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The History of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire

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to the breach; and his fourscore galleys almost touched, with the
prows and their scaling-ladders, the less defensible walls of the
harbor. Under pain of death, silence was enjoined: but the
physical laws of motion and sound are not obedient to discipline
or fear; each individual might suppress his voice and measure his
footsteps; but the march and labor of thousands must inevitably
produce a strange confusion of dissonant clamors, which reached
the ears of the watchmen of the towers. At daybreak, without the
customary signal of the morning gun, the Turks assaulted the city
by sea and land; and the similitude of a twined or twisted thread
has been applied to the closeness and continuity of their line of
attack. ^57 The foremost ranks consisted of the refuse of the
host, a voluntary crowd who fought without order or command; of
the feebleness of age or childhood, of peasants and vagrants, and
of all who had joined the camp in the blind hope of plunder and
martyrdom. The common impulse drove them onwards to the wall;
the most audacious to climb were instantly precipitated; and not
a dart, not a bullet, of the Christians, was idly wasted on the
accumulated throng. But their strength and ammunition were
exhausted in this laborious defence: the ditch was filled with
the bodies of the slain; they supported the footsteps of their
companions; and of this devoted vanguard the death was more
serviceable than the life. Under their respective bashaws and
sanjaks, the troops of Anatolia and Romania were successively led
to the charge: their progress was various and doubtful; but,
after a conflict of two hours, the Greeks still maintained, and
improved their advantage; and the voice of the emperor was heard,
encouraging his soldiers to achieve, by a last effort, the
deliverance of their country. In that fatal moment, the
Janizaries arose, fresh, vigorous, and invincible. The sultan
himself on horseback, with an iron mace in his hand, was the
spectator and judge of their valor: he was surrounded by ten
thousand of his domestic troops, whom he reserved for the
decisive occasion; and the tide of battle was directed and
impelled by his voice and eye. His numerous ministers of justice
were posted behind the line, to urge, to restrain, and to punish;
and if danger was in the front, shame and inevitable death were
in the rear, of the fugitives. The cries of fear and of pain
were drowned in the martial music of drums, trumpets, and
attaballs; and experience has proved, that the mechanical
operation of sounds, by quickening the circulation of the blood
and spirits, will act on the human machine more forcibly than the
eloquence of reason and honor. From the lines, the galleys, and
the bridge, the Ottoman artillery thundered on all sides; and the
camp and city, the Greeks and the Turks, were involved in a cloud
of smoke which could only be dispelled by the final deliverance
or destruction of the Roman empire. The single combats of the
heroes of history or fable amuse our fancy and engage our
affections: the skilful evolutions of war may inform the mind,
and improve a necessary, though pernicious, science. But in the
uniform and odious pictures of a general assault, all is blood,
and horror, and confusion nor shall I strive, at the distance of
three centuries, and a thousand miles, to delineate a scene of
which there could be no spectators, and of which the actors
themselves were incapable of forming any just or adequate idea.

[Footnote 57: Besides the 10,000 guards, and the sailors and the
marines, Ducas numbers in this general assault 250,000 Turks,
both horse and foot.]
The immediate loss of Constantinople may be ascribed to the
bullet, or arrow, which pierced the gauntlet of John Justiniani.
The sight of his blood, and the exquisite pain, appalled the
courage of the chief, whose arms and counsels were the firmest
rampart of the city. As he withdrew from his station in quest of
a surgeon, his flight was perceived and stopped by the
indefatigable emperor. "Your wound," exclaimed Palaeologus, "is
slight; the danger is pressing: your presence is necessary; and
whither will you retire?" - "I will retire," said the trembling
Genoese, "by the same road which God has opened to the Turks;"
and at these words he hastily passed through one of the breaches
of the inner wall. By this pusillanimous act he stained the
honors of a military life; and the few days which he survived in
Galata, or the Isle of Chios, were embittered by his own and the
public reproach. ^58 His example was imitated by the greatest
part of the Latin auxiliaries, and the defence began to slacken
when the attack was pressed with redoubled vigor. The number of
the Ottomans was fifty, perhaps a hundred, times superior to that
of the Christians; the double walls were reduced by the cannon to
a heap of ruins: in a circuit of several miles, some places must
be found more easy of access, or more feebly guarded; and if the
besiegers could penetrate in a single point, the whole city was
irrecoverably lost. The first who deserved the sultan's reward
was Hassan the Janizary, of gigantic stature and strength. With
his cimeter in one hand and his buckler in the other, he ascended
the outward fortification: of the thirty Janizaries, who were
emulous of his valor, eighteen perished in the bold adventure.
Hassan and his twelve companions had reached the summit: the
giant was precipitated from the rampart: he rose on one knee, and
was again oppressed by a shower of darts and stones. But his
success had proved that the achievement was possible: the walls
and towers were instantly covered with a swarm of Turks; and the
Greeks, now driven from the vantage ground, were overwhelmed by
increasing multitudes. Amidst these multitudes, the emperor, ^59
who accomplished all the duties of a general and a soldier, was
long seen and finally lost. The nobles, who fought round his
person, sustained, till their last breath, the honorable names of
Palaeologus and Cantacuzene: his mournful exclamation was heard,
"Cannot there be found a Christian to cut off my head?" ^60 and
his last fear was that of falling alive into the hands of the
infidels. ^61 The prudent despair of Constantine cast away the
purple: amidst the tumult he fell by an unknown hand, and his
body was buried under a mountain of the slain. After his death,
resistance and order were no more: the Greeks fled towards the
city; and many were pressed and stifled in the narrow pass of the
gate of St. Romanus. The victorious Turks rushed through the
breaches of the inner wall; and as they advanced into the
streets, they were soon joined by their brethren, who had forced
the gate Phenar on the side of the harbor. ^62 In the first heat
of the pursuit, about two thousand Christians were put to the
sword; but avarice soon prevailed over cruelty; and the victors
acknowledged, that they should immediately have given quarter if
the valor of the emperor and his chosen bands had not prepared
them for a similar opposition in every part of the capital. It
was thus, after a siege of fifty-three days, that Constantinople,
which had defied the power of Chosroes, the Chagan, and the
caliphs, was irretrievably subdued by the arms of Mahomet the
Second. Her empire only had been subverted by the Latins: her
religion was trampled in the dust by the Moslem conquerors. ^63
[Footnote 58: In the severe censure of the flight of Justiniani,
Phranza expresses his own feelings and those of the public. For
some private reasons, he is treated with more lenity and respect
by Ducas; but the words of Leonardus Chiensis express his strong
and recent indignation, gloriae salutis suique oblitus. In the
whole series of their Eastern policy, his countrymen, the
Genoese, were always suspected, and often guilty.

Note: M. Brosset has given some extracts from the Georgian
account of the siege of Constantinople, in which Justiniani's
wound in the left foot is represented as more serious. With
charitable ambiguity the chronicler adds that his soldiers
carried him away with them in their vessel. - M.]
[Footnote 59: Ducas kills him with two blows of Turkish soldiers;
Chalcondyles wounds him in the shoulder, and then tramples him in
the gate. The grief of Phranza, carrying him among the enemy,
escapes from the precise image of his death; but we may, without
flattery, apply these noble lines of Dryden: -
As to Sebastian, let them search the field;
And where they find a mountain of the slain,
Send one to climb, and looking down beneath,
There they will find him at his manly length,
With his face up to heaven, in that red monument
Which his good sword had digged.]

[Footnote 60: Spondanus, (A.D. 1453, No. 10,) who has hopes of
his salvation, wishes to absolve this demand from the guilt of
suicide.]

[Footnote 61: Leonardus Chiensis very properly observes, that the
Turks, had they known the emperor, would have labored to save and
secure a captive so acceptable to the sultan.]

[Footnote 62: Cantemir, p. 96. The Christian ships in the mouth
of the harbor had flanked and retarded this naval attack.]

[Footnote 63: Chalcondyles most absurdly supposes, that
Constantinople was sacked by the Asiatics in revenge for the
ancient calamities of Troy; and the grammarians of the xvth
century are happy to melt down the uncouth appellation of Turks
into the more classical name of Teucri.]

The tidings of misfortune fly with a rapid wing; yet such
was the extent of Constantinople, that the more distant quarters
might prolong, some moments, the happy ignorance of their ruin.
^64 But in the general consternation, in the feelings of selfish
or social anxiety, in the tumult and thunder of the assault, a
sleepless night and morning ^* must have elapsed; nor can I
believe that many Grecian ladies were awakened by the Janizaries
from a sound and tranquil slumber. On the assurance of the
public calamity, the houses and convents were instantly deserted;
and the trembling inhabitants flocked together in the streets,
like a herd of timid animals, as if accumulated weakness could be
productive of strength, or in the vain hope, that amid the crowd
each individual might be safe and invisible. From every part of
the capital, they flowed into the church of St. Sophia: in the
space of an hour, the sanctuary, the choir, the nave, the upper
and lower galleries, were filled with the multitudes of fathers
and husbands, of women and children, of priests, monks, and
religious virgins: the doors were barred on the inside, and they
sought protection from the sacred dome, which they had so lately
abhorred as a profane and polluted edifice. Their confidence was
founded on the prophecy of an enthusiast or impostor; that one
day the Turks would enter Constantinople, and pursue the Romans
as far as the column of Constantine in the square before St.
Sophia: but that this would be the term of their calamities: that
an angel would descend from heaven, with a sword in his hand, and
would deliver the empire, with that celestial weapon, to a poor
man seated at the foot of the column. "Take this sword," would
he say, "and avenge the people of the Lord." At these animating
words, the Turks would instantly fly, and the victorious Romans
would drive them from the West, and from all Anatolia as far as
the frontiers of Persia. It is on this occasion that Ducas, with
some fancy and much truth, upbraids the discord and obstinacy of
the Greeks. "Had that angel appeared," exclaims the historian,
"had he offered to exterminate your foes if you would consent to
the union of the church, even event then, in that fatal moment,
you would have rejected your safety, or have deceived your God."
^65

[Footnote 64: When Cyrus suppressed Babylon during the
celebration of a festival, so vast was the city, and so careless
were the inhabitants, that much time elapsed before the distant
quarters knew that they were captives. Herodotus, (l. i. c. 191,)
and Usher, (Annal. p. 78,) who has quoted from the prophet
Jeremiah a passage of similar import.]

[Footnote *: This refers to an expression in Ducas, who, to
heighten the effect of his description, speaks of the "sweet
morning sleep resting on the eyes of youths and maidens," p. 288.

Edit. Bekker. - M.]

[Footnote 65: This lively description is extracted from Ducas,
(c. 39,) who two years afterwards was sent ambassador from the
prince of Lesbos to the sultan, (c. 44.) Till Lesbos was subdued
in 1463, (Phranza, l. iii. c. 27,) that island must have been
full of the fugitives of Constantinople, who delighted to repeat,
perhaps to adorn, the tale of their misery.]

Chapter LXVIII: Reign Of Mahomet The Second, Extinction Of
Eastern Empire

Chapter LXIX: State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century.

Part I.

State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century. - Temporal Dominion
Of The Popes. - Seditions Of The City. - Political Heresy Of
Arnold Of Brescia. - Restoration Of The Republic. - The Senators.
- Pride Of The Romans. - Their Wars. - They Are Deprived Of The
Election And Presence Of The Popes, Who Retire To Avignon. - The
Jubilee. - Noble Families Of Rome. - Feud Of The Colonna And
Ursini.

In the first ages of the decline and fall of the Roman
empire, our eye is invariably fixed on the royal city, which had
given laws to the fairest portion of the globe. We contemplate
her fortunes, at first with admiration, at length with pity,
always with attention, and when that attention is diverted from
the capital to the provinces, they are considered as so many
branches which have been successively severed from the Imperial
trunk. The foundation of a second Rome, on the shores of the
Bosphorus, has compelled the historian to follow the successors
of Constantine; and our curiosity has been tempted to visit the
most remote countries of Europe and Asia, to explore the causes
and the authors of the long decay of the Byzantine monarchy. By
the conquest of Justinian, we have been recalled to the banks of
the Tyber, to the deliverance of the ancient metropolis; but that
deliverance was a change, or perhaps an aggravation, of
servitude. Rome had been already stripped of her trophies, her
gods, and her Caesars; nor was the Gothic dominion more
inglorious and oppressive than the tyranny of the Greeks. In the
eighth century of the Christian aera, a religious quarrel, the
worship of images, provoked the Romans to assert their
independence: their bishop became the temporal, as well as the
spiritual, father of a free people; and of the Western empire,
which was restored by Charlemagne, the title and image still
decorate the singular constitution of modern Germany. The name of
Rome must yet command our involuntary respect: the climate
(whatsoever may be its influence) was no longer the same: ^1 the
purity of blood had been contaminated through a thousand
channels; but the venerable aspect of her ruins, and the memory
of past greatness, rekindled a spark of the national character.
The darkness of the middle ages exhibits some scenes not unworthy
of our notice. Nor shall I dismiss the present work till I have
reviewed the state and revolutions of the Roman City, which
acquiesced under the absolute dominion of the popes, about the
same time that Constantinople was enslaved by the Turkish arms.

