its
strength and efficiency as a member of the great community of nations.
Here too experience has afforded us the most satisfactory proof in its
favor. Just as this Constitution was put into action several of the
principal States of Europe had become much agitated and some of them
seriously convulsed. Destructive wars ensued, which have of late only
been terminated. In the course of these conflicts the United States
received great injury from several of the parties. It was their interest
to stand aloof from the contest, to demand justice from the party
committing the injury, and to cultivate by a fair and honorable conduct
the friendship of all. War became at length inevitable, and the result
has shown that our Government is equal to that, the greatest of trials,
under the most unfavorable circumstances. Of the virtue of the people
and of the heroic exploits of the Army, the Navy, and the militia I need
not speak.

Such, then, is the happy Government under which we live--a Government
adequate to every purpose for which the social compact is formed, a
Government elective in all its branches, under which every citizen may
by his merit obtain the highest trust recognized by the Constitution;
which contains within it no cause of discord, none to put at variance
one portion of the community with another; a Government which protects
every citizen in the full enjoyment of his rights, and is able to
protect the nation against injustice from foreign powers.

Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us to cherish
our Union and to cling to the Government which supports it. Fortunate as
we are in our political institutions, we have not been less so in other
circumstances on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend.
Situated within the temperate zone, and extending through many degrees
of latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the
varieties of climate, and every production incident to that portion
of the globe. Penetrating internally to the Great Lakes and beyond
the sources of the great rivers which communicate through our whole
interior, no country was ever happier with respect to its domain.
Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very
abundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus for
the wants of our fellow-men in other countries. Such is our peculiar
felicity that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly
interested in preserving it. The great agricultural interest of the
nation prospers under its protection. Local interests are not less
fostered by it. Our fellow-citizens of the North engaged in navigation
find great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vast
productions of the other portions of the United States, while the
inhabitants of these are amply recompensed, in their turn, by the
nursery for seamen and naval force thus formed and reared up for
the support of our common rights. Our manufactures find a generous
encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry, and the
surplus of our produce a steady and profitable market by local wants in
less-favored parts at home.

Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is the
interest of every citizen to maintain it. What are the dangers which
menace us? If any exist they ought to be ascertained and guarded
against.

In explaining my sentiments on this subject it may be asked, What raised
us to the present happy state? How did we accomplish the Revolution? How
remedy the defects of the first instrument of our Union, by infusing
into the National Government sufficient power for national purposes,
without impairing the just rights of the States or affecting those of
individuals? How sustain and pass with glory through the late war?
The Government has been in the hands of the people. To the people,
therefore, and to the faithful and able depositaries of their trust is
the credit due. Had the people of the United States been educated in
different principles, had they been less intelligent, less independent,
or less virtuous, can it be believed that we should have maintained the
same steady and consistent career or been blessed with the same success?
While, then, the constituent body retains its present sound and
healthful state everything will be safe. They will choose competent
and faithful representatives for every department. It is only when
the people become ignorant and corrupt, when they degenerate into
a populace, that they are incapable of exercising the sovereignty.
Usurpation is then an easy attainment, and an usurper soon found. The
people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement
and ruin. Let us, then, look to the great cause, and endeavor to
preserve it in full force. Let us by all wise and constitutional
measures promote intelligence among the people as the best means of
preserving our liberties.

Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of attention. Experiencing
the fortune of other nations, the United States may be again involved
in war, and it may in that event be the object of the adverse party to
overset our Government, to break our Union, and demolish us as a nation.
Our distance from Europe and the just, moderate, and pacific policy of
our Government may form some security against these dangers, but they
ought to be anticipated and guarded against. Many of our citizens are
engaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are in a certain
degree dependent on their prosperous state. Many are engaged in the
fisheries. These interests are exposed to invasion in the wars between
other powers, and we should disregard the faithful admonition of
experience if we did not expect it. We must support our rights or lose
our character, and with it, perhaps, our liberties. A people who fail
to do it can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations.
National honor is national property of the highest value. The sentiment
in the mind of every citizen is national strength. It ought therefore
to be cherished.

To secure us against these dangers our coast and inland frontiers should
be fortified, our Army and Navy, regulated upon just principles as to
the force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be placed
on the best practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a
state of defense as to secure our cities and interior from invasion will
be attended with expense, but the work when finished will be permanent,
and it is fair to presume that a single campaign of invasion by a naval
force superior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would
expose us to greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss
of property and distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for
this great work. Our land and naval forces should be moderate, but
adequate to the necessary purposes--the former to garrison and preserve
our fortifications and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe,
and, while constituting the elements of a greater force, to preserve the
science as well as all the necessary implements of war in a state to be
brought into activity in the event of war; the latter, retained within
the limits proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining the
neutrality of the United States with dignity in the wars of other powers
and in saving the property of their citizens from spoliation. In time
of war, with the enlargement of which the great naval resources of the
country render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in
time of peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary
of defense and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to diminish the
calamities of war and to bring the war to a speedy and honorable
termination.

But it ought always to be held prominently in view that the safety of
these States and of everything dear to a free people must depend in an
eminent degree on the militia. Invasions may be made too formidable to
be resisted by any land and naval force which it would comport either
with the principles of our Government or the circumstances of the United
States to maintain. In such cases recourse must be had to the great body
of the people, and in a manner to produce the best effect. It is of the
highest importance, therefore, that they be so organized and trained as
to be prepared for any emergency. The arrangement should be such as to
put at the command of the Government the ardent patriotism and youthful
vigor of the country. If formed on equal and just principles, it can not
be oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and not the
laws which provide a remedy for it. This arrangement should be formed,
too, in time of peace, to be the better prepared for war. With such an
organization of such a people the United States have nothing to dread
from foreign invasion. At its approach an overwhelming force of gallant
men might always be put in motion.

Other interests of high importance will claim attention, among which
the improvement of our country by roads and canals, proceeding always
with a constitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place. By thus
facilitating the intercourse between the States we shall add much to
the convenience and comfort of our fellow-citizens, much to the ornament
of the country, and, what is of greater importance, we shall shorten
distances, and, by making each part more accessible to and dependent
on the other, we shall bind the Union more closely together. Nature
has done so much for us by intersecting the country with so many great
rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each
other, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be peculiarly
strong. A more interesting spectacle was perhaps never seen than is
exhibited within the limits of the United States--a territory so vast
and advantageously situated, containing objects so grand, so useful,
so happily connected in all their parts!

Our manufactures will likewise require the systematic and fostering care
of the Government. Possessing as we do all the raw materials, the fruit
of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the degree we
have done on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent
the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, can not fail to plunge
us into the most serious difficulties, it is important, too, that the
capital which nourishes our manufactures should be domestic, as its
influence in that case instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign
hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture and every other
branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home a market
for our raw materials, as by extending the competition it will enhance
the price and protect the cultivator against the casualties incident to
foreign markets.

With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friendly relations
and to act with kindness and liberality in all our transactions. Equally
proper is it to persevere in our efforts to extend to them the
advantages of civilization.

The great amount of our revenue and the flourishing state of the
Treasury are a full proof of the competency of the national resources
for any emergency, as they are of the willingness of our fellow citizens
to bear the burdens which the public necessities require. The vast
amount of vacant lands, the value of which daily augments, forms an
additional resource of great extent and duration. These resources,
besides accomplishing every other necessary purpose, put it completely
in the power of the United States to discharge the national debt at an
early period. Peace is the best time for improvement and preparation of
every kind; it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most, that taxes
are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive.

The Executive is charged officially in the Departments under it with
the disbursement of the public money, and is responsible for the
faithful application of it to the purposes for which it is raised. The
Legislature is the watchful guardian over the public purse. It is its
duty to see that the disbursement has been honestly made. To meet the
requisite responsibility every facility should be afforded to the
Executive to enable it to bring the public agents intrusted with the
public money strictly and promptly to account. Nothing should be
presumed against them; but if, with the requisite facilities, the public
money is suffered to lie long and uselessly in their hands, they
will not be the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing effect be
confined to them. It will evince a relaxation and want of tone in the
Administration which will be felt by the whole community. I shall do all
I can to secure economy and fidelity in this important branch of the
Administration, and I doubt not that the Legislature will perform its
duty with equal zeal. A thorough examination should be regularly made,
and I will promote it.