[Footnote 1: The abbe Dubos, who, with less genius than his
successor Montesquieu, has asserted and magnified the influence
of climate, objects to himself the degeneracy of the Romans and
Batavians. To the first of these examples he replies, 1. That
the change is less real than apparent, and that the modern Romans
prudently conceal in themselves the virtues of their ancestors.
2. That the air, the soil, and the climate of Rome have suffered
a great and visible alteration, (Reflexions sur la Poesie et sur
la Peinture, part ii. sect. 16.)

Note: This question is discussed at considerable length in
Dr. Arnold's History of Rome, ch. xxiii. See likewise Bunsen's
Dissertation on the Aria Cattiva Roms Beschreibung, pp. 82, 108.
- M.]

In the beginning of the twelfth century, ^2 the aera of the
first crusade, Rome was revered by the Latins, as the metropolis
of the world, as the throne of the pope and the emperor, who,
from the eternal city, derived their title, their honors, and the
right or exercise of temporal dominion. After so long an
interruption, it may not be useless to repeat that the successors
of Charlemagne and the Othos were chosen beyond the Rhine in a
national diet; but that these princes were content with the
humble names of kings of Germany and Italy, till they had passed
the Alps and the Apennine, to seek their Imperial crown on the
banks of the Tyber. ^3 At some distance from the city, their
approach was saluted by a long procession of the clergy and
people with palms and crosses; and the terrific emblems of wolves
and lions, of dragons and eagles, that floated in the military
banners, represented the departed legions and cohorts of the
republic. The royal path to maintain the liberties of Rome was
thrice reiterated, at the bridge, the gate, and on the stairs of
the Vatican; and the distribution of a customary donative feebly
imitated the magnificence of the first Caesars. In the church of
St. Peter, the coronation was performed by his successor: the
voice of God was confounded with that of the people; and the
public consent was declared in the acclamations of "Long life and
victory to our lord the pope! long life and victory to our lord
the emperor! long life and victory to the Roman and Teutonic
armies!" ^4 The names of Caesar and Augustus, the laws of
Constantine and Justinian, the example of Charlemagne and Otho,
established the supreme dominion of the emperors: their title and
image was engraved on the papal coins; ^5 and their jurisdiction
was marked by the sword of justice, which they delivered to the
praefect of the city. But every Roman prejudice was awakened by
the name, the language, and the manners, of a Barbarian lord.
The Caesars of Saxony or Franconia were the chiefs of a feudal
aristocracy; nor could they exercise the discipline of civil and
military power, which alone secures the obedience of a distant
people, impatient of servitude, though perhaps incapable of
freedom. Once, and once only, in his life, each emperor, with an
army of Teutonic vassals, descended from the Alps. I have
described the peaceful order of his entry and coronation; but
that order was commonly disturbed by the clamor and sedition of
the Romans, who encountered their sovereign as a foreign invader:
his departure was always speedy, and often shameful; and, in the
absence of a long reign, his authority was insulted, and his name
was forgotten. The progress of independence in Germany and Italy
undermined the foundations of the Imperial sovereignty, and the
triumph of the popes was the deliverance of Rome.

[Footnote 2: The reader has been so long absent from Rome, that I
would advise him to recollect or review the xlixth chapter of
this History.]
[Footnote 3: The coronation of the German emperors at Rome, more
especially in the xith century, is best represented from the
original monuments by Muratori (Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi,
tom. i. dissertat. ii. p. 99, &c.) and Cenni, (Monument. Domin.
Pontif. tom. ii. diss. vi. p. 261,) the latter of whom I only
know from the copious extract of Schmidt, (Hist. des Allemands
tom. iii. p. 255 - 266.)]

[Footnote 4: Exercitui Romano et Teutonico! The latter was both
seen and felt; but the former was no more than magni nominis
umbra.]
[Footnote 5: Muratori has given the series of the papal coins,
(Antiquitat. tom. ii. diss. xxvii. p. 548 - 554.) He finds only
two more early than the year 800: fifty are still extant from Leo
III. to Leo IX., with the addition of the reigning emperor none
remain of Gregory VII. or Urban II.; but in those of Paschal II.
he seems to have renounced this badge of dependence.]
Of her two sovereigns, the emperor had precariously reigned
by the right of conquest; but the authority of the pope was
founded on the soft, though more solid, basis of opinion and
habit. The removal of a foreign influence restored and endeared
the shepherd to his flock. Instead of the arbitrary or venal
nomination of a German court, the vicar of Christ was freely
chosen by the college of cardinals, most of whom were either
natives or inhabitants of the city. The applause of the
magistrates and people confirmed his election, and the
ecclesiastical power that was obeyed in Sweden and Britain had
been ultimately derived from the suffrage of the Romans. The
same suffrage gave a prince, as well as a pontiff, to the
capital. It was universally believed, that Constantine had
invested the popes with the temporal dominion of Rome; and the
boldest civilians, the most profane skeptics, were satisfied with
disputing the right of the emperor and the validity of his gift.
The truth of the fact, the authenticity of his donation, was
deeply rooted in the ignorance and tradition of four centuries;
and the fabulous origin was lost in the real and permanent
effects. The name of Dominus or Lord was inscribed on the coin
of the bishops: their title was acknowledged by acclamations and
oaths of allegiance, and with the free, or reluctant, consent of
the German Caesars, they had long exercised a supreme or
subordinate jurisdiction over the city and patrimony of St.
Peter. The reign of the popes, which gratified the prejudices,
was not incompatible with the liberties, of Rome; and a more
critical inquiry would have revealed a still nobler source of
their power; the gratitude of a nation, whom they had rescued
from the heresy and oppression of the Greek tyrant. In an age of
superstition, it should seem that the union of the royal and
sacerdotal characters would mutually fortify each other; and that
the keys of Paradise would be the surest pledge of earthly
obedience. The sanctity of the office might indeed be degraded by
the personal vices of the man. But the scandals of the tenth
century were obliterated by the austere and more dangerous
virtues of Gregory the Seventh and his successors; and in the
ambitious contests which they maintained for the rights of the
church, their sufferings or their success must equally tend to
increase the popular veneration. They sometimes wandered in
poverty and exile, the victims of persecution; and the apostolic
zeal with which they offered themselves to martyrdom must engage
the favor and sympathy of every Catholic breast. And sometimes,
thundering from the Vatican, they created, judged, and deposed
the kings of the world; nor could the proudest Roman be disgraced
by submitting to a priest, whose feet were kissed, and whose
stirrup was held, by the successors of Charlemagne. ^6 Even the
temporal interest of the city should have protected in peace and
honor the residence of the popes; from whence a vain and lazy
people derived the greatest part of their subsistence and riches.

The fixed revenue of the popes was probably impaired; many of the
old patrimonial estates, both in Italy and the provinces, had
been invaded by sacrilegious hands; nor could the loss be
compensated by the claim, rather than the possession, of the more
ample gifts of Pepin and his descendants. But the Vatican and
Capitol were nourished by the incessant and increasing swarms of
pilgrims and suppliants: the pale of Christianity was enlarged,
and the pope and cardinals were overwhelmed by the judgment of
ecclesiastical and secular causes. A new jurisprudence had
established in the Latin church the right and practice of
appeals; ^7 and from the North and West the bishops and abbots
were invited or summoned to solicit, to complain, to accuse, or
to justify, before the threshold of the apostles. A rare prodigy
is once recorded, that two horses, belonging to the archbishops
of Mentz and Cologne, repassed the Alps, yet laden with gold and
silver: ^8 but it was soon understood, that the success, both of
the pilgrims and clients, depended much less on the justice of
their cause than on the value of their offering. The wealth and
piety of these strangers were ostentatiously displayed; and their
expenses, sacred or profane, circulated in various channels for
the emolument of the Romans.

[Footnote 6: See Ducange, Gloss. mediae et infimae Latinitat.
tom. vi. p. 364, 365, Staffa. This homage was paid by kings to
archbishops, and by vassals to their lords, (Schmidt, tom. iii.
p. 262;) and it was the nicest policy of Rome to confound the
marks of filial and of feudal subjection]

[Footnote 7: The appeals from all the churches to the Roman
pontiff are deplored by the zeal of St. Bernard (de
Consideratione, l. iii. tom. ii. p. 431 - 442, edit. Mabillon,
Venet. 1750) and the judgment of Fleury, (Discours sur l'Hist.
Ecclesiastique, iv. et vii.) But the saint, who believed in the
false decretals condemns only the abuse of these appeals; the
more enlightened historian investigates the origin, and rejects
the principles, of this new jurisprudence.]

[Footnote 8: Germanici . . . . summarii non levatis sarcinis
onusti nihilominus repatriant inviti. Nova res! quando hactenus
aurum Roma refudit? Et nunc Romanorum consilio id usurpatum non
credimus, (Bernard, de Consideratione, l. iii. c. 3, p. 437.) The
first words of the passage are obscure, and probably corrupt.]

Such powerful motives should have firmly attached the
voluntary and pious obedience of the Roman people to their
spiritual and temporal father. But the operation of prejudice and
interest is often disturbed by the sallies of ungovernable
passion. The Indian who fells the tree, that he may gather the
fruit, ^9 and the Arab who plunders the caravans of commerce, are
actuated by the same impulse of savage nature, which overlooks
the future in the present, and relinquishes for momentary rapine
the long and secure possession of the most important blessings.
And it was thus, that the shrine of St. Peter was profaned by the
thoughtless Romans; who pillaged the offerings, and wounded the
pilgrims, without computing the number and value of similar
visits, which they prevented by their inhospitable sacrilege.
Even the influence of superstition is fluctuating and precarious;
and the slave, whose reason is subdued, will often be delivered
by his avarice or pride. A credulous devotion for the fables and
oracles of the priesthood most powerfully acts on the mind of a
Barbarian; yet such a mind is the least capable of preferring
imagination to sense, of sacrificing to a distant motive, to an
invisible, perhaps an ideal, object, the appetites and interests
of the present world. In the vigor of health and youth, his
practice will perpetually contradict his belief; till the
pressure of age, or sickness, or calamity, awakens his terrors,
and compels him to satisfy the double debt of piety and remorse.
I have already observed, that the modern times of religious
indifference are the most favorable to the peace and security of
the clergy. Under the reign of superstition, they had much to
hope from the ignorance, and much to fear from the violence, of
mankind. The wealth, whose constant increase must have rendered
them the sole proprietors of the earth, was alternately bestowed
by the repentant father and plundered by the rapacious son: their
persons were adored or violated; and the same idol, by the hands
of the same votaries, was placed on the altar, or trampled in the
dust. In the feudal system of Europe, arms were the title of
distinction and the measure of allegiance; and amidst their
tumult, the still voice of law and reason was seldom heard or
obeyed. The turbulent Romans disdained the yoke, and insulted the
impotence, of their bishop: ^10 nor would his education or
character allow him to exercise, with decency or effect, the
power of the sword. The motives of his election and the
frailties of his life were exposed to their familiar observation;
and proximity must diminish the reverence which his name and his
decrees impressed on a barbarous world. This difference has not
escaped the notice of our philosophic historian: "Though the name
and authority of the court of Rome were so terrible in the remote
countries of Europe, which were sunk in profound ignorance, and
were entirely unacquainted with its character and conduct, the
pope was so little revered at home, that his inveterate enemies
surrounded the gates of Rome itself, and even controlled his
government in that city; and the ambassadors, who, from a distant
extremity of Europe, carried to him the humble, or rather abject,
submissions of the greatest potentate of the age, found the
utmost difficulty to make their way to him, and to throw
themselves at his feet." ^11

[Footnote 9: Quand les sauvages de la Louisiane veulent avoir du
fruit, ils coupent l'arbre au pied et cueillent le fruit. Voila
le gouvernement despotique, (Esprit des Loix, l. v. c. 13;) and
passion and ignorance are always despotic.]

[Footnote 10: In a free conversation with his countryman Adrian
IV., John of Salisbury accuses the avarice of the pope and
clergy: Provinciarum diripiunt spolia, ac si thesauros Croesi
studeant reparare. Sed recte cum eis agit Altissimus, quoniam et
ipsi aliis et saepe vilissimis hominibus dati sunt in
direptionem, (de Nugis Curialium, l. vi. c. 24, p. 387.) In the
next page, he blames the rashness and infidelity of the Romans,
whom their bishops vainly strove to conciliate by gifts, instead
of virtues. It is pity that this miscellaneous writer has not
given us less morality and erudition, and more pictures of
himself and the times.]

[Footnote 11: Hume's History of England, vol. i. p. 419. The
same writer has given us, from Fitz-Stephen, a singular act of
cruelty perpetrated on the clergy by Geoffrey, the father of
Henry II. "When he was master of Normandy, the chapter of Seez
presumed, without his consent, to proceed to the election of a
bishop: upon which he ordered all of them, with the bishop elect,
to be castrated, and made all their testicles be brought him in a
platter." Of the pain and danger they might justly complain; yet
since they had vowed chastity he deprived them of a superfluous
treasure.]

Since the primitive times, the wealth of the popes was
exposed to envy, their powers to opposition, and their persons to
violence. But the long hostility of the mitre and the crown
increased the numbers, and inflamed the passions, of their
enemies. The deadly factions of the Guelphs and Ghibelines, so
fatal to Italy, could never be embraced with truth or constancy
by the Romans, the subjects and adversaries both of the bishop
and emperor; but their support was solicited by both parties, and
they alternately displayed in their banners the keys of St. Peter
and the German eagle. Gregory the Seventh, who may be adored or
detested as the founder of the papal monarchy, was driven from
Rome, and died in exile at Salerno. Six- and-thirty of his
successors, ^12 till their retreat to Avignon, maintained an
unequal contest with the Romans: their age and dignity were often
violated; and the churches, in the solemn rites of religion, were
polluted with sedition and murder. A repetition ^13 of such
capricious brutality, without connection or design, would be
tedious and disgusting; and I shall content myself with some
events of the twelfth century, which represent the state of the
popes and the city. On Holy Thursday, while Paschal officiated
before the altar, he was interrupted by the clamors of the
multitude, who imperiously demanded the confirmation of a
favorite magistrate. His silence exasperated their fury; his
pious refusal to mingle the affairs of earth and heaven was
encountered with menaces, and oaths, that he should be the cause
and the witness of the public ruin. During the festival of
Easter, while the bishop and the clergy, barefooted and in
procession, visited the tombs of the martyrs, they were twice
assaulted, at the bridge of St. Angelo, and before the Capitol,
with volleys of stones and darts. The houses of his adherents
were levelled with the ground: Paschal escaped with difficulty
and danger; he levied an army in the patrimony of St. Peter; and
his last days were embittered by suffering and inflicting the
calamities of civil war. The scenes that followed the election
of his successor Gelasius the Second were still more scandalous
to the church and city. Cencio Frangipani, ^14 a potent and
factious baron, burst into the assembly furious and in arms: the
cardinals were stripped, beaten, and trampled under foot; and he
seized, without pity or respect, the vicar of Christ by the
throat. Gelasius was dragged by the hair along the ground,
buffeted with blows, wounded with spurs, and bound with an iron
chain in the house of his brutal tyrant. An insurrection of the
people delivered their bishop: the rival families opposed the
violence of the Frangipani; and Cencio, who sued for pardon,
repented of the failure, rather than of the guilt, of his
enterprise. Not many days had elapsed, when the pope was again
assaulted at the altar. While his friends and enemies were
engaged in a bloody contest, he escaped in his sacerdotal
garments. In this unworthy flight, which excited the compassion
of the Roman matrons, his attendants were scattered or unhorsed;
and, in the fields behind the church of St. Peter, his successor
was found alone and half dead with fear and fatigue. Shaking the
dust from his feet, the apostle withdrew from a city in which his
dignity was insulted and his person was endangered; and the
vanity of sacerdotal ambition is revealed in the involuntary
confession, that one emperor was more tolerable than twenty. ^15
These examples might suffice; but I cannot forget the sufferings
of two pontiffs of the same age, the second and third of the name
of Lucius. The former, as he ascended in battle array to assault
the Capitol, was struck on the temple by a stone, and expired in
a few days. The latter was severely wounded in the person of his
servants. In a civil commotion, several of his priests had been
made prisoners; and the inhuman Romans, reserving one as a guide
for his brethren, put out their eyes, crowned them with ludicrous
mitres, mounted them on asses with their faces towards the tail,
and extorted an oath, that, in this wretched condition, they
should offer themselves as a lesson to the head of the church.
Hope or fear, lassitude or remorse, the characters of the men,
and the circumstances of the times, might sometimes obtain an
interval of peace and obedience; and the pope was restored with
joyful acclamations to the Lateran or Vatican, from whence he had
been driven with threats and violence. But the root of mischief
was deep and perennial; and a momentary calm was preceded and
followed by such tempests as had almost sunk the bark of St.
Peter. Rome continually presented the aspect of war and discord:
the churches and palaces were fortified and assaulted by the
factions and families; and, after giving peace to Europe,
Calistus the Second alone had resolution and power to prohibit
the use of private arms in the metropolis. Among the nations who
revered the apostolic throne, the tumults of Rome provoked a
general indignation; and in a letter to his disciple Eugenius the
Third, St. Bernard, with the sharpness of his wit and zeal, has
stigmatized the vices of the rebellious people. ^16 "Who is
ignorant," says the monk of Clairvaux, "of the vanity and
arrogance of the Romans? a nation nursed in sedition,
untractable, and scorning to obey, unless they are too feeble to
resist. When they promise to serve, they aspire to reign; if
they swear allegiance, they watch the opportunity of revolt; yet
they vent their discontent in loud clamors, if your doors, or
your counsels, are shut against them. Dexterous in mischief,
they have never learned the science of doing good. Odious to
earth and heaven, impious to God, seditious among themselves,
jealous of their neighbors, inhuman to strangers, they love no
one, by no one are they beloved; and while they wish to inspire
fear, they live in base and continual apprehension. They will
not submit; they know not how to govern faithless to their
superiors, intolerable to their equals, ungrateful to their
benefactors, and alike impudent in their demands and their
refusals. Lofty in promise, poor in execution; adulation and
calumny, perfidy and treason, are the familiar arts of their
policy." Surely this dark portrait is not colored by the pencil
of Christian charity; ^17 yet the features, however harsh or
ugly, express a lively resemblance of the Roman of the twelfth
century. ^18
[Footnote 12: From Leo IX. and Gregory VII. an authentic and
contemporary series of the lives of the popes by the cardinal of
Arragon, Pandulphus Pisanus, Bernard Guido, &c., is inserted in
the Italian Historians of Muratori, (tom. iii. P. i. p. 277 -
685,) and has been always before my eyes.]
[Footnote 13: The dates of years int he in the contents may
throughout his this chapter be understood as tacit references to
the Annals of Muratori, my ordinary and excellent guide. He
uses, and indeed quotes, with the freedom of a master, his great
collection of the Italian Historians, in xxviii. volumes; and as
that treasure is in my library, I have thought it an amusement,
if not a duty, to consult the originals.]

[Footnote 14: I cannot refrain from transcribing the high-colored
words of Pandulphus Pisanus, (p. 384.) Hoc audiens inimicus pacis
atque turbator jam fatus Centius Frajapane, more draconis
immanissimi sibilans, et ab imis pectoribus trahens longa
suspiria, accinctus retro gladio sine more cucurrit, valvas ac
fores confregit. Ecclesiam furibundus introiit, inde custode
remoto papam per gulam accepit, distraxit pugnis calcibusque
percussit, et tanquam brutum animal intra limen ecclesiae acriter
calcaribus cruentavit; et latro tantum dominum per capillos et
brachia, Jesu bono interim dormiente, detraxit, ad domum usque
deduxit, inibi catenavit et inclusit.]

[Footnote 15: Ego coram Deo et Ecclesia dico, si unquam possibile
esset, mallem unum imperatorem quam tot dominos, (Vit. Gelas. II.
p. 398.)]
[Footnote 16: Quid tam notum seculis quam protervia et
cervicositas Romanorum? Gens insueta paci, tumultui assueta, gens
immitis et intractabilis usque adhuc, subdi nescia, nisi cum non
valet resistere, (de Considerat. l. iv. c. 2, p. 441.) The saint
takes breath, and then begins again: Hi, invisi terrae et coelo,
utrique injecere manus, &c., (p. 443.)]

[Footnote 17: As a Roman citizen, Petrarch takes leave to
observe, that Bernard, though a saint, was a man; that he might
be provoked by resentment, and possibly repent of his hasty
passion, &c. (Memoires sur la Vie de Petrarque, tom. i. p.
330.)]

[Footnote 18: Baronius, in his index to the xiith volume of his
Annals, has found a fair and easy excuse. He makes two heads, of
Romani Catholici and Schismatici: to the former he applies all
the good, to the latter all the evil, that is told of the city.]

The Jews had rejected the Christ when he appeared among them
in a plebeian character; and the Romans might plead their
ignorance of his vicar when he assumed the pomp and pride of a
temporal sovereign. In the busy age of the crusades, some sparks
of curiosity and reason were rekindled in the Western world: the
heresy of Bulgaria, the Paulician sect, was successfully
transplanted into the soil of Italy and France; the Gnostic
visions were mingled with the simplicity of the gospel; and the
enemies of the clergy reconciled their passions with their
conscience, the desire of freedom with the profession of piety.
^19 The trumpet of Roman liberty was first sounded by Arnold of
Brescia, ^20 whose promotion in the church was confined to the
lowest rank, and who wore the monastic habit rather as a garb of
poverty than as a uniform of obedience. His adversaries could
not deny the wit and eloquence which they severely felt; they
confess with reluctance the specious purity of his morals; and
his errors were recommended to the public by a mixture of
important and beneficial truths. In his theological studies, he
had been the disciple of the famous and unfortunate Abelard, ^21
who was likewise involved in the suspicion of heresy: but the
lover of Eloisa was of a soft and flexible nature; and his
ecclesiastic judges were edified and disarmed by the humility of
his repentance. From this master, Arnold most probably imbibed
some metaphysical definitions of the Trinity, repugnant to the
taste of the times: his ideas of baptism and the eucharist are
loosely censured; but a political heresy was the source of his
fame and misfortunes. He presumed to quote the declaration of
Christ, that his kingdom is not of this world: he boldly
maintained, that the sword and the sceptre were intrusted to the
civil magistrate; that temporal honors and possessions were
lawfully vested in secular persons; that the abbots, the bishops,
and the pope himself, must renounce either their state or their
salvation; and that after the loss of their revenues, the
voluntary tithes and oblations of the faithful would suffice, not
indeed for luxury and avarice, but for a frugal life in the
exercise of spiritual labors. During a short time, the preacher
was revered as a patriot; and the discontent, or revolt, of
Brescia against her bishop, was the first fruits of his dangerous
lessons. But the favor of the people is less permanent than the
resentment of the priest; and after the heresy of Arnold had been
condemned by Innocent the Second, ^22 in the general council of
the Lateran, the magistrates themselves were urged by prejudice
and fear to execute the sentence of the church. Italy could no
longer afford a refuge; and the disciple of Abelard escaped
beyond the Alps, till he found a safe and hospitable shelter in
Zurich, now the first of the Swiss cantons. From a Roman
station, ^23 a royal villa, a chapter of noble virgins, Zurich
had gradually increased to a free and flourishing city; where the
appeals of the Milanese were sometimes tried by the Imperial
commissaries. ^24 In an age less ripe for reformation, the
precursor of Zuinglius was heard with applause: a brave and
simple people imbibed, and long retained, the color of his
opinions; and his art, or merit, seduced the bishop of Constance,
and even the pope's legate, who forgot, for his sake, the
interest of their master and their order. Their tardy zeal was
quickened by the fierce exhortations of St. Bernard; ^25 and the
enemy of the church was driven by persecution to the desperate
measures of erecting his standard in Rome itself, in the face of
the successor of St. Peter.

[Footnote 19: The heresies of the xiith century may be found in
Mosheim, (Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 419 - 427,) who entertains a
favorable opinion of Arnold of Brescia. In the vth volume I have
described the sect of the Paulicians, and followed their
migration from Armenia to Thrace and Bulgaria, Italy and France.]

[Footnote 20: The original pictures of Arnold of Brescia are
drawn by Otho, bishop of Frisingen, (Chron. l. vii. c. 31, de
Gestis Frederici I. l. i. c. 27, l. ii. c. 21,) and in the iiid
book of the Ligurinus, a poem of Gunthur, who flourished A.D.
1200, in the monastery of Paris near Basil, (Fabric. Bibliot.
Latin. Med. et Infimae Aetatis, tom. iii. p. 174, 175.) The long
passage that relates to Arnold is produced by Guilliman, (de
Rebus Helveticis, l. iii. c. 5, p. 108.)