It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the discharge of these
duties at a time when the United States are blessed with peace. It is a
state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness. It will be my
sincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the Executive, on
just principles with all nations, claiming nothing unreasonable of any
and rendering to each what is its due.

Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased harmony of opinion
which pervades our Union. Discord does not belong to our system.
Union is recommended as well by the free and benign principles of our
Government, extending its blessings to every individual, as by the other
eminent advantages attending it. The American people have encountered
together great dangers and sustained severe trials with success. They
constitute one great family with a common interest. Experience has
enlightened us on some questions of essential importance to the country.
The progress has been slow, dictated by a just reflection and a faithful
regard to every interest connected with it. To promote this harmony in
accord with the principles of our republican Government and in a manner
to give them the most complete effect, and to advance in all other
respects the best interests of our Union, will be the object of my
constant and zealous exertions.

Never did a government commence under auspices so favorable, nor ever
was success so complete. If we look to the history of other nations,
ancient or modern, we find no example of a growth so rapid, so gigantic,
of a people so prosperous and happy. In contemplating what we have still
to perform, the heart of every citizen must expand with joy when he
reflects how near our Government has approached to perfection; that in
respect to it we have no essential improvement to make; that the great
object is to preserve it in the essential principles and features which
characterize it, and that that is to be done by preserving the virtue
and enlightening the minds of the people; and as a security against
foreign dangers to adopt such arrangements as are indispensable to the
support of our independence, our rights and liberties. If we persevere
in the career in which we have advanced so far and in the path already
traced, we can not fail, under the favor of a gracious Providence, to
attain the high destiny which seems to await us.

In the Administrations of the illustrious men who have preceded me
in this high station, with some of whom I have been connected by the
closest ties from early life, examples are presented which will always
be found highly instructive and useful to their successors. From these
I shall endeavor to derive all the advantages which they may afford.
Of my immediate predecessor, under whom so important a portion of this
great and successful experiment has been made, I shall be pardoned for
expressing my earnest wishes that he may long enjoy in his retirement
the affections of a grateful country, the best reward of exalted talents
and the most faithful and meritorious services. Relying on the aid to
be derived from the other departments of the Government, I enter on the
trust to which I have been called by the suffrages of my fellow citizens
with my fervent prayers to the Almighty that He will be graciously
pleased to continue to us that protection which He has already so
conspicuously displayed in our favor.

MARCH 4, 1817.

PROCLAMATION.

[From Niles's Weekly Register, vol. 12, p. 176.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Whereas by an act entitled "An act providing for the sale of the tract
of land at the lower rapids of Sandusky River," passed on the 27th day
of April, 1816, it was enacted that all the lands in the said tract,
except the reservations made in the said act, should be offered for
sale to the highest bidder at Wooster, in the State of Ohio, under the
direction of the register of the land office and the receiver of public
moneys at Wooster, and on such day or days as shall, by a public
proclamation of the President of the United States, be designated for
that purpose; and

Whereas by an act entitled "An act providing for the sale of the tract
of land at the British fort at the Miami of the Lake, at the foot of the
rapids, and for other purposes," passed the 27th day of April, 1816, it
was enacted that all the land contained in the said tract, except the
reservations and exceptions made in the said act, should be offered for
sale to the highest bidder at Wooster, in the State of Ohio, under the
direction of the register of the land office and the receiver of public
moneys at Wooster, and on such day or days as shall, by a public
proclamation of the President of the United States, be designated for
that purpose:

Wherefore I, James Monroe, President of the United States, in conformity
with the provisions of the acts before recited, do hereby declare and
make known that the lands authorized to be sold by the first mentioned
act shall be offered for sale to the highest bidder at Wooster, in the
State of Ohio, on the first Monday in July next, and continue open for
seven days and no longer, and that the lands authorized to be sold by
the last-mentioned act shall be offered for sale to the highest bidder
at the same place on the third Tuesday in July next, and continue open
for seven days and no longer.

Given under my hand this 15th day of April, 1817.

JAMES MONROE.

By the President:
J. MEIGS,
_Commissioner of the General Land Office_

FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

At no period of our political existence had we so much cause to
felicitate ourselves at the prosperous and happy condition of our
country. The abundant fruits of the earth have filled it with plenty. An
extensive and profitable commerce has greatly augmented our revenue. The
public credit has attained an extraordinary elevation. Our preparations
for defense in case of future wars, from which, by the experience
of all nations, we ought not to expect to be exempted, are advancing
under a well-digested system with all the dispatch which so important
a work will admit. Our free Government, founded on the interest and
affections of the people, has gained and is daily gaining strength.
Local jealousies are rapidly yielding to more generous, enlarged, and
enlightened views of national policy. For advantages so numerous and
highly important it is our duty to unite in grateful acknowledgments
to that Omnipotent Being from whom they are derived, and in unceasing
prayer that He will endow us with virtue and strength to maintain and
hand them down in their utmost purity to our latest posterity.

I have the satisfaction to inform you that an arrangement which had
been commenced by my predecessor with the British Government for the
reduction of the naval force by Great Britain and the United States on
the Lakes has been concluded, by which it is provided that neither party
shall keep in service on Lake Champlain more than one vessel, on Lake
Ontario more than one, and on Lake Erie and the upper lakes more than
two, to be armed each with one cannon only, and that all the other armed
vessels of both parties, of which an exact list is interchanged, shall
be dismantled. It is also agreed that the force retained shall be
restricted in its duty to the internal purposes of each party, and
that the arrangement shall remain in force until six months shall have
expired after notice given by one of the parties to the other of its
desire that it should terminate. By this arrangement useless expense
on both sides and, what is of still greater importance, the danger of
collision between armed vessels in those inland waters, which was great,
is prevented.

I have the satisfaction also to state that the commissioners under the
fourth article of the treaty of Ghent, to whom it was referred to decide
to which party the several islands in the bay of Passamaquoddy belonged
under the treaty of 1783, have agreed in a report, by which all the
islands in the possession of each party before the late war have been
decreed to it. The commissioners acting under the other articles of the
treaty of Ghent for the settlement of boundaries have also been engaged
in the discharge, of their respective duties, but have not yet completed
them. The difference which arose between the two Governments under that
treaty respecting the right of the United States to take and cure fish
on the coast of the British provinces north of our limits, which had
been secured by the treaty of 1783, is still in negotiation. The
proposition made by this Government to extend to the colonies of Great
Britain the principle of the convention of London, by which the commerce
between the ports of the United States and British ports in Europe had
been placed on a footing of equality, has been declined by the British
Government. This subject having been thus amicably discussed between
the two Governments, and it appearing that the British Government
is unwilling to depart from its present regulations, it remains for
Congress to decide whether they will make any other regulations in
consequence thereof for the protection and improvement of our
navigation.

The negotiation with Spain for spoliations on our commerce and the
settlement of boundaries remains essentially in the state it held by the
communications that were made to Congress by my predecessor. It has been
evidently the policy of the Spanish Government to keep the negotiation
suspended, and in this the United States have acquiesced, from an
amicable disposition toward Spain and in the expectation that her
Government would, from a sense of justice, finally accede to such an
arrangement as would be equal between the parties. A disposition has
been lately shown by the Spanish Government to move in the negotiation,
which has been met by this Government, and should the conciliatory
and friendly policy which has invariably guided our councils be
reciprocated, a just and satisfactory arrangement maybe expected. It
is proper, however, to remark that no proposition has yet been made
from which such a result can be presumed.