Note: Compare Franke, Arnold von Brescia und seine Zeit.
Zarich, 1828 - M.]

[Footnote 21: The wicked wit of Bayle was amused in composing,
with much levity and learning, the articles of Abelard, Foulkes,
Heloise, in his Dictionnaire Critique. The dispute of Abelard
and St. Bernard, of scholastic and positive divinity, is well
understood by Mosheim, (Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 412 - 415.)]

[Footnote 22: - Damnatus ab illo Praesule,
qui numeros vetitum contingere
nostros Nomen ad innocua ducit laudabile
vita.
We may applaud the dexterity and correctness of Ligurinus, who
turns the unpoetical name of Innocent II. into a compliment.]

[Footnote 23: A Roman inscription of Statio Turicensis has been
found at Zurich, (D'Anville, Notice de l'ancienne Gaul, p. 642 -
644;) but it is without sufficient warrant, that the city and
canton have usurped, and even monopolized, the names of Tigurum
and Pagus Tigurinus.]

[Footnote 24: Guilliman (de Rebus Helveticis, l. iii. c. 5, p.
106) recapitulates the donation (A.D. 833) of the emperor Lewis
the Pious to his daughter the abbess Hildegardis. Curtim nostram
Turegum in ducatu Alamanniae in pago Durgaugensi, with villages,
woods, meadows, waters, slaves, churches, &c.; a noble gift.
Charles the Bald gave the jus monetae, the city was walled under
Otho I., and the line of the bishop of Frisingen,

Nobile Turegum multarum copia rerum,

is repeated with pleasure by the antiquaries of Zurich.]

[Footnote 25: Bernard, Epistol. cxcv. tom. i. p. 187 - 190.
Amidst his invectives he drops a precious acknowledgment, qui,
utinam quam sanae esset doctrinae quam districtae est vitae. He
owns that Arnold would be a valuable acquisition for the church.]

Part III.

While they expected the descent of the tardy angel, the
doors were broken with axes; and as the Turks encountered no
resistance, their bloodless hands were employed in selecting and
securing the multitude of their prisoners. Youth, beauty, and the
appearance of wealth, attracted their choice; and the right of
property was decided among themselves by a prior seizure, by
personal strength, and by the authority of command. In the space
of an hour, the male captives were bound with cords, the females
with their veils and girdles. The senators were linked with
their slaves; the prelates, with the porters of the church; and
young men of the plebeian class, with noble maids, whose faces
had been invisible to the sun and their nearest kindred. In this
common captivity, the ranks of society were confounded; the ties
of nature were cut asunder; and the inexorable soldier was
careless of the father's groans, the tears of the mother, and the
lamentations of the children. The loudest in their wailings were
the nuns, who were torn from the altar with naked bosoms,
outstretched hands, and dishevelled hair; and we should piously
believe that few could be tempted to prefer the vigils of the
harem to those of the monastery. Of these unfortunate Greeks, of
these domestic animals, whole strings were rudely driven through
the streets; and as the conquerors were eager to return for more
prey, their trembling pace was quickened with menaces and blows.
At the same hour, a similar rapine was exercised in all the
churches and monasteries, in all the palaces and habitations, of
the capital; nor could any place, however sacred or sequestered,
protect the persons or the property of the Greeks. Above sixty
thousand of this devoted people were transported from the city to
the camp and fleet; exchanged or sold according to the caprice or
interest of their masters, and dispersed in remote servitude
through the provinces of the Ottoman empire. Among these we may
notice some remarkable characters. The historian Phranza, first
chamberlain and principal secretary, was involved with his family
in the common lot. After suffering four months the hardships of
slavery, he recovered his freedom: in the ensuing winter he
ventured to Adrianople, and ransomed his wife from the mir bashi,
or master of the horse; but his two children, in the flower of
youth and beauty, had been seized for the use of Mahomet himself.

The daughter of Phranza died in the seraglio, perhaps a virgin:
his son, in the fifteenth year of his age, preferred death to
infamy, and was stabbed by the hand of the royal lover. ^66 A
deed thus inhuman cannot surely be expiated by the taste and
liberality with which he released a Grecian matron and her two
daughters, on receiving a Latin doe From ode from Philelphus, who
had chosen a wife in that noble family. ^67 The pride or cruelty
of Mahomet would have been most sensibly gratified by the capture
of a Roman legate; but the dexterity of Cardinal Isidore eluded
the search, and he escaped from Galata in a plebeian habit. ^68
The chain and entrance of the outward harbor was still occupied
by the Italian ships of merchandise and war. They had signalized
their valor in the siege: they embraced the moment of retreat,
while the Turkish mariners were dissipated in the pillage of the
city. When they hoisted sail, the beach was covered with a
suppliant and lamentable crowd; but the means of transportation
were scanty: the Venetians and Genoese selected their countrymen;
and, notwithstanding the fairest promises of the sultan, the
inhabitants of Galata evacuated their houses, and embarked with
their most precious effects.

[Footnote 66: See Phranza, l. iii. c. 20, 21. His expressions
are positive: Ameras sua manu jugulavit . . . . volebat enim eo
turpiter et nefarie abuti. Me miserum et infelicem! Yet he could
only learn from report the bloody or impure scenes that were
acted in the dark recesses of the seraglio.]
[Footnote 67: See Tiraboschi (tom. vi. P. i. p. 290) and
Lancelot, (Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. x. p. 718.)
I should be curious to learn how he could praise the public
enemy, whom he so often reviles as the most corrupt and inhuman
of tyrants.]

[Footnote 68: The commentaries of Pius II. suppose that he
craftily placed his cardinal's hat on the head of a corpse which
was cut off and exposed in triumph, while the legate himself was
bought and delivered as a captive of no value. The great Belgic
Chronicle adorns his escape with new adventures, which he
suppressed (says Spondanus, A.D. 1453, No. 15) in his own
letters, lest he should lose the merit and reward of suffering
for Christ.
Note: He was sold as a slave in Galata, according to Von
Hammer, p. 175. See the somewhat vague and declamatory letter of
Cardinal Isidore, in the appendix to Clarke's Travels, vol. ii.
p. 653. - M.]

In the fall and the sack of great cities, an historian is
condemned to repeat the tale of uniform calamity: the same
effects must be produced by the same passions; and when those
passions may be indulged without control, small, alas! is the
difference between civilized and savage man. Amidst the vague
exclamations of bigotry and hatred, the Turks are not accused of
a wanton or immoderate effusion of Christian blood: but according
to their maxims, (the maxims of antiquity,) the lives of the
vanquished were forfeited; and the legitimate reward of the
conqueror was derived from the service, the sale, or the ransom,
of his captives of both sexes. ^69 The wealth of Constantinople
had been granted by the sultan to his victorious troops; and the
rapine of an hour is more productive than the industry of years.
But as no regular division was attempted of the spoil, the
respective shares were not determined by merit; and the rewards
of valor were stolen away by the followers of the camp, who had
declined the toil and danger of the battle. The narrative of
their depredations could not afford either amusement or
instruction: the total amount, in the last poverty of the empire,
has been valued at four millions of ducats; ^70 and of this sum a
small part was the property of the Venetians, the Genoese, the
Florentines, and the merchants of Ancona. Of these foreigners,
the stock was improved in quick and perpetual circulation: but
the riches of the Greeks were displayed in the idle ostentation
of palaces and wardrobes, or deeply buried in treasures of ingots
and old coin, lest it should be demanded at their hands for the
defence of their country. The profanation and plunder of the
monasteries and churches excited the most tragic complaints. The
dome of St. Sophia itself, the earthly heaven, the second
firmament, the vehicle of the cherubim, the throne of the glory
of God, ^71 was despoiled of the oblation of ages; and the gold
and silver, the pearls and jewels, the vases and sacerdotal
ornaments, were most wickedly converted to the service of
mankind. After the divine images had been stripped of all that
could be valuable to a profane eye, the canvas, or the wood, was
torn, or broken, or burnt, or trod under foot, or applied, in the
stables or the kitchen, to the vilest uses. The example of
sacrilege was imitated, however, from the Latin conquerors of
Constantinople; and the treatment which Christ, the Virgin, and
the saints, had sustained from the guilty Catholic, might be
inflicted by the zealous Mussulman on the monuments of idolatry.
Perhaps, instead of joining the public clamor, a philosopher will
observe, that in the decline of the arts the workmanship could
not be more valuable than the work, and that a fresh supply of
visions and miracles would speedily be renewed by the craft of
the priests and the credulity of the people. He will more
seriously deplore the loss of the Byzantine libraries, which were
destroyed or scattered in the general confusion: one hundred and
twenty thousand manuscripts are said to have disappeared; ^72 ten
volumes might be purchased for a single ducat; and the same
ignominious price, too high perhaps for a shelf of theology,
included the whole works of Aristotle and Homer, the noblest
productions of the science and literature of ancient Greece. We
may reflect with pleasure that an inestimable portion of our
classic treasures was safely deposited in Italy; and that the
mechanics of a German town had invented an art which derides the
havoc of time and barbarism.
[Footnote 69: Busbequius expatiates with pleasure and applause on
the rights of war, and the use of slavery, among the ancients and
the Turks, (de Legat. Turcica, epist. iii. p. 161.)]

[Footnote 70: This sum is specified in a marginal note of
Leunclavius, (Chalcondyles, l. viii. p. 211,) but in the
distribution to Venice, Genoa, Florence, and Ancona, of 50, 20,
and 15,000 ducats, I suspect that a figure has been dropped.
Even with the restitution, the foreign property would scarcely
exceed one fourth.]

[Footnote 71: See the enthusiastic praises and lamentations of
Phranza, (l. iii. c. 17.)]

[Footnote 72: See Ducas, (c. 43,) and an epistle, July 15th,
1453, from Laurus Quirinus to Pope Nicholas V., (Hody de Graecis,
p. 192, from a MS. in the Cotton library.)]

From the first hour ^73 of the memorable twenty-ninth of
May, disorder and rapine prevailed in Constantinople, till the
eighth hour of the same day; when the sultan himself passed in
triumph through the gate of St. Romanus. He was attended by his
viziers, bashaws, and guards, each of whom (says a Byzantine
historian) was robust as Hercules, dexterous as Apollo, and equal
in battle to any ten of the race of ordinary mortals. The
conqueror ^74 gazed with satisfaction and wonder on the strange,
though splendid, appearance of the domes and palaces, so
dissimilar from the style of Oriental architecture. In the
hippodrome, or atmeidan, his eye was attracted by the twisted
column of the three serpents; and, as a trial of his strength, he
shattered with his iron mace or battle-axe the under jaw of one
of these monsters, ^75 which in the eyes of the Turks were the
idols or talismans of the city. ^* At the principal door of St.
Sophia, he alighted from his horse, and entered the dome; and
such was his jealous regard for that monument of his glory, that
on observing a zealous Mussulman in the act of breaking the
marble pavement, he admonished him with his cimeter, that, if the
spoil and captives were granted to the soldiers, the public and
private buildings had been reserved for the prince. By his
command the metropolis of the Eastern church was transformed into
a mosque: the rich and portable instruments of superstition had
been removed; the crosses were thrown down; and the walls, which
were covered with images and mosaics, were washed and purified,
and restored to a state of naked simplicity. On the same day, or
on the ensuing Friday, the muezin, or crier, ascended the most
lofty turret, and proclaimed the ezan, or public invitation in
the name of God and his prophet; the imam preached; and Mahomet
and Second performed the namaz of prayer and thanksgiving on the
great altar, where the Christian mysteries had so lately been
celebrated before the last of the Caesars. ^76 From St. Sophia he
proceeded to the august, but desolate mansion of a hundred
successors of the great Constantine, but which in a few hours had
been stripped of the pomp of royalty. A melancholy reflection on
the vicissitudes of human greatness forced itself on his mind;
and he repeated an elegant distich of Persian poetry: "The spider
has wove his web in the Imperial palace; and the owl hath sung
her watch-song on the towers of Afrasiab." ^77

[Footnote 73: The Julian Calendar, which reckons the days and
hours from midnight, was used at Constantinople. But Ducas seems
to understand the natural hours from sunrise.]

[Footnote 74: See the Turkish Annals, p. 329, and the Pandects of
Leunclarius, p. 448.]

[Footnote 75: I have had occasion (vol. ii. p. 100) to mention
this curious relic of Grecian antiquity.]