It was anticipated at an early stage that the contest between Spain and
the colonies would become highly interesting to the United States. It
was natural that our citizens should sympathize in events which affected
their neighbors. It seemed probable also that the prosecution of the
conflict along our coast and in contiguous countries would occasionally
interrupt our commerce and otherwise affect the persons and property of
our citizens. These anticipations have been realized. Such injuries have
been received from persons acting under authority of both the parties,
and for which redress has in most instances been withheld. Through every
stage of the conflict the United States have maintained an impartial
neutrality, giving aid to neither of the parties in men, money, ships,
or munitions of war. They have regarded the contest not in the light
of an ordinary insurrection or rebellion, but as a civil war between
parties nearly equal, having as to neutral powers equal rights. Our
ports have been open to both, and every article the fruit of our soil
or of the industry of our citizens which either was permitted to take
has been equally free to the other. Should the colonies establish their
independence, it is proper now to state that this Government neither
seeks nor would accept from them any advantage in commerce or otherwise
which will not be equally open to all other nations. The colonies will
in that event become independent states, free from any obligation to or
connection with us which it may not then be their interest to form on
the basis of a fair reciprocity.

In the summer of the present year an expedition was set on foot against
East Florida by persons claiming to act under the authority of some of
the colonies, who took possession of Amelia Island, at the mouth of
the St. Marys River, near the boundary of the State of Georgia. As
this Province lies eastward of the Mississippi, and is bounded by the
United States and the ocean on every side, and has been a subject of
negotiation with the Government of Spain as an indemnity for losses by
spoliation or in exchange for territory of equal value westward of the
Mississippi, a fact well known to the world, it excited surprise that
any countenance should be given to this measure by any of the colonies.
As it would be difficult to reconcile it with the friendly relations
existing between the United States and the colonies, a doubt was
entertained whether it had been authorized by them, or any of them.
This doubt has gained strength by the circumstances which have unfolded
themselves in the prosecution of the enterprise, which have marked it as
a mere private, unauthorized adventure. Projected and commenced with an
incompetent force, reliance seems to have been placed on what might be
drawn, in defiance of our laws, from within our limits; and of late, as
their resources have failed, it has assumed a more marked character of
unfriendliness to us, the island being made a channel for the illicit
introduction of slaves from Africa into the United States, an asylum for
fugitive slaves from the neighboring States, and a port for smuggling of
every kind.

A similar establishment was made at an earlier period by persons of the
same description in the Gulf of Mexico at a place called Galvezton,
within the limits of the United States, as we contend, under the cession
of Louisiana. This enterprise has been marked in a more signal manner by
all the objectionable circumstances which characterized the other, and
more particularly by the equipment of privateers which have annoyed our
commerce, and by smuggling. These establishments, if ever sanctioned
by any authority whatever, which is not believed, have abused their
trust and forfeited all claim to consideration. A just regard for the
rights and interests of the United States required that they should be
suppressed, and orders have been accordingly issued to that effect. The
imperious considerations which produced this measure will be explained
to the parties whom it may in any degree concern.

To obtain correct information on every subject in which the United
States are interested; to inspire just sentiments in all persons in
authority, on either side, of our friendly disposition so far as it may
comport with an impartial neutrality, and to secure proper respect to
our commerce in every port and from every flag, it has been thought
proper to send a ship of war with three distinguished citizens along the
southern coast with instruction to touch at such ports as they may find
most expedient for these purposes. With the existing authorities, with
those in the possession of and exercising the sovereignty, must the
communication be held; from them alone can redress for past injuries
committed by persons acting under them be obtained; by them alone can
the commission of the like in future be prevented.

Our relations with the other powers of Europe have experienced no
essential change since the last session. In our intercourse with each
due attention continues to be paid to the protection of our commerce,
and to every other object in which the United States are interested.
A strong hope is entertained that, by adhering to the maxims of a just,
a candid, and friendly policy, we may long preserve amicable relations
with all the powers of Europe on conditions advantageous and honorable
to our country.

With the Barbary States and the Indian tribes our pacific relations have
been preserved.

In calling your attention to the internal concerns of our country the
view which they exhibit is peculiarly gratifying. The payments which
have been made into the Treasury show the very productive state of the
public revenue. After satisfying the appropriations made by law for
the support of the civil Government and of the military and naval
establishments, embracing suitable provision for fortifications and for
the gradual increase of the Navy, paying the interest of the public
debt, and extinguishing more than eighteen millions of the principal,
within the present year, it is estimated that a balance of more than
$6,000,000 will remain in the Treasury on the 1st day of January
applicable to the current service of the ensuing year.

The payments into the Treasury during the year 1818 on account of
imposts and tonnage, resulting principally from duties which have
accrued in the present year, may be fairly estimated at $20,000,000;
the internal revenues at $2,500,000; the public lands at $1,500,000;
bank dividends and incidental receipts at $500,000; making in the
whole $24,500,000.

The annual permanent expenditure for the support of the civil Government
and of the Army and Navy, as now established by law, amounts to
$11,800,000, and for the sinking fund to $10,000,000, making in the
whole $21,800,000, leaving an annual excess of revenue beyond the
expenditure of $2,700,000, exclusive of the balance estimated to be
in the Treasury on the 1st day of January, 1818.

In the present state of the Treasury the whole of the Louisiana debt
maybe redeemed in the year 1819, after which, if the public debt
continues as it now is, above par, there will be annually about five
millions of the sinking fund unexpended until the year 1825, when the
loan of 1812 and the stock created by funding Treasury notes will be
redeemable.

It is also estimated that the Mississippi stock will be discharged
during the year 1819 from the proceeds of the public lands assigned to
that object, after which the receipts from those lands will annually
add to the public revenue the sum of one million and a half, making the
permanent annual revenue amount to $26,000,000, and leaving an annual
excess of revenue after the year 1819 beyond the permanent authorized
expenditure of more than $4,000,000.

By the last returns to the Department of War the militia force of the
several States may be estimated at 800,000 men--infantry, artillery, and
cavalry. Great part of this force is armed, and measures are taken to
arm the whole. An improvement in the organization and discipline of
the militia is one of the great objects which claims the unremitted
attention of Congress.

The regular force amounts nearly to the number required by law, and is
stationed along the Atlantic and inland frontiers.

Of the naval force it has been necessary to maintain strong squadrons in
the Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico.

From several of the Indian tribes inhabiting the country bordering on
Lake Erie purchases have been made of lands on conditions very favorable
to the United States, and, as it is presumed, not less so to the tribes
themselves.

By these purchases the Indian title, with moderate reservations, has
been extinguished to the whole of the land within the limits of the
State of Ohio, and to a part of that in the Michigan Territory and of
the State of Indiana. From the Cherokee tribe a tract has been purchased
in the State of Georgia and an arrangement made by which, in exchange
for lands beyond the Mississippi, a great part, if not the whole, of the
land belonging to that tribe eastward of that river in the States of
North Carolina, Georgia, and Tennessee, and in the Alabama Territory
will soon be acquired. By these acquisitions, and others that may
reasonably be expected soon to follow, we shall be enabled to extend our
settlements from the inhabited parts of the State of Ohio along Lake
Erie into the Michigan Territory, and to connect our settlements by
degrees through the State of Indiana and the Illinois Territory to
that of Missouri. A similar and equally advantageous effect will soon
be produced to the south, through the whole extent of the States and
territory which border on the waters emptying into the Mississippi and
the Mobile. In this progress, which the rights of nature demand and
nothing can prevent, marking a growth rapid and gigantic, it is our duty
to make new efforts for the preservation, improvement, and civilization
of the native inhabitants. The hunter state can exist only in the vast
uncultivated desert. It yields to the more dense and compact form and
greater force of civilized population; and of right it ought to yield,
for the earth was given to mankind to support the greatest number of
which it is capable, and no tribe or people have a right to withhold
from the wants of others more than is necessary for their own support
and comfort. It is gratifying to know that the reservations of land made
by the treaties with the tribes on Lake Erie were made with a view to
individual ownership among them and to the cultivation of the soil by
all, and that an annual stipend has been pledged to supply their other
wants. It will merit the consideration of Congress whether other
provision not stipulated by treaty ought to be made for these tribes and
for the advancement of the liberal and humane policy of the United
States toward all the tribes within our limits, and more particularly
for their improvement in the arts of civilized life.