[Footnote *: Von Hammer passes over this circumstance, which is
treated by Dr. Clarke (Travels, vol. ii. p. 58, 4to. edit,) as a
fiction of Thevenot. Chishull states that the monument was broken
by some attendants of the Polish ambassador. - M.]

[Footnote 76: We are obliged to Cantemir (p. 102) for the Turkish
account of the conversion of St. Sophia, so bitterly deplored by
Phranza and Ducas. It is amusing enough to observe, in what
opposite lights the same object appears to a Mussulman and a
Christian eye.]

[Footnote 77: This distich, which Cantemir gives in the original,
derives new beauties from the application. It was thus that
Scipio repeated, in the sack of Carthage, the famous prophecy of
Homer. The same generous feeling carried the mind of the
conqueror to the past or the future.]

Yet his mind was not satisfied, nor did the victory seem
complete, till he was informed of the fate of Constantine;
whether he had escaped, or been made prisoner, or had fallen in
the battle. Two Janizaries claimed the honor and reward of his
death: the body, under a heap of slain, was discovered by the
golden eagles embroidered on his shoes; the Greeks acknowledged,
with tears, the head of their late emperor; and, after exposing
the bloody trophy, ^78 Mahomet bestowed on his rival the honors
of a decent funeral. After his decease, Lucas Notaras, great
duke, ^79 and first minister of the empire, was the most
important prisoner. When he offered his person and his treasures
at the foot of the throne, "And why," said the indignant sultan,
"did you not employ these treasures in the defence of your prince
and country?" - "They were yours," answered the slave; "God had
reserved them for your hands." - "If he reserved them for me,"
replied the despot, "how have you presumed to withhold them so
long by a fruitless and fatal resistance?" The great duke alleged
the obstinacy of the strangers, and some secret encouragement
from the Turkish vizier; and from this perilous interview he was
at length dismissed with the assurance of pardon and protection.
Mahomet condescended to visit his wife, a venerable princess
oppressed with sickness and grief; and his consolation for her
misfortunes was in the most tender strain of humanity and filial
reverence. A similar clemency was extended to the principal
officers of state, of whom several were ransomed at his expense;
and during some days he declared himself the friend and father of
the vanquished people. But the scene was soon changed; and
before his departure, the hippodrome streamed with the blood of
his noblest captives. His perfidious cruelty is execrated by the
Christians: they adorn with the colors of heroic martyrdom the
execution of the great duke and his two sons; and his death is
ascribed to the generous refusal of delivering his children to
the tyrant's lust. ^* Yet a Byzantine historian has dropped an
unguarded word of conspiracy, deliverance, and Italian succor:
such treason may be glorious; but the rebel who bravely ventures,
has justly forfeited his life; nor should we blame a conqueror
for destroying the enemies whom he can no longer trust. On the
eighteenth of June the victorious sultan returned to Adrianople;
and smiled at the base and hollow embassies of the Christian
princes, who viewed their approaching ruin in the fall of the
Eastern empire.

[Footnote 78: I cannot believe with Ducas (see Spondanus, A.D.
1453, No. 13) that Mahomet sent round Persia, Arabia, &c., the
head of the Greek emperor: he would surely content himself with a
trophy less inhuman.]

[Footnote 79: Phranza was the personal enemy of the great duke;
nor could time, or death, or his own retreat to a monastery,
extort a feeling of sympathy or forgiveness. Ducas is inclined
to praise and pity the martyr; Chalcondyles is neuter, but we are
indebted to him for the hint of the Greek conspiracy.]

[Footnote *: Von Hammer relates this undoubtingly, apparently on
good authority, p. 559. - M.]

Constantinople had been left naked and desolate, without a
prince or a people. But she could not be despoiled of the
incomparable situation which marks her for the metropolis of a
great empire; and the genius of the place will ever triumph over
the accidents of time and fortune. Boursa and Adrianople, the
ancient seats of the Ottomans, sunk into provincial towns; and
Mahomet the Second established his own residence, and that of his
successors, on the same commanding spot which had been chosen by
Constantine. ^80 The fortifications of Galata, which might afford
a shelter to the Latins, were prudently destroyed; but the damage
of the Turkish cannon was soon repaired; and before the month of
August, great quantities of lime had been burnt for the
restoration of the walls of the capital. As the entire property
of the soil and buildings, whether public or private, or profane
or sacred, was now transferred to the conqueror, he first
separated a space of eight furlongs from the point of the
triangle for the establishment of his seraglio or palace. It is
here, in the bosom of luxury, that the Grand Signor (as he has
been emphatically named by the Italians) appears to reign over
Europe and Asia; but his person on the shores of the Bosphorus
may not always be secure from the insults of a hostile navy. In
the new character of a mosque, the cathedral of St. Sophia was
endowed with an ample revenue, crowned with lofty minarets, and
surrounded with groves and fountains, for the devotion and
refreshment of the Moslems. The same model was imitated in the
jami, or royal mosques; and the first of these was built, by
Mahomet himself, on the ruins of the church of the holy apostles,
and the tombs of the Greek emperors. On the third day after the
conquest, the grave of Abu Ayub, or Job, who had fallen in the
first siege of the Arabs, was revealed in a vision; and it is
before the sepulchre of the martyr that the new sultans are
girded with the sword of empire. ^81 Constantinople no longer
appertains to the Roman historian; nor shall I enumerate the
civil and religious edifices that were profaned or erected by its
Turkish masters: the population was speedily renewed; and before
the end of September, five thousand families of Anatolia and
Romania had obeyed the royal mandate, which enjoined them, under
pain of death, to occupy their new habitations in the capital.
The throne of Mahomet was guarded by the numbers and fidelity of
his Moslem subjects: but his rational policy aspired to collect
the remnant of the Greeks; and they returned in crowds, as soon
as they were assured of their lives, their liberties, and the
free exercise of their religion. In the election and investiture
of a patriarch, the ceremonial of the Byzantine court was revived
and imitated. With a mixture of satisfaction and horror, they
beheld the sultan on his throne; who delivered into the hands of
Gennadius the crosier or pastoral staff, the symbol of his
ecclesiastical office; who conducted the patriarch to the gate of
the seraglio, presented him with a horse richly caparisoned, and
directed the viziers and bashaws to lead him to the palace which
had been allotted for his residence. ^82 The churches of
Constantinople were shared between the two religions: their
limits were marked; and, till it was infringed by Selim, the
grandson of Mahomet, the Greeks ^83 enjoyed above sixty years the
benefit of this equal partition. Encouraged by the ministers of
the divan, who wished to elude the fanaticism of the sultan, the
Christian advocates presumed to allege that this division had
been an act, not of generosity, but of justice; not a concession,
but a compact; and that if one half of the city had been taken by
storm, the other moiety had surrendered on the faith of a sacred
capitulation. The original grant had indeed been consumed by
fire: but the loss was supplied by the testimony of three aged
Janizaries who remembered the transaction; and their venal oaths
are of more weight in the opinion of Cantemir, than the positive
and unanimous consent of the history of the times. ^84

[Footnote 80: For the restitution of Constantinople and the
Turkish foundations, see Cantemir, (p. 102 - 109,) Ducas, (c.
42,) with Thevenot, Tournefort, and the rest of our modern
travellers. From a gigantic picture of the greatness,
population, &c., of Constantinople and the Ottoman empire,
(Abrege de l'Histoire Ottomane, tom. i. p. 16 - 21,) we may
learn, that in the year 1586 the Moslems were less numerous in
the capital than the Christians, or even the Jews.]

[Footnote 81: The Turbe, or sepulchral monument of Abu Ayub, is
described and engraved in the Tableau Generale de l'Empire
Ottoman, (Paris 1787, in large folio,) a work of less use,
perhaps, than magnificence, (tom. i. p. 305, 306.)]

[Footnote 82: Phranza (l. iii. c. 19) relates the ceremony, which
has possibly been adorned in the Greek reports to each other, and
to the Latins. The fact is confirmed by Emanuel Malaxus, who
wrote, in vulgar Greek, the History of the Patriarchs after the
taking of Constantinople, inserted in the Turco-Graecia of
Crusius, (l. v. p. 106 - 184.) But the most patient reader will
not believe that Mahomet adopted the Catholic form, "Sancta
Trinitas quae mihi donavit imperium te in patriarcham novae Romae
deligit."]
[Footnote 83: From the Turco-Graecia of Crusius, &c. Spondanus
(A.D. 1453, No. 21, 1458, No. 16) describes the slavery and
domestic quarrels of the Greek church. The patriarch who
succeeded Gennadius threw himself in despair into a well.]

[Footnote 84: Cantemir (p. 101 - 105) insists on the unanimous
consent of the Turkish historians, ancient as well as modern, and
argues, that they would not have violated the truth to diminish
their national glory, since it is esteemed more honorable to take
a city by force than by composition. But, 1. I doubt this
consent, since he quotes no particular historian, and the Turkish
Annals of Leunclavius affirm, without exception, that Mahomet
took Constantinople per vim, (p. 329.) 2 The same argument may be
turned in favor of the Greeks of the times, who would not have
forgotten this honorable and salutary treaty. Voltaire, as usual,
prefers the Turks to the Christians.]

The remaining fragments of the Greek kingdom in Europe and
Asia I shall abandon to the Turkish arms; but the final
extinction of the two last dynasties ^85 which have reigned in
Constantinople should terminate the decline and fall of the Roman
empire in the East. The despots of the Morea, Demetrius and
Thomas, ^86 the two surviving brothers of the name of
Palaeologus, were astonished by the death of the emperor
Constantine, and the ruin of the monarchy. Hopeless of defence,
they prepared, with the noble Greeks who adhered to their
fortune, to seek a refuge in Italy, beyond the reach of the
Ottoman thunder. Their first apprehensions were dispelled by the
victorious sultan, who contented himself with a tribute of twelve
thousand ducats; and while his ambition explored the continent
and the islands, in search of prey, he indulged the Morea in a
respite of seven years. But this respite was a period of grief,
discord, and misery. The hexamilion, the rampart of the Isthmus,
so often raised and so often subverted, could not long be
defended by three hundred Italian archers: the keys of Corinth
were seized by the Turks: they returned from their summer
excursions with a train of captives and spoil; and the complaints
of the injured Greeks were heard with indifference and disdain.
The Albanians, a vagrant tribe of shepherds and robbers, filled
the peninsula with rapine and murder: the two despots implored
the dangerous and humiliating aid of a neighboring bashaw; and
when he had quelled the revolt, his lessons inculcated the rule
of their future conduct. Neither the ties of blood, nor the oaths
which they repeatedly pledged in the communion and before the
altar, nor the stronger pressure of necessity, could reconcile or
suspend their domestic quarrels. They ravaged each other's
patrimony with fire and sword: the alms and succors of the West
were consumed in civil hostility; and their power was only
exerted in savage and arbitrary executions. The distress and
revenge of the weaker rival invoked their supreme lord; and, in
the season of maturity and revenge, Mahomet declared himself the
friend of Demetrius, and marched into the Morea with an
irresistible force. When he had taken possession of Sparta, "You
are too weak," said the sultan, "to control this turbulent
province: I will take your daughter to my bed; and you shall pass
the remainder of your life in security and honor." Demetrius
sighed and obeyed; surrendered his daughter and his castles;
followed to Adrianople his sovereign and his son; and received
for his own maintenance, and that of his followers, a city in
Thrace and the adjacent isles of Imbros, Lemnos, and Samothrace.
He was joined the next year by a companion ^* of misfortune, the
last of the Comnenian race, who, after the taking of
Constantinople by the Latins, had founded a new empire on the
coast of the Black Sea. ^87 In the progress of his Anatolian
conquest, Mahomet invested with a fleet and army the capital of
David, who presumed to style himself emperor of Trebizond; ^88
and the negotiation was comprised in a short and peremptory
question, "Will you secure your life and treasures by resigning
your kingdom? or had you rather forfeit your kingdom, your
treasures, and your life?" The feeble Comnenus was subdued by his
own fears, ^! and the example of a Mussulman neighbor, the prince
of Sinope, ^89 who, on a similar summons, had yielded a fortified
city, with four hundred cannon and ten or twelve thousand
soldiers. The capitulation of Trebizond was faithfully
performed: ^* and the emperor, with his family, was transported
to a castle in Romania; but on a slight suspicion of
corresponding with the Persian king, David, and the whole
Comnenian race, were sacrificed to the jealousy or avarice of the
conqueror. ^!! Nor could the name of father long protect the
unfortunate Demetrius from exile and confiscation; his abject
submission moved the pity and contempt of the sultan; his
followers were transplanted to Constantinople; and his poverty
was alleviated by a pension of fifty thousand aspers, till a
monastic habit and a tardy death released Palaeologus from an
earthly master. It is not easy to pronounce whether the
servitude of Demetrius, or the exile of his brother Thomas, ^90
be the most inglorious. On the conquest of the Morea, the despot
escaped to Corfu, and from thence to Italy, with some naked
adherents: his name, his sufferings, and the head of the apostle
St. Andrew, entitled him to the hospitality of the Vatican; and
his misery was prolonged by a pension of six thousand ducats from
the pope and cardinals. His two sons, Andrew and Manuel, were
educated in Italy; but the eldest, contemptible to his enemies
and burdensome to his friends, was degraded by the baseness of
his life and marriage. A title was his sole inheritance; and
that inheritance he successively sold to the kings of France and
Arragon. ^91 During his transient prosperity, Charles the Eighth
was ambitious of joining the empire of the East with the kingdom
of Naples: in a public festival, he assumed the appellation and
the purple of Augustus: the Greeks rejoiced and the Ottoman
already trembled, at the approach of the French chivalry. ^92
Manuel Palaeologus, the second son, was tempted to revisit his
native country: his return might be grateful, and could not be
dangerous, to the Porte: he was maintained at Constantinople in
safety and ease; and an honorable train of Christians and Moslems
attended him to the grave. If there be some animals of so
generous a nature that they refuse to propagate in a domestic
state, the last of the Imperial race must be ascribed to an
inferior kind: he accepted from the sultan's liberality two
beautiful females; and his surviving son was lost in the habit
and religion of a Turkish slave.