Among the advantages incident to these purchases, and to those which
have preceded, the security which may thereby be afforded to our inland
frontiers is peculiarly important. With a strong barrier, consisting
of our own people, thus planted on the Lakes, the Mississippi, and
the Mobile, with the protection to be derived from the regular force,
Indian hostilities, if they do not altogether cease, will henceforth
lose their terror. Fortifications in those quarters to any extent will
not be necessary, and the expense attending them may be saved. A people
accustomed to the use of firearms only, as the Indian tribes are,
will shun even moderate works which are defended by cannon. Great
fortifications will therefore be requisite only in future along the
coast and at some points in the interior connected with it. On these
will the safety of our towns and the commerce of our great rivers, from
the Bay of Fundy to the Mississippi, depend. On these, therefore, should
the utmost attention, skill, and labor be bestowed.

A considerable and rapid augmentation in the value of all the public
lands, proceeding from these and other obvious causes, may henceforward
be expected. The difficulties attending early emigrations will be
dissipated even in the most remote parts. Several new States have been
admitted into our Union to the west and south, and Territorial
governments, happily organized, established over every other portion in
which there is vacant land for sale. In terminating Indian hostilities,
as must soon be done, in a formidable shape at least, the emigration,
which has heretofore been great, will probably increase, and the demand
for land and the augmentation in its value be in like proportion. The
great increase of our population throughout the Union will alone produce
an important effect, and in no quarter will it be so sensibly felt as in
those in contemplation. The public lands are a public stock, which ought
to be disposed of to the best advantage for the nation. The nation
should therefore derive the profit proceeding from the continual rise
in their value. Every encouragement should be given to the emigrants
consistent with a fair competition between them, but that competition
should operate in the first sale to the advantage of the nation rather
than of individuals. Great capitalists will derive all the benefit
incident to their superior wealth under any mode of sale which may be
adopted. But if, looking forward to the rise in the value of the public
lands, they should have the opportunity of amassing at a low price vast
bodies in their hands, the profit will accrue to them and not to the
public. They would also have the power in that degree to control the
emigration and settlement in such a manner as their opinion of their
respective interests might dictate. I submit this subject to the
consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made in
the sale of the public lands, with a view to the public interest, should
any be deemed expedient, as in their judgment may be best adapted to the
object.

When we consider the vast extent of territory within the United States,
the great amount and value of its productions, the connection of its
parts, and other circumstances on which their prosperity and happiness
depend, we can not fail to entertain a high sense of the advantage to be
derived from the facility which may be afforded in the intercourse
between them by means of good roads and canals. Never did a country of
such vast extent offer equal inducements to improvements of this kind,
nor ever were consequences of such magnitude involved in them. As this
subject was acted on by Congress at the last session, and there may
be a disposition to revive it at the present, I have brought it into
view for the purpose of communicating my sentiments on a very important
circumstance connected with it with that freedom and candor which a
regard for the public interest and a proper respect for Congress
require. A difference of opinion has existed from the first formation
of our Constitution to the present time among our most enlightened and
virtuous citizens respecting the right of Congress to establish such a
system of improvement. Taking into view the trust with which I am now
honored, it would be improper after what has passed that this discussion
should be revived with an uncertainty of my opinion respecting the
right. Disregarding early impressions, I have bestowed on the subject
all the deliberation which its great importance and a just sense of my
duty required, and the result is a settled conviction in my mind that
Congress do not possess the right. It is not contained in any of the
specified powers granted to Congress, nor can I consider it incidental
to or a necessary means, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying
into effect any of the powers which are specifically granted. In
communicating this result I can not resist the obligation which I feel
to suggest to Congress the propriety of recommending to the States
the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution which shall give to
Congress the right in question. In cases of doubtful construction,
especially of such vital interest, it comports with the nature and
origin of our institutions, and will contribute much to preserve them,
to apply to our constituents for an explicit grant of the power. We may
confidently rely that if it appears to their satisfaction that the power
is necessary, it will always be granted.

In this case I am happy to observe that experience has afforded the most
ample proof of its utility, and that the benign spirit of conciliation
and harmony which now manifests itself throughout our Union promises
to such a recommendation the most prompt and favorable result. I think
proper to suggest also, in case this measure is adopted, that it be
recommended to the States to include in the amendment sought a right
in Congress to institute likewise seminaries of learning, for the
all-important purpose of diffusing knowledge among our fellow-citizens
throughout the United States.

Our manufactories will require the continued attention of Congress. The
capital employed in them is considerable, and the knowledge acquired in
the machinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great
value. Their preservation, which depends on due encouragement is
connected with the high interests of the nation.

Although the progress of the public buildings has been as favorable as
circumstances have permitted, it is to be regretted that the Capitol is
not yet in a state to receive you. There is good cause to presume that
the two wings, the only parts as yet commenced, will be prepared for
that purpose at the next session. The time seems now to have arrived
when this subject may be deemed worthy the attention of Congress on
a scale adequate to national purposes. The completion of the middle
building will be necessary to the convenient accommodation of Congress,
of the committees, and various offices belonging to it. It is evident
that the other public buildings are altogether insufficient for the
accommodation of the several Executive Departments, some of whom are
much crowded and even subjected to the necessity of obtaining it in
private buildings at some distance from the head of the Department,
and with inconvenience to the management of the public business. Most
nations have taken an interest and a pride in the improvement and
ornament of their metropolis, and none were more conspicuous in that
respect than the ancient republics. The policy which dictated the
establishment of a permanent residence for the National Government and
the spirit in which it was commenced and has been prosecuted show that
such improvement was thought worthy the attention of this nation. Its
central position, between the northern and southern extremes of our
Union, and its approach to the west at the head of a great navigable
river which interlocks with the Western waters, prove the wisdom of the
councils which established it.

Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper than that convenient
accommodation should be provided on a well-digested plan for the
heads of the several Departments and for the Attorney-General, and
it is believed that the public ground in the city applied to these
objects will be found amply sufficient. I submit this subject to the
consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made in
it as to them may seem proper.

In contemplating the happy situation of the United States, our attention
is drawn with peculiar interest to the surviving officers and soldiers
of our Revolutionary army, who so eminently contributed by their
services to lay its foundation. Most of those very meritorious citizens
have paid the debt of nature and gone to repose. It is believed that
among the survivors there are some not provided for by existing laws,
who are reduced to indigence and even to real distress. These men have a
claim on the gratitude of their country, and it will do honor to their
country to provide for them. The lapse of a few years more and the
opportunity will be forever lost; indeed, so long already has been the
interval that the number to be benefited by any provision which may be
made will not be great.

It appearing in a satisfactory manner that the revenue arising from
imposts and tonnage and from the sale of the public lands will be fully
adequate to the support of the civil Government, of the present military
and naval establishments, including the annual augmentation of the
latter to the extent provided for, to the payment of the interest of the
public debt, and to the extinguishment of it at the times authorized,
without the aid of the internal taxes, I consider it my duty to
recommend to Congress their repeal. To impose taxes when the public
exigencies require them is an obligation of the most sacred character,
especially with a free people. The faithful fulfillment of it is among
the highest proofs of their virtue and capacity for self-government.
To dispense with taxes when it may be done with perfect safety is
equally the duty of their representatives. In this instance we have
the satisfaction to know that they were imposed when the demand was
imperious, and have been sustained with exemplary fidelity. I have to
add that however gratifying it may be to me regarding the prosperous and
happy condition of our country to recommend the repeal of these taxes at
this time, I shall nevertheless be attentive to events, and, should any
future emergency occur, be not less prompt to suggest such measures and
burdens as may then be requisite and proper.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 2, 1817.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I submit to the Senate, for their consideration and advice, the
following treaties entered into with several of the Indian tribes,
to wit:

A treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded by William Clark,
Ninian Edwards, and Auguste Choteau, commissioners on the part of the
United States of America, and the chiefs and warriors of the Menomene
tribe or nation of Indians, on the 30th of March, 1817, at St. Louis.

A treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded on the 4th June,
1817, at St. Louis, by William Clark, Ninian Edwards, and Auguste
Choteau, commissioners on the part of the United States of America,
and the chiefs and warriors of the Ottoes tribe of Indians.

A treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded on the 5th June,
1817, at St. Louis, by William Clark, Ninian Edwards, and Auguste
Choteau, commissioners on the part of the United States of America,
and the chiefs and warriors of the Poncarar tribe of Indians.

A treaty concluded at the Cherokee Agency on the 8th of July, 1817,
between Major-General Andrew Jackson, Joseph McMinn, governor of the
State of Tennessee, and General David Meriwether, commissioners of the
United States of America, of the one part, and the chiefs, headmen, and
warriors of the Cherokee Nation east of the Mississippi River and the
chiefs, headmen, and warriors of the Cherokees on the Arkansas River,
and their deputies, John D. Chisholm and James Rogers.

A treaty concluded on the 29th day of September, 1817, at the foot of
the Rapids of the Miami of Lake Erie, between Lewis Cass and Duncan
McArthur, commissioners of the United States, and the sachems, chiefs,
and warriors of the Wyandot, Seneca, Delaware, Shawnese, Potawatamies,
Ottawas, and Chippewa tribes of Indians.

The Wyandots and other tribes parties to the treaty lately concluded
with them have, by a deputation to this city, requested permission to
retain possession of such lands as they actually cultivate and reside
on, for the ensuing year. They have also expressed a desire that the
reservations made in their favor should be enlarged, representing that
they had entered into the treaty in full confidence that that would be
done, preferring a reliance on the justice of the United States for such
extension rather than that the treaty should fail.

The Wyandots claim an extension of their reservation to 16 miles square,
and the other tribes in a proportional degree. Sufficient information is
not now in the possession of the Executive to enable it to decide how
far it may be proper to comply with the wishes of these tribes in the
extent desired. The necessary information may be obtained in the course
of the next year, and if they are permitted to remain in the possession
of the lands they cultivate during that time such further extension of
their reservations may be made by law at the next session as justice and
a liberal policy toward these people may require. It is submitted to the
consideration of the Senate whether it may not be proper to annex to
their advice and consent for the ratification of the treaty a
declaration providing for the above objects.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 11, 1817.

WASHINGTON, _December 15, 1817_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of
the 8th of this month, I transmit, for the information of the House, a
report from the Secretary of State, with the documents referred to in it,
containing all the information in the possession of the Executive which
it is proper to disclose, relative to certain persons who lately took
possession of Amelia Island and Galvezton.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 18, 1817.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 11th of this
month, I transmit, for the information of the Senate, a report from the
Secretary of the Treasury, relating to the progress made in surveying
the several tracts of military bounty lands appropriated by Congress for
the late army of the United States, and the time at which such survey
will probably be completed.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 22, 1817.

_To the House of Representatives_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
11th of this month, requesting to be informed of the present strength
of the Army of the United States, its distribution among the several
military posts which it is designed to protect, and its competency to
preserve and defend the fortifications amongst which it is distributed,
and to aid in constructing such other military works, if any, as it may
be deemed proper to erect for the more effectual security of the United
States and of the Territories thereof, I now transmit a report from the
Secretary of War which contains the information desired.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 29, 1817.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 16th of this month,
requesting information touching the execution of so much of the first
article of the treaty of Ghent as relates to the restitution of slaves,
which has not heretofore been communicated, I now transmit a report of
the Secretary of State on that subject.

JAMES MONROE.

DECEMBER 29, 1817.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
12th of this month, requesting to be informed whether any, and which, of
the Representatives in a list thereto annexed have held offices since
the 4th of March last, designating the offices, the times of appointment
and acceptance, and whether they were at that time so held or when they
had been resigned, I now transmit a report from the Secretary of State
which contains the information desired.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _January 12, 1818_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

The claim of the representatives of the late Caron de Beaumarchais
having been recommended to the favorable consideration of the
Legislature by my predecessor in his message to Congress of the 31st of
January last, and concurring in the sentiments therein expressed, I now
transmit copies of a new representation relative to it received by the
Secretary of State from the minister of France, and of a correspondence
on the subject between the minister of the United States at Paris and
the Duke of Richelieu, inclosed with that representation.

JAMES MONROE.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I have the satisfaction to inform Congress that the establishment at
Amelia Island has been suppressed, and without the effusion of blood.
The papers which explain this transaction I now lay before Congress.

By the suppression of this establishment and of that at Galveztown,
which will soon follow; if it has not already ceased to exist, there is
good cause to believe that the consummation of a project fraught with
much injury to the United States has been prevented.

When we consider the persons engaged in it, being adventurers from
different countries, with very few, if any, of the native inhabitants
of the Spanish colonies; the territory on which the establishments were
made--one on a portion of that claimed by the United States westward
of the Mississippi, the other on a part of East Florida, a Province
in negotiation between the United States and Spain; the claim of their
leader as announced by his proclamation on taking possession of Amelia
Island, comprising the whole of both the Floridas, without excepting
that part of West Florida which is incorporated into the State of
Louisiana; their conduct while in the possession of the island making it
instrumental to every species of contraband, and, in regard to slaves,
of the most odious and dangerous character, it may fairly be concluded
that if the enterprise had succeeded on the scale on which it was formed
much annoyance and injury would have resulted from it to the United
States.

Other circumstances were thought to be no less deserving of attention.
The institution of a government by foreign adventurers in the island,
distinct from the colonial governments of Buenos Ayres, Venezuela, or
Mexico, pretending to sovereignty and exercising its highest offices,
particularly in granting commissions to privateers, were acts which
could not fail to draw after them the most serious consequences. It was
the duty of the Executive either to extend to this establishment all the
advantages of that neutrality which the United States had proclaimed,
and have observed in favor of the colonies of Spain who, by the strength
of their own population and resources, had declared their independence
and were affording strong proof of their ability to maintain it, or of
making the discrimination which circumstances required.

Had the first course been pursued, we should not only have sanctioned
all the unlawful claims and practices of this pretended Government
in regard to the United States, but have countenanced a system of
privateering in the Gulf of Mexico and elsewhere the ill effects of
which might, and probably would, have been deeply and very extensively
felt.

The path of duty was plain from the commencement, but it was painful to
enter upon it while the obligation could be resisted. The law of 1811,
lately published, and which it is therefore proper now to mention, was
considered applicable to the case from the moment that the proclamation
of the chief of the enterprise was seen, and its obligation was daily
increased by other considerations of high importance already mentioned,
which were deemed sufficiently strong in themselves to dictate the
course which has been pursued.

Early intimation having been received of the dangerous purposes of these
adventurers, timely precautions were taken by the establishment of a
force near the St. Marys to prevent their effect, or it is probable that
it would have been more sensibly felt.

To such establishments, made so near to our settlements in the
expectation of deriving aid from them, it is particularly gratifying
to find that very little encouragement was given. The example so
conspicuously displayed by our fellow-citizens that their sympathies
can not be perverted to improper purposes, but that a love of country,
the influence of moral principles, and a respect for the laws are
predominant with them, is a sure pledge that all the very flattering
anticipations which have been formed of the success of our institutions
will be realized. This example has proved that if our relations with
foreign powers are to be changed it must be done by the constituted
authorities, who alone, acting on a high responsibility, are competent
to the purpose, and until such change is thus made that our
fellow-citizens will respect the existing relations by a faithful
adherence to the laws which secure them.

Believing that this enterprise, though undertaken by persons some
of whom may have held commissions from some of the colonies, was
unauthorized by and unknown to the colonial governments, full confidence
is entertained that it will be disclaimed by them, and that effectual
measures will be taken to prevent the abuse of their authority in all
cases to the injury of the United States.