[Footnote 85: For the genealogy and fall of the Comneni of
Trebizond, see Ducange, (Fam. Byzant. p. 195;) for the last
Palaeologi, the same accurate antiquarian, (p. 244, 247, 248.)
The Palaeologi of Montferrat were not extinct till the next
century; but they had forgotten their Greek origin and kindred.]
[Footnote 86: In the worthless story of the disputes and
misfortunes of the two brothers, Phranza (l. iii. c. 21 - 30) is
too partial on the side of Thomas Ducas (c. 44, 45) is too brief,
and Chalcondyles (l. viii. ix. x.) too diffuse and digressive.]

[Footnote *: Kalo-Johannes, the predecessor of David his brother,
the last emperor of Trebizond, had attempted to organize a
confederacy against Mahomet it comprehended Hassan Bei, sultan of
Mesopotamia, the Christian princes of Georgia and Iberia, the
emir of Sinope, and the sultan of Caramania. The negotiations
were interrupted by his sudden death, A.D. 1458. Fallmerayer, p.
257 - 260. - M.]

[Footnote 87: See the loss or conquest of Trebizond in
Chalcondyles, (l. ix. p. 263 - 266,) Ducas, (c. 45,) Phranza, (l.
iii. c. 27,) and Cantemir, (p. 107.)]

[Footnote 88: Though Tournefort (tom. iii. lettre xvii. p. 179)
speaks of Trebizond as mal peuplee, Peysonnel, the latest and
most accurate observer, can find 100,000 inhabitants, (Commerce
de la Mer Noire, tom. ii. p. 72, and for the province, p. 53 -
90.) Its prosperity and trade are perpetually disturbed by the
factious quarrels of two odas of Janizaries, in one which 30,000
Lazi are commonly enrolled, (Memoires de Tott, tom. iii. p. 16,
17.)]
[Footnote !: According to the Georgian account of these
transactions, (translated by M. Brosset, additions to Le Beau,
vol. xxi. p. 325,) the emperor of Trebizond humbly entreated the
sultan to have the goodness to marry one of his daughters. - M.]

[Footnote 89: Ismael Beg, prince of Sinope or Sinople, was
possessed (chiefly from his copper mines) of a revenure of
200,000 ducats, (Chalcond. l. ix. p. 258, 259.) Peysonnel
(Commerce de la Mer Noire, tom. ii. p. 100) ascribes to the
modern city 60,000 inhabitants. This account seems enormous; yet
it is by trading with people that we become acquainted with their
wealth and numbers.]
[Footnote *: M. Boissonade has published, in the fifth volume of
his Anecdota Graeca (p. 387, 401.) a very interesting letter from
George Amiroutzes, protovestia rius of Trebizond, to Bessarion,
describing the surrender of Trebizond, and the fate of its chief
inhabitants. - M.]

[Footnote !!: See in Von Hammer, vol. ii. p. 60, the striking
account of the mother, the empress Helena the Cantacuzene, who,
in defiance of the edict, like that of Creon in the Greek
tragedy, dug the grave for her murdered children with her own
hand, and sank into it herself. - M.]
[Footnote 90: Spondanus (from Gobelin Comment. Pii II. l. v.)
relates the arrival and reception of of the despot Thomas at
Rome,. (A.D. 1461 No. NO. 3.)]

[Footnote 91: By an act dated A.D. 1494, Sept. 6, and lately
transmitted from the archives of the Capitol to the royal library
of Paris, the despot Andrew Palaeologus, reserving the Morea, and
stipulating some private advantages, conveys to Charles VIII.,
king of France, the empires of Constantinople and Trebizond,
(Spondanus, A.D. 1495, No. 2.) M. D. Foncemagne (Mem. de
l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xvii. p. 539 - 578) has
bestowed a dissertation on his national title, of which he had
obtained a copy from Rome.]
[Footnote 92: See Philippe de Comines, (l. vii. c. 14,) who
reckons with pleasure the number of Greeks who were prepared to
rise, 60 miles of an easy navigation, eighteen days' journey from
Valona to Constantinople, &c. On this occasion the Turkish
empire was saved by the policy of Venice.]
The importance of Constantinople was felt and magnified in
its loss: the pontificate of Nicholas the Fifth, however peaceful
and prosperous, was dishonored by the fall of the Eastern empire;
and the grief and terror of the Latins revived, or seemed to
revive, the old enthusiasm of the crusades. In one of the most
distant countries of the West, Philip duke of Burgundy
entertained, at Lisle in Flanders, an assembly of his nobles; and
the pompous pageants of the feast were skilfully adapted to their
fancy and feelings. ^93 In the midst of the banquet a gigantic
Saracen entered the hall, leading a fictitious elephant with a
castle on his back: a matron in a mourning robe, the symbol of
religion, was seen to issue from the castle: she deplored her
oppression, and accused the slowness of her champions: the
principal herald of the golden fleece advanced, bearing on his
fist a live pheasant, which, according to the rites of chivalry,
he presented to the duke. At this extraordinary summons, Philip,
a wise and aged prince, engaged his person and powers in the holy
war against the Turks: his example was imitated by the barons and
knights of the assembly: they swore to God, the Virgin, the
ladies and the pheasant; and their particular vows were not less
extravagant than the general sanction of their oath. But the
performance was made to depend on some future and foreign
contingency; and during twelve years, till the last hour of his
life, the duke of Burgundy might be scrupulously, and perhaps
sincerely, on the eve of his departure. Had every breast glowed
with the same ardor; had the union of the Christians corresponded
with their bravery; had every country, from Sweden ^94 to Naples,
supplied a just proportion of cavalry and infantry, of men and
money, it is indeed probable that Constantinople would have been
delivered, and that the Turks might have been chased beyond the
Hellespont or the Euphrates. But the secretary of the emperor,
who composed every epistle, and attended every meeting, Aeneas
Sylvius, ^95 a statesman and orator, describes from his own
experience the repugnant state and spirit of Christendom. "It is
a body," says he, "without a head; a republic without laws or
magistrates. The pope and the emperor may shine as lofty titles,
as splendid images; but they are unable to command, and none are
willing to obey: every state has a separate prince, and every
prince has a separate interest. What eloquence could unite so
many discordant and hostile powers under the same standard?
Could they be assembled in arms, who would dare to assume the
office of general? What order could be maintained? - what
military discipline? Who would undertake to feed such an
enormous multitude? Who would understand their various
languages, or direct their stranger and incompatible manners?
What mortal could reconcile the English with the French, Genoa
with Arragon the Germans with the natives of Hungary and Bohemia?

If a small number enlisted in the holy war, they must be
overthrown by the infidels; if many, by their own weight and
confusion." Yet the same Aeneas, when he was raised to the papal
throne, under the name of Pius the Second, devoted his life to
the prosecution of the Turkish war. In the council of Mantua he
excited some sparks of a false or feeble enthusiasm; but when the
pontiff appeared at Ancona, to embark in person with the troops,
engagements vanished in excuses; a precise day was adjourned to
an indefinite term; and his effective army consisted of some
German pilgrims, whom he was obliged to disband with indulgences
and arms. Regardless of futurity, his successors and the powers
of Italy were involved in the schemes of present and domestic
ambition; and the distance or proximity of each object determined
in their eyes its apparent magnitude. A more enlarged view of
their interest would have taught them to maintain a defensive and
naval war against the common enemy; and the support of Scanderbeg
and his brave Albanians might have prevented the subsequent
invasion of the kingdom of Naples. The siege and sack of Otranto
by the Turks diffused a general consternation; and Pope Sixtus
was preparing to fly beyond the Alps, when the storm was
instantly dispelled by the death of Mahomet the Second, in the
fifty-first year of his age. ^96 His lofty genius aspired to the
conquest of Italy: he was possessed of a strong city and a
capacious harbor; and the same reign might have been decorated
with the trophies of the New and the Ancient Rome. ^97
[Footnote 93: See the original feast in Olivier de la Marche,
(Memoires, P. i. c. 29, 30,) with the abstract and observations
of M. de Ste. Palaye, (Memoires sur la Chevalerie, tom. i. P.
iii. p. 182 - 185.) The peacock and the pheasant were
distinguished as royal birds.]

[Footnote 94: It was found by an actual enumeration, that Sweden,
Gothland, and Finland, contained 1,800,000 fighting men, and
consequently were far more populous than at present.]

[Footnote 95: In the year 1454, Spondanus has given, from Aeneas
Sylvius, a view of the state of Europe, enriched with his own
observations. That valuable annalist, and the Italian Muratori,
will continue the series of events from the year 1453 to 1481,
the end of Mahomet's life, and of this chapter.]

[Footnote 96: Besides the two annalists, the reader may consult
Giannone (Istoria Civile, tom. iii. p. 449 - 455) for the Turkish
invasion of the kingdom of Naples. For the reign and conquests
of Mahomet II., I have occasionally used the Memorie Istoriche de
Monarchi Ottomanni di Giovanni Sagredo, (Venezia, 1677, in 4to.)
In peace and war, the Turks have ever engaged the attention of
the republic of Venice. All her despatches and archives were
open to a procurator of St. Mark, and Sagredo is not contemptible
either in sense or style. Yet he too bitterly hates the
infidels: he is ignorant of their language and manners; and his
narrative, which allows only 70 pages to Mahomet II., (p. 69 -
140,) becomes more copious and authentic as he approaches the
years 1640 and 1644, the term of the historic labors of John
Sagredo.]

[Footnote 97: As I am now taking an everlasting farewell of the
Greek empire, I shall briefly mention the great collection of
Byzantine writers whose names and testimonies have been
successively repeated in this work. The Greeks presses of Aldus
and the Italians were confined to the classics of a better age;
and the first rude editions of Procopius, Agathias, Cedrenus,
Zonaras, &c., were published by the learned diligence of the
Germans. The whole Byzantine series (xxxvi. volumes in folio)
has gradually issued (A.D. 1648, &c.) from the royal press of the
Louvre, with some collateral aid from Rome and Leipsic; but the
Venetian edition, (A.D. 1729,) though cheaper and more copious,
is not less inferior in correctness than in magnificence to that
of Paris. The merits of the French editors are various; but the
value of Anna Comnena, Cinnamus, Villehardouin, &c., is enhanced
by the historical notes of Charles de Fresne du Cange. His
supplemental works, the Greek Glossary, the Constantinopolis
Christiana, the Familiae Byzantinae, diffuse a steady light over
the darkness of the Lower Empire.

Note: The new edition of the Byzantines, projected by
Niebuhr, and continued under the patronage of the Prussian
government, is the most convenient in size, and contains some
authors (Leo Diaconus, Johannes Lydus, Corippus, the new fragment
of Dexippus, Eunapius, &c., discovered by Mai) which could not be
comprised in the former collections; but the names of such
editors as Bekker, the Dindorfs, &c., raised hopes of something
more than the mere republication of the text, and the notes of
former editors. Little, I regret to say, has been added of
annotation, and in some cases, the old incorrect versions have
been retained. - M.]

Chapter LXIX: State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century.

Part II.