For these injuries, especially those proceeding from Amelia Island,
Spain would be responsible if it was not manifest that, though committed
in the latter instance through her territory, she was utterly unable to
prevent them. Her territory, however, ought not to be made instrumental,
through her inability to defend it, to purposes so injurious to the
United States. To a country over which she fails to maintain her
authority, and which she permits to be converted to the annoyance of her
neighbors, her jurisdiction for the time necessarily ceases to exist.
The territory of Spain will nevertheless be respected so far as it may
be done consistently with the essential interests and safety of the
United States. In expelling these adventurers from these posts it was
not intended to make any conquest from Spain or to injure in any degree
the cause of the colonies. Care will be taken that no part of the
territory contemplated by the law of 1811 shall be occupied by a
foreign government of any kind, or that injuries of the nature of
those complained of shall be repeated; but this, it is expected, will
be provided for with every other interest in a spirit of amity in the
negotiation now depending with the Government of Spain.

JAMES MONROE.

JANUARY 13, 1818.

WASHINGTON, _January 23, 1818_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
9th of December last, requesting information of what roads have been
made or are in progress under the authority of the Executive of the
United States, the States and Territories through which they pass or are
intended to pass, the periods when they were ordered to be made, and
how far they have been executed, I now communicate a report from the
Secretary of the Treasury, and likewise a report from the Secretary
of War, containing the information which is desired.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _January 28, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 22d of this month,
requesting to be informed "in what manner the troops in the service of
the United States now operating against the Seminole tribe of Indians
have been subsisted, whether by contract or otherwise, and whether they
have been furnished regularly with rations," I now transmit a report
from the Secretary of War containing the information required.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _January 29, 1818_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of
the 23d of December last, requesting information relative to the
imprisonment and detention in confinement of Richard W. Meade, a
citizen of the United States, I now transmit to the House a report
from the Secretary of State containing the information required.

JAMES MONROE.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 8th of last month,
requesting me to cause to be laid before it the proceedings which may
have been had under an act entitled "An act for the gradual increase of
the Navy of the United States," specifying the number of ships put on
the stocks and of what class; the quantity of materials procured for
shipbuilding, and also the sums of money which may have been paid out
of the fund created by said act, and for what objects; and likewise
the contracts which may have been entered into in execution of the act
aforesaid on which moneys may not yet have been advanced, I now transmit
a report of the Secretary of the Navy, accompanied by a report from the
Board of Commissioners of the Navy, with documents which contain the
information desired.

JAMES MONROE.

FEBRUARY 2, 1818.

WASHINGTON, _February 6, 1818_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit to the House of Representatives a report of the Secretary
of State, in compliance with the resolution of said House requesting
information respecting the ratification of the thirteenth article of
the amendments to the Constitution of the United States.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _February 10, 1818_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

As the house appropriated for the President of the United States will be
finished this year, it is thought to merit the attention of the Congress
in what manner it should be furnished and what measures ought to be
adopted for the safe-keeping of the furniture in future. All the public
furniture provided before 1814 having been destroyed with the public
buildings in that year, and little afterwards procured, owing to the
inadequacy of the appropriation, it has become necessary to provide
almost every article requisite for such an establishment, whence the
sum to be expended will be much greater than at any former period. The
furniture in its kind and extent is thought to be an object not less
deserving attention than the building for which it is intended. Both
being national objects, each seems to have an equal claim to legislative
sanction. The disbursement of the public money, too, ought, it is
presumed, to be in like manner provided for by law. The person who may
happen to be placed by the suffrage of his fellow-citizens in the high
trust, having no personal interest in these concerns, should be exempted
from undue responsibility respecting them.

For a building so extensive, intended for a purpose exclusively
national, in which in the furniture provided for it a mingled regard
is due to the simplicity and purity of our institutions and to the
character of the people who are represented in it, the sum already
appropriated has proved altogether inadequate, The present is therefore
a proper time for Congress to take the subject into consideration, with
a view to all the objects claiming attention, and to regulate it by law.
On a knowledge of the furniture procured and the sum expended for it
a just estimate may be formed regarding the extent of the building of
what will still be wanting to furnish the house. Many of the articles,
being of a durable nature, may be handed down through a long series of
service, and being of great value, such as plate, ought not to be left
altogether and at all times to the care of servants alone. It seems to
be advisable that a public agent Should be charged with it during the
occasional absences of the President, and have authority to transfer
it from one President to another, and likewise to make reports of
occasional deficiencies, as the basis on which further provision should
be made.

It may also merit consideration whether it may not be proper to commit
the care of the public buildings, particularly the President's house and
the Capitol, with the grounds belonging to them, including likewise the
furniture of the latter, in a more special manner to a public agent.
Hitherto the charge of this valuable property seems to have been
connected with the structure of the buildings and committed to those
employed in it. This guard will necessarily cease when the buildings
are finished, at which time the interest in them will be proportionably
augmented. It is presumed that this trust is, in a certain degree at
least, incidental to the other duties of the superintendent of the
public buildings, but it may merit consideration whether it will not be
proper to charge him with it more explicitly, and to give him authority
to employ one or more persons under him for these purposes.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _February 12, 1818_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I lay before the House of Representatives copies of two communications
received at the Department of State from the minister of Great Britain,
and submit to their consideration the propriety of making such
legislative provisions as may be necessary for a compliance with the
representations contained in them.

By the express terms of that compact it was, when ratified by the two
Governments, to be in force for the term of four years _from the day of
its signature_. The revocation of all the discriminating duties became,
therefore, the obligation of both Governments _from that day_, and it
is conceived that every individual who has been required to pay, and
who has paid, any of the extra duties revoked by the convention has a
just and lawful claim upon the respective Governments for its return.
From various accidents it has happened that both here and in Great
Britain the cessation of the extra duties has been fixed to commence
at different times. It is desirable that Congress should pass an act
providing for the return of _all_ the extra duties _incompatible with
the terms of the convention_ which have been levied upon British vessels
or merchandise after the 3d of July, 1815. The British Parliament have
already set the example of fixing that day for the cessation of the
extra duties of export by their act of 30th of June last, and the
minister of the United States in London is instructed to require the
extension of the same principle to _all_ the extra duties levied on
vessels and merchandise of the United States in the ports of Great
Britain since that day. It is not doubted that the British Government
will comply with this requisition, and that the act suggested may be
passed by Congress with full confidence that the reciprocal measure
will receive the sanction of the British Parliament.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _February 23, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate requesting me to cause to
be laid before them a statement of all the arms and accouterments which
have been manufactured at the different armories of the United States,
with the cost of each stand, and the number delivered to each State,
respectively, under the act for arming the whole body of militia, I now
transmit a report from the Secretary of War, with the documents marked
A, B, and C, which, together with a report to him from the Ordnance
Department, contains the information required.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _February 23, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 19th of January,
1818, requesting information of measures which have been taken in
pursuance of so much of the act to authorize the appointment of a
surveyor for lands in the northern part of the Mississippi Territory,
passed the 3d of March, 1817, as relates to the reservation of certain
sections for the purpose of laying out and establishing towns thereon,
I now transmit a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, which, with
the letters and charts referred to in it, contains all the information
which is desired.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _February 25, 1818_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

The commissioners of the two Governments, under the fourth article
of the treaty of Ghent, having come to a decision upon the questions
submitted to them, I lay before Congress copies of that decision,
together with copies of the declaration signed and reported by the
commissioners of this Government.

JAMES MONROE.