Yet the courage of Arnold was not devoid of discretion: he
was protected, and had perhaps been invited, by the nobles and
people; and in the service of freedom, his eloquence thundered
over the seven hills. Blending in the same discourse the texts
of Livy and St. Paul, uniting the motives of gospel, and of
classic, enthusiasm, he admonished the Romans, how strangely
their patience and the vices of the clergy had degenerated from
the primitive times of the church and the city. He exhorted them
to assert the inalienable rights of men and Christians; to
restore the laws and magistrates of the republic; to respect the
name of the emperor; but to confine their shepherd to the
spiritual government of his flock. ^26 Nor could his spiritual
government escape the censure and control of the reformer; and
the inferior clergy were taught by his lessons to resist the
cardinals, who had usurped a despotic command over the
twenty-eight regions or parishes of Rome. ^27 The revolution was
not accomplished without rapine and violence, the diffusion of
blood and the demolition of houses: the victorious faction was
enriched with the spoils of the clergy and the adverse nobles.
Arnold of Brescia enjoyed, or deplored, the effects of his
mission: his reign continued above ten years, while two popes,
Innocent the Second and Anastasius the Fourth, either trembled in
the Vatican, or wandered as exiles in the adjacent cities. They
were succeeded by a more vigorous and fortunate pontiff. Adrian
the Fourth, ^28 the only Englishman who has ascended the throne
of St. Peter; and whose merit emerged from the mean condition of
a monk, and almost a beggar, in the monastery of St. Albans. On
the first provocation, of a cardinal killed or wounded in the
streets, he cast an interdict on the guilty people; and from
Christmas to Easter, Rome was deprived of the real or imaginary
comforts of religious worship. The Romans had despised their
temporal prince: they submitted with grief and terror to the
censures of their spiritual father: their guilt was expiated by
penance, and the banishment of the seditious preacher was the
price of their absolution. But the revenge of Adrian was yet
unsatisfied, and the approaching coronation of Frederic
Barbarossa was fatal to the bold reformer, who had offended,
though not in an equal degree, the heads of the church and state.

In their interview at Viterbo, the pope represented to the
emperor the furious, ungovernable spirit of the Romans; the
insults, the injuries, the fears, to which his person and his
clergy were continually exposed; and the pernicious tendency of
the heresy of Arnold, which must subvert the principles of civil,
as well as ecclesiastical, subordination. Frederic was convinced
by these arguments, or tempted by the desire of the Imperial
crown: in the balance of ambition, the innocence or life of an
individual is of small account; and their common enemy was
sacrificed to a moment of political concord. After his retreat
from Rome, Arnold had been protected by the viscounts of
Campania, from whom he was extorted by the power of Caesar: the
praefect of the city pronounced his sentence: the martyr of
freedom was burned alive in the presence of a careless and
ungrateful people; and his ashes were cast into the Tyber, lest
the heretics should collect and worship the relics of their
master. ^29 The clergy triumphed in his death: with his ashes,
his sect was dispersed; his memory still lived in the minds of
the Romans. From his school they had probably derived a new
article of faith, that the metropolis of the Catholic church is
exempt from the penalties of excommunication and interdict.
Their bishops might argue, that the supreme jurisdiction, which
they exercised over kings and nations, more especially embraced
the city and diocese of the prince of the apostles. But they
preached to the winds, and the same principle that weakened the
effect, must temper the abuse, of the thunders of the Vatican.

[Footnote 26: He advised the Romans,

Consiliis armisque sua moderamina summa
Arbitrio tractare suo: nil juris in hac re
Pontifici summo, modicum concedere regi
Suadebat populo. Sic laesa stultus utraque
Majestate, reum geminae se fecerat aulae.

Nor is the poetry of Gunther different from the prose of Otho.]
[Footnote 27: See Baronius (A.D. 1148, No. 38, 39) from the
Vatican MSS. He loudly condemns Arnold (A.D. 1141, No. 3) as the
father of the political heretics, whose influence then hurt him
in France.]

[Footnote 28: The English reader may consult the Biographia
Britannica, Adrian IV.; but our own writers have added nothing to
the fame or merits of their countrymen.]

[Footnote 29: Besides the historian and poet already quoted, the
last adventures of Arnold are related by the biographer of Adrian
IV. (Muratori. Script. Rerum Ital. tom. iii. P. i. p. 441, 442.)]

The love of ancient freedom has encouraged a belief that as
early as the tenth century, in their first struggles against the
Saxon Othos, the commonwealth was vindicated and restored by the
senate and people of Rome; that two consuls were annually elected
among the nobles, and that ten or twelve plebeian magistrates
revived the name and office of the tribunes of the commons. ^30
But this venerable structure disappears before the light of
criticism. In the darkness of the middle ages, the appellations
of senators, of consuls, of the sons of consuls, may sometimes be
discovered. ^31 They were bestowed by the emperors, or assumed by
the most powerful citizens, to denote their rank, their honors,
^32 and perhaps the claim of a pure and patrician descent: but
they float on the surface, without a series or a substance, the
titles of men, not the orders of government; ^33 and it is only
from the year of Christ one thousand one hundred and forty-four
that the establishment of the senate is dated, as a glorious
aera, in the acts of the city. A new constitution was hastily
framed by private ambition or popular enthusiasm; nor could Rome,
in the twelfth century, produce an antiquary to explain, or a
legislator to restore, the harmony and proportions of the ancient
model. The assembly of a free, of an armed, people, will ever
speak in loud and weighty acclamations. But the regular
distribution of the thirty-five tribes, the nice balance of the
wealth and numbers of the centuries, the debates of the adverse
orators, and the slow operations of votes and ballots, could not
easily be adapted by a blind multitude, ignorant of the arts, and
insensible of the benefits, of legal government. It was proposed
by Arnold to revive and discriminate the equestrian order; but
what could be the motive or measure of such distinction? ^34 The
pecuniary qualification of the knights must have been reduced to
the poverty of the times: those times no longer required their
civil functions of judges and farmers of the revenue; and their
primitive duty, their military service on horseback, was more
nobly supplied by feudal tenures and the spirit of chivalry. The
jurisprudence of the republic was useless and unknown: the
nations and families of Italy who lived under the Roman and
Barbaric laws were insensibly mingled in a common mass; and some
faint tradition, some imperfect fragments, preserved the memory
of the Code and Pandects of Justinian. With their liberty the
Romans might doubtless have restored the appellation and office
of consuls; had they not disdained a title so promiscuously
adopted in the Italian cities, that it has finally settled on the
humble station of the agents of commerce in a foreign land. But
the rights of the tribunes, the formidable word that arrested the
public counsels, suppose or must produce a legitimate democracy.
The old patricians were the subjects, the modern barons the
tyrants, of the state; nor would the enemies of peace and order,
who insulted the vicar of Christ, have long respected the unarmed
sanctity of a plebeian magistrate. ^35

[Footnote 30: Ducange (Gloss. Latinitatis Mediae et Infimae
Aetatis, Decarchones, tom. ii. p. 726) gives me a quotation from
Blondus, (Decad. ii. l. ii.:) Duo consules ex nobilitate
quotannis fiebant, qui ad vetustum consulum exemplar summaererum
praeessent. And in Sigonius (de Regno Italiae, l. v. Opp. tom.
ii. p. 400) I read of the consuls and tribunes of the xth
century. Both Blondus, and even Sigonius, too freely copied the
classic method of supplying from reason or fancy the deficiency
of records.]
[Footnote 31: In the panegyric of Berengarius (Muratori, Script.
Rer. Ital. tom. ii. P. i. p. 408) a Roman is mentioned as
consulis natus in the beginning of the xth century. Muratori
(Dissert. v.) discovers, in the years 952 and 956, Gratianus in
Dei nomine consul et dux, Georgius consul et dux; and in 1015,
Romanus, brother of Gregory VIII., proudly, but vaguely, styles
himself consul et dux et omnium Roma norum senator.]

[Footnote 32: As late as the xth century, the Greek emperors
conferred on the dukes of Venice, Naples, Amalphi, &c., the title
of consuls, (see Chron. Sagornini, passim;) and the successors of
Charlemagne would not abdicate any of their prerogative. But in
general the names of consul and senator, which may be found among
the French and Germans, signify no more than count and lord,
(Signeur, Ducange Glossar.) The monkish writers are often
ambitious of fine classic words.]

[Footnote 33: The most constitutional form is a diploma of Otho
III., (A. D 998,) consulibus senatus populique Romani; but the
act is probably spurious. At the coronation of Henry I., A.D.
1014, the historian Dithmar (apud Muratori, Dissert. xxiii.)
describes him, a senatoribus duodecem vallatum, quorum sex rasi
barba, alii prolixa, mystice incedebant cum baculis. The senate
is mentioned in the panegyric of Berengarius, (p. 406.)]
[Footnote 34: In ancient Rome the equestrian order was not ranked
with the senate and people as a third branch of the republic till
the consulship of Cicero, who assumes the merit of the
establishment, (Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 3. Beaufort,
Republique Romaine, tom. i. p. 144 - 155.)]
[Footnote 35: The republican plan of Arnold of Brescia is thus
stated by Gunther: -

Quin etiam titulos urbis renovare vetustos;
Nomine plebeio secernere nomen equestre,
Jura tribunorum, sanctum reparare senatum,
Et senio fessas mutasque reponere leges.
Lapsa ruinosis, et adhuc pendentia muris
Reddere primaevo Capitolia prisca nitori.

But of these reformations, some were no more than ideas, others
no more than words.]

In the revolution of the twelfth century, which gave a new
existence and aera to Rome, we may observe the real and important
events that marked or confirmed her political independence. I.
The Capitoline hill, one of her seven eminences, ^36 is about
four hundred yards in length, and two hundred in breadth. A
flight of a hundred steps led to the summit of the Tarpeian rock;
and far steeper was the ascent before the declivities had been
smoothed and the precipices filled by the ruins of fallen
edifices. From the earliest ages, the Capitol had been used as a
temple in peace, a fortress in war: after the loss of the city,
it maintained a siege against the victorious Gauls, and the
sanctuary of the empire was occupied, assaulted, and burnt, in
the civil wars of Vitellius and Vespasian. ^37 The temples of
Jupiter and his kindred deities had crumbled into dust; their
place was supplied by monasteries and houses; and the solid
walls, the long and shelving porticos, were decayed or ruined by
the lapse of time. It was the first act of the Romans, an act of
freedom, to restore the strength, though not the beauty, of the
Capitol; to fortify the seat of their arms and counsels; and as
often as they ascended the hill, the coldest minds must have
glowed with the remembrance of their ancestors. II. The first
Caesars had been invested with the exclusive coinage of the gold
and silver; to the senate they abandoned the baser metal of
bronze or copper: ^38 the emblems and legends were inscribed on a
more ample field by the genius of flattery; and the prince was
relieved from the care of celebrating his own virtues. The
successors of Diocletian despised even the flattery of the
senate: their royal officers at Rome, and in the provinces,
assumed the sole direction of the mint; and the same prerogative
was inherited by the Gothic kings of Italy, and the long series
of the Greek, the French, and the German dynasties. After an
abdication of eight hundred years, the Roman senate asserted this
honorable and lucrative privilege; which was tacitly renounced by
the popes, from Paschal the Second to the establishment of their
residence beyond the Alps. Some of these republican coins of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries are shown in the cabinets of the
curious. On one of these, a gold medal, Christ is depictured
holding in his left hand a book with this inscription: "The vow
of the Roman senate and people: Rome the capital of the world;"
on the reverse, St. Peter delivering a banner to a kneeling
senator in his cap and gown, with the name and arms of his family
impressed on a shield. ^39 III. With the empire, the praefect of
the city had declined to a municipal officer; yet he still
exercised in the last appeal the civil and criminal jurisdiction;
and a drawn sword, which he received from the successors of Otho,
was the mode of his investiture and the emblem of his functions.
^40 The dignity was confined to the noble families of Rome: the
choice of the people was ratified by the pope; but a triple oath
of fidelity must have often embarrassed the praefect in the
conflict of adverse duties. ^41 A servant, in whom they possessed
but a third share, was dismissed by the independent Romans: in
his place they elected a patrician; but this title, which
Charlemagne had not disdained, was too lofty for a citizen or a
subject; and, after the first fervor of rebellion, they consented
without reluctance to the restoration of the praefect. About
fifty years after this event, Innocent the Third, the most
ambitious, or at least the most fortunate, of the Pontiffs,
delivered the Romans and himself from this badge of foreign
dominion: he invested the praefect with a banner instead of a
sword, and absolved him from all dependence of oaths or service
to the German emperors. ^42 In his place an ecclesiastic, a
present or future cardinal, was named by the pope to the civil
government of Rome; but his jurisdiction has been reduced to a
narrow compass; and in the days of freedom, the right or exercise
was derived from the senate and people. IV. After the revival of
the senate, ^43 the conscript fathers (if I may use the
expression) were invested with the legislative and executive
power; but their views seldom reached beyond the present day; and
that day was most frequently disturbed by violence and tumult.
In its utmost plenitude, the order or assembly consisted of
fifty-six senators, ^44 the most eminent of whom were
distinguished by the title of counsellors: they were nominated,
perhaps annually, by the people; and a previous choice of their
electors, ten persons in each region, or parish, might afford a
basis for a free and permanent constitution. The popes, who in
this tempest submitted rather to bend than to break, confirmed by
treaty the establishment and privileges of the senate, and
expected from time, peace, and religion, the restoration of their
government. The motives of public and private interest might
sometimes draw from the Romans an occasional and temporary
sacrifice of their claims; and they renewed their oath of
allegiance to the successor of St. Peter and Constantine, the
lawful head of the church and the republic. ^45

[Footnote 36: After many disputes among the antiquaries of Rome,
it seems determined, that the summit of the Capitoline hill next
the river is strictly the Mons Tarpeius, the Arx; and that on the
other summit, the church and convent of Araceli, the barefoot
friars of St. Francis occupy the temple of Jupiter, (Nardini,
Roma Antica, l. v. c. 11 - 16.)

Note: The authority of Nardini is now vigorously impugned,
and the question of the Arx and the Temple of Jupiter revived,
with new arguments by Niebuhr and his accomplished follower, M.
Bunsen. Roms Beschreibung, vol. iii. p. 12, et seqq - M.]

[Footnote 37: Tacit. Hist. iii. 69, 70.]

[Footnote 38: This partition of the noble and baser metals
between the emperor and senate must, however, be adopted, not as
a positive fact, but as the probable opinion of the best
antiquaries, (see the Science des Medailles of the Pere Joubert,
tom. ii. p. 208 - 211, in the improved and scarce edition of the
Baron de la Bastie.)

Note: Dr Cardwell (Lecture on Ancient Coins, p. 70, et seq.)
assigns convincing reasons in support of this opinion. - M.]

[Footnote 39: In his xxviith dissertation on the Antiquities of
Italy, (tom. ii. p. 559 - 569,) Muratori exhibits a series of the
senatorian coins, which bore the obscure names of Affortiati,
Infortiati, Provisini, Paparini. During this period, all the
popes, without excepting Boniface VIII, abstained from the right
of coining, which was resumed by his successor Benedict XI., and
regularly exercised in the court of Avignon.]

[Footnote 40: A German historian, Gerard of Reicherspeg (in
Baluz. Miscell. tom. v. p. 64, apud Schmidt, Hist. des Allemands,
tom. iii. p. 265) thus describes the constitution of Rome in the
xith century: Grandiora urbis et orbis negotia spectant ad
Romanum pontificem itemque ad Romanum Imperatorem, sive illius
vicarium urbis praefectum, qui de sua dignitate respicit
utrumque, videlicet dominum papam cui facit hominum, et dominum
imperatorem a quo accipit suae potestatis insigne, scilicet
gladium exertum.]
[Footnote 41: The words of a contemporary writer (Pandulph.
Pisan. in Vit. Paschal. II. p. 357, 358) describe the election
and oath of the praefect in 1118, inconsultis patribus .... loca
praefectoria .... Laudes praefectoriae .... comitiorum applausum
.... juraturum populo in ambonem sublevant .... confirmari eum in
urbe praefectum petunt.]

[Footnote 42: Urbis praefectum ad ligiam fidelitatem recepit, et
per mantum quod illi donavit de praefectura eum publice
investivit, qui usque ad id tempus juramento fidelitatis
imperatori fuit obligatus et ab eo praefecturae tenuit honorem,
(Gesta Innocent. III. in Muratori, tom. iii. P. i. p. 487.)]
[Footnote 43: See Otho Frising. Chron. vii. 31, de Gest.
Frederic. I., l. i. c. 27]

[Footnote 44: Cur countryman, Roger Hoveden, speaks of the single
senators, of the Capuzzi family, &c., quorum temporibus melius
regebatur Roma quam nunc (A.D. 1194) est temporibus lvi.
senatorum, (Ducange, Gloss. tom. vi. p. 191, Senatores.)]

[Footnote 45: Muratori (dissert. xlii. tom. iii. p. 785 - 788)
has published an original treaty: Concordia inter D. nostrum
papam Clementem III. et senatores populi Romani super regalibus
et aliis dignitatibus urbis, &c., anno 44 Degrees senatus. The
senate speaks, and speaks with authority: Reddimus ad praesens
.... habebimus .... dabitis presbyteria .... jurabimus pacem et
fidelitatem, &c. A chartula de Tenementis Tusculani, dated in
the 47th year of the same aera, and confirmed decreto amplissimi
ordinis senatus, acclamatione P. R. publice Capitolio
consistentis. It is there we find the difference of senatores
consiliarii and simple senators, (Muratori, dissert. xlii. tom.
iii. p. 787 - 789.)]

The union and vigor of a public council was dissolved in a
lawless city; and the Romans soon adopted a more strong and
simple mode of administration. They condensed the name and
authority of the senate in a single magistrate, or two
colleagues; and as they were changed at the end of a year, or of
six months, the greatness of the trust was compensated by the
shortness of the term. But in this transient reign, the senators
of Rome indulged their avarice and ambition: their justice was
perverted by the interest of their family and faction; and as
they punished only their enemies, they were obeyed only by their
adherents. Anarchy, no longer tempered by the pastoral care of
their bishop, admonished the Romans that they were incapable of
governing themselves; and they sought abroad those blessings
which they were hopeless of finding at home. In the same age,
and from the same motives, most of the Italian republics were
prompted to embrace a measure, which, however strange it may
seem, was adapted to their situation, and productive of the most
salutary effects. ^46 They chose, in some foreign but friendly
city, an impartial magistrate of noble birth and unblemished
character, a soldier and a statesman, recommended by the voice of
fame and his country, to whom they delegated for a time the
supreme administration of peace and war. The compact between the
governor and the governed was sealed with oaths and
subscriptions; and the duration of his power, the measure of his
stipend, the nature of their mutual obligations, were defined
with scrupulous precision. They swore to obey him as their lawful
superior: he pledged his faith to unite the indifference of a
stranger with the zeal of a patriot. At his choice, four or six
knights and civilians, his assessors in arms and justice,
attended the Podesta, ^47 who maintained at his own expense a
decent retinue of servants and horses: his wife, his son, his
brother, who might bias the affections of the judge, were left
behind: during the exercise of his office he was not permitted to
purchase land, to contract an alliance, or even to accept an
invitation in the house of a citizen; nor could he honorably
depart till he had satisfied the complaints that might be urged
against his government.

[Footnote 46: Muratori (dissert. xlv. tom. iv. p. 64 - 92) has
fully explained this mode of government; and the Occulus
Pastoralis, which he has given at the end, is a treatise or
sermon on the duties of these foreign magistrates.]

[Footnote 47: In the Latin writers, at least of the silver age,
the title of Potestas was transferred from the office to the
magistrate: -
Hujus qui trahitur praetextam sumere mavis;
An Fidenarum Gabiorumque esse Potestas.

Juvenal. Satir. x. 99.]

Chapter LXIX: State Of Rome From The Twelfth Century.

Part III.

It was thus, about the middle of the thirteenth century,
that the Romans called from Bologna the senator Brancaleone, ^48
whose fame and merit have been rescued from oblivion by the pen
of an English historian. A just anxiety for his reputation, a
clear foresight of the difficulties of the task, had engaged him
to refuse the honor of their choice: the statutes of Rome were
suspended, and his office prolonged to the term of three years.
By the guilty and licentious he was accused as cruel; by the
clergy he was suspected as partial; but the friends of peace and
order applauded the firm and upright magistrate by whom those
blessings were restored. No criminals were so powerful as to
brave, so obscure as to elude, the justice of the senator. By
his sentence two nobles of the Annibaldi family were executed on
a gibbet; and he inexorably demolished, in the city and
neighborhood, one hundred and forty towers, the strong shelters
of rapine and mischief. The bishop, as a simple bishop, was
compelled to reside in his diocese; and the standard of
Brancaleone was displayed in the field with terror and effect.
His services were repaid by the ingratitude of a people unworthy
of the happiness which they enjoyed. By the public robbers, whom
he had provoked for their sake, the Romans were excited to depose
and imprison their benefactor; nor would his life have been
spared, if Bologna had not possessed a pledge for his safety.
Before his departure, the prudent senator had required the
exchange of thirty hostages of the noblest families of Rome: on
the news of his danger, and at the prayer of his wife, they were
more strictly guarded; and Bologna, in the cause of honor,
sustained the thunders of a papal interdict. This generous
resistance allowed the Romans to compare the present with the
past; and Brancaleone was conducted from the prison to the
Capitol amidst the acclamations of a repentant people. The
remainder of his government was firm and fortunate; and as soon
as envy was appeased by death, his head, enclosed in a precious
vase, was deposited on a lofty column of marble. ^49
[Footnote 48: See the life and death of Brancaleone, in the
Historia Major of Matthew Paris, p. 741, 757, 792, 797, 799, 810,
823, 833, 836, 840. The multitude of pilgrims and suitors
connected Rome and St. Albans, and the resentment of the English
clergy prompted them to rejoice when ever the popes were humbled
and oppressed.]

[Footnote 49: Matthew Paris thus ends his account: Caput vero
ipsius Branca leonis in vase pretioso super marmoream columnam
collocatum, in signum sui valoris et probitatis, quasi reliquias,
superstitiose nimis et pompose sustulerunt. Fuerat enim
superborum potentum et malefactorum urbis malleus et extirpator,
et populi protector et defensor veritatis et justitiae imitator
et amator, (p. 840.) A biographer of Innocent IV. (Muratori,
Script. tom. iii. P. i. p. 591, 592) draws a less favorable
portrait of this Ghibeline senator.]
The impotence of reason and virtue recommended in Italy a
more effectual choice: instead of a private citizen, to whom they
yielded a voluntary and precarious obedience, the Romans elected
for their senator some prince of independent power, who could
defend them from their enemies and themselves. Charles of Anjou
and Provence, the most ambitious and warlike monarch of the age,
accepted at the same time the kingdom of Naples from the pope,
and the office of senator from the Roman people. ^50 As he passed
through the city, in his road to victory, he received their oath
of allegiance, lodged in the Lateran palace, and smoothed in a
short visit the harsh features of his despotic character. Yet
even Charles was exposed to the inconstancy of the people, who
saluted with the same acclamations the passage of his rival, the
unfortunate Conradin; and a powerful avenger, who reigned in the
Capitol, alarmed the fears and jealousy of the popes. The
absolute term of his life was superseded by a renewal every third
year; and the enmity of Nicholas the Third obliged the Sicilian
king to abdicate the government of Rome. In his bull, a
perpetual law, the imperious pontiff asserts the truth, validity,
and use of the donation of Constantine, not less essential to the
peace of the city than to the independence of the church;
establishes the annual election of the senator; and formally
disqualifies all emperors, kings, princes, and persons of an
eminent and conspicuous rank. ^51 This prohibitory clause was
repealed in his own behalf by Martin the Fourth, who humbly
solicited the suffrage of the Romans. In the presence, and by
the authority, of the people, two electors conferred, not on the
pope, but on the noble and faithful Martin, the dignity of
senator, and the supreme administration of the republic, ^52 to
hold during his natural life, and to exercise at pleasure by
himself or his deputies. About fifty years afterwards, the same
title was granted to the emperor Lewis of Bavaria; and the
liberty of Rome was acknowledged by her two sovereigns, who
accepted a municipal office in the government of their own
metropolis.

[Footnote 50: The election of Charles of Anjou to the office of
perpetual senator of Rome is mentioned by the historians in the
viiith volume of the Collection of Muratori, by Nicholas de
Jamsilla, (p. 592,) the monk of Padua, (p. 724,) Sabas Malaspina,
(l. ii. c. 9, p. 308,) and Ricordano Malespini, (c. 177, p.
999.)]

[Footnote 51: The high-sounding bull of Nicholas III., which
founds his temporal sovereignty on the donation of Constantine,
is still extant; and as it has been inserted by Boniface VIII. in
the Sexte of the Decretals, it must be received by the Catholics,
or at least by the Papists, as a sacred and perpetual law.]

[Footnote 52: I am indebted to Fleury (Hist. Eccles. tom. xviii.
p. 306) for an extract of this Roman act, which he has taken from
the Ecclesiastical Annals of Odericus Raynaldus, A.D. 1281, No.
14, 15]

In the first moments of rebellion, when Arnold of Brescia

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