FEBRUARY 27, 1818.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

I communicate herewith to the House of Representatives a copy of a
letter from the governor of the State of South Carolina to the Secretary
of State, together with extracts from the journals of proceedings in
both branches of the legislature of that Commonwealth, relative to a
proposed amendment of the Constitution, which letter and extracts are
connected with the subject of my communication to the House of the 6th
instant.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _February 28, 1818_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

I lay before the House a report from the Secretary of State, together
with the papers relating to the claims of merchants of the United States
upon the Government of Naples, in conformity with the resolution of the
House of the 30th January last.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 11, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate requesting information
respecting the requisitions that were made on the contractors between
the 1st of June and the 24th of December, 1817, for deposits of
provisions in advance at the several posts on the frontiers of Georgia
and the adjoining territory, their conduct in compliance therewith, the
amount of money advanced to B. G. Orr, and the extent of his failure,
with a copy of the articles of contract entered into with him, I now lay
before the Senate a report from the Secretary of War, which, with the
documents accompanying it, will afford the information desired.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 14, 1818_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 16th of December
and of the House of Representatives of the 24th of February last,
I lay before Congress a report of the Secretary of State, and the
papers referred to in it, respecting the negotiation with the Government
of Spain. To explain fully the nature of the differences between the
United States and Spain and the conduct of the parties it has been found
necessary to go back to an early epoch. The recent correspondence,
with the documents accompanying it, will give a full view of the whole
subject, and place the conduct of the United States in every stage and
under every circumstance, for justice, moderation, and a firm adherence
to their rights, on the high and honorable ground which it has
invariably sustained.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 16, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the United States of
the 31st of December last, requesting the President to cause to be laid
before them a statement of the proceedings which may have been had under
the act of Congress passed on the 3d March, 1817, entitled "An act to
set apart and dispose of certain public lands for the encouragement and
cultivation of the vine and olive," I now transmit a report from the
Secretary of the Treasury, containing all the information possessed by
the Executive relating to the proceedings under the said act.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 16, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the United States of
the 3d of February last, requesting the President to cause to be laid
before them "a statement of the progress made under the act to provide
for surveying the coast of the United States, passed February 10, 1807,
and any subsequent acts on the same subject, and the expenses incurred
thereby," I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Treasury
containing the information required.

JAMES MONROE.

MARCH 19, 1818.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

In the course of the last summer a negotiation was commenced with
the Government of the Netherlands with a view to the revival and
modification of the commercial treaty existing between the two
countries, adapted to their present circumstances.

The report from the Secretary of State which I now lay before Congress
will show the obstacles which arose in the progress of the conferences
between the respective plenipotentiaries, and which resulted in the
agreement between them then to refer the subject to the consideration
of their respective Governments. As the difficulties appear to be of a
nature which may, perhaps, for the present be more easily removed by
reciprocal legislative regulations, formed in the spirit of amity and
conciliation, than by conventional stipulations, Congress may think it
advisable to leave the subsisting treaty in its present state, and to
meet the liberal exemption from discriminating tonnage duties which has
been conceded in the Netherlands to the vessels of the United States
by a similar exemption to the vessels of the Netherlands which have
arrived, or may hereafter arrive, in our ports, commencing from the time
when the exemption was granted to the vessels of the United States. I
would further recommend to the consideration of Congress the expediency
of extending the benefit of the same regulation, to commence from the
passage of the law, to the vessels of Russia, Hamburg, and Bremen, and
of making it prospectively general in favor of every nation in whose
ports the vessels of the United States are admitted on the same footing
as their own.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 23, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I lay before the Senate a report from the Secretary of the Navy, with
the estimate of the expense which will be incurred by the establishment
of two dockyards for repairing vessels of the largest size.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 25, 1818_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:

I now lay before Congress all the information in the possession of
the Executive respecting the war with the Seminoles, and the measures
which it has been thought proper to adopt for the safety of our
fellow-citizens on the frontier exposed to their ravages. The inclosed
documents show that the hostilities of this tribe were unprovoked, the
offspring of a spirit long cherished and often manifested toward the
United States, and that in the present instance it was extending itself
to other tribes and daily assuming a more serious aspect. As soon as the
nature and object of this combination were perceived the major-general
commanding the Southern division of the troops of the United States was
ordered to the theater of action, charged with the management of the war
and vested with the powers necessary to give it effect. The season of
the year being unfavorable to active operations, and the recesses of
the country affording shelter to these savages in case of retreat, may
prevent a prompt termination of the war; but it may be fairly presumed
that it will not be long before this tribe and its associates receive
the punishment which they have provoked and justly merited.

As almost the whole of this tribe inhabits the country within the limits
of Florida, Spain was bound by the treaty of 1795 to restrain them from
committing hostilities against the United States. We have seen with
regret that her Government has altogether failed to fulfill this
obligation, nor are we aware that it made any effort to that effect.
When we consider her utter inability to check, even in the slightest
degree, the movements of this tribe by her very small and incompetent
force in Florida, we are not disposed to ascribe the failure to any
other cause. The inability, however, of Spain to maintain her authority
over the territory and Indians within her limits, and in consequence to
fulfill the treaty, ought not to expose the United States to other and
greater injuries. When the authority of Spain ceases to exist there, the
United States have a right to pursue their enemy on a principle of
self-defense. In this instance the right is more complete and obvious
because we shall perform only what Spain was bound to have performed
herself. To the high obligations and privileges of this great and sacred
right of self-defense will the movement of our troops be strictly
confined. Orders have been given to the general in command not to enter
Florida unless it be in pursuit of the enemy, and in that case to
respect the Spanish authority wherever it is maintained; and he will be
instructed to withdraw his forces from the Province as soon as he shall
have reduced that tribe to order, and secure our fellow-citizens in that
quarter by satisfactory arrangements against its unprovoked and savage
hostilities in future.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 25, 1818_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In conformity with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the
5th of December last, I now transmit a report of the Secretary of State,
with a copy of the documents which it is thought proper to communicate
relating to the independence and political condition of the Provinces of
Spanish America,

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 26, 1818_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

I transmit to the House of Representatives, in compliance with their
resolution of March 20, such information not heretofore communicated
as is in the possession of the Executive relating to the occupation of
Amelia Island. If any doubt had before existed of the improper conduct
of the persons who authorized and of those who were engaged in the
invasion and previous occupancy of that island, of the unfriendly spirit
toward the United States with which it was commenced and prosecuted, and
of its injurious effect on their highest interests, particularly by its
tendency to compromit them with foreign powers in all the unwarrantable
acts of the adventurers, it is presumed that these documents would
remove it. It appears by the letter of Mr. Pazos, agent of Commodore
Aury, that the project of seizing the Floridas was formed and executed
at a time when it was understood that Spain had resolved to cede them
to the United States, and to prevent such cession from taking effect.
The whole proceeding in every stage and circumstance was unlawful. The
commission to General M'Gregor was granted at Philadelphia in direct
violation of a positive law, and all the measures pursued under it by
him in collecting his force and directing its movements were equally
unlawful. With the conduct of these persons I have always been unwilling
to connect any of the colonial governments, because I never could
believe that they had given their sanction either to the project in its
origin or to the measures which were pursued in the execution of it.
These documents confirm the opinion which I have invariably entertained
and expressed in their favor.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _March 28, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate relative to the pensioners
of the United States, the sum annually paid to each, and the States or
Territories in which said pensioners are respectively paid, I now
transmit a report from the Secretary of War, which, with documents
marked A and B, contains all the information required.

JAMES MONROE.

APRIL 6, 1818.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

An arrangement having been made and concluded between this Government
and that of Great Britain with respect to the naval armament of
the two Governments, respectively, on the Lakes, I lay before the
Senate a copy of the correspondence upon that subject, including the
stipulations mutually agreed upon by the two parties. I submit it to the
consideration of the Senate whether this is such an arrangement as the
Executive is competent to enter into by the powers vested in it by the
Constitution, or is such an one as requires the advice and consent of
the Senate, and, in the latter case, for their advice and consent should
it be approved.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _April 9, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate requesting me to cause
to be laid before them a list of the names of the several agents of
Indian affairs and of agents of Indian trading houses, with the pay and
emolument of the agents, respectively, I now transmit a report from the
Secretary of War, which contains the information required.

JAMES MONROE.

APRIL 10, 1818.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate respecting the supplies
of the Northwestern army, within certain periods therein specified, by
contractors, commissaries, and agents, and the expense thereby incurred,
I now transmit to them a report from the Secretary of War, which, with
the documents accompanying it, will afford the information required.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _April 15, 1818_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of
the 10th instant, relative to the capture and imprisonment of certain
persons, citizens of the United States, therein specifically mentioned,
I now transmit a report from the Secretary of State, which, with the
documents accompanying it, embraces the objects contemplated by the
said resolution.

JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, _April 20, 1818_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I transmit to the Senate a copy of the rules, regulations, and
instructions for the naval service of the United States, prepared by the
Board of Navy Commissioners in obedience to an act of Congress passed
7th of February, 1815, entitled "An act to alter and amend the several
acts for establishing a Navy Department by adding thereto a Board of
Commissioners."

JAMES MONROE.

PROCLAMATIONS.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by an act of the lieutenant-governor, council, and assembly of
His Britannic Majesty's Province of Nova Scotia, passed in the year
1816, it was, among other things, enacted that from and after the 1st
day of May of that year "no plaster of paris, otherwise called gypsum,
which should be laden or put on board any ship or vessel at any port
or place within the limits of the said Province to be transported from
thence to any other port or place within or without the said limits
should, directly or indirectly, be unladen or landed or put on shore at
any port or place in the United States of America eastward of Boston,
in the State of Massachusetts, nor unladen or put on board any American
ship, vessel, boat, or shallop of any description at any port or place
eastward of Boston aforesaid, under the penalty of the forfeiture of
every such ship or vessel from which any such plaster of paris, or
gypsum, should be unladen contrary to the provision of the said act,
together with her boats, tackle, apparel, and furniture, to be seized
and prosecuted in the manner thereinafter mentioned;" and

Whereas by an act of the Congress of the United States passed on the
3d day of March, 1817, it was enacted that from and after the 4th day
of July then next no plaster of paris the production of any country or
its dependencies from which the vessels of the United States were not
permitted to bring the same article should be imported into the United
States in any foreign vessel, and that all plaster of paris imported or
attempted to be imported into the United States contrary to the true
intent and meaning of the said act of Congress, and the vessel in which
the same might be imported or attempted to be imported, together with
the cargo, tackle, apparel, and furniture, should be forfeited to the
United States and liable to be seized, prosecuted, and condemned in the
manner therein prescribed; and

Whereas by the said act of Congress it was further enacted that the
same should continue and be in force five years from January 31, 1817;
provided, nevertheless, that if any foreign nation or its dependencies
which at the time of the passage of the said act of Congress had in
force regulations on the subject of the trade in plaster of paris
prohibiting the exportation thereof to certain ports of the United
States should discontinue such regulations, the President of the United
States was thereby authorized to declare that fact by his proclamation,
and the restrictions imposed by the said act of Congress should from the
date of such proclamation cease and be discontinued in relation to the
nation or its dependencies discontinuing such regulations; and

Whereas an act of the lieutenant-governor, council, and assembly
of His Britannic Majesty's Province of Nova Scotia, repealing the
above-mentioned act of the said Province, passed in the year 1816, has
been officially communicated by his said Majesty's envoy extraordinary
and minister plenipotentiary to this Government; and

Whereas by the said repealing act of the said Province of Nova Scotia,
one of the dependencies of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, the regulations at the time of the passage of the said act of
Congress in force in the said Province on the subject of the trade in
plaster of paris, prohibiting the exportation thereof to certain ports
of the United States, have been and are discontinued:

Now, therefore, I, James Monroe, President of the United States of
America, do by this my proclamation declare that fact, and that the
restrictions imposed by the said act of Congress do from the date hereof
cease and are discontinued in relation to His Britannic Majesty's said
Province of Nova Scotia.

Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 23d day of
April, A. D. 1818, and in the forty-second year of the Independence of
the United States.

JAMES MONROE.

By the President:
John Quincy Adams
_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas an arrangement was entered into at the city of Washington in
the month of April, A.D. 1817, between Richard Rush, esq., at that time
acting as Secretary for the Department of State of the United States,
for and in behalf of the Government of the United States, and the Right
Honorable Charles Bagot, His Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and
minister plenipotentiary, for and in behalf of His Britannic Majesty,
which arrangement is in the words following, to wit:

The naval force to be maintained upon the American lakes by His
Majesty and the Government of the United States shall henceforth
be confined to the following vessels on each side; that is--

On Lake Ontario, to one vessel not exceeding 100 tons burden and
armed with one 18-pound cannon.

On the upper lakes, to two vessels not exceeding like burden each
and armed with like force.

On the waters of Lake Champlain, to one vessel not exceeding like
burden and armed with like force.

All other armed vessels on these lakes shall be forthwith dismantled,
and no other vessels of war shall be there built or armed.

If either party should hereafter be-desirous of annulling this
stipulation, and should give notice to that effect to the other
party, it shall cease to be binding after the expiration of six
months from the date of such notice.

The naval force so to be limited shall be restricted to such services
as will in no respect interfere with the proper duties of the armed
vessels of the other party.

And whereas the Senate of the United States have approved of the said
arrangement and recommended that it should be carried into effect, the
same having also received the sanction of His Royal Highness the Prince
Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of His Britannic Majesty:

Now, therefore, I, James Monroe, President of the United States, do
by this my proclamation make known and declare that the arrangement
aforesaid and every stipulation thereof has been duly entered into,
concluded, and confirmed, and is of full force and effect.

Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 28th day of
April, A.D. 1818, and of the Independence of the United States the
forty-second.

JAMES MONROE.

By the President:
John Quincy Adams,
_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it appears by a proclamation of the lieutenant-governor of His
Britannic Majesty's Province of New Brunswick bearing date the 10th day
of April last, and officially communicated by his envoy extraordinary
and minister plenipotentiary residing in the United States to this
Government, that the regulations on the subject of the trade in plaster
of paris, prohibiting the exportation thereof to certain ports of the
United States, which were in force in the said Province at the time of
the enactment of the act of the Congress of the United States entitled
"An act to regulate the trade in plaster of paris," passed on the 3d day
of March, 1817, have been and are discontinued:

Now, therefore, I, James Monroe, President of the United States, do
hereby declare that fact, and that the restrictions imposed by the said
act of Congress shall from the date hereof cease and be discontinued in
relation to the said Province of New Brunswick.

Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 4th day of July,
A.D. 1818, and in the forty-third year of the Independence of the United
States.

JAMES MONROE.

By the President:
John Quincy Adams,
_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by an act of the Congress of the United States of the 3d of
March, 1815, so much of the several acts imposing duties on the ships
and vessels and on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the
United States as imposed a discriminating duty of tonnage between
foreign vessels and vessels of the United States and between goods
imported into the United States in foreign vessels and vessels of the
United States were repealed so far as the same respected the produce or
manufacture of the nation to which such foreign ship or vessel might
belong, such repeal to take effect in favor of any foreign nation
whenever the President of the United States should be satisfied that the
discriminating or countervailing duties of such foreign nation so far as
they operate to the disadvantage of the United States have been
abolished; and

Whereas satisfactory proof has been received by me from the
burgo-masters and senators of the free and Hanseatic city of Bremen
that from and after the 12th day of May, 1815, all discriminating or
countervailing duties of the said city so far as they operated to the
disadvantage of the United States have been and are abolished:

Now, therefore, I, James Monroe, President of the United States of
America, do hereby declare and proclaim that so much of the several
acts imposing duties on the tonnage of ships and vessels and on goods,
wares, and merchandise imported into the United States as imposed a
discriminating duty of tonnage between vessels of the free and Hanseatic
city of Bremen and vessels of the United States and between goods
imported into the United States in vessels of Bremen and vessels of the
United States are repealed so far as the same respect the produce or
manufacture of the said free Hanseatic city of Bremen.

Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, this 24th day of July,
A.D. 1818, and the forty-third year of the Independence of the United
States.

JAMES MONROE.

By the President:
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,
_Secretary of State_.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by an act of the Congress of the United States of the 3d of
March, 1815, so much of the several acts imposing duties on the ships
and vessels and on goods, wares, and merchandise imported into the
United States as imposed a discriminating duty of tonnage between
foreign vessels and vessels of the United States and between goods
imported into the United States in foreign vessels and vessels of the

Book of the day: